the humble address of the house of commons to the king proceedings. 1696-01-22 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1696 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a83707 wing e2582 estc r231856 99897497 99897497 137258 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83707) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 137258) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2499:2) the humble address of the house of commons to the king proceedings. 1696-01-22 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) re-printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom, 1696. in support of the king's "present war against france." date of address from wing (cd-rom edition). reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2007-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble address of the house of commons to the king . may it please your most excellent majesty , this is the eighth year in which your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects the commons in parliament assembled , have assisted your majesty with large supplies for carrying on a just and necessary war in defence of our religion , preservation of our laws , and vindication of the rights and liberties of the people of england ; which we have hitherto preserved , and by the blessing of god on your majesties conduct and good government , will stedfastly maintain and entail on our posterity . this has cost the nation much blood and treasure , but the hopes of accomplishing so great and glorious a vvork , have made your subjects chearfully support the charge . and to show to your majesty , and all christendom , that the commons of england will not be amused or diverted from their firm resolutions of obtaining by war , a safe and honourable peace , we do , in the name of all those we represent , renew our assurances to your majesty , that this house will support your majesty and your government against all your enemies both at home and abroad , and that they will effectually assist you in the prosecution and carrying on the present war against france . edinburgh , re-printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom ▪ 1696. a copy of the french king's declaration to the confederate princes addressed to the chapter of liege, and communicated by cardinal bovillon. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1694 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49206 wing l3105 estc r30957 11747438 ocm 11747438 48539 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49206) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48539) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1486:50) a copy of the french king's declaration to the confederate princes addressed to the chapter of liege, and communicated by cardinal bovillon. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 broadside. printed for abel johnson ..., london : 1694. "translated from the dutch" "given at versailles the 15th of march [16]94." "signed louis, and underneath colbert." reproduction of original in chetham's library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of the french king's declaration to the confederate princes ; addressed to the chapter of liege , and communicated by the cardinal bovillon . translated from the dutch. licensed april the 4th . 1694. his majesty , being desirous to facilitate , and secure to the chapter of liege , as much as in him lies , the free and regular election of a bishop and prince , has declar'd , and does hereby declare , that in case the confederate princes will cause their troops to retire out of this city and cittadel ; as also out of the forts and lines thereof , to the end , that the chapter may be left free and unmolested in all matters appertaining to the said election ; his majesty binds himself , and promises upon the word of a king , that he will observe a full and exact newtrality with the city and country of liege , not only to the twentieth of april , the day of the election , but also to the last of april inclusively , and consequently that no act of hostility shall be committed directly , or indirectly upon any pretence whatsoever , in any part of the disticts of liege , till the first of may , and his majesty does likewise declare , that he will give past-ports and letters of safe-guard during that time ; and that afterwards , all things shall be on the same foot as now , and that the confederate troops shall again take possession of the sosts they now garrison , without any let or molestation from his majesty . given at varsailles the 15th . of march 94. signed lovis , and underneath colbert . london , printed for abel johnson near temple-bar , 1694. act discharging any person to go aboard of, or correspond with french privateers. edinburgh, august 3, 1697. scotland. privy council. 1697 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05311 wing s1408 estc r182987 52528905 ocm 52528905 178923 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05311) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 178923) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2774:62) act discharging any person to go aboard of, or correspond with french privateers. edinburgh, august 3, 1697. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1697. caption title. initial letter. signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -collaborationists -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 megan marion sampled and proofread 2009-01 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion act discharging any person to go aboard of , or correspond with french privateers . edinburgh , august 3 , 1697. the lords of his majesties privy council being informed , that notwithstanding the laws and acts of parliament against such as correspond with his majesties enemies ; and particularly the act one thousand six hundred ninety three , intituled act against corresponding with france : yet upon the occasion of french privateers , and others his majesties enemies coming upon the coasts of this kingdom , several persons have either been ensnared , or have presumed to go on board of them , or otherways to correspond with them , albeit enemies , and in actual hostility as said is : therefore the saids lords of privy council have discharged , and hereby discharge all and every one of his majesties leidges to go on board any of the saids privateers , or otherways to correspond with them in any sort , or to have any manner of dealing with them , without express licence obtained for that effect from the saids lords of privy council , under the pains in the saids acts. and the saids lords of privy council do hereby ordain , that all sheriffs , stewarts , baillies and their deputs , and other magistrats whatsoever , be careful that these presents be duely observed , as they will be answerable : as also , that they be printed and published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and other places needful . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot cls. sti. concilii . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1697. articles of agreement concluded between his most christian majesty, and the republik of geneva france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1685 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49204 wing l3102 estc r3761 13459907 ocm 13459907 99641 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49204) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99641) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:15) articles of agreement concluded between his most christian majesty, and the republik of geneva france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 3 p. printed by george croom ..., london : 1685. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of agreement concluded between his most christian majesty , and the republik of geneva . i. that the duke and four senators shall by the last of march , or first of april , come to versailles , or any other part of france , which his majesty shall appoint , and in their ceremonial habits be admitted audience ; that the duke shall , in the name of the republick , express their hearty sorrow for offending his majesty ▪ and used such submissive language as may continue his majesties good inclinations to them for the future . ii. that the duke and four senators at their return shall enter upon the same dignities they were before invested with ; and , during their absence , the one shall act therein , but the same shall remain according to custome . iii. that within a months time they disband all the forces of other countreis which they have entertained in their service ; also make void all other leagues contracted with forraign princes since the 10th . of january , 1683. iv. that they have no more gallyes fitted out , than they had three years agoe , and disarm all others since equipped . v. that they make restitution of all damage the french have sustained by land and sea : and since they offer the french effects , as they were entire , his majesty accepts thereof , provided the republick repair all the churches damnified by his bombes , at the time perfixt by the pope . vi. that they pay to the earl of fiesque 100 000 crowns , and his majesty obliege himself not to asist the said earl , but that he take his course at law. vii . that his majesty receive very kindly the duke and four senators , and after their return , make no further demands ; as also during the present government . viii . that upon the signing of these articles , all hostilities cease by land , and within two months by sea ; and prisoners released on both sides . ix . that these articles within three weeks be exchanged by each other . the above-mentioned articles were signed by the popes nuncio and genouese , envoy , on behalf of the republick , at the french court , february the 18th . 1684. london , printed by george croom , at the sign of the blue-ball in thames-street , over against baynard ' s-castle , 1685. the french king's new declaration importing that such of his subjects as have left france upon the recalling the edict of nants [sic] and shall serve in the king of denmark's troops or retire to hamburgh, shall enjoy the moiety of the revenues arising from the estates they have in his majesty's dominions. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49231 wing l3131 estc r30506 11343041 ocm 11343041 47522 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49231) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47522) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1465:36) the french king's new declaration importing that such of his subjects as have left france upon the recalling the edict of nants [sic] and shall serve in the king of denmark's troops or retire to hamburgh, shall enjoy the moiety of the revenues arising from the estates they have in his majesty's dominions. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 broadside. printed at paris and reprinted at london for richard baldwin ..., [london] : 1689. reproduction of original in chetham's library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -edit de nantes. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king 's new declaration : importing , that such of his subjects as have left france upon the recalling the edict of nants , and shall serve in the king of denmark's troops , or retire to hamburgh , shall enjoy the moiety of the revenues , arising from the estates they have in his majesty's dominions . by the king . his majesty having been inform'd , that several officers of his troops , and other his subjects , who since the publishing of the edict in the month of october , importing the revocation of that of nants , have departed the realm , and are withdrawn into england and holland , as into neutral countries , are at present in perplexity , through the apprehension they have of being oblig'd , on occasion of the present war , either to bear arms against their true soveraign , or to lose the maintenance they have in these countries ; and his majesty being willing to afford them the means of not falling into such a crime , which has ever been had in abhorrence by the french nation , and to avoid the other inconvenience , his majesty hath ordered , and does order , will , and command , that all those of his subjects , of whatever quality they be , that have departed the realm , on the account of the recalling of the said edict of nants , and shall repair into denmark , there to serve in his danish majesty's troops , that prince being in alliance with his majesty , or shall retire to hamburgh , may enjoy the moiety of the estates they have in france , and in the countries that are in subjection to his majesty , upon making appear every six months , by a certificate in good and due form from his majesty's embassadour at the court of denmark , or from the resident for his service at hamburgh , that they will serve in the troops of his said danish majesty , or hold their actual residence in the said city of hamburgh , which shall be returned unto them by the said embassadour and resident ; and upon such certificates , which they shall cause to be represented every six months to the intendants of the provinces and generalities of the realm and countries in subjection to his majesty , where their goods and estates are situated , the seizure of the moiety of the said goods shall be taken off by the said intendants . his majesty orders and commands his embassadour at the court of denmark , and his resident at hamburgh , as also the intendants of justice , polity , and finances , in the provinces and generalities of the kingdom and countries in subjection to him , to interpose and assist each , as shall belong to him , to the observing and execution of these presents , which his majesty will have publish'd and affix'd upon his frontiers and the coasts of his realm , and every where else , as occasion shall require , that so his said subjects may be inform'd hereof . given at versailles , the 12th of march , 1689. signed lovis . and lower , le tellier . printed at paris , and reprinted at london , for richard baldwin , near the black bull in the old-bailey , 1689. the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel, found in a ship laden with arms for ireland. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04190 wing l3127 estc r180083 53299190 ocm 53299190 179933 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04190) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179933) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2808:38) the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel, found in a ship laden with arms for ireland. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv). 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for t.p., london, : 1688. caption title. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. ireland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel , found in a ship laden with arms for ireland . my lord , as we are fully inform'd of the deplorable misfortunes of our royal brother , ( his majesty of great britain ) and of his intentions to honor our court with his presence , till we can accommodate his return to his ungrateful country and kingdom , suitable to his grandeur and merit ; so we thought it convenient to send you the most proper instructions vve , and our council , could suggest , whereby we might render your endeavours as serviceable and material as may be for your royal master's interest . the kingdom of ireland seems , at present , to be your master's last stake , and therefore must be managed wisely ; nor shall you want opportunity of making the most of your game , since we are stedfastly resolv'd to give the army in england such powerful diversion , that we doubt not to render them wholly incapable of turning their arms towards you : in the mean time , we advise you to make all the levies you can ; and by no means admit any heretical villains into the least command , civil or military : vve have sent you arms for thirty thousand ; which , with what your self can supply , will accouter a formidable body of men , and fully sufficient for the entire reduction of that kingdom . vve shall also take care to furnish you with money ; and , in the mean time , we advise you to seize , without distinction , all the hereticks goods and estates , which will serve for a present advance : vve will also supply you with some expert commanders , and all necessary engines of war ; and for the supply of ammunition , we are inform'd of your care , in your speedy setting up mills for the making of powder , &c. vve likewise advise you to keep strong and diligent guards in all your sea-ports and coasts ; to set up beacons in convenient places throughout the kingdom , whereby the country may be ready at the least alarm : and as we doubt not of the assistance of god in so just a cause , so we may , with all human probability , conclude of the speedy re-establishment of our royal brother in his throne & kingdom . london , printed for t. p. 1688. reasons for granting letters of mart to trading ships humbly offered to the honourable house of commons. 1695 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92227 wing r496a estc r226277 36273455 ocm 36273455 150190 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92227) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150190) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2236:6) reasons for granting letters of mart to trading ships humbly offered to the honourable house of commons. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london? : 1695?] place and date of printing from wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng privateering -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons for granting letters of mart to trading ships . humbly offered to the honourable house of commons . that the french king forces his subjects merchant ships to take commissions instead of denying them , and spain and holland grant them freely ; being of opinion , that they are serviceable to themselves and allies , and hurtful to none except their enemies . that the french letter of mart ships have done us more damage in our trade than their men of war ; and such of our merchant ships and gallies that have been so lucky to obtain commissions , have done very good service , by taking in the mediterranean only many rich prizes from the french , to the value of at least one hundred thousand pounds within these last six months . that upon the incouragement of having letters of mart , which were not denied till lately , the merchants have built many very fine frigats and gallies , the better to annoy the enemy , and secure their own trade , which was before in a great measure lost in several places , and now thereby partly regain'd ; but should not the commissions already granted , which are expired or expiring ( for they last but for one voyage , which is also esteemed hard ) be removed , and new ones granted to the frigats and gallies lately built , it will be a great hinderance to their hopeful way of recovering our trade , and also a discouragement to the merchants and marriners . that in regard merchant ships of all other nations in war have commissions , our commanders and sea-men are unwilling to go to sea without being upon equal terms with them : for without commissions they dare not seize a french ship , though she falls in their way , for fear of being afterwards retaken by the french , and hanged for pirates . besides , commissions encourage the men the better to defend their ships ; for who will fight , when if they should overcome they dare not seize ? that such ships as have commissions are obliged to give 1500 or 2000 l. security to perform their instructions , and particularly to carry one half of their compliment land-men , which raises a great number of sea-men for his majesties service ; and their prizes pay considerable customs and fifths to the crown , besides the gain it brings to the concerned and nation in general ; for each prize is a double gain to us , in regard the enemy looses as much as we get . the objection that hath been made against granting commissions is , that some of these commission ships have committed irregularities . to which is answered , that there hath been several hundred commissions granted since the war , and it s believed there never was fewer irregularities committed by such a great number of ships as by those , if any at all . but with submission , suppose one in a hundred of them have broken their instructions , ( though we know of none ) it would be severe for all the rest to suffer for their faults , when they may be so easily punished for it . a proclamation discharging correspondence and commerce with france. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05562 wing s1743 estc r226071 52529269 ocm 52529269 179017 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05562) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179017) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:6) a proclamation discharging correspondence and commerce with france. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1696. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty first day of january, and of our reign the seventh year, 1696. signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng treason -scotland -early works to 1800. grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation discharging correspondence and commerce with france . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute ; greeting , forasmuch as , albeit the corresponding and keeping commerce with our enemies , against whom we are now in a state of war , is discharged by several laws and acts of parliament under the pain of treason , and particularly by the eight act of the third session of this our current parliament , all our subjects are expresly discharged to go to the kingdom of france , or any of the dominions subject to the french king , after the first day of june one thousand six hundred and ninety three years , or being already in the said kingdom of france , or countries foresaid to stay or abide therein after the first day of august in the said year , without express leave from us , or the lords of our privy council , under the pain of treason ; yet sundrie of our subjects presume to have commerce , and to correspond and keep intelligence with persons residing in the said kingdom of france , now in a state of war with us , or dominions thereto belonging , without authority foresaid : therefore , and to the effect , our subjects may know their danger in the premisses , if they shall for hereafter transgress in manner foresaid ; we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do strictly prohibit and discharge all and every one of our subjects within this our antient kingdom to correspond , keep intelligence , or have any commerce whatsomever with the said kingdom of france , or persons residing within the same , or dominions belonging to the french king , without authority foresaid , under the pain of being punished as corresponders with declared traitours , to the outmost rigor ; declaring hereby that this shall be without prejudice of any former acts made against treason , or treasonable correspondencies , or the punishment of such as have already incurred the pains thereof . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent , thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this our kingdom : and there in our name and authority by open proclamation , make intimation hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty first day of january , and of our reign the seventh year , 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot cls. sti. coneilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1696. the french king's new declaration, in favour of the troopers, dragoons and soldiers, that having deserted his majesties forces before the first of january last, shall come and list themselves again, and serve for six years successively. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1688 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04191 wing l3131a estc r180085 53299192 ocm 53299192 179934 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04191) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179934) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2808:39) the french king's new declaration, in favour of the troopers, dragoons and soldiers, that having deserted his majesties forces before the first of january last, shall come and list themselves again, and serve for six years successively. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv). 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for t.p., london, : 1688. caption title. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king 's new declaration , in favour of the troopers , dragoons and soldiers , that having deserted his majesties forces before the first of january last , shall come and list themselves again , and serve for six years successively . the french king being extreamly alarm'd at the great and continual desertion of his troops ; and tho' the extream poverty of his country does force many to be soldiers , yet fearing want of men , since like rats they abandon the falling house , he has publish'd the following declaration , for the inviting them to return . his majesty being well inform'd that the amnesty which he had granted by his ordonnances of the twenty eighth of january , and of the ninth of april last , to the troopers , dragoons and soldiers , which having deserted his troops before the first day of the said month of january , should return and list themselves therein again , has occasion'd a vast number to return into his service ; and promising himself , that by proroguing still the time , which he had granted for the receiving the benefit of enjoying the said amnesty or pardon , such as are in far distant countries , and that have not been able to repair into the kingdom within the time prescribed , might avail themselves thereof and return into his service . his majesty has prorogued , and does prorogue , until the end of the present year , the term he had granted by his ordonnance of the ninth of april last , to the troopers , dragoons , and soldiers that deserted his troops before the first day of the said month of january last , for the listing themselves thereunder again . for which purpose it is his majesties will and pleasure , that such of the said troopers , dragoons , and soldiers , who having deserted his troops , as well french as forreigners , before the said first day of the month of january last , shall come and list themselves again before the first of january next , in the manner prescribed by the said ordonnance of the said twenty eighth day of january last , and shall then serve for six years successively , shall enjoy the pardon and amnesty granted in the said ordonnances ; and as fully and to all intents as if they had return'd into his troops by the terms mention'd by the same . his majesty willing and requiring , that in all other respects , the said ordonnances of the twenty eighth of january and ninth of april last , be executed according to their form and tenour . his majesty wills and commands the governours , and his lieutenant generals in his provinces and armies , intendants and commissaries appointed in the same ; particular governours of his cities and places ; bayliffs , seneschals , provosts , judges , and their lieutenants ; as also to the colonel of his light cavalry , colonel-general of his dragoons , colonels maitres de camp of his troops , as well of cavalry and dragoons , as of french infantry and foreigners , and to the commissaries of war , appointed for the conduct and policy of his troops , and at the residence of his places , to be assisting each within his district to the observation of the present ordonnance , which his majesty will have published at the head of the bodies and companies of the said troops , and affix'd upon the frontiers , and in all such places as occasion shall require , that so none may pretend cause of ignorance . given at versailles the 3d day of august , 1689. sign'd lowis and lower , le tellier . licensed , august 27. 1689. j. f. london , printed for richard baldwin near the black bull in the old-baily . 1689. his imperial majesty's letter to the pope wherein is offered his reasons why he cannot accept of any offers of peace with france / translated from the original. holy roman empire. emperor (1658-1705 : leopold i) 1692 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03987 wing l1112 estc r179455 52614743 ocm 52614743 175937 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03987) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175937) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2755:27) his imperial majesty's letter to the pope wherein is offered his reasons why he cannot accept of any offers of peace with france / translated from the original. holy roman empire. emperor (1658-1705 : leopold i) leopold i, holy roman emperor, 1640-1705. catholic church pope (1689-1691 : alexander viii). 1 sheet ([2] p.) re-printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, : 1692. caption title. imprint from colophon. dated at end: vienna, jan. 30, 1691. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -sources. germany -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -germany -early works to 1800. broadsides -edinburgh -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-09 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his imperial majesty's letter to the pope ; wherein is offered , his reasons why he cannot accept of any offers of peace with france . translated from the original . most holy father , what deep and sorrowful impressions the great calamities and miseries of the present war , which all christendom groans under , have made on your mind , as also the great and special care your holiness takes to reconcile the exasperated minds of all christian princes , in order to the promoting of an universal peace , has been given us to understand at large by your holiness letter , from the 8th of the last month. and truly the great and increasing mischiefs , attending a war that has been rais'd under so frivolous pretences , moves no less ours , than your holiness fatherly heart . yet since we did not take up arms till we were forc'd to it by an unavoidable necessity , we have this consolation left us , that ( calling god and our conscience to witness ) we are wholly free from the cause of it : besides your holiness , by a long and solid experience , is so well acquainted with the remotest inclinations of our heart , that you 'll easily conceive , that we can suffer nothing with more uneasiness and impatience , than to see the effects of a natural tendency to peace and quietness , obstructed by the ambitious and envious endeavours of france . as yet no obligations , promises , no not the most sacred oaths could prevail with that crown to keep it from the breaking of the most solemn treaties as soon as they were made , for to pass over all the rest , the christian world knows it ; and future ages will relate it with astonishment , that the most christian king has caused himself to be seduced so far , as to obstruct the glorious course of our victorious arms over the infidels ; and when we were relying on his friendship , but so lately renewed , and consequently not at all standing on our guards , to invade us upon a sudden the second time with his hostile arms , putting all to the fire and sword , before he had acquainted us with his having the cause for it , and indeed , all divine and humane laws are violated , rather than france should let slip any occasion of enlarging her frontiers , or to hinder us from the securing of ours , and to deprive us and christendom of all means to end the war with the turks with success and advantage . thus have we been obliged by the most sacred ty of our high office , by reason of that most ignominious league between the most christian king , and the sworn enemy of the christian name , to unite our selves with our friends and confederates against france , to the defence of us and our people ; which union and confederacy is of so high a nature , that we can do nothing towards the conclusion of a peace , without their advice and counsel . but since we are wholly convinc'd that their inclinations are no less tending than ours to such a peace , by which all christendom , according to the wesphalian and pyrenean treaty ( since violated by france ) may be restor'd to its former quietness and tranquillity , all will be reduced to this point , that your holiness will be pleased to employ to the outmost , your fatherly care to prevail with the french king as the sole author of this war , to restore both the abovementioned treaties , which he himself has broke . in case your holiness can obtain from him these so just demands , there shall be wanting nothing on our side to render effectual this so holy design of your holiness , tending to the good of christendom , and your proffered fatherly service for the promoting of a general reconciliation , so acceptable to us , and so much wish'd for by all the rest of our confederates . this we have thought fit to reply to your holiness's letter , according to our zeal for your person , praying god almighty long to preserve your holiness to the benefit of us and the church . vienna , jan. 30. 169● . edinburgh , re-printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , 1692. a declaration of the czaars [sic] of muscovy against the french king, in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg. russia. sovereign (1682-1696 : ivan v) 1689 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a82139 wing d662a estc r210321 99895577 99895577 153169 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82139) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153169) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2352:8) a declaration of the czaars [sic] of muscovy against the french king, in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg. russia. sovereign (1682-1696 : ivan v) russia. sovereign (1682-1725 : peter i) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for e. maret, and c. lucas, london : 1689. the czars of muscovy = ivan v and peter i, co-czars in 1689. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -france -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the czaars of muscovy against the french king , in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution ; obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg . we john alexeiwitz and peter alexeiwitz , by the grace of god , most serene and mighty princes and czaars , sovereign masters of both russias , of moskow , kiow , wlodimir , and newgarden ; czaars of casan , astracan , and siberia ; lords of pleskow ; great dukes of smolenkow , t wer , jugoria , perm , wiathka , bulgaria , and other principalities : great dukes and lords of the low ▪ countries of newgarden , tzernigow , resan , rosthow , jeroslaw , berlowsery , vdory , obdory , and condiny ; and sovereign princes of the northern-countries : lords of the countries of twer ; czaars of the countries of carthaline and grussene ; and princes of the countries of cabardine , cirkasse , and gorne , with many other countries lying eastward , westward , or northwards , which belong to us as heirs and successors of our fathers and grand-fathers , who were lords and princes thereof . by order of our majesties the czaars , let it be known by these presents , to all whom it may concern , that our majesties the czaars will and pleasure is , to make several persons of several qualities partakers of our favours , according to the tenor of these letters patents . in the beginning of this present year 7197. the most serene prince and lord frideric iii. marquess of brandenburg , and other principalities , having deputed to our majesties the czaars , john reyer chapliez , privy secretary and counsellor of his electoral highness , and his envoy extraordinary in our court ; who being in conference with our majesties the czaars : privy boiars and their collegues , has declared and proposed unto them by writing from his electoral highness , that his majesty the french king , has begun in his kingdom to force all that professed the protestant religion to abjure it , and has by several torments driven them out of his kingdom , or forced to turn roman catholicks , putting several of them to death and parting husbands from their wives , and children from their parents , by keeping them in prison : but that those amongst them who were not thus detained , have made their escape out of the said kingdom and sought for shelter in the neighbouring-countries ; and that great numbers of them are come into the estates of his electoral highness , so that it is to be hoped many more will follow their example in making their escape . and as many amongst them , who would endeavour to find some means of getting their subsistance , are ( by reason of their great numbers , and to fly from persecution ) desirous to be entertained as our subjects , and to settle amongst us , in our great kingdom of russia : and that his electoral highness has very earnestly desired us in their behalf , to receive them under our sovereign protection in the nature of subjects , and to grant them free access into our great kingdom of russia . we therefore upon the advice and request of his electoral highness made unto us by his envoy extraordinary , and according to the report made by the privy boiars of our majesties the czaars ; we great lords the czaars have willingly entertained , and do give our consent to the request of his electoral highness : that the said protestants banished by reason of their religion , who desire to come and live under the protection , and in the estates of our majesties the czaars , may be assured of the favour and protection of our majesties the czaars , come in and settle in the great russia of our majesties the czaars with full assurance ; in order whereunto our will and pleasure is , that all our frontiers should lay open and free for them to come in . moreover they shall be favourably entertained in the service of our majesties the czaars , and shall every one of them obtain a reasonable sallery , according to their extraction , condition , and dignity . and in case any of the said protestants should desire to return into their country after they have served our majesties the czaars , they that desire to do so , shall no ways be hindered , but shall have free liberty to go . therefore we have caused by the favour of our majesties the czaars , those letters patents to be issued out by the chancery of the envoys of our majesties the czaars . given at the court of our kingdom , in our great town of moskow in the year 7197. from the creation of the world , 21st . january , and of our reign the seventh . licenced april 13. 1689. james fraser . london , printed for e. maret . and c. lucas . 1680. the most christian kings declaration of war against the states general of the united provinces. done out of the french, according to the copy printed at paris. published by authority. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1672 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49216 wing l3114a estc r213721 99826030 99826030 30422 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49216) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30422) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1797:24) the most christian kings declaration of war against the states general of the united provinces. done out of the french, according to the copy printed at paris. published by authority. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 sheet ([1] p.) re-printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1672. caption title. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the most christian kings declaration of war against the states general of the vnited provinces . done out of french , according to the copy printed at paris . published by authority . the dissatisfaction his majesty hath in the carriage of the states general of 〈◊〉 vnited provinces of the low countreys , towards him for some years past , be●●● come to that point , that his majesty cannot longer , without diminution to h●● own glory , dissemble the indignation raised in him , by a treatment so unsuitabl● to the great obligations which his majesty and the kings his predecessors hav● so liberally heaped upon them ; his majesty hath declared , and by these pr●sents , signed with his hand , doth declare , that he hath determined and resolved to make war against the saids states general of the vnited provinces of the low countries , as well by sea as 〈◊〉 land , and accordingly doth command all his subjects , vassals , and servants , to fall upon the hollanders ; straightly charging and requiring them , and every of them , that upon pain of death , they do not henceforth presume to hold any communication , commerce , or intelligence with them : to which end his majesty hath likewise revoked and from henceforth doth revoke , all licences , passes , safeguards , or protections , that ma● have been granted by himself , his lieuten●nt-generals , and other his officers , contrary to th●●resents , and the same doth declare , null and of no force , forbidding whomsoever it may concern , to take any notice , o● have any regard to them . and his majesty doth hereby charge and require the comte de verm●ndois grand maistr● chef and surin●●ndant-general of the navigation and commerce ● his kingdom , th● mareshals of france , governors , and lieutenant generals for his m●●●sty in his provinc● and armies ; all mareshals de camp , colonels , mestres de camp , captains , leaders and commanders of his forces , whether horse or foot , french or forreign , and all and singular his officers whom it may concern , that they , and every of them respectively , do execute , and cause to be put in execution , the contents of these presents , within the extent of their several powers and jurisdictions : for such is his majesties pleasure . and his majesty doth farther will and require , that these presents be published and se● up in all his cities and towns , as well maritime as others , as also in all ports , havens , and other places of his kingdom , where it shall be requisite , to the end , none may pretend cause of ignorance of the same . done at the castle of versailles , april 6. 1672. signed louis , and underneath , le teller . these are to require charles cantro , the kings sworn cryer in ordinary , to publish and cause to be affixed and set up in all places of 〈◊〉 city , suburbs , prevostè and vicomtè of paris , where it shall be requisite , the kings ordonnance of the sixth of this present month and year , that none may pretend cause of ignorance of the same . done the sixth day of april , 1672. signed de la reynie . read and published with sound of trumpet and publick proclamation , and set up in all the carrefours ordinary and extraordinary , of ●his city and suburbs of paris , by me charles canto , sworn cryer in ordinary to the king in the said city , prevoste and vicomte o● paris . in the making of which proclamation , i was accompanied by five trumpets , viz. jerosme tr●●ss●n stephen du bos , 〈◊〉 trumpets to the king , and three other trumpets , thursday the 7th of april , 1672. signed canto . edinburgh , re-printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1672. a proclamation for apprehending the persons after-named, as having been in france contrair to the acts of parliament. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05640 wing s1840 estc r183501 52528975 ocm 52528975 179070 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05640) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179070) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:59) a proclamation for apprehending the persons after-named, as having been in france contrair to the acts of parliament. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1696. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twelfth day of march, and of our reign the seventh year, 1696. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng treason -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for apprehending the persons after-named , as having been in france contrair to tke acts of parliament . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly , and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; for as much as by the eighth act of the fourth session of this our current parliament ; it is statute and ordained , that none of the subjects within this kingdom without express leave from us or our privy council should presume to go to the kingdom of france , or any of the dominions subject to the french king after the first day of june one thousand six hundred ninety three , or being already in the said kingdom of france , or countries foresaid , should presume to stay or abide therein after the first day of august then next to come , without express leave from us , or our privy council under the pain of treason : nevertheless in manifest contempt of the foresaid act of parliament , and us and our authority , grahame younger of duntroon , mr. charles kinnaird brother to the lord kinnaird , mr. alexander maitland brother to the earl of lauderdale , captain deans , captain ruthven , lieutenant isaac threcal , lieutenant auchmouty , ensign alexander innes , lieutenants daniel and john banes , ensign william ramsay , sometime in hodge's regiment , ensign alexander sandelands sometime in wauchop's regiment , ensign laurence drummond of captain robert somervail , captain william davidson , lieutenant william main , lieutenant james henderson , ensign robert southerland , ensign alexander sinclair , lieutenant john bell , sometime in d'offerel's regiment , ensign william innes in d'offerel's regiment , ensign william lyon in the said regiment , william and hugh southerlands nephewes to major general southerland , walter nisbet son to alexander nisbet of graigintinny , william sinclair son to the deceas'd sinclair of dun , thomas clark brother to the deceas'd mr. william clark advocat , robert kinloch of mr , william pearson son to pearson sometime minister at stirling , alexander nisbet son to nisbet merchant in glasgow , mr. james oswald sometime chappeland to the lady halket , cuthbert son to cuthbert provost of inverness , captain patrick grahame , captains robert and william charters , captain john ramsay , lieutenant collonel rattray , lieutenant collonel oliphant , lieutenant colonel douglas , robert stuart agent in edinburgh , ensign john menzies son to menzies of comrie , major john gordon , captain james adamson , charles farquharson robert king , captain john livingston , lieutenant john creighton , sir john m clain of that ilk , irwine of stepletoun , captain mair ; have dared most presumptuously to repair and go to the said kingdom of france , or being therein to remain and continue within the same , after the times prefixed by the foresaid act of parliament ; whereby they have manifestly incurred the pain of treason specified in the said act : and we being informed that the saids guilty persons are returned to , and lurk within this our ancient kingdom without being seased upon , and brought to condign punishment as their crime deserves ; therefore we with advice of the lords of our privy council , hereby require and command , the sheriffs of the several shires within this kingdom and their deputs , the stewarts of stewartries , baillies of regalities and their deputs , and magistrats of burghs within their respective jurisdictions , to search for , take , and apprehend all and every one of the persons above named , and commit them to safe custody , and sure firmance , and detain them prisoners within their respective tolbuiths until they be brought to tryal and condign punishment for the crimes above-written ; and that they report their diligence in the premisses to the lords of our privy council betwixt and the first day of aprile next to come , under the pain of being reckoned countenancers of , and connivers at the saids treasonable persons ; as also we with advice foresaid , impower and command all the officers of our army , and our other good subjects within this kingdom to sease upon , take , and apprehend all or any of the persons above-named , where ever they can be discovered , and deliver them to the next magistrat , to be committed and detained prisoners in manner above-specified and to the effect none of our good sujects may be ensnared , or made partakers of the guilt of the saids persons by their lurking among them . we with advice foresaid strictly prohibit and discharge any of our subjects within this kingdom , to harbour , reset , provide , or any ways relieve and supply any of the foresaids persons ; but that they deliver them up to one or other of the magistrats foresaids to be proceeded against according to justice , under the pains contained in the acts of parliament made thereanent . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remnant mercat-crosses of the haill head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom ; and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation make intimation hereof , that none pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twelfth day of march , and of our reign the seventh year , 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1696. a list of the french kings fleet now at sea with the commanders names, number of men and guns : as also, the names of the ships in french and english. france. marine. 1689 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48662 wing l2444 estc r720 13653720 ocm 13653720 101022 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48662) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101022) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 793:14) a list of the french kings fleet now at sea with the commanders names, number of men and guns : as also, the names of the ships in french and english. france. marine. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for robert hayhurst ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -marine -officers -registers. france. -marine -lists of vessels. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a list of the french kings for●●● now at sea ; with the commanders names ; number of men and guns ; as also , the names of the shi●● in french and english . licensed sept. 2. 1689. james fraser . and enter'd according to order . ships names in french . ships names in english . commanders names . number of men. guns . le grand the great cabaret lievtenant generals 650 90 le souverain the soveraign le comte de chasteau renard 550 89 le couronne the crown le comte d'estre commanders of squadrons 500 72 le terrible the terrible le chevalier de bethune 450 72 le courtisan the courtier le marquis de la porte 400 66 l' estonnant the astonishing foran 450 72 le triumphant the triumphant chevalier de flacour 450 72     captains .       le fier the proud chevalier de belle fontaine   450 72 le belliqueux the warlike marq. de st. hermine   450 72 l' illustre the illustrious colbert de st. mars   450 70 le bourbon the bourbon pannetier   350 62 le furieux the furious desnotes   350 64 le glorieux the glorious marq. de langeron   350 64 le vermandois the vermandois machaut   350 62 l' ardant the burning chevalier d' anfreville   360 66 le brave the brave chabert   360 62 le prince the prince de relingue   360 64 l'enterprenant the undertaker de beaujeu   350 60 l' excellent the excellent de la vigerie   355 62 le fort the strong chevalier de rosmadet   350 60 le sans pareil the nonsuch chevalier des augers   350 60 le precieux the precious de salampart   345 58 l' arrogant the arrogant de la harteloire   340 58 l' apollon the apollo de montortie   350 60 le courageux the couragious du magnou   350 60 le st. michel st. michael chevalier d'ervaux   350 60 le diamant the diamond chevalier de cortlogon   330 54 le fondant the melter real   340 56 le henry the henry commandeur d' amblimont   340 64 le sage the wise de vaudrincourt   330 54 le gaillard the brisk de mericourt   330 54 le temeraire the rash chevalier de montbion   330 54 le doux the mild de fourbin   330 54 le modere the moderate de chammelin   330 52 le neptune the neptune baron de pallieres   250 44 l' escueil the rock commandeur des combes   250 44 le francois francis chevalier de la rougere   300 46 l' are enciel the rainbow de resinet   300 46 l' emporte the angry roussel   250 44 le capable the able de grand fontaine   250 44 l' oiseau the bird du quene guitton   250 44 le comte the earl ships that are a fitting out   230 40 le leger the light   260 48 2 light frigats . 20 fireships . 3 long barques . one fly-boat . a list of the tovlon fleet le conquerant the conquerour le chevalier de tourville lieutenant generals 550 80 le magnifique the magnificent le chevalier d'amfreville 450 ●2 l'esclatant the bright le marquis de villette commanders of squadrons 350 68 le content the contented le marquis de memond 350 64     captains .       le marquis the marques du mene   350 62 le cheval marin the sea-horse d' alligre   250 44 le firme the steady de septem   350 60 le serieux the serious de beaulieu   360 62 le solide the solid or weighty de champigny   250 44 l' indien the indian chevalier de chalais   250 44 le more the moore chevalier dela galissoniere   300 50 le fidelle the faithful du catays   300 50 le fougueux the foaming de la brebeche   350 60 l' aquilon the north wind bidault   300 50 le bizarre the fantastick chevalier de st. maure   250 44 le trident the trident des francs   330 50 l' agreable the agreeable de belleisle   330 54 l' eole aeolus chevalier de pallas   330 48 le parfait the perfect de gogolin   330 56 le valiant the valiant de sebbeville   330 54 2 light frigats , 2 tartains , 8 fire-ships , 2 fly-boats , total of ships , 63. men , 21661. guns , 3681. fire-ships , 28. frigats , 4. fly-boats or flutts , 5. tartanes or catches , 5. long barques , 4. they are setting out besides , six great ships at toulon , of three decks . london : printed for robert hayhurst ; and are to be sold at his house in little-britain . 1689. a declaration of the most christian king, shewing the reasons for recalling his plenipotentiaries from the treaty at cologne france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1674 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49211 wing l3110 estc r9957 13546355 ocm 13546355 100138 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49211) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100138) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:18) a declaration of the most christian king, shewing the reasons for recalling his plenipotentiaries from the treaty at cologne france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 8 p. printed by tho. newcomb, in the savoy [london] : 1674. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fürstenberg, wilhelm egon, -fürst von, 1629-1704. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the most christian king , shewing the reasons for recalling his plenipotentiaries from the treaty at cologne . in the savoy , printed by tho : newcombe , 1674. the most christian kings reasons , for recalling his ambassadors from cologne . although the late attempt commited on the person of william prince of furstemberg , plenipotentiary for the elector of cologne , in the very city of cologne it self , the place appointed for the treaty of peace , hath been done by some of the officers and souldiers belonging to the regiment of grana , one of the regiments of the imperial army ; yet the king of france would not at first look upon the emperor , as being the author of so odious an action , his majesty ever reflecting on himself , and knowing , that nothing in the world ought to be held so sacred and inviolable among kings and soveraigns , as the true and exact observation of their word . he thought he should do too great an injury to his imperial majesty , by believing him capable of violating , by so horrid an act , a faith he had so solemnly given , not only to the whole empire at the diet of ratisbonne , but even to all europe , for the secure neutrality of a town , from whence all christendome did expect a happy calm . it was in that prospect , and for no other consideration , that his most christian majesty did suspend his just resentment of such an attempt ▪ being still willing to give the emperor time to declare , that it was done without his order , gladly expecting to see the chastisement he should inflict on the offendors , to wash away the blur they had made on his reputation , by doing which , the emperor would have made it appear to the world , that his intention was not to infract the publick faith , nor hinder the present negociation for peace . for these reasons , his majesty forbore commanding his ambassadors away from cologne , though the neutrality of that town , so lately violated , afforded him ground lawful enough , to fear they could not remain there any longer with safety . and indeed , that which his majesty so justly feared , hath since prov'd but too true in the sequel , the same security which was violated before on the person of a publick minister belonging to a prince allied to his majesty , was soon broken afresh on that of his own ambassadors , in the same place , their liveries and other equippages having been publickly arrested , and a great and considerable sum of moneys belonging to his majesty , seaz'd on , and detain'd forcibly , by order from the chief commander of the said regiment of grana , the said moneys being loaded on one of their own waggons . and all this done in a city , in which freedom and liberty is allow'd , common to all the world : having besides , caus'd an express , sent by the count de chamilly to the said ambassadors , to be both arrested and searcht . in a word , cologne which till then , had been consecrated for the publick security of all europe , is by a monstrous change , become on a suddain , a most bloody theater , where on those very troops designed for the preservation of the neutrality of the place , being by the magistrates of the same , sworn to keep and maintain it , have since exercised with impunity , all the outrages and violences that both avarice and revenge can inspire . notwithstanding all which , his most christian majesty hath hitherto forborn imputing the least of those exorbitancies to the emperors orders , as being still willing to perswade himself , out of the concern he hath for his glory , that they were attempted without any intent of his imperial majesty . but now since the answer given at vienna , to the ministers of sweden , makes it appear evidently , that the forcible stealing away of the said prince william , was really an effect of the emperors order and express command , his majesty of france can no longer doubt , but what hath been done since to his ministers at cologne , hath been a following consequence , of the self same orders and directions . his majesty therefore , both in consideration of that he owes to himself , and what the security of his ambassadors requires of him in this conjuncture , hath thought it not fit to leave them any longer exposed to these violences , which will doubtless raise the just indignation , as well as the wonder of all europe . thereupon , his majesty hath at the same time commanded them to inform the swedish ministers , ( who during the whole treaty , have exercised the mediation of the king their master , by whose great and prudent care , the said assembly was convok'd together ) of the resolution he hath taken to re-call them home . the said ambassadors of sweden , having hitherto been eye-witnesses , of those facil means and expedients his most christian majesty hath from time to time propounded , for the making the said negociation to take effect : as on the contrary , they have seen what violent courses have been used by the emperor all along , to hinder and stop the progress of the same ; it 's but reason they should likewise see , what just and lawful grounds do now oblige him to draw a proportionate revenge upon his enemies by force of armes , for the slight account made by them of what ought to be most sacred , not among princes onely , but even among all men ; and by the same force to compel them to seek a peace , they now strive to hinder , by means so unjust and unwarrantable . would the whole empire but seriously reflect on the emperors conduct in this conjuncture , it would evidently appear , that it includes in itself , many sinister designs , which must needs prove fatal to her liberty , if not timely prevented ; there being nothing that discovers more the injustice of a design , than the odiousness of the means practised for the effecting of it . had the emperor therefore been less concerned than he was , in his hindring the assembly at cologne , from producing a peace , he would never have had recourse to such practises , as must of necessity dissolve the strictest ties and bounds of all humane society : he would not have violated the neutrality of a place appointed for the treaty , by his insults on the persons of ambassadors of france : he would not , i say , have suffered his officers and commanders to seize forcibly and violently on monies appertaining to his most christian majesty , within the walls of a free city ; but in a word , would have acted in this conjuncture , with more candor and more generosity , and in a war he hath rashly declared against him ; at least , if he had feared less than he seems to do , the end and consequences of it . all the while the conferences lasted at cologne , and the mediators indeavored to bring together the most refractory parties concerned ; the emperor alone , who fearing to see himself disarmed by a peace , and consequently made to lose that power , he had usurped since the year last past , of quartering his troops indifferently , and conqueror like , in the territories of all the princes of the empire , thereby strengthning his armies at their costs and charges , by all which proceedings he did openly contervene and infringe , under vain and specious pretences , the treaties of westphalia , and raising again a power , heretofore so formidable to the german liberty , and which power could never be reduced to any lawful limits , but after so many long and bloody-wars . to add no more , the said emperor dreaded nothing more , than to see by the conclusion of a peace at cologne , the end of a quarrel meerly a stranger to the concern of the empire , prove the end and stop of those designs he hath fram'd against the very empire it self . all these things duely weighed , his most christian majesty doubts not , but that not onely the king of sweden himself , whose honor is found so highly concerned in this breach of a faith , of which he was made depository as chief mediator , but even all other princes concerned , and sensibly toucht with a desire of peace , will not fail to impute to the emperor , and him onely , the unhappy dissolution of an assembly that was both capable and likely , to have procured it to all christendome . the whole empire may one day remember , that her tranquility might easily have been restored , had the emperor brought to the treaty , the same candid and sincere dispositions , that his most christian majesty hath shewed all along , in and since the late treaties of westphalia ; and that had his imperial majesty consented to ingage his word , not to assist at all the enemies of france , his most christian majesty would freely have obliged himself , to have caused his armies to quit germany at the same time , as soon as he should have received the said promise from him . however , his majesty notwithstanding what hath past hitherto , does still retain the same sentiments for peace he had before : the just reasons that made him undertake a war , have not , nor do not lessen or diminish any thing of his first inclination , towards the quiet and calm of the empire : and what ever happy success he justly hopes , god may please to crown his arms with , he shall never think them more happy , than when they shall reduce his enemies to desire a durable peace . given at versailles , the 24 of march , 1674. finis . articles of peace between the two crowns of france and spain concluded at aix-la-chapelle, the second of may, 1668 : translated out of french. treaties, etc. spain, 1668 may 2 france. 1668 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49205 wing l3103 estc r16132 13354868 ocm 13354868 99225 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49205) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99225) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:16) articles of peace between the two crowns of france and spain concluded at aix-la-chapelle, the second of may, 1668 : translated out of french. treaties, etc. spain, 1668 may 2 france. france. treaties, etc. spain, 1668 may 2. 16 p. printed by e. o. for william cook ..., london : 1668. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts 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at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -foreign relations -spain. spain -foreign relations -france. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of peace between the two crowns of france and spain , concluded at aix-la-chapelle , the second of may , 1668. translated out of french. licensed june 25. 1668. roger l'estrange . london , printed by e. o. for william crook , near essex-house without temple-bar . 1668. artcles of peace between the two crowns of france and spain , concluded at aix-la-chapelle , the second of may , 1668. i. first , it is covenanted , and agreed , that for the future , there shall be a true , firm , and inviolable peace , confederacy , and perpetual alliance and amity , between the most christian and catholick kings , their children born , or to be born hereafter , their heirs , successors , and inheritors , their kingdoms , states , countryes and subjects ; and that they shall mutually love one another , as kind brethren , that the one shall promote with all his ability the good , honour , and reputation of the other , really avoiding according to their power , the prejudice of one another . ii. in pursuance of this good re-union , as soon as the ratification of the present treaty shall be exchanged , the peace between the said kings shall be published , and from the time of the said publication , there shall be a cessation of arms , and all acts of hostility , as well by land as by sea and fresh waters , and generally in all places , where their majesties forces wage war , as well among their companies and armies in the field , as in the garrisons : and if the said cessation be opposed by the taking of any place , or places , be it by assault surprize , or private intelligence ; and in like manner , if there be any prisoners taken , or other acts of hostility committed by any accident not foreseen , or of those that cannot prevent it contrary to the said cessation of arms , the departing from the agreement shall be really repaired on either side , without delay or difficulty , restoring without the least diminution , that which they possessed , and setting the prisoners at liberty without any ransom or charge . iii. in consideration of this peace , the most christian king shall keep , remain seized with , and effectually enjoy all places , forts , and posts that he hath gained , obtained , or fortified by armes during the last years campagne : that is to say , the fortress of charleroy , the towns of binch and atthe , the places of doway , the fort of scarpe being comprised , turney , oudenard , lille , armentieres , courtray , bergues and furnes , and all their bailiwicks , castlewicks , territories , governments , provostships , appurtenancies , dependancies and annexations , by what name soever they be called , as far as ever they extend . iv. the said places , towns , and places of charleroy , binch , atthe , doway , fort of scarpe , turney , oudenard , lille , armentieres , courtray , bergues and furnes , their balliwicks , castlewicks , governments , provostships , territories , domains , seignories , appurtenancies , dependancies and annexations , by what name soever they may be called , shall appertain by virtue of this present treaty of peace , to the said lord the most christian king and his successors , having right thereunto , irrevocably and for ever , with the same rights of soverainty , propriety , royalty , patronage , gardianship , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives and preheminencies , over the bishopricks , cathedrals and other churches , abbies , priories , dignities , cures , and all other beneficies whatsoever , being within the extent of the said country , places , and bailiwicks granted , of what abby soever the said priories hold land , and have dependance upon , and all other rights that have heretofore appertained to the catholick king , though they be not here particularly recited , without any future trouble to his most christian majesty , by what pretence soever , of right , nor disturbed indeed by the said catholick king his successors , or any prince of his house , or by any person whatsoever , or upon any pretence or occasion that may happen in the said soverainty , propriety jurisdiction , authority , possession and enjoyment of all the said countries , towns , places , castles , lands , seignories , provostships , domains , castlewicks , and bailiwicks , together with all the places and other things thereunto appertaining . and to this purpose the said catholick king , as well for himself , his heirs and successors , having right thereunto , renounceth , quitteth , granteth , and conveyeth , as his plenipotentiary in his name by the present irrevocable treaty of peace , hath renounced , quitted , granted , and conveyed , perpetually , and for ever in favour , and for the advantage of the said most christian king , his heirs , successors , and such as are concerned , all the rights , actions , pretences , royalty , patronage , gardianship , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives and preheminencies over the bishopricks , cathedral churches , and other abbies , priories , dignities , cures , and other beneficies whatsoever , being within the limits of the said countries , places , and bailiwicks granted , of what abbies soever the said priories hold lands , and have dependance upon , and in general , without retaining or reserving any thing to himself , all other rights , that the said catholick king , or his heirs , and successors , have , pretend , or can have , and pretend unto , upon what ground or reason sover , over the said countries , places , castles , forts , lands , seignories , domains , castlewicks and bailiwicks , and over all places depending thereupon , as is before mentioned , all the laws , customes , statutes and constitutions to the contrary notwithstanding , on those confirmed by oath , in which , and in the abrogatory clauses of abrogation , it to expresly abolished by this present treaty for the confirmation of the said renunciations , and concessions , which shall stand in force , and take place , insomuch that the particular expression or specification shall not disanul the general , nor the general , the particular ; perpetually excluding all exceptions , upon what right , title , cause , or pretence soever they can be grounded : the said catholick king declares , consents , wills , and intends , that all men , vascals , and subjects of the said countries , towns , and lands , granted to the crown of france , as before mentioned , be , and remain quit , and discharg'd for the present , and for ever , of their faith , homage , service , and oath of fidelity , which all and every of them might have made to him , and the catholick kings his predecessors ; together with all obedience , subjection , and vassalage , that by reason thereof might be due unto him , from them ; the said catholick king requiring , that the said faith , homage , and oath of fidelity , be made null and voyd , as if they had never been made or given . v. the said most christian king immediately after the publication of the peace , shall withdraw his forces from the garrisons of all places , towns , castles , and forts of the county of burgundy , commonly called la-franche-comtè , and shall really , effectually , and bonâ fide restore to his catholick majesty , all the said county of burgundy , without any retention , or reservation . vi. the said most christian king shall make restitution of all the places , forts , castles , and posts , that his forces have , or might have enjoyed , unto the day of the publication of the peace , in what place soever scituated to the catholick king , those places , and forts which ought to remain by this present treaty , with his most christian majesty , as hath been above specified , excepted . and in like manner his catholick majesty shall make restitution of all the places , forts , castles , and posts , which his forces could have been possessed of , to the day of the publication of this peace , in what place soever they be , to his most christian majesty . vii . their majesties agree , that all kings , potentates and princes , that will freely enter into the like obligation , would give their majesties their promises and engagements of warranty , as to all the contents of this present treaty . viii . it hath been consented to , agreed , and declar'd , that hereby there is to be no revocation of the treaty of the pyreneans ( with a reservation as to the portugal , with whom the said catholick king hath since made a peace , ) only so far as it hath been otherwayes disposed of in this treaty , by the concession of the above said places ; so that the parties can acquire no new right , nor receive any prejudice upon their respective pretences in any thing , whereof there is no express mention made in this present treaty . ix . and for the further confirmation of this treaty of peace , and of all the clauses and articles herein contained , the said present treaty shall be published , ratified and registred in the court of the parliament of paris , and in all other parliaments of the kingdom of france , and court of accompts of the said city of paris ; so in like manner the said treaty shall be ratified , published and registred , as well in the great council and other councils and court of accompts of the said most catholick king in the low-countryes , as in the other councils of the crowns of arragon and castile : the whole affair being managed according to the form of the treaty of the pyreneans in the year 1659. the expedition whereof shall be mutually given by each other , within three months after the publication of this present treaty . which clauses and articles above named , together with the contents of every one of them , have been treated of , agreed upon , passed and covenanted between the above said plenipotentiaries of the said most christian and catholick kings , in the name of their majesties , which said plenipotentiaries by virtue of their power , ( the copies whereof shall be annexed unto this present treaty ) have promised , and do promise upon the obligation of all and every the goods , and estates , present , and for the future , of the kings their masters ; that they shall be inviolably kept and performed by their majesties , and to cause them to be ratified , firmly and simply without any addition , and to compleat the ratifications by authentick letters , sealed , where all the present articles shall be inserted verbatim , on the last day of may next ensuing inclusively . first , his most christian majesty at brussels , in the hands of the governour of flanders , and his catholick majesty at saint germains en laye , in the hands of the said most christian king , and sooner , if possibly . furthermore the said plenipotentiaries have promised , and do promise , in the said names , that the said letters of ratification being perfected , the said most christian king , as soon as can be , and in the presence of such person or persons , as the said catholick king will please to delegate , shall solemnly swear upon the cross , the holy evangelists , the canons of the mass , and upon his honour , fully , really , and bonâ fide to observe and accomplish all the contents of the articles in this present treaty , and the same shall be also performed , as soon as it can possibly , by the said catholick king and the queen regent his mother , in the presence of such person or persons , as it shall please the said most christian king to depute . in witness whereof , the said plenipotentiaries have subscribed the present treaty with their names , and caused the seal of their arms to be set thereunto . dated in the imperial city of aix-la-chappelle , the 28 day of may , 1668. and in the name of his holiness , and the said electors and princes of the sacred empire , they have also subscribed these present articles with their names , and caused the seal of their armes to be affixed thereunto , signed augustine franciotti , arch-bishop of trebisond , plenipotentiary to his holiness . the baron of scheneborn in the name of his electoral highness of mayenee . francis egon of furstenberg , in the name of his electoral highness of colen ; and the chevalier semising in the name of his highness of munster . we therefore allowing of the forementioned treaty , in all and every the particulars and articles therein contained , and declared , have accepted , approved , ratified and confirmed , do accept , approve , ratifie and confirm the same , as well for our selves , as for our heirs , successors , kingdoms , countries , lands , seignories , and subjects , promising the performance of the contents hereof , upon the faith and word of a king , and upon the obligation and engagement of all and every our estates for the present and the future , to keep and observe them inviolably , without doing any thing directly or indirectly , in any manner or kind whatsoever to the contrary . in witness whereof , we have signed these presents with our hands , and have caused our seal to be set thereunto . given at st. germain's en laye the 26th . day of may , in the year of our lord 1668. and of our reign the 26th . signed lewis , and underneath de lionne . finis . the next way to france: or, a short dialogue between two zealous well-wishers for the advancement of the kingdom of christ; viz. h. p. and b. g. h. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90933 of text r208804 in the english short title catalog (thomason e645_8). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90933 wing p32 thomason e645_8 estc r208804 99867727 99867727 165984 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90933) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 165984) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 99:e645[8]) the next way to france: or, a short dialogue between two zealous well-wishers for the advancement of the kingdom of christ; viz. h. p. and b. g. h. p. b. g. [2], 6 p. printed for giles calvert, at the black spread-eagle at the west-end of pauls, london : 1651. dated at end: octob. 17. anno 1651. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb. 11th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. a90933 r208804 (thomason e645_8). civilwar no the next way to france: or, a short dialogue between two zealous well-wishers for the advancement of the kingdom of christ;: viz. h. p. and h. p. 1651 2733 4 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the next way to france : or , a short dialogue between two zealous well-wishers for the advancement of the kingdom of christ ; viz. h. p. and b. g. london , printed for giles calvert , at the black spread-eagle at the west-end of pauls . 1651. the next way to france : or , a short dialogue , &c. h. p. frriend , what sayest thou from abroad ? b. g. that it 's conceived to be a convenient time for to put life and vigour into those of the reformed religion , that thereby they might endeavour to recover themselves . h. p. why do they not lay hold on the present occasion to joyn with the prince of condé , that so by his means they may regain their sixscore towns of security , ( which they formerly lost ) as well as their three hundred thousand crowns yeerly revenue , and their places of judicature to boot ? b. g. as they lost them for having sided with this prince of condé's father , ( who , after that he had attained unto his own ends , left them at the french king's mercy , to make the best composition they could for themselves at the treaty of loudun ) so may you rest assured , that those of the reformed religion will never venture to take up arms against their king , in the behalf of any party of their own nation ; nor in respect of any forraigners whatsoever , except for such who minde the propagation of the gospel of christ , who intend to knock at rome's gates , and who will not for any worldly respects abandon them . h. p. do you conceive that their hopes were well fix'd , and that they were well secured , whenas the duke of soubize was wafted towards rochel and ré by the late duke of buckingham ? think you not that it was a like business to that of anthony king of portugal , whenas he was conducted towards lisbon by the earl of essex ? b. g. those of rochel made sir william beecher attend half a day at their gates , before they would admit him ; for that they were not well assured of the reality of that good which was pretended unto them , as then ; nor did there so much as one man of those of the reformed religion budge after the descent at the isle of ré : for that none of them ( as aforesaid ) will in the least enter into any league with whatsoever parties , unless they be qualified as above-said ; such who shall have assured them ( by such persons as may be confided in , on the profession of true christianity ) that they will go thorow-stitch with the propagation of the gospel's purity ; who will not cease till they have knockt at rome's gates , and who shall appear in their own persons amongst them . h. p. as then whatsoever may be conceived of a possibility of their stirring at present , or of their siding with the prince of condé , must even pass for fair nights dreams , as well as their bruited reflecting on the present proceedings in england and scotland , and on him who appears to be the great joshua of britain , who ( as wise men do conceive ) ought to be sought unto : for ▪ did not those of rochel send a very considerable number of their select members unto king james , as well as unto the late king ? and did not the states of the united provinces send their great barnavelt , with two more of their deputies , to seek unto queen elizabeth ? b. g. nay , did not henry the fourth of france send unto her ? and doth not the paper-room at white-hall contain one of his letters , bearing these very words : my sister , my sister , if you would have opened your coffers , your brother henry would not have been constrained to go to mass ? this was a king put to great straights by a spanish league . but in case the common-wealth of england should deem fitting to minde the preservation of those of the reformed religion in france , you will finde it altogether necessary to put them secretly into a strong and assured hope thereof , and of the abetting of them ; and to insinuate the same unto them by such as could waft ( even from their bosomes , to the prince of condé and his party ) their longing desires to see him prosper : as then that prince and his party would not run the danger of being gained by titles and treasures , but would stick close unto his first resolutions and principles ; whereby he would continue to cut out work for the parasites and sejanus's of that court , to pick their teeths withal . h. p. it were no hard task to feed the ears of some of the french reformed preachers with fair hopes , and also those who may serve as interlopers . b. g. take my word for it , nothing so much hath been the overthrow of that cause , as such ear-feedings , and the over-prodigalities of promised fair hopes : for that we finde by experience , how that at the greatest assembly that ever was held of those of the reformed religion in france , ( at which several dukes , marquesses , barons , and an infinite number of such as were thought to be the very pillars of the church , assisted ) even as then , five and twenty of them fell off at a clap , and deserted the rest ; insomuch as that they were then called in french , le meschant quartron , for that they had betrayed the whole party . in the same manner , the most part of all those who during these later ages were employed by the french ( to negotiate with their neighbours ) did also betray their parties ; as well such as were intrusted to treat for those of the reformed religion , as those who were to treat for the romane catholikes , and likewise those which were employed by the discontented princes . finally , those who treated for the late queen-mother of france , and for the present duke of orleans , during their exiles , served them no better . h. p. by the matter as then i perceive that there is little account to be made of those giddy-brain'd and perfidiously-given men , who are so much addicted to whimsies and romances . and should the lord's work ( which solely depends on his providence ) be intrusted to such bunglers , it would surely be but in a desperate condition . you see how marvelously it hath thus far prospered , by the attendance of the almighty's providence , by those who have fought under the banners of christ in this land . true it is , that weak and earthen vessels are oftentimes employed in the refining of gold , even in the most violent fires . b. g. the same lord who hath been pleased to bless the proceedings at home , may also do the like in their endeavours to heed those occasions which are requisite to be reflected on from abroad ; and may make them so successful , as that they shall not run the hazard , or need to apprehend the being foiled by the weakness and inconstancie of others . and doubtless there may be a great deal of good done ( providence being the leader ) if so be these present occasions were heeded ; for that thereby , sundry mischiefs which are like to ensue , might be prevented . the good which is to be done , might be promoted on the true principles of conscience and religion . so likewise the preventing of the evil which is apprehended , may be carried on , on the principles of self-charity and justice . h. p. i doubt not but that you are able to prove what you say . b. g. why truly i can do it to the purpose ; for that you must of necessity grant , how that god himself divided the speech of those who went about to build the tower of babel . he caused the midianites to fight against their brethren , in gideon's days . he sent a spirit of dissention between abimelech and the sichemites , for that he would destroy both the one and the other . he suffered a lying spirit to act by the mouth of his own prophets , for to bring ahab to a fall in ramoth-gilead . he permitted samson to fire the foxes tails , to set them on to do mischief . paul himself raised a difference between the sadduces and the pharisees , that so he might work his own deliverance . in the like manner , it 's void of all doubt , that the publike good may be endeavoured with a very safe conscience , although it should be effected by the causing of a confusion amongst men ; yea , although they were neighbours ; especially such , who ▪ should they be left at liberty , would sheathe their swords in our own bowels : whenas , in case they be prevented therein , the truth of the gospel may thereby have a free passage , and so consequently the kingdom of christ may be advanced ; which is the main thing to be minded . as for the accessory results of such an undertaking , it must needs be granted that it cannot chuse but be a great advantage for any state to cut out work amongst its neighbours abroad , that so it may have rest at home : a maxime which in all times hath been held void of all dispute , and the which hath swayed amidst all men ; not onely those of the first age , and the second , or during the times that hannibal left carthage , to war on the romanes , or whenas the athenians and thebans bestirred themselves to puzzle the spartans ; but even in these later ages , in our grandfathers and fathers days , ( the particulars whereof may be as yet fresh in our memories ) viz. how that in philip the second king of spain's reign , the french king's , the emperour's , queen elizabeth of england , the king of denmark's , the swedes , nay and amidst the states general of the low-countries , the same hath been found to be a necessary course , and an usual practice : whereunto the said king philip the second had so much accustomed himself , viz. to minde and endeavour the embroyling and setting by the ears together of all the other christian princes , as that the several inhabitants of europe were at length constrained to imitate him therein , though not to the same extension of their consciences as he did ; especially whenas his extreme passion , illimitated ambition , and cruel fire-brands , moved him to see all his neighbours on fire : nay , he endeavoured to have made use of henry the fourth of navar , ( as then of the reformed religion ) to make war against the french king henry the third ; when at the self-same time the said king philip the second made an agreement with the infidel muley malucco . it may therefore ( without any further allegations or examples ) be maintained , that those who do not much differ in the point of religion from those of the reformed religion in france , may lawfully use all plausible means to back and abet them in the advancing of the kingdom of christ , and in their opposing of that faction which meaneth nought save destruction unto the britains ; and so interrupt them in their running alongst on the lords providence . thus i have made good the goodness , justness , necessity , and plausibleness of the undertaking . h. p. but as now pray resolve me concerning the apprehended mischiefs which may ensue , if so be this present occasion be not heeded . b. g. hereunto i answer , that as there is nothing so inconstant as a french-man's spirit ; so is there nothing so furious in its resentments : as for instance ; the flemings can very well determinate whether the french furies and massacres were not far more violent and outrageous then the spanish : although it cannot be denied , but that the french will also passionately love and befriend , where once they are engaged . all which infers , how that there is nothing so apparent , as that in case the discontented french princes should perceive that neither those of the reformed religion in france , nor themselves ( when once engaged ) could expect to be countenanced , abetted , and back'd , they would as then with the more violence hasten to patch up their own domestick jars at any rates , as also their forraign wars with spain : which if they should once compass , what can there then be expected , but that they would all together joyn their malice and forces towards the impediting of the britains their designe , and so unanimously proceed to the troubling of the english seas ? so hath it likewise ever been accounted for an infallible truth , that though the french nation be excessively inconstant ▪ ready and capable at each turning of the winde to embroil one another , and to commit most egregious oversights ; so are they as ready and capable to piece up their own differences again , and to finde out expedients to salve over their faults . moreover , as they are more violent then any other nations in the hatching of mischiefs against those with whom they fall foul ( being ▪ as cesar observes at their first onset more then men ) so likewise are they easily pacified , and soon reconciled . wherefore , my conclusion thereon is no other then this , viz. that although divine providence steers all things on its own score , yet that there is an obligation which may very well to observe , and to make good ; and that same seems at present to be in season ; to wit , that a fair , civil , and hopeful demonstration might be made of amity and countenance unto those of the reformed religion in france , and unto the discontented princes : whenas this following truth will not admit of any gainsaying viz. how that both of them do conceive that they have sufficiently exprest their meanings thereon . h. p. by what , i pray ? b. g. by that which i have instanced on to shew and to unfold ; so that if you heed it not , it must needs lie at your own door : and the which is the less to be excused , for that in two yeers time the said particular could not so much as be permitted to be represented : nor was there so much as any notice taken that the same was grounded on credentials , whereon it was to have been manifested . besides , men have not letters patents for their lives durance ; nor can it be expected , that whenas parties do not meet with the least encouragement at all for the heeding of their overtures in fit time , they should as then expect any better success on their proffers , then those who sowe seeds on ice or snow . finis . octob. 17. anno 1651. by the protector. a declaration of his highness the lord protector, inviting persons to send over all sorts of necessary provisions to mardike. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80904 of text r211077 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[4]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80904 wing c7076 thomason 669.f.21[4] estc r211077 99869814 99869814 163499 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80904) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163499) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[4]) by the protector. a declaration of his highness the lord protector, inviting persons to send over all sorts of necessary provisions to mardike. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, london : 1658. dated at end: given at white-hall the 18th. of may, 1658. annotation on thomason copy: "may 19". reproductions of the original in the british library. eng dunes, battle of the, 1658 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. dunkerque (france) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80904 r211077 (thomason 669.f.21[4]). civilwar no by the protector. a declaration of his highness the lord protector, inviting persons to send over all sorts of necessary provisions to mardi england and wales. lord protector 1658 347 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pax qvaeritvr bello . olivarivs dei ◆ gra : reipvb : angliae , scotiae , et hiberniae , &c protector blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the protector . a declaration of his highness the lord protector , inviting persons to send over all sorts of necessary provisions to mardike . whereas the port of dunkirk ( which while it hath been in the hand of the enemies of this commonwealth , hath been very prejudicial to the merchants and trade of these nations ) is now straitly besieged both by sea and land , by the english and french forces ; and for that , during the said siege , in respect of the greatness of that army , there is and will be need of supplies of bread , beer , beef , butter , cheese , hay , oats , and other provisions for man and horse , the want whereof may prolong the work intended , being of so great concernment to this commonwealth : his highness the lord protector , with the advice and consent of his council , hath thought fit to publish , and declare the same , inviting all merchants , and others to send , with what expedition they may , for supply of the said forces , such provisions as aforesaid , for which his highness hath received assurance , that , upon delivery thereof , there shall be satisfaction in ready money , provision being already made therein , which as it may be of advantage to such merchants , or other persons , in venting the said commodities , so it will be esteemed as an acceptable service , and of great advantage to the commonwealth . and therefore his highness doth order , that this declaration be published , and posted up in all the ports and sea towns of this commonwealth , that notice may be taken thereof . given at white-hall the 18th . of may , 1658. london printed , by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness . 1658. by the king, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty, and the french king england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32481 wing c3388 estc r39951 18570841 ocm 18570841 108043 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32481) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108043) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1647:19) by the king, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty, and the french king england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1667. "given at our court at whitehall the 24th day of august, in the nineteenth year of our reign." reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng breda, treaty of, 1667. great britain -foreign relations -france. france -foreign relations -great britain. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty , and the french king . charles r. whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at breda , betwixt his majesty and the french king , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof there made the fourteenth day of this instant august : in conformity thereunto his majesty hath thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all his majesties dominions . and his majesty doth declare , that all ships , or other moveable goods whatsoever , which shall appear to be taken from the subjects of the french king , after the twenty sixth of this instant august , in the neighbouring seas ; that is to say , in the channel , the seas between england and ireland , as also in the north seas and the baltick ; after the twenty fourth of september next ensuing , from the said neighbouring seas to cape saint vincent ; after the two and twentieth of october next , from the said cape saint vincent to the equinoctial line , as well in the ocean as in the mediterranean , and elsewhere : and lastly , after the fourteenth of february next ensuing , on the other side of the aforesaid line throughout the whole world , without any exception , or distinction of time or place , or without any form of process , shall immediately , and without damage , be restored to the owners , according to the said treaty . and hereof his majesty willeth and commandeth all his subjects to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto . given at our court at whitehall the 24th day of august , in the nineteenth year of our reign . god save the king . in the savoy , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1667. a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him. translated from the french copy. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1692 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04187 wing l3104 estc r180074 52612197 ocm 52612197 179499 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04187) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179499) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2790:31) a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him. translated from the french copy. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. james ii, king of england 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([2] p.) [s.n.], london printed : and reprinted, 1692. caption title. dated and signed at end: from our camp before namur, june the 18. 1692. lewis. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -sources. france -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him . translated from the french copy . your majesty seems to be too sensibly afflicted with the late disaster of our fleet ; the disappointment we must confess was unexpected and surprizing , & has occasion'd no small interruption in the measures we had taken : but however the severe application that you have made , by imputing that unhappy accident to the ill fortune that attends your affairs since you betook your self to our protection , we cannot admit of , much less can we allow the consequence which you seem to imply , and which your friends are apprehensive of , that the blame of that disappointment should , in our nation , any wayes affect your majesty . the mistaken informations you receiv'd from your dependents in great britan , we are sensible were no otherwise represented to us by your majesty , than as they were first communicated to you ; the ill success whereof shall be so far from obliging us to withdraw our protection from you , that it has only added vigor to our endeavours , to repair by land the misfortune we have sustain'd at sea. the glory and grandure of the french nation has been too well established , to be shaken by one storm . the success we may reasonably expect from the siege of namur , will be sufficient at least to ballance the insulting hopes of our enemies : we are already masters of the town , and have no reason to despair ( if the assurances given us by vauban may be rely'd upon ) of a prosperous progress from so formidable forces as are now employ'd in that service . 't is true , the account of the surrender of great waradin comes something unseasonable , but we hope the consequence is too remote , to affect the enterprizes of our summers campaign on this side , upon which the fortune of the war seems to depend . we hope to perswade our people , that the descent which the english seem to threaten upon our coast , is rather an ammusement than any awayes practicable . there are some about us ( and with whom our most important councils are concenred ) who appear apprehensive in case of a descent , or any other inrode into our kingdom of france , that it may occasion a revolt amongst our subjects . but we presume the discipline we have used , has not been so ill bestowed as to admit of any such rebellious practice . our subjects are french men , and we have taken care to make them catholicks , who will not easily learn the hereticall distinction between revolt and rebellion . the request which you make of retiring from our kingdom , we cannot at this time hearken to . the late obsticles in our affairs , upon which you seem to ground your proposal , is an irrefragable argument for our with-holding our consent : forasmuch as it would be looked upon by all the world , as well friends as enemies , that we want either inclination or power to protect you , which would be unsuitable to our character , and inconvenient for the present posture of affairs . from our camp before namur , june the 18. 1692. lewis . london printed , and reprinted , 1692. the declaration of the most christian king of france and navarre against the most horrid proceedings of a rebellious party of parliament-men and souldiers in england, against their king and countrey / translated out of the french, by p. b. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49208 of text r3024 in the english short title catalog (wing l3108). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49208 wing l3108 estc r3024 13448500 ocm 13448500 99595 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49208) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99595) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:17) the declaration of the most christian king of france and navarre against the most horrid proceedings of a rebellious party of parliament-men and souldiers in england, against their king and countrey / translated out of the french, by p. b. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. p. b. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.] published at paris : the second day of ianuary, 1649. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng great britain -foreign relations -france. france -foreign relations -great britain. broadsides -england -london -17th century a49208 r3024 (wing l3108). civilwar no the declaration of the most christian king of france and navarre: against the most horrid proceedings of a rebellious party of parliament-me france. sovereign 1649 736 3 0 0 0 0 0 41 d the rate of 41 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the declaration of the most christian king of france and navarre : against the most horr●d proceedings of a rebellio●s party of parliament-men and souldiers in england , against their king and countrey . translated out of french , by p.b. louis the fourteenth by the grace of god , the most christian king of france and navarre , to all christian kings , princes , states and people , sendeth greeting . whereas we are informed by our deare aunt the queene of england , of the distressed estate of the king her husband , forced upon him by a rebellious party of his meanest subjects under the command of the baron of fairfax , who is likewise countenanced by a small handfull of the basest of the people crept into the lower house of parliament , but not being a tenth part thereof , the worthiest being either imprisoned , or banished by the tyranny of the army , have designe to proceed against the person and life of their king , which is an action so detestable , and so destructive to the nationall rights of princes and people , who are like to be inslaved thereby , and to know no law but that of the sword ; that we conceive our self obliged by the lawes of god and man , in the duty of a christian , as well as the rights of a king , either to redeem from bondage the injured person of our neighbour king and uncle , or to revenge all outrages already done , or hereafter which may happen to be done thereupon . therefore with the advice of our deare mother the queen regent , and counsell , we do publish and declare our detestation of all such proceedings , and vow in the presence of god and his holy angels , a full revenge upon all actors or abettors of this odious designe , to the utter extirpation of them , their wives and children , out of all parts of christendome wherein our power or interest can prevaile , if they proceed to this damnable fact , we conceiving it fit , to root out from humane society such a spurious and viperous generation of men . and we do therefore prohibit all such persons , their wives and children to come into any of our dominions , unlesse they will be proceeded against as traitors to god and nations . and we do likewise invite all our neighbour kings , princes and states in amity with us , or with whom we have any difference , to an honourable peace ▪ that we may all joyne in gods cause and our owne , to revenge these hypocriticall proceedings of inraged villains , who ( we heare ) take the cause of god for their pretence to destroy his ordinance . and we desire all our neighbour kings , princes and states to make the same proclamation we have done , against any of these or their adherents , from coming into their territories ; that when by gods justice , and ours and others endeavours , they shall be chased out of their native countrey , they may wander like vagabonds in heathenish places , with the odious brands of regicides upon them : and further to consider , whether that if the like madnesse took any of their armies , they would not implore our helps , as now this afflicted queen and aunt of ours hath occasion to do theirs , against persons who are now twice rebells : first , against their lawfull soveraigne , upon pretence of reformation of government ; and now against the very men and authority which raised them for that pretended occasion ; wherein gods justice is so apparent , that we are confident he will blesse this work intended by us , and which we hope will be seconded by all persons of honor and justice both at home and abroad , to help to suppresse these rebells against their raisers ; who yet presume upon the successe of their armes to erect their owne base thoughts and fortunes , above the limits of religion or reason , to suppresse that authority which god hath set over them . signed , louis . and below , bryan , secretary of state . the most christian kings edict or proclamation concerning english, scotish, and irish ships that shall be met at sea by his said majesties ships, or by privateers acting by his commission / translated out of the french ... france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1676 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49224 wing l3120a estc r3069 13448529 ocm 13448529 99596 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49224) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99596) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:23) the most christian kings edict or proclamation concerning english, scotish, and irish ships that shall be met at sea by his said majesties ships, or by privateers acting by his commission / translated out of the french ... france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1676. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -france. france -foreign relations -great britain. broadsides -england -london -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ordonnance du roy tres-chrestien , touchant les vaisseaux anglois , escossois , & irlandois , qui seront rencontrés en mer par ses vaisseaux , ou par ceux de ses sujets armés en cours . de par le roy . sa majesté estant informée des diverses plaintes faites par les anglois , escossois , & irlandois , que les vaisseaux qui leur appartiennent sont souvent arrestez dans leur navigation , & amenez dans les ports du royaume , sous divers pretextes , par les vaisseaux de sa majesté , ou ceux de ses sujets qui sont armez en cours pour faire la guerre à ses ennemis ; & qu' encore qu'ils obtiennent mainlevée desdits vaisseaux , néanmoins leur commerce en est extrêmement retardé par le long-temps que lesdits vaisseaux demeurent dans les ports en attendant les arrests de mainlevée . a quoy sa majesté voulant pourvoir , & donner toûjours des marques de la consideration particuliére qu'elle à pour les sujets du roy de la grande bretagne , sa majesté a fait & fait tres-expresses inhibitions & défenses à tous ses officiers commandans ses vaisseaux de guerre , & à tous capitaines des vaisseaux & bastimens de ses sujets armez en cours , d'arrester aucun vaisseau anglois , escossois , & irlandois , qu'ils trouveront en mer , qui seront munis des passeports signez du roy de la grande bretagne , des commissaires de l'admirauté établie dans londres , & des passeports ou lettres de mer signez par les maires & eschevins , & les commissaires des coustumes des villes maritimes d'angleterre , escosse , & irlande . veut sa majesté que lors que lesdits vaisseaux de guerre , ou armez en cours , trouveront en mer quelques vaisseaux desdites nations , ils envoyent leur chaloupe à bord pour demander lesdits passeports , & après les avoir veûs , ils les laissent en liberté de continuër leur route , sans leur donner aucun empeschement ni retardement ; le tout à peine d'estre punis suivant la rigueur des ordonnances . mande & ordonne sa majesté à mons . le comte de vermandois admiral de france , aux vice-admiraux , lieutenants généraux , intendans , chefs d'escadres , commissaires généraux , capitaines , & autres officiers de marine , de tenir la main à l'exécution de la presente ordonnance . enjoint sa majesté aux officiers de l'admirauté , de la faire lire , publier , & afficher par tout où besoin sera , à ce qu'aucun n'en prétende cause d'ignorance . fait à saint germain en laye le seiziéme jour de novembre mil six cens soixanteseize . signé , louis . et plus bas , colbert . the most christian kings edict or proclamation concerning english , scotish , and irish ships that shall be met at sea by his said majesties ships , or by privateers acting by his commission , translated out of the french , and published by authority . by the king. his majesty being informed of divers complaints made by the english , scotish , and irish , that the vessels belonging to them are stopt in their voyages , and brought into the ports of this kingdom under divers pretences , by his majesties ships , or those of his subjects acting as privateérs against his enemies ; and that although they do obtain the release of their said ships , yet nevertheless their commerce is thereby extremely retarded , by reason of the long stay of their ships in port , before they have their orders of release : his majesty being willing to provide against the same , and likewise to evidence upon all occasions the particular consideration he hath for the subjects of the king of great britain , hath prohibited and forbidden , and doth straightly prohibit and forbid all his officers commanding his ships of war , and all captains of ships and vessels of his subjects acting as privateérs , that they do not stop or detain any english , scotish , and irish vessels met by them at sea , which shall be furnished with pass-ports signed by the king of great britain , or by the commissioners of the admiralty at london , and with pass-ports or sea-briefs signed by the majors and other chief magistrates , or the commissioners of the customs of the maritime towns of england , scotland and ireland . and his majesty doth require , that when the said ships of war or privateérs shall meét at sea any the ships of the foresaid nations , they send their boat on board them to demand the said pass-ports ; which when they have seén , they are to leave them at liberty to continue their course , without giving them any molestation or hindrance : and all this under pain of being punished according to the rigour of the laws . and his majesty doth require and command the count of vermandois admiral of france , the vice-admirals , lieutenants general , intendants , commanders of squadrons , commissaries general , and captains of his ships at sea , that they see this present order put in execution . and his majesty doth enjoyn the officers of the admiralty to cause the same to be read , published , and affixed in all places requisite , to the end no one may pretend ignorance . given at s t. germain en laye the 16 th day of november 1676. signed louis . and countersigned colbert . london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1676. the french king's declaration of vvar against the crown of spain translated out of french. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1689 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49218 wing l3115a estc r2483 13439899 ocm 13439899 99563 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49218) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99563) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:20) the french king's declaration of vvar against the crown of spain translated out of french. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by edward jones, in the savoy [london] : 1689. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. france -foreign relations -spain. spain -foreign relations -france. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king's declaration of war against the crown of spain . translated out of french. ordonnance of the king. the sincere desire which the king hath had to maintain the truce concluded in the year 1684. induced his majesty to dissemble the conduct of the ministers of spain in the courts of all the princes of europe , where they laboured nothing more than to excite them to take up arms against france . his majesty was not ignorant , how far they were concerned in the negotiation of the league of ausbourg ; and was likewise informed of the part the governor of the spanish low-countries had , in the prince of orange's enterprize against england ; but not being able to believe , that he acted therein by the order of the king his master , who was obliged by so many reasons of religion , of blood , and the safety of all kings , to oppose such an usurpation , his majesty had hoped , he should have been able to induce the catholick king to joyn with him for the re-establishment of the lawful king of england , and the preservation of the catholick religion against the union of the protestant princes ; or at least , if the state of affairs in spain did not permit his catholick majesty to enter into the like engagements , to observe an exact neutrality ; to which end , his majesty hath , since the month of november last past , caused several proposals to be made to him , which were well received , whilst the success of the prince of orange's enterprize seemed doubtful , but these favourable dispositions disappeared so soon as it was known at madrid , that the king of england had left his kingdom , and nothing was then there talk'd of but a war against france . his majesty understood at the same time , that the spanish ambassador was daily with the prince of orange , and sollicited him to have the english declare war against france : that the governor of the spanish low-countries raised troops with great diligence ; that he promised the states-general to joyn them with their forces at the beginning of the campagne , and sollicited them , as well as the prince of orange , to send forces to flanders , in order to put those countries into a posture to make war upon france . all these advices made his majesty think , he ought in prudence to know , what he was to depend upon . he therefore gave order to the marquis de rebenac , his ambassador at madrid , to demand of the ministers of the catholick king a positive answer , offering him the continuance of the truce , upon condition , he would oblige himself to observe an exact neutrality , and not to assist directly or indirectly his majesty's enemies ; but the evil councils having prevailed , his majesty was informed , that the resolution was taken , to favour the usurper of england , and to joyn with the protestant princes . his majesty understood likewise , almost at the same time , that the prince of orange's agents had received considerable sums of money at cadiz and madrid ; that the troops of holland and brandenburg were entred into the principal places of the spaniards in flanders ; and that the governor of the low-countries for the king of spain , did sollicite the states-general to cause their forces to advance to brussels : all these advices added to the answer , which the marquis de rebenac received at madrid , leaving his majesty no room to doubt , that the intention of the catholick king is to joyn with his enemies ; his majesty hath thought , he ought to lose no time to prevent his evil designs ; and hath resolved to declare war against him , as well by sea as land , as he doth by these presents . his majesty , for this effect , commands and enjoyns all his subjects , vassals and servants , to fall upon the spaniards , and hath expresly forbidden , and doth forbid , their having henceforward any communication , commerce or intelligence with them , upon pain of death . and to this end , his majesty does revoke all permissions , passports , safe-guards , and safe-conducts , that may have been granted by himself , or his lieutenant-generals , and other his officers , contrary to these presents , and hath declared , and does declare them to be null , and of no effect and force , forbidding all persons whatsoever to have any regard thereunto . his majesty orders and commands the lord-admiral , mareschals of france , governors and lieutenant-generals for his majesty in his provinces and armies , mareschals de camp , colonels , captains and commanders of his forces , as well horse as foot french and foreigners , and all other his officers to whom it shall appertain , to cause the conten●s of these presents to be put in execution within the extent of their respective powers and jurisdictions : for such is his majesty's pleasure . he wills also , and enjoyns , that these presents be published and affixed in all the towns , as well maritime as others , and in all the ports , harbors , and other places of his kingdom and the territories under his obedience , where it shall be needful ; to the end , none may pretend cause of ignorance . given at versailles the 15 th . day of april , 1689. signed lovis , and underneath le t●llier in the savoy : printed by edward jones . 1689. a letter written to the french king, by the lords spiritual the arch-bishops and the bishops, together with the other ecclesiasticks, appointed by the clergy of france, assembled at st. germains en laye about the last breve of the pope, upon the subject of the regale. lettre écrite au roy par nosseigneurs les archevesques, evesques & autres ecclesiastiques deputez du clergé de france, assemblées à s. germain en laye. english catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. 1680 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48250 wing l1772 estc r213355 99825766 99825766 30153 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48250) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30153) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2189:14) a letter written to the french king, by the lords spiritual the arch-bishops and the bishops, together with the other ecclesiasticks, appointed by the clergy of france, assembled at st. germains en laye about the last breve of the pope, upon the subject of the regale. lettre écrite au roy par nosseigneurs les archevesques, evesques & autres ecclesiastiques deputez du clergé de france, assemblées à s. germain en laye. english catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. harlay de champvallon, françois de, 1625-1695. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 4 p. s.n., [london : 1680] signed at end by the archbishop of paris (françois de harlay de champvallon) and 33 others; dated: 10 july 1680. a translation of "la lettre éscrite au roy par nosseigneurs les archovesques, evesques, & autres ecclesiastiques deputz du clergé de france, assemblées à s. germain en laye", in reply to: pope innocent xi. charissimo in christo filio nostro ludovico francorum regi christianissimo. place of publication from wing. l copy has annotation: printed. 15 july. 1680/. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church. -pope (1676-1689 : innocent xi). -charissimo in christo filio nostro ludovico francorum regi christianissimo -controversial literature -early works to 1800. gallicanism -early works to 1800. patronage, ecclesiastical -france -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. france -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter written to the french king , by the lords spiritual the arch-bishops and the bishops , together with the other ecclesiasticks , appointed by the clergy of france , assembled at st. germains en laye . about the last breve of the pope , upon the subject of the regale . sire , vve have understood , to our great grief and sorrow , that our holy father the pope hath written a breve to your majesty , by which he doth not only exhort and require you not to subject any of our churches to the * right of regale , but likewise he declares , that he will make use of his authority , if your majesty will not submit to the paternal remonstrances that he hath both made , and often repeated to you upon this point . we have judged it , sire , our duty not to be silent upon such an important occasion as this is , where we shall suffer , with a most sensible and extraordinary affliction , his holiness to threaten the eldest son , and the protector of the church , as he hath done at other times , and upon other accompts , those princes who have usurped his rights . 't is not the least of our design to enter with your majesty into the bottom of an affair : wherein our predecessors of the like assemblies have received upon divers occasions very considerable marks of your justice and your piety ; but this extraordinary procedure gives us a most wonderful trouble , for it is so far from maintaining the honour of religion , and the glory of the holy-see , that in all likelihood it is enough to lessen them , and to produce very ill effects . it is but too plain and evident that he would not do this , but to favour the malice of some turbulent and seditious spirits , that , contrary to the intentions of his holiness , which we look upon to be very good , would make use of his name and his authority , as they do every day , in letting extravagant roports fly abroad in the world , against the honour of your majesty , and the most qualified prelates of your kingdom . they do also indeavour what they can to stir up a mis-understanding between the priesthood and the royalty , and that at such a time , when they have more reason than ever to preserve a perfect union , by the protection you give to the faith , to the ecclesiastical discipline , and to the extirpation of heresies and novelties . it is very easic for us , sire , being supported by your majesty , to prevent so pernicious and fatal an evil , either by making known our sentiments to his holiness , with observing that respect that is due to him , or by taking up resolutions commensurate to the prudence and the zeal of the greatest prelates of the church . our predecessors very well understood upon the like conjunctures how to maintain the liberties of their churches , without departing from those measures of respect which their birth and their religion have inspired into them for kings : and as your majesty , sire , surpasses by your zeal and your authority all those that have been before you , we are so strictly ingaged and fixt to it , that nothing is capable of effecting any separation from it . this protestation being sufficient to deceive the vain enterprizes and attempts of the enemies of the holy-see , and the state , we desire to renew it to your majesty with all the sincerity and the affection as is possible for us , it being fit that all the world should be informed , that we ●o right well understand , as we ought , how to make that ●●ve we bear to the discipline of the church agree with the 〈…〉 ous quality which we will study ever to preserve , sire , of your most humble , most obedient , most faithful , and most obliged servants and subjects ; the archbishops , bishops , and other the ecclesiasticks appointed by the clergy of your kingdom . † the arch-bishop of paris , duke and peer of france , commander of the orders of the king ; provisor of sorbonne , president . † de grignan , coadjutor of arles . † phelippeaux , patriarch arch-bishop of bourges . † hyacinte , arch-bishop of alby . † francois , bishop of amiens . † g. bishop of perigueux . † charles francois , bishop of constance . † s. de guemadeuc , bishop of s. malo. † l. m. bishop , duke of langres . † jean louis bishop of air. † j. b. m. colbert , bishop of montaubon . † louis aube , bishop of grace . † the bishop of cisteron . † poncet de la riviere , bishop and earl of vzez . † andre , bishop of auxerre . † louis alphonce , bishop dallet , proctor . de grance . de tonnerre . de coetlogon . de villars . de broglio . phelippeaux . de marillat , dean of s. john. de lion. de fleury . de viens . de gouriues . cheron . de ventimille du luc . j. le gentil . de moncassin . de s. valier . boucaut . des marests , agent general of the clergy of france . de besons , agent general of the clergy of france . by our lords of the general assembly . the abbot de grignan , nominated by the king to the bishoprick of eureux , secretary . from s. germins en laye , this 10th of july 1680. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48250-e10 * the sovereign patronage of the arch-bishopricks , bishoprick abbeys , and other benefices of royal foundation , due unto the king of france , and adherent unto his person , in the right of his crown , and therefore not to be transferr'd , committed , or aliened unto any other , and hereby he hath the profits of them during vacancy , and the provision , collation and presentation of successors unto them . an account of the private league betwixt the late king james the second, and the french king in a letter from a gentleman in london, to a gentleman in the countrey. allix, pierre, 1641-1717. 1689 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25618 wing a344 estc r1701 12956276 ocm 12956276 96043 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25618) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96043) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2:72) an account of the private league betwixt the late king james the second, and the french king in a letter from a gentleman in london, to a gentleman in the countrey. allix, pierre, 1641-1717. gentleman in london. [4], 15, [1] p. printed for ric. chiswell ..., london : 1689. caption title: the private league betwixt the late king james ii and the french king. written by pierre allix. cf. bm. advertisements: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701. louis -xiv, -king of france, 1638-1715. great britain -foreign relations -france. france -foreign relations -great britain. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-03 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the private league betwixt the late king james ii. and the french king . licens'd , may 2. 1689. j. fraser . an account of the private league betwixt the late king james the second , and the french king . in a letter from a gentleman in london , to a gentleman in the countrey . london : printed for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . mdclxxxix . an account of the private league betwixt the late king james the second , and the french king. in a letter from a gentleman in london to a gentleman in the country . sir , i am surpriz'd at the unbelief which your letter informs me , has seiz'd some of your neighbours , who after a publication in print , that in the year 1670 ▪ there was a league concluded between lewis the fourteenth , and charles the second , for the introducing of popery into england , scotland , and ireland , by overturning the fundamental laws of the land , have the face still to demand , where the so much talk'd of league is , between lewis the fourteenth , and james the second . they complain , say you , that those who had given them hopes of seeing the original treaty , have not been as good as their words . to speak the truth , sir , i find something in this their unreasonable proceeding , that at once surprizes and confounds me . i never knew that our nation had the ill repute in the world of being senseless and stupid : our behaviour in a case that concern'd our religion and liberty , has made it conspicuous to all europe , that we know the importance of the one and the other , and that we are not insensible when such dear interests lye at stake . but in the mean time , what will all europe think , when they hear that some english men do still doubt of a matter so evident , and are resolved to continue so , till they see the original of that league produc'd , and have liberty to peruse it . king james say they , has flatly denied that he had made any such league with france . first , by the marquis d' albyville at the hague , 5. octob. 1688. in the memorial he presented to the deputies of the states general . secondly , since the prince of orange's declaration had renewed this suspicion against him , the earl of sunderland hath lately writ from holland , that he knew nothing of any such league . these , forsooth , are the two convincing proofs they relye upon , who will needs doubt of this matter of fact , and who by these doubts against all sense and reason , endeavour to make this truth pass for suspected . well , suppose for once , that my lord of sunderland knew nothing of it , and if that which he pretends of his continual opposing himself against the popish party be true , 't is no strange thing , if they were loath to commit their secrets to him . but can his ignorance in a case which without imprudence was not to be communicated to him , because of his great zeal for the protestant religion , and the interest of the state , be a sufficient ground for us to call the matter in question ? king james the ii. positively denies it , in the memorial presented to the states by the marquis d' albyville , and after that in the answer which a popish lord has writ in his name to the declaration of the prince of orange , and one would think all this might pass for a palpable proof , and incontestable conviction of the falseness of this pretended league . will you give me leave , sir , plainly to tell you , what my thoughts are of those upon whom this declaration of king james makes such an impression , in spite of the evidence they may have to the contrary . they seem plainly to me to renounce the use of their reason , and to be willing that the rest of mankind should in complaisance to them , do so likewise . they cannot be ignorant , that king james ii. has for many years been of the jesuits fraternity , or at least that he has been continually under the conduct of their councils . i can't believe their memory is so short to forget how at the time of his shipwrack in going for scotland , he suffered many persons of great quality to perish , that he might save some of his fraternity of the jesuits order , disguis'd one of them in the habit of a valet de chambre , and the other in that of a cook. they know , that after he had made himself the head of their conspiracy against this kingdom , whilst he was yet only duke of york , the effect of this his being guided by the jesuits , proved no less than the total overthrow of all the laws which he had sworn to maintain , at his coming to the crown , as soon as he had got an opportunity to execute those projects with authority , which the love of his own quiet , and fear of hazarding all , had made king charles his brother to suspend : and yet after all this they can by no means induce themselves to believe that james ii ▪ should dare to deny by his minister , that he was engaged in any league with france . pray let us take a view of what he did , and therefore durst do , in contempt of the laws of the land , which he had sworn to observe ; he sends his ambassador to rome , to testifie his obedience to the pope . he gives way to a nuncio from thence , to reside at his court , in order to advance the interest of the church of rome , which he could not do without being perjur'd and cruel ; he makes a jesuit one of his privy council , in the face of all england , yea , of all the world , that is a person guilty of high treason , for having set his foot on ) english ground , and a member of that bloody society , who became liable to the punishment inflicted on traitors , because of their equivocations , perjuries , and conspiracies , which are the distinguishing character of that fraternity . and yet in spite of all this , we will believe james ii. so scrupulous , as not daring to hide , or disguise a truth , in a case , which the interest of the roman church , and the designs he had formed for that end with his jesuits , did oblige him to keep most secret . well , if it were so indeed , we must suppose it was a very difficult thing for that prince to obtain a particular dispensation of the pope , for this concealing of the truth , if the general one , he had already obtain'd of him , for breaking his coronation oath , as made to hereticks , would not serve the turn . but pray , sir , is not this a willful hoodwinking of our selves to lay any stress upon this negation of james ii. whilest we have a certain knowledg that there always was a strict league between the duke of york and the french king ; and to assure us , that this league has continued since the duke of york has been advanced to the crown of england . we have an authentick declaration of the french ambassadour at the hague very express to that purpose . i say we cannot in the least doubt , but that there always was a strict league between the duke of york and the french king. to be convinced of this , we need only to cast an eye upon the war of holland in 1670. 't is certainly known 't was a war of religion undertaken meerly for the propagation of popery . the french ▪ minister manifested plainly in his speech to the emperours council , which has been since printed in french , that the hollanders being hereticks , who had forsaken their god , all good christians are bound to joyn and unite to extirpate them , and to implore gods blessing upon so good a work. but how cunningly did they proceed in the dukes cabal , to dissemble the part they had in such a design . 1. they reformed the cabinet council , and turn'd at once out of the committee for forreign affairs , prince rupert , the duke of ormond , the lord keeper , trevor the first secretary of state , that was ever kept out of a commission of that nature . 2. they advised his majesty to prorogue the parliament according to the french kings desire . 3. they sought a quarrel against the dutch , by sending a yatch with order to sail through the dutch fleet , and require striking to his majesties flag : although the dutch fleet was then at anchor , not far from their own coast . 4. they fell upon the dutch fleet of smyrna without any declaration of war , when the dutch ambassadours had offerred all possible satisfaction to the king upon this affected quarrel . 5. the english fleet fought for the french so bravely , and interprised themselves between the french and the dutch with so good a success , that when the english fleet , the strength of our nation , which was to be lessen'd for the execution of their designes , was reduced into a sad condition , the french squadron came off as fresh and as entire as when they first sailed out of their ports . 6. when they sent the duke of buckingham and my lord arlington into holland , they gave their instructions for the insisting in the behalf of the french , altho' the second head of the french demands was upon a publick exercise of the roman religion in the vnited provinces , the church to be divided , and the romish priests to have a maintainance out of the publick revenue . after this we shall do well to make some reflections upon coleman's letters to sir w. throgmorton , the duke of york's agent at the court of france . see how he expresses himself in one of them dated february , 1674 / 5. for you know well , that when the duke comes to be master of our affairs , the king of france will have reason to promise himself all things that he can desire . for , according to the mind of the duke , the interest of the king of england , the king of france , and his own , are so close bound up together , that it is impossible to separate them , the one from the other , without ruine to all three ; but being joined , they must notwithstanding all opposition , become invincible . those who knew nothing of the league concluded between england and france in the year 1670. were extreamly at a loss what to make of those words of coleman , words so express and precise , as nothing could be said more . but they who have seen the extract of that league , published by the abbot primi , easily conceive , that they referred to the secret league of 1670. and that the reason why the english court has been so industrious to maintain and cultivate the union with france , was only in order to preserve those hidden interests , they judged inseparable , though the true interest of the state was indeed diametrically opposite to the entertaining any union with a crown , all whose designs were level'd at the ruine of england and the protestant religion . we find much the same stile in a letter of father la chaise , jesuit and confessor to lewis the xiv . to coleman . he saith , page 110. that the french king considers his own interest , and the interest of the duke of york , as one and the same thing ; and that if the duke would undertake to dissolve the parliament , the french king would assist him , with his power and purse , to procure such an one afterwards , as might be favourable to their designs . now i should think , that when one offers ones power and purse to a prince , that this supposes a treaty with him , and that prudence would not permit a king to write to a prince to employ his interest for dissolving a parliament of england , without knowing himself engaged in the greatest confidence with him . some , it may be , will imagine that this was only an ordinary treaty . but coleman has exprest himself so clearly in the case , that he has not left us room to mistake him . see what he writes to father la chaise , we have here a mighty work upon our hands , no less than the conversion of three kingdoms , and by that perhaps the subduing of a pestilent heresse , which has domineer'd over a great part of the northern world a long time . there were never such hopes of success , since the death of queen mary , as now in our days , when god has given us a prince , who is become ( may i say to a miracle ) zealous of being the author and instrument of so glorious a work , pag. 118. collect . of letters . this was the grand design carried on in 1675 , which makes it evident that the treaty made by the dutchess of orleans was not forgot , but that the same was inviolably observ'd , and stuck to . had we the other letters of coleman and father la chaise , as well as of the rest of the agents of the english court , which coleman declar'd were still in white-hall , when he was examin'd , where the rest of these letters were , it would be easie to judge , that matters have been still carried on in the same strain , between the duke of york and the french king. there are men enough that know , that the choice was made of the letters that were to be published : they eclips'd and suppress'd those , wherein the court and duke of york were more particularly concern'd . but without putting our selves to the trouble of guessing , we have but too many evidences , to leave us the least shadow of a doubt . can we in england forget the things that past , at the time , when the popish plot was discovered by oates , bedlow , prince , everard , smith , & c ? can we forget the indefatigable pains the duke of york took , to turn the conspiracy , in which he was so deeply concerned , upon the presbyterians ; as appears from dangerfield's discovery , published anno domini 1678. can we forego the remembrance of those remarkable events which happened soon after the assassination of sir edmondbury godfrey , the sham put upon mr. roderick mansell , the depositions of william lewis and laurence moubray : the oaths of secrecy and the litany of the papists , publish'd by robert bolron ? can we forget the conspiracy of the papists in ireland , to subject that kingdom to the french king , as long as we have before our eyes the narrative of thomas sampson printed 1680. and the depositions of mac-namara , fitzgerald and nash , besides the papers , about the same subject , sent in 1680. by the duke of ormond to the court. all these particulars appeared so evident to the parliaments of westminster and oxford , that they judged it impossible to reserve for the duke of york any hopes of his succession to the crown ; and that the court party and favourers of the duke , would have thought themselves to have gain'd much , if the duke , who was lookt upon as the author of all these intriegues might only have retain'd the title of king , with leaving the whole administration of the government to the prince of orange . we englishmen , having since that , been so good natur'd , as to admit the duke to the crown , after the death of king charles ii. whom the papists had conspir'd to murther , on purpose to make place for the duke : let any one judge whether there be any likelihood , he should have renounced his league with france , which he had always lookt upon as absolutely necessary for the making his designs to bear : notwitstanding a publick neutrality that was to be heldwith france , as he was guarantee of the treaty of nimeguen . after all this , a man must have lost both sense and memory to suppose that he broke this treaty since his coming to the crown . moreover we have seen james ii. an unconcern'd spectator of lewis xiv . seizing of orange , and of the desolation of his son-in-law's subjects , who were forced to embrace the romish religion , by the violence of dragoons . all europe have seen the accomodation of the business of bantam suspended , without any other reason , but the design of having a pretence in reserve to break with the hollanders ; as also there were equal pains taken in 1670 , to find out a plausible one , to unite with france , and to ruine a state , which endeavour'd to preserve the liberty of europe , and the protestant religion . we have seen james ii. affording the algerines a free retreat into his havens , and the convoy of his frigats , that they might safely carry away with them the dutch and french protestants they had taken between england and holland . we have seen james ii. take the government of ireland from the earl of clarendon , to put it into the hands of the earl of tyrconnel , to the end he might new model the army , by putting out protestants , and supplying their places with papists , as being more suited to carry on his designs against england and ireland . we have seen him send prince george into denmark , to hinder that crown from joining with the protestant princes , and from quitting his engagements with france , whose assistance and power were of absolute necessity to him . and within his own kingdom , what is it he hath not attempted , to advance his designs and overthrow the government in conformity to his treaty with france , and the directions of barillon , his ambassador ? he has put all places of strength into the hands of papists ; he has kept on foot a numerous army , to suppress all those who might oppose his designs ; he has , against law , established an high commission-court for ecclesiastical affairs , to violate the rights of the clergy and the universities . he has introduced popish bishops into england : he has allowed a free exercise of that religion in all places : all which things he durst never have undertaken so openly , and with so high a hand , had he not been supported with hopes , derived from the treaty he had with lewis xiv . whose arms he lookt upon as able to bring about the designs he had projected so long since . it seems to me , that these proceedings are an abundant proof , that he was engaged in a league with france : but beyond all this , behold here another argument , which cannot be gain-said : the french ambassadour , the count d' avaux , was a publick person at the hague , he spoke , with order from the king his master , and that in the assembly of the states general ; he there peremptorily declares the ninth of september last , that there was an alliance between the king his master and james the second ; he makes use of this league to interpose himself , by his master's command , upon an occasion ; when lewis xiv . believ'd , that the states were forming some enterprise against james the second : he delivers his memorial to the states , and communicates it to the rest of the ambassadors , at the hague , sept. the 9th . the memorial was conceiv'd in these terms : the , sincere desire the king my master hath to maintain the peace of europe , will not permit his majesty to be a spectator of the great preparations your h. & m. lordships are making by land and by sea , without taking those measures wherewith his prudence , the inseparable companion of all his actions , doth inspire him , to prevent the mischiefs which without doubt will be the consequence of them . and tho' the king be well assured of the wisdom of your counsels , and that it is not to be imagined , that a commonwealth should lightly betake themselves to arms , and kindle a war , which at this juncture cannot but prove fatal to all christendom ; yet his majesty cannot believe , that your h. and m. lordships would ever engage your selves in so great expences , as well within as without your state , or suffer so many foreign troops to enter your country , and in a season so far spent put so numerous a fleet to sea , or prepare so vast a warlike train , in case they had not formed a design corresponding to the greatness of those preparations . all these circumstances , my lords , and so many more which i must not here relate , persuade the king my master , that these preparations have an eye to england : and therefore the king my master has charged me in his ▪ name to declare , that the engagements of friendship and alliance which he has with the king of great britain , will not only oblige him to succour him , but also to consider the first act of hostility your ships or land-forces shall exert against his britannick majesty , as a manifest breach of peace , and open rupture with his crown . i leave it , my lords , to the prudence of your h. and m. lordships , to consider the consequences of such like vndertakings : and his majesty has ordered me to make this declaration to you in his name , no otherwise than in the sincere intention he has ( as i have often had the honour to declare to you ) to prevent whatsoever might trouble the peace of europe . subscribed , done at the hague , the 9th . septemb. 1688. the coun d' avaux . than which , as it seems to me , nothing can be said more plain and express . what does the english embassador hereupon ? some days after he presents a memorial to the estates , and this plainly of concert with the french embassador , because this his second memorial did refer to that which the french embassador presented ; and contents himself to assure them , that james the second had no treaty with france , but what was made publick . see here the memorial of the marquiss de albyville . the underwritten envoy extraordinary from the king of great britain , has received order to represent to your lordships , that although his majesty had believed , that what he had already declared to your embassador in england , and the orders he had given to his said envoy extraordinary upon the same subject , might have satisfied your lordships , that there is no other treaty between his majesty and the most christian king , than those that are publick and in print . yet since a great deal of artifice and industry has been made use of , to make the world believe , that the king his master is entred into other treaties and alliances with the most christian king ; his majesty , to shew the great regard he has to the friendship and alliances which are between him and your lordships , and his desire to continue the same , has commanded the said envoy extraordinary , in his name , to assure your lordships that there is no other treaty between his majesty and the most christian king , than those that are publick and in print . and farther that as his majesty extreamly desires the preservation of the peace and repose of christendom , so he shall also be glad to take such measures with your lordships , as may be most convenient for maintaining the peace of nimeguen , and the truce of twenty years , concluded in 1684. given at the hague the fifth of october 1688. this memorial pleasured the world with a fit of laughter , to see it so contrary to the memorial of the french embassador , notwithstanding he was very well acquainted with the contents of the memorial presented before by the count de avaux . but for all that , both the marquiss de albyville , and those who had dictated the french memorials , spake nothing but the truth . the marquiss maintains , in the name of the king , that there was no treaty between england and france , but those that are in point ; the count de avaux asserts , that lewis the fourteenth is engaged in an alliance with james the second , and both of them speak true . the count de avaux speaks with respect to the treaty of 1670. betwixt charles the second and lewis the fourteenth , and supposes , as indeed it cannot be doubted , that the said treaty has continued ever since , with design to destroy england and the protesant religion , which at first gave birth to the said league . he builds upon this principle , that the d. of york , who was the great promoter of it , and who , whilst he was in that station , acted in conformity with the said secret treaty , had sufficiently ratified the same since his coming to the crown ; which promotion of his was therefore so passionately desired , to the end he might more vigorously execute the said treaty , which charles ii. did not , for fear of troubling his own repose . the marquiss de albyville , knowing that this treaty had been printed at paris 1682. in the history of the war of holland by the abbot primi , but soon after supprest at the instances of my lord preston , supposed he might say with a good conscience , with respect to the self-same treaty , that his master had no treaty with france , but what was in print . so that the seeming contradiction vanisheth , as soon as we consider the persons that speak . the one is the minister of lewis xiv . who is not at all careful to husband the interests of his allies , and who thinks he may speak whatsoever pleases him , as he thinks he can compass whatsoever he wills , and accordingly declares the truth with a great deal of frankness and liberty : the other is the minister of james ii. whom the society of the jesuits and their maxims , have model'd for disguising the truth ; and therefore dares not expose it , but under covert of an equivocation ; by which means , if he owns that which is true , he reserves himself always the means , and the right of denying it , when the owning of it might prove a prejudice to him . but not to make any further enlargement here upon the jesuitical character , of which the marquess d' albyville had a competent share , without which qualification he would scarcely have been made choice of for an extraordinary envoy : for my part , i cannot see how any thing could more evidently confirm the truth , than the foresaid memorial of the count d' avaux , wherein he positively declares , that there was an alliance between lewis xiv . and james ii. and i cannot see , how the most resolved prejudice can object ought against this proof , besides these three things , which are equally ridiculous : the first is , that king james ii. is not bound to make good the words of a french ambassador ▪ spoke at random . secondly , that the reason why the english ambassador did not more punctually contradict the french memorial , proves only at the most , that he was willing enough to see the hollanders affrighted with the apprehension of this secret alliance between both those kings , though he did not think fitting to confirm the belief of that league , by the memorial he presented to the states general the 5th . of october ; whence it follows , that it may be there was no such league at all , notwithstanding the french ambassador thought necessary to advance such a thing , contrary to truth . the third , is , that if the marquiss d' albyville , were guilty of some fault on this occasion , that it is not just to lay the blame of it upon his master ; and the rather , because he was never look'd upon as a very able , and refin'd minister . but in answer to these , first , the world knows , that the memorial of the french ambassador , was contrived at paris , with the concurrence of mr. skelton , the ambassador of james ii. so that we cannot pretend , that this declaration was made by the french king , without knowledge of the k. of england . and tho mr. skelton , upon his return from france , was committed to the tower , for having had a hand in that memorial , yet we know this was only a pretext , being set at liberty a few days after , and made colonel of a regiment ; and not long after , returning thither , not as a prisoner , but to be the governour of it : all which makes it as clear as the sun , that this was only a feigned imprisonment , and not the punishment of an unfaithful discharge of a trust . 2dly , i can no way conceive , how any can imagine , that the french k. should take the liberty peremptorily to assert an alliance , when there was nothing at all of it , only because he thought it was his interest so to do ; and that at the same time it was not permitted to james ii. to dissemble , in a case where such a dissimulation was of use to him . but i go further , and say , that for to discover the mystery of the affected dissimulation of the english ambassador about the league with france , we need only to examine the behaviour of james ii. after that declaration of the french ambassador to the states general . if the french ambassador , or the king his master , had advanced an untruth , in declaring that there was an alliance between lewis xiv . and james ii. which could not be without an infraction of the treaty of nimeguen , of which the king of england was declared guarantee , was it not of absolute necessity for k. james to disavow that untruth , as soon as he was inform'd what had past at the hague ? ought he not to have made reparation of the fault the marquess d' albyville had committed , by ordering him to explain himself fully about the false supposal of the french ambassador ? was it not visible , that his honour was extreamly concern'd in the declaration of france ; and that it was contrary to his word given to the states general , after his arrival to the crown , and which he had so often since renewed to their ambassador in ordinary ? was it not natural for him to express himself plainly , instead of suppressing the fact , as it was done in the english gazette , published by the authority of the court , and reviewed by his ministers ; where we find indeed the memorial of the marquess d' albyville , given into the states the 5th of october , but not a word of the memorial of the count d' avaux , presented before . who sees not that this his silence , after the declaration of the french ambassador , is an evident and solid conviction of the truth of the league between him and france ? for any one to answer the objection , by saying , that k. james ii. did disavow the thing openly , in his answer to the prince of orange's declaration , is to say nothing that may satisfy a man of reason . every thing hath its time ; a man that holds his peace , when he ought to speak in his own justification , is presum'd to be convict of the thing laid to his charge . 't is a maxim of the civil law , that to evident presumption , proofs must be oppos'd : wherefore in the case he was indispensibly obliged to deny the fact whereof he was accused , and to refute it , at that time , and in those circumstances ; for that opportunity being once let slip , his denying cannot be look'd upon otherwise , than as the effect of fears , and extream necessity , which often obliges men to disguise and deny the truth . and surely if we only please to cast an eye upon the design he had of delivering portsmouth to the french , and suffering several of their regiments to take possession of it ; which affair took up much of the time of the secret council in october and november 1687. we cannot with any reason doubt of the truth of this secret league between lewis xiv , and james ii. the thing was not so secretly carried , but that the different advices given thereupon , came to the knowledg of some , as well as the names of the authors of them , and the reason which hindred the king from following them in that circumstance . the hopes which he had of getting a parliament to his mind , that is , such an one as might overthrow the laws of the government , that was opposite to popery and tyranny , was the chief reason , as is well known to many persons of quality , that hindred him from taking a resolution to make us feel the effects of that league , before it was declared in publick . let us also cast an eye upon all the proceedings of james ii. till his retiring to france , as well as upon those of lewis xiv , in favour of him , and we shall find them all but so many effects and consequences of the secret league . lewis xiv , always influenc'd the court of england in the time of charles ii , during whose reign england could not but be sensible of the effects of the secret treaty of 1670 , by the war against the hollander , by the frequent dissolutions of her parliaments , and at length saw the whole mystery laid open , in the conspiracy of coleman , secretary to the duke of york , who acted nothing without express order of his master . since this , it is become notorious to all , that charles ii. who went under the name of a protestant , and who , notwithstanding his outward profession , did , by secret treaties , design the overthrow of the protestant religion within his three kingdoms , died a profest papist : and after all this , cannot we perswade our selves to believe that james ii. a declared papist , who had a nuncio to prompt him , and a jesuit to counsel him , did confirm or renew a treaty with lewis xiv , for the destruction of the protestant religion in the kingdom , especially when all his three kindoms are witness , that for the advancing of popery , he has neither had any regard to the laws of the land , nor to the oaths he had taken to preserve them . thus much i assert boldly , that since it cannot be deny'd , but that there was a secret treaty betwixt lewis xiv , and james ii , we can less doubt , but that the end and aim of the treaty , was the ruin of the protestant religion . 1. we must needs conclude so from the secret treaty manag'd by the dutchess of orleans , between charles ii. and lewis xiv . published by abbot primi , in his history of the war with holland , with priviledg of the french king. this treaty expresly tells us , that the french king did promise charles ii. to subject his parliament to him , and to re-establish the romish religion in his kingdoms . we may easily guess whether these things could be accomplish'd any other way than by force of arms , that is , by the violence and cruelty of his dragoons . 2. who is , so blind as not to see that k. charles ii. had ever since that treaty , cast about to furnish himself with foreign force to enslave his subjects to his arbitrary power ? those who find difficulty to believe this , need only to consider the secret treaty he had made with spain , who was to furnish him with 8000 men upon occasion ; and it was to assure himself of their good service , that charles ii. demanded mony of his parliament in 1680. 3. can we be so wilful , as not to trace the current of the design throughout all coleman's letters , which contain nothing else but the conspiracy of the jesuits and duke of york , against the government , and the protestant religion . 4. after that james ii. came to the crown , notwithstanding the just oppositions of the commons in the westminster and oxford parliaments , who easily foresaw all that is since come to pass ; did not he give undoubted evidence , that he still followed the same measures , when after the defeat of monmouth , he declared to the parliament , that for time to come , he would make use of popish officers , as well as keep an army on foot , contrary to the laws ? 5. have we not seen the whole bottom of his designs unravell'd , by the care he took to fill that army with irish papists at the same time that he disbanded all that protestant army and souldiers that served him in ireland , that he might always have an army at hand in that kingdom for to invade england . it appears beyond a possibility of doubting , that all these proceedings were only founded on the continuation of a design , which could never be executed without a secret league with france , and without a very express assurance of being vigorously supported from thence when the nick of time should come . i do not here set down only supposals and guesses in the air , when i assert that this league was to prove of most fatal consequence to the government and protestant religion . for , pray tell me what else can be supposed from a union with lewis xiv , when we have seen him , after having violated the laws of his kingdom , and the oaths he had taken , exercising so outragious and barbarous a cruelty against his own protestant subjects , as well as against those of his neighbours in piedmont , and the principality of orange . give me leave to make one other reflection more , viz. that it is altogether incredible , if james ii had not been strictly leagued with france by such a league as they were pleased to term sacred , but that he must have acted after another manner in favour of the prince of orange , whose subjects were opprest by the french king , and his principality ravaged , in order to the rooting out of the protestant religion there . his soft way of treating this matter with the court of france was so publick a testimony of the intelligence he held with lewis about destroying the protestant religion , that we must of force conclude that james ii. was conscious to a treaty which was of greater concern to him , than all the obligations of blood or alliance , which ought otherwise to have made him the protector of the prince of orange , his nephew and son-in-law , and consequently the husband of the presumptive heiress of the kingdom . i only touch at these points , and i pass over many others that evince the same truth . as for those affected doubts which you tell me do remain still in the minds of some of your friends ; they seem to me to be of the nature of those that troubled the pharisees , and of whom we say , that seeing they see and do not perceive , because they are resolved not to yield to the most clear and incontestable truths . i bewail their condition who so wilfully blind and hoodwink themselves , and i wish they may never be undeceived if nothing less will do it than by the french king 's sending over his booted apostles with the original of the league he has with james ii into england , as he has already done into ireland , of which i presume by this time , neither papist nor protestant has the least doubt . sir , i am yours . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a25618-e220 memorandum , about the proposition made to the states by the english ambassador , 1672. popery and tyranny, or, the present state of france, in relation to its government, trade, manners of the people, and nature of the countrey as it was sent in a letter from an english gentleman abroad, to his friend in england, wherein may be seen the tyranny the subjects of france are under ... english gentleman abroad. 1679 approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55434) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50247) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 819:28) popery and tyranny, or, the present state of france, in relation to its government, trade, manners of the people, and nature of the countrey as it was sent in a letter from an english gentleman abroad, to his friend in england, wherein may be seen the tyranny the subjects of france are under ... english gentleman abroad. [2], 18 p. [s.n.], london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -france -controversial literature. france -politics and government -1643-1715. france -economic conditions -early works to 1800. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion popery and tyranny : or , the present state of france : in relation to its government , trade , manners of the people , and nature of the countrey . as it was sent in a letter from an english gentleman abroad , to his friend in england . wherein may be seen the tyranny the subjects of france are under , being enslaved by the two greatest enemies to reason , as well as to christian or humane liberty , i mean popery and arbitrary power . tunc tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet . london , printed in the year 1679. sir , having received from you so good and so large an account of your affairs at home , with the great fears you are in , i thought it some small retribution to give you some little account of the government here , and some little observations i have been able to make since i came hither , which may something inform you both of the manner the subjects of france live in , and the strength of the french king , in case of any design upon us . concerning the government . as to the government of france ; it is an absolute monarchy , imposed upon the people by a standing , illegal , and oppressive army . it is the corruption of a monarchy from the best tempered one ( before the use of states of france was laid aside ) to the double tyranny of popery and arbitrary power . here you will find that government in its perfection , being supported by all the machiavilian tricks of a corrupt policy , and suffered by a people , who having first submitted the freest part of them to the slavery of popery , are easily brought to submit the other to the yoke of oppression . here the prince is now only upon the defensive part , only to keep what he has got , which he has brought about now to be no very hard task , having instilled into the people so great a vanity of conquering abroad , that they are prouder of having their king take a town , than of possessing any thing as their own , without being subject to the griping hand of an arbitrary publican . i must confess , it has wrought so much with me , that it has made me , as often as i meditate upon the afflictions of my neighbours here , thank the almighty , as much for having placed me under so good a prince , and so good a government , ( as that of england ) as for my daily sustenance : and really , sir , it is only to be attributed to the goodness of almighty god , and the excellency of his majesties temper , that we are not under as great misfortunes as our neighbours , having not wanted ambitious and ill men among our selves , who had they not been discovered , and curbed by some noble patriots , as well as discountenanced , and removed by his majesty , from his person and councels , might too soon have effected their wicked designs . you must excuse me , sir , if i have made such a digression , it being in a thing so much concerns me , and all of us ; but fearing to trouble you with my thoughts of things , you ( being upon the place ) can best see into : i shall return to what i have promised , viz. something of the present government of france ; or the manner of proceeding , after tyranny and arbitrary power is come to be the settled government , under an active popish prince . the government of france is to considered , either in relation to its subjects or foreign interest . as to the subjects , the present state is this : the nobility of all sorts are very much oppress'd , and their interests are to be broken , and rendred absolutely dependent upon the crown by these means : 1. no favourite suffered to form a faction , or oblige dependents , affairs being managed by three upstarts , only assistants to the prince , who acts , and determines all himself : and thus the nobility and gentry are totally laid aside as to the administration of government . 2. as to councel , they are rarely and with great caution made use of ; and that only upon extraordinary occasions ; none of them being admitted to those charges that do render it necessary : as the prince of conde , marshal turin , who are only made use of in matters of war , and foreign enterprizes . 3. none of their mediation admitted between the prince and his subjects , as to publick or private favours , rewards , preferment , or any affairs ; laying them aside as to the court-interest . 4. all those charges military or civil , that may render them considerable , supprest or eclipsed , as the high constable , high admiral , and colonel of the infantry . governours of provinces , towns , fortresses , are eclips'd by these means , by intendants who are superiours , placed in every province , who usurp the whole power under the notion of intendants , over justices , policy , and finances , at first only ordained for finances . these render account only to the king , who admits of no superiour intendant , or high treasurer , nor mediation of the governour ; who being thus divested of power , is reduced also to his bare pension ; also the profits and privileges taken away which were considerable , and in truth is now much the same thing with our lord lieutenants , as to quartering souldiers , and other military affairs . as to towns and fortresses , all inland ones are demolished , and frontiers , such only as are thought necessary , kept up and maintained , all the french companies formerly belonging to the governours , supprest , no possibility of false musters , or making use of towns-men to fill up the places , the king supplying his garrisons out of his standing army , and taking the pay of the provinces towards their maintenance , and charging them every three months , by select companies out of the several regiments , that the governour and their officers may not be able by any correspondence to have intrest in them , or reap any advantages for themselves , notwithstanding all which , the charges are saleable , and rarely the greater nobility admitted to them . 2. all charges both in the army , law , court and revenue , are diminished in number , and retrench'd in profits , upon which the nobility heretofore depended ; they are beside much impoverish'd , 1. by the late expedition into flanders , from which they were dismissed without pay or recompence : 2. by retrenching their privileges , as to exemption from tally , restraining it to one farme or mansion , and that in one place , not exceeding two ploughs . 3. by project of reviewing the ancient nobles . 4. by re-assuming all the demesne lands of the crown as upon a mortgage . the clergy is also overawed , 1. by strict visitations , in point of manners and imployment of their revenues . 2. by upholding the jansenists against the jesuits , the jesuits upholding the kings authority against the popes . 3. by threatning to subject the religious to episcopal jurisdiction ; to which i may add by having the pope under his girdle , whereby he extorts from the religious great aids , and suppresses all religious societies , not exceeding such a number , or wanting royal establishment . what concerns offices and officers , in this manner . 1. multitudes of them both in reference to law and finances are supprest . 2. the profits of offices relating to the law are diminished by code lewis , and the fees and salaries of others regulated by new edicts . 3. the privileges of many of the officers as to tally are diminished . 4. the pollet is granted upon very hard conditions , viz. to contribute to the new company of trade and candia-expedition , which is now at an end , by the surrender of candia to the turk . the pollet is an ancient payment of a certain sum by each office , in lieu whereof , the officers have power to dispose of the same , though they dye ( by will or otherwise ) but still at the election of the prince , that if he refuse , their offices are but for life ; yet rarely , till this princes time , hath this pollet been denied . 5. all sorts of officers and partisans that have got considerably by farming or lending upon the kings revenue , are required by the high court of justice , in an arbitrary way ; viz. by comparing what they have got , with what their places and farms in reason ought to yield them , and with what they were worth before , forcing to answer to the king the overplus . 6. all the courts to which they relate , are awed ; especially that of parliaments : who are forced to register , and pass the kings edicts of course , without the usual formalities : such as oppose him therein , being usually banished by him by letters of cachet . 7. the king takes away offices at his pleasure , and gives what recompence he pleases . as to what concerns protestants , they are diminished in their number , and weakened by these means . 1. by making them incapable of all offices and charges of judicature , the court of parliament , and other high charges in state or army ; and in truth , by making their profession an obstacle to all preferments . 2. forbidding all marriages between them and catholicks . 3. whensoever they are turned , to make it highly penal to return . the names of the nobility turned roman catholicks of late years , marshal turin , le duc de duras : and the counte de lorge his brother : the count de lorge mountgomery , messieurs de pons , two brothers : mounsieur de st. miscna in xaintoign : mounsieur de la roachel : mounsieur de pellison : mounsieur the prince de tarrant son to the duke of tours . 4. under pretence that their temples have been erected since the edict of nantes without licence , or upon holy ground belonging to the catholick church , as they call themselves , demolishing multitudes of them thereby , forcing them to the inconveniency of four or five leagues if not more , out of their respective city and towns , and suppressing all private chappels belonging to the protestant gentry , upon pretence of non-residence . 5. demolishing all places of strength where they abode in numbers , and erecting cittadels to awe these towns where they are numerous , 6. by taking away hospitals and all other provisions for their poor , given by protestants , not allowing them to make any gifts for perpetuity , nor admitting them the privilege of other hospitals provided for the rest of his subjects . 7. by conniving at the clergy , when contrary to law , they force their children from them , and concealing them from their parents , bred them up in their own religion . 8. by restraining catholicks from taking protestants children their apprentices , and prohibiting catholicks from placing their children with protestants . touching the commonalty , his subjects , first the burgois . 1. his impositions are heavy upon them , saving , in such places where they exercise forreign trade , so that most of the inland towns are much decayed . 2. he admits of no corporations , or companies amongst them , whereby they might be formidable , as to interest , or make themselves considerable in acquiring wealth . i have been informed by peasants , that out of that little which belonged to them , they constantly paid near two thirds to the king : and that those that had only what they earned by hard labour , were not exempt from great impositions ; nor were they yet free from the imposition of salt , viz. from being forced to take it at their prices , what they will think fitting they should spend . secondly , the peasant , or lowest sort of common people , are more favoured than the rest , as to impositions ; the tallie being diminished some millions , the manner of leaving it much regulated , and multitudes made contributors , that were not heretofore ; which is done for two reasons : 1. because there was necessity for it . 2. because they are the kings laws , that are to yield to him daily increase , and therefore to be encouraged and cherish'd . to which i might add , the design the king hath of altering that tax , and making it real , by charging it upon the land , which , by throwing it upon the gentry , and easing the personal estate , he hopes to bring to pass . nor hath he been less favourable to them in the gabel of salt , changing , in most places , the way of imposing it , and contenting himself to be the sole merchant ; to which end he purchaseth all salt-pans in private hands , finding , that these things were improved by the partisans to a destruction of the duty it self ; and his people and the government , is at present vigorous in execution of laws , and impartial in the execution of justice , labouring to free the people from the oppressions of all others but the king , and to encourage and render them capable of being a trading nation . what concerns foreign interest . i shall not say much , though i could , it being rather matter of history than reflection ; only this present king hath never omitted his advantage for any regard of honour or faith , either in making of treaties , or observing of alliances : the militia of france consists either of maritime , or land forces ; of the latter , i have no exact account , but by computation the king hath fifty or sixty thousand horse and foot , since the disbanding ; but according to the best information , as to the goodness , i hear they decline daily very much , and that for three respects . 1. the discipline and duty being so rigorous , that for want of five men , the captain shall be cashiered , though they ran away , and he not able to supply it . 2. the pay is so small , that neither officer nor souldier can scarce live upon it , beside deduction to horse and foot for clothing , hay and oats ; and the pay of a captain of foot , per diem being fifty soulz ; a lieutenant thirty soulz ; ensign fifteen soulz ; souldier five soulz : a captain of horse six livres , lieutenant three , cornet two livres five soulz . 3. the great discouragement of old officers , and new ones too , by the late disbanding without pay , and keeping only such in pay , as were able at their own charges to keep up their company ; and taking away all privileges in muster , or otherwise , for so many horses , for so many servants , and their allowance for table , beside most of their old boyes are spoiled by disbanding of part : to which i may add , that the switzers , scottish , and protestants are under such discouragement , that they have almost quitted the army : but yet to do the king right , he entertains all reformed officers at half pay , and daily forbids the sale of military offices , and , for the most part , bestows them according to seniority , unless it be in his guards , keeps them under good discipline , pays punctually , exercises them frequently , makes them take their turn in flanders ; and lastly , gives many considerable pensions , and the truth is , endeavours to destroy all other supports , both of them and of the nobility and gentry , and to make them all to depend absolutely upon him and his pensions . as for the militia by sea , all that i shall say by way of reflection is , that he doth vigorously endeavour the encrease and propagation of trade and building of ships , to which end , he is reported to make up his fleet 100 sail , and daily encrease his stores , by purchasing and cutting down timber he finds fit for it , and also hath found out great store of masts of timber of his own , with pitch and tar , procuring men out of swethland to teach the making of it here , some defects i find at present , which time may rectifie ; his ships are built too high and too narrow , the guns carry not above 28 l. bullet : they want guns , and treat strangers but ill after they have got them into service ; the pay of seamen is but ten livres a moneth , wherein diet is reckoned ; this undertaken by each particular captain ; their gallies worst served , only by condemned persons , which they change perpetually . they have received an opinion , that by the goodness of powder , and manner of charging , that they can make their guns equal the force of those which are bigger ; and in pursuit hereof , they daily cast great guns they find in garisons into this proportion , which may do well enough for land , but not for sea service . to which i may add , the port he hath caused to be built at charante , haure and other places , he hath laid out several millions at charante , but to little purpose , through the knavery and indiscretion of those that are overseers , that he is laught at by most that sees it , with a reparation of fortifications of the rest of the ports and havens , and the many works he hath provided in several places for the casting of ordnance , anchors , and providing materials for shipping and all warlike munitions , and the great encouragement he gives to all gentlemen to go to sea , and above all these the manner whereby he promotes trade and building ships of force by private men , ( which shall farther be shewed under the head of trade . ) as for the governour himself the king of france , i shall be sparing in his character , because he is so well known that i might run the danger of flattery , i shall only remark the most eminent vertues in him . 1. industry ; being the doer of all things himself , making choice of fit instruments to act under him , both for advice and execution ; not such as can incline him , reserving the determination and account of all that is done unto himself ; and but one day in the week that he is not personally present in his councels . 2. a well-stated reserve in his comportment ; being easie of access to all men of business , and incommunicable to all other familiarities . 3. the great command over his passions ; which he expresses upon all occasions , and government of his tongue , whereby he obtains a great secrecy , and renders his councels insearchable . 4. his unparallel'd constancy in these and all other his measures , not quitting friendship with any one he hath once made choice of , whether of his favourite , ministers , or beloved mistresses , notwithstanding the unsuccessful undertakings of the first , as in the business of gydgery in africa , east and west india trade , and new manufacturies . to this i may oppose , by way of balance ; 1. his great parcimony ; which may rather serve an excess of virtue than of vice ; whereby the services done to him are not so well rewarded ; all the estates of men depending upon him , not supported , they by that means being indigent and discontented . this seems grounded upon the experiment he had of the misfortune of his ancestors , by their contrary practices , not from any inclination in him to avarice ; which is sufficiently confirmed in him , by his enterprises , which have alwayes been carefully sustained by his magnificent buildings furniture , and fortresses , as also by his sumptuous and spl●●did entertainments ( the ballad represented five or six carnavals ago , stood him in 180000 livres , which is 14000. sterling , with the care he takes to bestow liberal pensions , preferments and rewards , upon such as have deserved well of him in civil or military employments , not suffering them to make any advantage , or to take one penny more than their wages or salary , from any of his subjects , or others , for the discharging of their offices , and turning them out infallibly , and punishing them severely when they do otherwise , thereby obliging them to fidelity , industry , and an absolute dependency upon him , and by his employing the meaner sort in buildings , manufactories , fortresses , in flanders and france , magazines , new chanells , havens , shipping and trade at his own expence , thereby making the money circulate quick . 2. he is too rigorous in his discipline and execution of laws and reformation of business even to a degree of seeming injust , as the military discipline , treatment of fawket and the partizans reduction of offices and officers do evidence . 3. his personal vices are too publick to the world , and too open in his own kingdom , whereby corruption of manners is produced in his court , and amongst the nobility , even to the spreading it self to all degrees and sexes . 4. amongst his defects may also be reckoned his not being regardful enough of his faith and honour in matters of alliances where his interest is concerned . concerning trade . the enlargement and advantage of trade seems to be one of the greatest designs of this crown , nor is there any cost spared therein ; as well appears by these ensuing particulars . 1. their endeavours to enlarge both foreign and domestick trade ; as to foreign , the erecting of east india and west india and northern companies , the encouraging and countenancing them with great priviledges , both real and personal , and exempting the commerce from derogating nobility , their commodities from all inland duties either provincial , or entries into towns or otherwise . 2. assisting them with great sums of money , viz. a fifth part of their stock , and fifty solz for all goods outward , and seventy five for all goods inward , out of his coffers ; engaging all his great officers with priviledge of exemption from residence and duty there , and imposing upon all persons of ability , to go a share in the stock , thereby not only engaging them in point of interest , but experience and knowledge of the trade . as to domestick trade by encouraging all manufactors already setled here , and introducing all others , this nation is capable of , or his use of at his expence , ( he is blamed for attempting also such as are not for their use , and which they can never afford at the same rate which others sell at ) as also the great advance of the trade of silk , salt , and linnen , and the setting upon the dutch and foreign manufactures do sufficiently evidence . 3. having reduced all home duties into one receit , to save the expence of so many officers , and of time , is another great encouragement of domestick trade ; to all these i may add , the advance of duty upon all foreign merchandize , the defence made against all foreign manufacturies , the favouring the artizan , as to table ; but above all , the example of the prince , in confining himself to the wearing his manufacturies , and obliging all his dependents to the like observance , is of great importance . 4. the increase of navigation and shipping is procured by these means . 1. giving 500 l. out of his own customs , by way of encouragement for every hundred tuns of shipping his subjects shall build , of above 100 tuns burden , and 400 livres for all they shall buy . 2. rendring all persons incapable in corporations relating to trade , that have not an interest in shipping , to put a proportion appointed to each officer . 3. electing an northern company to furnish his subjects with provisions of shipping at the best hand , and also endeavouring to find the materials in his own countrey , as i have already observed . 4. giving their shipping preference of employment , as the late edict for salt shews , obliging all his officers to fraught french ships at such a rate before any strangers , as also fifty soulz per tun imposed upon forreign vessels . 5. endeavouring to make his subjects sole merchants of all trades , as well imported as exported , and not only by the priviledges already mentioned upon their commodities and ships , but also by putting all manner of discouragements upon all foreign factories and merchants by difficulty in their dispatches , delayes in point of justice , subjecting them to foreign duties and seizures , not suffering them to be factors to the french or any other nation but their own , and in case of death to have their estates seized as aliens , and the countenance and conceiving the french have as to all duty when employ'd in the service of foreigners . 6. the great care taken to set the poor on work , to the increase of trade , and disburdening the rest of their fellow-subjects , as work-houses over all france manifesteth ; but especially at paris , and at lyons , which hath hostels de dieu , far better than a tax to support them in idleness . the care taken to encourage foreigners to travel , or abide in france , and so increase the number of subjects , as sheweth : 1. by a general naturalization of all nations , except english , irish , and spanish ; the people of flanders are comprized in that benefit . 2. convenient academies , schools , colleges , pensions and tables de hostes . 3. convenient passages , by messages , coaches , and boats. 4. impartial and speedy justice to all strangers , as well as their own subjects , especially in courts-merchants , and before their commissaries , considering contracts made by strangers ; to which i may add , the late care of setting up posts places . for every winter the king does not keep his court at paris , he is obliged by covenant to abate sixteen hundred thousand livres to those that farm his excise for that place . in two years time , soon after the kings marriage , when the kingdom was in peace , the king drew from the parisians six score millions of livres . some defects and difficulties in the way of their trade managed . 1. the wealth of the burgois seem inconsistent with the policy of this monarch . 2. the arbitrariness of the tallies discourageth the meaner sort , seeking after no more than suplying absolute necessity , and makes towns fearful ro receive new manufactures for fear of increase of their tallies . 3. the prejudice the trade lies under as to the nobility , being inconsistent with it , the policy of this monarch designing them all for arms and art , and not for trade . 4. the unsettledness of the books of rates and great arbitrariness of the kings officers and farmers , which are too much favoured by laws . 5. the present policie admits not of any corporations of trade to be elective . 6. want of able merchants amongst them , and putting the directions of all their present companies , into the hands of persons ignorant in trade , favourites of the present ministers ; whereby they have lost the third part of the stock of the east india company already , making all the new manufactures monopolies , whereby most of them are come to nothing , as that of silk-stockens and cloth. 7. the encrease of church-men and souldiers , with the design this monarchy hath of enlarging it self by new acquisitions at land. lastly , the natural idleness and luxury these people are addicted unto , but that necessity forceth them to the contrary , together with the forcing them to enter into companies of trade , and imposing their new manufactures upon places and buyers , with the evil treatment of those strangers , that teach them after they have once learned their trade , and the difficulty of finding a market and credit , ( which attends all new beginners ) especially where others are in possession of trade , are obstructions not easily conquered ; yet should the project hold , of making the tally hold real , and salt merchantable , succeed , and trade and manufacturies be made free , and the book of rates be regulated , under the present encouragements ; and the great advantage of the cheapness of work , and great industry of workmen , it were much to be feared , that the rest of the difficulties would be overcome . since i wrote this , the king hath passed an edict , declaring , that the trade of merchandize never ought to have been , nor never should be , in any time to come , esteemed a derogation to nobility ; and ennobling it with many privileges , and by the diminution of the profits and privileges of all charges military and civil ( as i have before observed ) endeavouring to necessitate the gentry , and sons of the nobility themselves to merchandise . concerning revenue . the whole revenue of the crown is eighty millions ; all charges deducted , comes to sixty millions of livres yearly , not possible to be augmented ; the clergy , nobility , and partizans being already pared and pilled , the tallies and gabals in most places , upon the meaner sort , being so far stretcht , that they require abatement : especially in respect of cessation of war , and interruption of trade with foreigners , by reason of their new projects about trade ; but in general , this i must say , that there never was more care taken in managing of the kings revenues by superiour , as well as inferiour officers , and am informed , that the tally is so regulated , that the expence in levying it comes not to above a twentieth part ; but its arbitrary manner of collecting the tally , is thus : the king sends down to the intendant what he intends to levy upon the province by way of tally ; the intendant consulting the elect of each division , returns up word what he thinks it able to bear that year , with the reasons thereof ; then the king sixeth the sum ; then the elects are convened to distribute the sum upon each division ; and lastly , the intendant adviseth with the elect ; fixes the sum upon each parish , as he pleaseth , ( which is practised very arbitrary ) and also appoints the assessors in the parish , ( who are answerable for the taxes upon the parish out of their own estates ) and may impose the same arbitrarily upon their neighbours , yet most of them of any substance take their turns , and are much regulated by new edicts , in imposing and levying the same . if there be any complaint made , that the parish is over-burdened , the remedy is by petition to the intendant , who , upon examination , doth as he sees cause ; and the appeal from him is only to the king , which is rarely or never practised ; for those that are great men , and concerned at court , are alwayes favoured by the intendant , and for the rest he matters them not . the intendant , as i said before , is an officer elected to govern and oversee the affairs of the revenue and finances , but his power is since inlarged to examine and determine all complaints concerning the good government of the province , and every member , and now lately to oversee the new manufacturies and trade , and all other things , except the militia , and he gives a constant account to the king by a master of requests , of the estate of the province , and trade , and of all such grievances , inconveniences , and complaints , as are not in his power to remedy , and is become a very necessary officer ; yet rarely any of quality is preferred to this imployment , but men industrious , bred up to the law. if there be any complaint between the assessours and their neighbours , this is determined at the court of the elect. now it is to be known , these elects are certain officers , who buy their offices , and are appointed by the king for each division , though possibly in their beginning they were elected by each division . there lies an appeal from them to the courts of aids , where also process issues forth against the assessors , if any sum be behind ; which courts are assisted with the chamber of accounts ; these hold plea generally of all matters relating to the revenue , and the edicts concerning the same , are now used to be registred there , and not in parliament . an account of the clergy , and their revenue . the roman church of france hath in it fourteen arch-bishopricks , viz. lyons , sens auches , arles , remis , bourdeaux , tholouse , burgers , narbone , aix , vienne , roan , paris . under which are contained 95 bishopricks , 120000 parishes , or cures ; it hath 1356 abbies , 12400 priories , 256 commanders of malta , 452000 monasteries , that have all chaplains ; besides the monasteries of religious women , of which the number is 557. beside these , there are 700 convents of cordelis , without comprehending the jacobins and carmelites , the augustines , the charteva , the belisines , the jesuits , the minims , and other religious houses , the number whereof is 14078 which ecclesiasticks possess , 9000 castles , pallaces and houses , which have high , mean , and low justice . they have also 259000 large farmes and 10000 arpans of vines , so that it is found that the revenue of the church , per annum , amounts to 312 millions of livres . concerning the manners of the people . the nobility and gentry ( unless it be such as are assured of ecclesiastical preferment ) are unlearned , yet generally well bred , and very capable of the court and camp , or charges belonging to the law. the gentry , when they are past the grammar-school , are usually sent to the academies , where they learn to ride the great horse , dance , fence , and some of them some part of the mathematicks ; especially fortifications . the burgois are very ingenious , the artisan and peasant very laborious , of which latter sort , not a hand is idle from break of day till dark night ; all , except the great nobility and gentry , devout ; they are civil to strangers , servile to their prince , and good to their relations and families . their defects and vices . they are superficially learned , or knowing nought but law , physick , chirurgery , and art of war , horribly addicted to luxury , and vices of the court , as plain building , great trains , courtship and entertainments , which seems to be the butt and scope of all men of all degrees , except peasants ; proud , boasters , despisers of others , envious of their superiours , and tyrannical to their inferiours ; slighting in their friendship , unreasonable in their askings , unjust in their dealing , extreamly given to law-suits , and exacting upon strangers , joyn'd with a court-confidence , from the highest to the lowest . the sum of all ; they imploy themselves to a court-deportment , are not naturally industrious , except to acquire mony for their luxury ; which the peasant also would be inclined unto , were not his condition such as puts him in despair of it . as to the countrey ; the air is generally very wholsom , the towns wel● built , the soil very fruitful , and well improved in all but herbage , abounding in small walled towns and burroughs , through the multiplicity of lords that shar'd the lands , now generally decayed , an ill people , delicious companies , and full of elegant seats and country-houses , generally small , but embellished with groves and fine gardens ; the great cities are full of sumptuous buildings , well peopled , and over-run with the religious , with officers of all kinds , and small artizans : there is abundance of wealth , but collected no where but in the crown ; the rest , the lawyers , clergy , and officers hitherto have the best share . reflections on the alliance of france , and its foreign interest . they are suspected by all their neighbours at present , though some , out of necessity or interest , are forced to depend on them ; such are the princes of the rhyne , and the king of portugal , the dukes of savoy and lorraign , the dutch , in case of difference with england , the dane is generally opposed to the swedes , and joyned to holland , the pole upon the defensive against the swede , moscovite , and the cosack , the swede and swiss , upon occasion for money , if not otherwise imployed ; the italian perfectly spanish , except the duke of modena ; the turk , upon occasion , may make a diversion upon the empire with these several respects ; they regard france , whose great hopes that england will be corrupted , as it hath been hitherto with the designs of changing the government , their flattering hopes of assistance in that behalf , are also to ruine the dutch , and make us sharers in flanders , beside the sums of money to assist the king in his necessities ; and to corrupt his ministers , are the baites by which they have hitherto prevailed , and hope still to catch us . as for their tripple alliance , their present design is , to get an opportunity to fortifie flanders , subdue all parties and interest at home , settle the revenue of the crown , to keep up a considerable army alwayes in preparation , to take advantage of the first occasion , and to oblige the spaniard to a constant charge of entertaining the swede ; by keeping us from all further occasion , to render us cool in the prosecution of alliances , unprofitable to the spaniard , burthensome to our selves , without prospect of future advantage , and to give us leisure of dividing among our selves . to this i may add , the fomenting the duke of york's interest , and don ivans in spain , and their pretence in weakening the dutch , in directing their trade by their new impositions , and new introduced manufactories , whilst we in our manufactures suffer most by them , the dutch looking well enough to themselves and their concerns . paris may 12th . sir , your most humble servant . finis . sir thomas ouerbury his obseruations in his trauailes vpon the state of the xvii. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609 the treatie of peace being then on foote. overbury, thomas, sir, 1581-1613. 1626 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08591 stc 18903 estc s113538 99848771 99848771 13885 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08591) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 13885) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 930:19) sir thomas ouerbury his obseruations in his trauailes vpon the state of the xvii. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609 the treatie of peace being then on foote. overbury, thomas, sir, 1581-1613. [2], 28, [2] p. printed [by bernard alsop for john parker], [london] : m.dc.xxvi. [1626] printer's and publisher's names from stc. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -politics and government -1556-1648 -early works to 1800. france -politics and government -henry iv, 1589-1610 -early works to 1800. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir thomas overbvry his observations in his travailes vpon the state of the xvii . provinces as they stood anno dom. 1609. the treatie of peace being then on foote printed . m.dc.xxvi . sir thomas overbvry's observations in his travels vpon the state of the 17. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609. the treaty of peace being then on foote . and first of the provinces vnited . all things concurred for the rising and maintenance of this state ▪ the disposition of the people , beeing , as mutenous , so industrious and frugall ; the nature of the countrey , euery where fortifiable with water , the scituation of it , hauing behinde them the baltique sea , which yeelds them all materials for ships , and many other commodities , and for men , hard before them , france , and england , both fearing the spanish greatnesse ; and therefore , both concurring for their ayde ; the remotenesse of their master from them ; the change of religion falling out about the time of their reuolt , and now the marquise of brandenburgh , a protestant , like to become duke of cleue . the discontentments of the low-countries did first appeare , soone after the going away of the kings of spaine , while the dutchesse of parma gouerned ; to suppresse which beginnings , the duke of alva being sent , inflamed them more , vpon attempting to bring in the inquisition and spanish decimation , vpon the beheading count horne , and count egmont , persecuting those of the religion , and vndertaking to build cittadels vpon all their townes , which hee effected at antwerpe , but enterprising the like at flushing , that towne reuolted first and vnder it began the warre . but the more generall reuolt of the prouinces happened after the death of don lewis de requiesens , and vpon the comming downe of don iohn of austria , when all the prouinces , excepting luxenburgh , vpon the sacke of antwerpe and other insolencies , proclaimed the spaniards rebels and enemies to the king ; yet the abjuring of their obedience from the crowne of spaine was not in a yeare or two after . holland and zealand , vpon their first standing out , offered the soueraigntie of themselues to the queene , then the protection , both which shee neglected , and that while the french sent greater ayde , and more men of qualitie then wee ; but after the ciuill warre began in france , that kept them busie at home , and then the queene , seeing the necessitie of their being supported , vpon the pawning of brill and flushing , sent money and men ; and since that , most part of the great exploits there haue beene done by the english , who were commonly the third part of the armie , being foure regiments , besides eleuen hundred in flushing , and the ramekins , and fiue hundred in the brill . but of late the king of france appearing more for them then ours , and paying himselfe the french that are there , they giue equall , if not more countenance to that nation . but vpon these two kings they make their whole dependancie , and though with more respect to him that is stronger , for the time , yet so as it may giue no distaste vnto the other . for the manner of their gouernment ; they haue vpon occasion , an assembly of the generall states , like our parliament , being composed of those which are sent from euery prouince , vpon summons ; and what these enact stands for lawe . then is there besides , a counsell of state , residing for the most part at the hage , which attends daily occasions , being rather imployed vpon affaires of state then of particular iustice. the most potent in this counsell was barnavill , by reason of his aduocates of holland . and besides both these , euery prouince and great towne haue particular counsells of their owne . to all which assemblies , aswell of the generall states , as the rest , the gentrie is called for order sake , but the state indeed is democraticall , the merchant and the tradesman being predominant , the gentrie now but few and poore ; and euen at the beginning the prince of orange saw it safer to relie vpon the townes then them : neither are the gentrie so much engaged in the cause , the people hauing more aduantages in a free state , they in a monarchy . their care in gouernment is very exact and particular , by reason that euery one hath an imediate interest in the state ; such is the equality of iustice , that it renders euery man satisfied ; such the publike regularity , as a man may see their lawes were made to guide , not to entrappe ; such their exactnesse in casting the expence of an armie , as that it shall bee equally farre from superfluity and want , and as much order and certaintie in their acts of warre , as in ours of peace , teaching it to bee both ciuill and rich , and they still retaine that signe of a common-wealth yet vncorrupted , priuate pouertie and publike weale : for no one priuate man there is exceeding rich , and few very poore , and no state more sumptuous in all publike things . but the question is ; whether this , being a free state , will aswell subsist in peace , as it hath done hitherto in warre , peace leauing euery one to attend his particular wealth , when feare , while the warre lasts , makes them concurre for their common safety ; and zealand , vpon the least securitie , hath euer beene enuious at the predominancie of holland and vtrich , ready to mutinie for religion : and besides , it is a doubt , whether the same care and sinceritie would continue , if they were at their consistence , as appeares yet whiles they are but in rising . the reuenew of this state ariseth chiefely from the earle of hollands demaynes , and confiscated church liuings , the rising and falling of money , which they vse with much aduantage , their fishing vpon our coasts , and those of norway , contribution out of the enemies countrie , taxes vpon all things at home , and impositions vpon all merchandizes from abroad . their expences vpon their ambassadours , their shippings , their ditches , their rampiers and munition , and commonly they haue in pay by sea and land 60000. men . for the strength ; the nature of the countrie makes them able to defend themselues long by land , neither could any thing haue endangered them so much as the last great frost , had not the treatie beene then on foot , because the enemy being then master of the field , that rendred their ditches , marshes , and riuers as firme ground . there belongs to that state 20000. vessells of all sorts , so that if the spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts , the kings of france and england would take asmuch paines to suppresse , as euer they did to raise them : for being our enemies , they are able to giue vs the law at sea , and eate vs out of all trade , much more the french , hauing at this time three ships for our one , though none so good as our best . now that whereupon the most part of their reuenew and strength depends , is their traffique , in which mysterie of state they are at this day the wisest ; for all the commodities that this part of the world wants , and the indies haue , as spice , silke , iewells , gold , they are become the conueyers of them for the rest of christendome , except vs , as the venetians were of old ; and all those commodities that those northerne countries abound with , and these southerne stand in need of , they likewise conuey thither , which was the auncient trade of the easterlings : and this they doe , hauing little to export of their owne , by buying of their neighbour-countries the former , and selling them againe what they bring backe at their owne prises , and so consequently liue vpon the idlenesse of others . and to this purpose their scituation serues fitly ; for riuers of the rhene , the maze , and skeld end all in their dominions ; and the baltike sea lies not farre from them : all which affoord them whateuer the great continent of germany , russia , and poland yeelds ; then they againe lying betweene germany and the sea , doe furnish it backe with all commodities forraigne . to remember some pieces of their discipline as patternes of the rest ; the watches at night are neuer all of one nation , so that they can hardly concurre to giue vp any one towne . the commissaries are no where so strict vpon musters , and where he findes a company thither hee reduceth them , so that when an armie marcheth the list and the poll , are neuer farre disagreeing . their army is euer well clothed , well armed , and had neuer yet occasion to mutinie for pay or victualls . the souldiers commit no where fewer insolencies vpon the burgers , fewer robberies vpon the countrie , nor the officers fewer deceipts vpon the souldiers . and lastly , they prouide well that their generall shall haue small meanes to inuade their liberties : for first their army is composed of many nations , which haue their seuerall commanders , and the commands are disposed by the states themselues , not by the generall . and secondly he hath neuer an implicit commission left to discretion , but , by reason their countrie hath no great bounds , receiues daily commands what to doe . their territory containes sixe entire prouinces , holland , zealand , virick , groninghen , oueriscell , and ariezland , besides three parts of gelderland , and certaine townes in brabant and flanders ; the ground of which is for the most part fruitfull ; the townes no where so equally beautifull , strong , and rich , which equality growes by reason that they appropriate some one staple commodity to euery town of note ; only amsterdam not only passeth them all , but euen siuill , lisbone , or any other mart towne in christendome , and to it is appropriated the trade of the east indies , where they maintaine commonly forty ships , besides which there goe twice a yeare from it , and the adioyning townes , a great fleete to the baltique sea : vpon the fall of antwerp , that rose rather then middleborough , though it stand at the same riuers mouth , and is their second mart towne , to which is appropriated our english cloth. concerning the people , they are neither much deuout , nor much wicked , giuen all to drinke , and eminently to no other vice ; hard in bargaining , but iust , surly and respectlesse , as in all democracies , thirstie , industrious and cleanly , dishartened vpon the least ill successe , and insolent vpon good ; inuentiue in manufactures , cunning in traffique , and generally for matter of action , that naturall slownesse of theirs sutes better , by reason of the aduisednesse and perseuerance it brings with it , then the rashnesse and changeablenesse of the french and florentine wits , and the equality of spirits which is among them and the swissers , renders them so fit for a democracie , which kinde of gouernment , nations of more stable wittes , being once come to a consistent greatnesse , haue seldome long endured . obseruations vpon the state of the arch-dukes countrie , 1609. by sir tho. overbvry . as soone as i entred into the arch-dukes countrie ( which begins after lillow ) presently i beheld workes of a prouince , and those of a prouince distressed with warre ; the people heartlesse , and rather repining against their gouernours , then reuengefull against the enemies , the brauery of that gentrie which was left , and the industry of the merchant quite decayed ; the husbandman labouring only to liue , without desire to be rich to anothers vse ; the townes ( whatsoeuer concerned not the strength of them ) ruinous ; and to conclude , the people here growing poore with lesse taxes , then they flourish with on the states side . this warre hath kept the king of spaine busie euer since it began ( which some 38. yeares agoe ) and spending all the money that the indies , and all the men that spaine and italy could affoord , hath withdrawne him from perseuering in any other enterprise ; neither could he giue ouer this , without forgoing the meanes to vndertake any thing hereafter vpon france or england , and consequently the hope of the westerne monarchy . for without that handle the mynes of peru , had done little hurt in these parts , in comparison of what they haue . the cause of the expensefulnes of it , is the remotenesse of those prouinces from spaine , by reason of which , euery souldier of spain or italy , before he can arriue there , costs the king an hundred crownes , and not aboue one of ten that arriues prooues good ; besides , by reason of the distance , a great part of the money is drunke vp betwixt the officers that conuey it and pay it . the cause of the continuance of it , is , not only the strength of the enemy , but partly by reason that the commanders themselues are content the war shall last , so to maintaine and render themselues necessaries , and partly because the people of those countries are not so eager to haue the other reduced , as willing to be in the like state themselues . the vsuall reuenew of those prouinces which the arch-duke hath , amounts to 1200000. crownes a yeare , besides which , there come from spaine euery moneth to maintaine the war , 150000. crownes . it was at the first 300000. crownes a moneth , but it fell by fifties to this at the time when the treaty began ▪ flanders payes more toward the warre then all the rest , as holland doth with the states . there is no spaniard of the counsell of state , nor gouernour of any prouince , but of the counsell of warre , which is only actiue ; there they only are , and haue in their hands all the strong townes & castles of those prouinces , of which the gouernours haue but only the title . the nations of which their armie consists , are chiefly spaniards & italians , emulous one of another there , as on the other side the french and english , and of the country , chiefly burgundians and wallons . the popes letters , and spinola's inclination keepe the italians there , almost in equality of command with the spaniard himselfe . the gouernors for the king of spaine there successiuely haue bin the d. of alva , don lewis de requiesens , don iohn d'austria , the prince of parma , the arch-duke ernestus , the cardinall andrew of austrich , and the cardinall albert , till he maried the infanta . where the dominion of the ach-duke and the states part , there also changeth the nature of the country , that is , about antwerp : for all below being flat , and betwixt medow and marsh , thence it begins to rise and become champion , and consequently the people are more quicke and spiritfull , as the brabanter , flemming , and wallon . the most remarkable place in that side is antwerp ( which rose vpon the fall of bruges ) equally strong and beautifull , remaining yet so , vpon the strength of its former greatnesse ; twice spoyled by the spaniard , and the like attempted by the french. the cittadell was built there by the d. of alva , but renued by the prince of parma after his 18. moneths besieging it , the towne accepting a castle rather then a garrison to mingle among them . there are yet in the towne of citizens 30000. fighting men , 600. of which kept watch nightly , but they allowed neither cannon vpon the rampier , nor megazins of powder . in the castle are 200. peeces of ordnance , and commonly seuen or eight hundred souldiers . flanders is the best of the seuenteene provinces , but the havens thereof are naught . obseruations on the state of france , 1609. vnder henry the fourth . by sir thomas overbvry . hauing seene the forme of a common-wealth and a prouince , with the different effects of warres in them , i entred france , flourishing with peace , and of monarchies the most absolute , because the king there , not only makes peace and warres , calls and dissolues parliaments , pardoneth , naturalizeth , innobleth , names the value of money , presseth to the warre ; but euen makes lawes , and imposes taxes at his pleasure : and all this he doth alone : for as for that forme that his edicts must be authorized by the next court of parliament , that is , the next court of soueraigne iustice ; first the presidents thereof are to be chosen by him , and to bee put out by him ; and secondly , when they concurre not with the king , he passeth any thing without them , as he did the last edict for the protestants : and for the assembly of the three estates , it is growne now almost as extraordinary as a generall counsell ; with the losse of which their liberty fell , and when occasion vrgeth , it is possible for the king to procure , that all those that shall bee sent thither , shall be his instruments : for the duke of guise effected as much at the assembly of bloys . the occasion that first procured the king that supremacie , that his edicts should be lawes , was , the last inuasion of the english , for at that time they possessing two parts of france , the three estates could not assemble , whereupon they did then grant that power vnto charles the seuenth during the warre ; and that which made it easie for lewis the eleuenth and his successors to continue the same , the occsion ceasing , was , that the clergie and gentrie did not runne the same fortune with the people there , as in england ; for most of the taxes falling only vpon the people , the clergie aud gentrie being forborne , were easily induced to leaue them to the kings mercy . but the king hauing got strength vpon the pesants , hath beene since the bolder to inuade part of both their liberties . for the succession of this monarchie , it hath subsisted without intermission these 1200. yeares , vnder three races of kings . no nation hath heretofore done greater things abroad in palestine and egipt , besides all parts of europe ; but for these last 400. yeares , they haue only made sallies into italie , and often suffered at home . three hundred yeares the english afflicted them , making two firme inuasions vpon them , and taking their king prisoner ; the second greatnesse of christendome , next the emperour , being then in competition betwixt vs and them ; and to secure themselues against vs , rather then the house of austria , as it then stood , they chose to marry the heire of bretaigne before that of burgundy . and for this last hundred yeares , the spantard vndertaking them , hath eaten them out of all but france , and endangered that too . but for this present , france had neuer , as france , a more entire greatnesse , though it hath often beene richer . for since the warre the king is only got afore hand , the country is but yet in recouering , the war hauing lasted by spaces 32. yeares , and so generally , that no man but had an enemie within three miles , and so the countrey became frontier all ouer . now that which hath made them , at this time , so largely great at home , is their adopting into themselues the lesser adioyning nations , without destruction , or leauing any marke of strangenesse vpon them , as the bretons , gascoignes , provincalls , and others which are not french ; towards the which vnions , their nature , which is easie and harborous to strangers , hath done more then any lawes could haue effected , but with long time . the king ( as i said ) enioying what lewis the 11. did gaine , hath the entire soueraigntie in himselfe , because hee can make the parliament doe what he please , or else doe what he please without them . for the other three estates ; the church is there very rich , being estimated to enioy the third part of the reuenew of france , but otherwise nothing so potent as else-where , partly because the inquisition is not admitted in france , but principally because the popes ordinary power is much restrayned there , by the liberties which the french church claymeth ; which liberties doe not so much ensranchize the church it selfe , as conferre the authoritie the pope looseth vpon the king , as first fruites , and the disposing of all spirituall preferments . and by reason of this neutralitie of authoritie , the church-men suffer more there , then either in england , where they wholly depend vpon the king , or in spaine and italie , where they wholly subsist by the pope ; because the pope is not able totally to support them , and the king takes occasion euer to suppresse them , as beeing not entirely his subiects : and to him they pay yearely both the tenth of all their tithe , and of all their temporall land . the gentrie are the onely entire body there , which participate with the prerogatiues of the crowne ; for from it they receiue priuiledges aboue all other men , and a kinde of limited regality vpon their tenants , besides reall supply to their estates , by gouernments and pensions , and freedome from tallies vpon their owne lands ; that is , vpon their demaines , and whatsoeuer else they manure by their seruants ; but so much as they let to tenants is presently tallie-able , which causeth proportionable abatement in the rent ; and in recompence of this , they owe to the king the ban and the arriereban ; that is , to serue him and his lieutenant three moneths within the land at their owne charges . and as in warre they vndergoe the greatest part of the danger , so then is their power most perremptorie aboue the rest , whereas in time of peace , the king is ready to support inferiour persons against them , and is glad to see them to waste one another by contention in law for feare they grow rich , because hee fore-sees , that as the nobilitie onely can doe him seruice , so they onely misapplyed can doe him harme . the auntient gentrie of france was most of it consumed in the warres of godfrey of bulloigne , and some in those of saint lewis , because vpon their setting out they pawned all their feifs to the church , and few of them were after redeemed ; by reason whereof the church possesseth at this day the third part of the best feifs in france ; and that gentrie was after made vp by aduocates , financiers , and merchants innobled , which now are reputed auntient , and are dayly eaten out againe and repayred by the same kinde of men . for the people ; all those that haue any kinde of profession or trade , liue well ; but for the meere peasants that labour the ground , they are onely spunges to the king , to the church and the nobitie , hauing nothing to their owne , but to the vse of them , and are scarce allowed ( as beasts ) enough to keepe them able to doe seruice ; for besides their rent , they pay vsually two thirds to the king. the manner of gouernment in france , is mixt , betwixt peace and warre , being composed as well of military discipline , as ciuill iustice , because hauing open frontiers and strong neighbours , and therefore obnoxious to sodaine inuasions , they cannot ( as in england ) ioyne euer peace & security together . for the military part , there is euer a constable and a marshall in being , troupes of horse and regiments of foot in pay , and in all prouinces and places of strength , gouernours and garrisons distributed , all which are meanes for the preferment of the gentry ; but those as they giue security against the enemy , so when there is none they disturbe the enioying of peace , by making the countries taste somewhat of a prouince . for the gentry finde a difference betwixt the gouernours fauour & disfauor , and the souldiers commit often insolencies vpon the people . the gouernments there are so well disposed by the king , as no gouernour hath meanes to giue ouer a prouince into the enemies hand , the commands thereof are so scattered : for the gouernour commands the country , and for the most part the chiefe towne ; then is there a lieutenant , to the king , not to him of the same , and betwixt these two there is euer iealousie nourished ; then hath euery towne and fortresse particular gouernours , which are not subalterne to that of the prouince , but hold imediately from the prince , and many times the towne hath one gouernour and the castle another . the aduantages of gouernours ( besides their pay from the king ) are presents from the country , dead payes , making their megazins of come and powder more then they need at the kings price , and where they stand vpon the sea , ouerseeing of vnlawfull goods : thus much in peace : in warre they are worth as much as they will exact . languedoc , is the best , then bretaigne . prouince is worth by all these means to the d. of guise 20000. crownes a yeare ; but prouince only he holds without a lieutenant . concerning the ciuill iustice there , it is no where more corrupt nor expencefull . the corruptnesse of it proceeds , first by reason that the king sells the places of iustice at as high a rate as can bee honestly made of them ; so that all thriuing is left to corruption , and the gaine the king hath that wayes , tempts him to make a multitude of officers , which is another burthen to the subiect . secondly , the presidents are not bound to judge according to the written law , but according to the equitie drawne out of it , which libertie doth not so much admit conscience , as leaue wit without limits . the expencefulnesse of it ariseth from the multitude of lawes , and multiplicitie of formes of processes , the which two both beget doubt , and make them long in resoluing . and all this chiquanerey , as they call it , is brought into france from rome , vpon the popes comming to reside at avignion . for the strength of france , it is at this day the greatest vnited force of christendome ; the particulars in which it consists are these : the shape of the countrey , which beeing round , no one part is farre from succouring another ; the multitude of good townes and places of strength therein are able to stay an army , if not to waste it , as metz did the emperours ; the masse of treasure which the king hath in the bastile ; the number of arsenals distributed vpon the frontiers , besides that of paris , all which are full of good armes and artillerie : and for ready men , the 5. regiments bestowed vp & down in garrisons , together with the 2000. of the guard ; the troupes of ordinary and light horse , all euer in pay ; besides their gentrie all bred souldiers , and of which they thinke there are at this present 50000. fit to beare armes : and to command all these , they haue at this day the best generalls of christendome , which is the only commodity the ciuill wars did leaue them . the weaknesse of it are , first the want of a sufficient infantry , which proceeds from the ill distribution of their wealth ; for the peysant , which containes the greatest part of the people , hauing no share allowed him , is heartlesse and feeble , and consequently vnseruiceable for all military vses , by reason of which , they are first forced to borrow ayde of the swissers at a great charge , and secondly to compose their armies for the most part of gentlemen , which makes the losse of a battaile there almost irrecouerable . the second is the vnproportionable part of the land which the church holds , all which is likewise dead to militarie vses . for , as they say there , the church will loose nothing , nor defend nothing . the third is the want of a competent number of ships and gallies , by reason of which defect , first the spaniard ouermasters them vpon the mediterranian , and the english and hollander vpon the ocean , and secondly it renders them poore in forraine trade , so that all the great actions of christendome for these fifty yeares , hauing beene bent vpon the indies , they only haue sate idle . the fourth is the weaknesse of their frontiers , which is so much the more dangerous , because they are possessed , all but the ocean , by the spaniard : for savoy hath beene alwaies as his owne for all vses against france . the last is the difference of religion among themselues , which will euer yeeld matter of ciuill dissention , and consequently cause the weaker to stand in neede of forraigne succours . the ordinarie reuenew of the king , is , as they say now , some 14. millions of crowns , which arise principally from the demaines of the crowne , the gabell of salt , tallies vpon the countrie , customes vpon the merchandize , sale of offices , the yearely tithe of all that belongs to the church , the rising and falling of money . fines and confiscations cast vpon him by the law ; but as for wardships , they are only knowne in normandy . his expence is chiefely ambassadours , munition , building , fortifying , and maintaining of gallies . as for ships when he needs them , he makes an embarque ; in pay for souldiers , wages for officers , pentions at home & abroad , vpon the entertaining his house , his state , and his priuate pleasures . and all the first , but the demaynes were granted , in the beginning , vpon some vrgent occasion , and after by kings made perpetuall , the occasion ceasing ; and the demaynes it selfe granted , because the king should liue vpon their owne without oppressing their subiects . but at this day , though the reuenew bee thus great , and the taxes vnsupportable , yet doe they little more then serue for necessary publike vses . for the king of spains greatnes & neighbourhood , forceth the king there to liue continually vpon his guard ; and the treasure which the spaniard receiues from his indies , constraines him to raise his reuenew thus by taxes , so to be able in some proportion to beare vp against him , for feare else he should be bought out of all his confederates and seruants . for the relation of this state to others , it is first to be considered , that this part of christendome is ballanced betwixt the three kings of spaine , france , and england , as the other part betwixt the russian , the kings of poland , sweden , and denmarke . for as for germany , which if it were entirely subiect to one monarchy , would be terrible to all the rest , so being deuided betwixt so many princes , and those of so equall power , it serues only to ballance it selfe , and entertaine easie warre with the turke , while the persian with-holds him in a greater . and euery one of those first three , hath his particular strength , and his particular weakenesse : spaine hath the aduantage of both the rest in treasure , but is defectiue in men , his dominions are scattered , and the conueyance of his treasure from the indies lyes obnoxious to the power of any nation that is stronger by sea. france abounds with men , lyes close together , and hath money sufficiently . england beeing an iland , is hard to be inuaded , abounds with men , but wants money to imploy them . for their particular weaknesse : spaine is to be kept busie in the low-countries : france is to bee afflicted with protestants , and england in ireland . england is not able to subsist against any of the other hand to hand , but ioyned with the lowe-countries it can giue lawe to both by sea , and ioyned with either of them two it is able to oppresse the third as henry the eight did . now the only entire body in christendome that makes head against the spanish monarchy , is france ; and therefore they say in france , that the day of the ruine of france , is the eue of the ruine of england : and thereupon england hath euer since the spanish greatnesse , enclined rather to maintaine france rather then to ruine it ; as when king francis was taken prisoner , the king of england lent money towards the payment of his ransome : and the late queene ( when the leagers , after the duke of guise his death , had a designe to cantonize france ) though offered a part , would not consent . so then this reason of state , of mutuall preseruation , conioyning them , england may be accounted a sure confederate of france , and holland by reason it partly subsists by it ; the protestant princes of germany , because they haue countenance from it against the house of austria , the protestant swissers for religion and money ; the venetians for protection against the spaniard in italy : so that all their friends are either protestants or enclyning , and whosoeuer is extreme catholike , is their enemie , and factors for the spanish monarchy , as the pope , the cardinalls for the most part , and totally the iesuites , the catholike princes of germany , and the catholicks of england and ireland . for the iesuites , which are the ecclesiasticall strength of christendome , france , notwithstanding the many late obligations , hath cause to despaire of them : for they intending , as one pope , so one king , to suppresse the protestants , and for the better support of christendome against the turke , and seeing spaine the likelier to bring this to passe , they follow the neerer probability of effecting their end . no addition could make france so dangerous to vs , as that of our lowe-countries : for so it were worse then if the spaniard himselfe had them entirely . as for their hopes of regaining italie , it concernes the spaniard immediatly rather then vs. concerning the state of the protestants in france , during peace they are protected by their edict : for their two agents at court defend the generall from wrong , and their chambres-impartyes euery particular person : and if troubles should arise , some scattered particulars might be in danger , but the maine body is safe , safe to defend themselues , though all france ioyne against them , and if it breake out into factions , the safest , because they are both ready and vnited . the particulars of their strength are , first their townes of surety , two of which command the riuer of loyre . secondly , their scituation , the greatest part of them lying neere together , as poictou , zanningtonge , high gascoigne , languedoc , and daulphin , neere the sea , so consequently fit to receiue succours from abroad , and remote from paris , so that the qualitie of an armie is much wasted before it can approach them . the third , is the sufficiency of their present gouernours , bulloigne and desdeguiers , and other second commanders . and for the princes of the blood , whom the rest may , in shew , without emulation obey , when they come once to open action , those which want a party will quickly seeke them . the last , is the ayde they are sure of from forraine princes : for whosoeuer are friends to france in generall , are more particularly their friends . and besides , the protestant partie being growne stronger of late , as the low-countries , and more vnited , as england and scotland , part of that strength reflects vpon them ; and euen the king of spaine himselfe , which is enemie to france in generall , would rather giue them succour , then see them vtterly extirpated : and yet no forraine prince can euer make further vse of them , then to disturbe france , not to inuade it himselfe . for as soone as they get an edict with better conditions , they turne head against him that now succoured them , as they did against vs , at new-haven . concerning the proportion of their number , they are not aboue the seuenteene or eighteenth part of the people , but of the gentlemen there are 6000. of the religion ; but since the peace they haue increased in people , as principally in paris , normandy , and daulphin , but lost in the gentrie , which losse commeth to passe , by reason that the king when he findes any gent. that will but hearken , tempts him with preferment , and those he findes vtterly obstinate , suppresseth : and by such meanes hee hath done them more harme in peace , then both his predecessors in warre . for in all their assemblies hee corrupts some of their ministers to betray their counsell in hand ; and of the 100 & 6000. crowns a yeare , which he paies the protestants to entertaine their ministers , and pay their garrisons , hee hath gotten the bestowing of 16000. of them vpon what gentleman of the religion he pleaseth , when by that meanes he moderates , if not gaines : and besides , they were wont to impose vpon him their two deputies which are to stay at court , but now he makes them propose sixe , out of which he chuseth the two , and by that obligeth those ; & yet notwithstanding all this , in some occasions hee makes good vse of them too . for as towards england he placeth none in any place of strength but firme catholikes ; so towards spaine and sauoy he often giues charge to protestants , as to la force in bearne , desdeguiers and boisse in bresse . concerning the king himselfe , hee is a person wonderfull both in war and peace : for his acts in warre , hee hath manumized france from the spaniard , & subdued the league , being the most dangerous plot that hath bin layd , weakening it by armes , but vtterly dissoluing it by wit , that is , by letting the duke of guise out of prison , and capitulating with the heads of it euery one a part , by which meanes hee hath yet left a continuall hatred among them , because euery one sought , by preuenting other , to make his conditions the better ; so that now there remaines little connexion of it amongst the gentrie , onely there continues some dregges still among the priests , and consequently the people , especially when they are angred with the increase and prosperitie of the protestants . for his acts of peace , hee hath enriched france with a greater proportion of wooll , and silke , erected goodly buildings , cut passages betwixt riuer and riuer , and is about to doe the same betwixt sea and sea , redeemed much of the mortgaged demaynes of the crowne , better husbanded the money , which was wont to bee drunke vppe two parts of it in the officers hands , got aforehand in treasure , armes and munition , increased the infantrie , and supprest the vnproportionable caualry , and left nothing vndone but the building of a nauie . and all this may bee attributed to himselfe onely , because in a monarchy , officers are accordingly actiue or carelesse , as the prince is able to iudge and distinguish of their labours , and withall to participate of them somewhat himselfe . sure it is that the peace of france , and somewhat that of christendome it selfe , is secured by this princes life : for all titles and discontents , all factions of religion there suppresse themselues till his death ; but what will ensue after ; what the rest of the house of bourbon will enterprise vpon the kings children , what the house of guise vpon the house of bourbon , what the league , what the protestants , what the kings of spaine , and england , if they see a breach made by ciuill dissention , i chuse rather to expect then coniecture , because god hath so many wayes to turne aside from humaine fore-sight , as hee gaue vs a testimony vpon the death of our late queene . the countrey of france , considering the quantitie , is the fairest and richest of all christendome , and containes in it most of the countries adioyning . for picardie , normandie , and bretaigne , resemble england ; languedoc , spaine , province , italie , and the rest is france . besides , all the riuers that passe through it , end in it . it abounds with corne , wine , and salt , and hath a competency of silke ; but is defectiue in wooll , leather , mettals , and horses ; and hath but few very good hauens , especially on the north side . concerning the people ; their children at first sight seeme men , and their men children , but who so , in negotiating , presumes vpon appearance , shall bee deceiued , compassionate towards their owne nation and countrey ; louing to the prince , and so they may haue liberty in ceremony , and free accesse to him , they will be the better content that hee shall be absolute in matter of substance ; impatient of peace any longer then whiles they are in recouering the ruines of warre ; the presentnesse of danger inflames their courage , but any expectation makes it languish ; for the most , they are all imagination , and no iudgement , but those that proue solid , excell ; their gentlemen are all good outward men , good courtiers , good souldiers , and knowing enough in men and businesse , but meerly ignorant in matters of letters , because at fifteene they quit bookes , and begin to liue in the world , when indeed a mediocritie betwixt their forme of education and ours would doe better then either . no men stand more punctually vpon their honours in matter of valour , and which is strange , in nothing else ; for otherwise in their conuersation , the custome and shifting and ouerspeaking , hath quite ouercome the shame of it . finis . by the lords justices, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king england and wales. lords justices. 1697 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39504 wing e952 estc r41131 19637964 ocm 19637964 109247 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39504) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109247) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1685:53) by the lords justices, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king england and wales. lords justices. 1 broadside. printed by charles bill, and the executrix of thomas newcomb ..., london : 1697. "tho. cantuar, j. sommers. c. sunderland, dorset, romney, orford." "given at the court at whitehall the eighteenth day of october, 1697. in the ninth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng treaty of ryswick (1697) proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion wr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lords justices , a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king. tho. cantuar. j. sommers c. sunderland , dorset , romney , orford . whereas a peace hath beén treared and concluded at his majesties royal palace at reswick , the tenth day of september last , betweén his majesty and the french king , and the ratifications thereof hath beén since exchanged , in conformity thereunto we have thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all his majesties dominions . and we do hereby declare , that all ships , merchandizes , and other moveable goods whatsoever , which have beén , or shall be taken from the subjects of the french king after the two and twentieth of september last in the british and north seas ; after the two and twentieth of this instant october from the said british and north seas as far as the cape st. vincent ; after the nineteénth of november next ensuing beyond the said cape st. vincent on this side the aequinoctial line or aequator , as well in the ocean and mediterranean sea , as elsewhere ; and lastly , after the tenth of march next ensuing beyond the said line throughout the whole world , without any exception or distinction of time or place , and without any form or process , shall immediately , and without damage , be restored to the owner , according to the said treaty . and hereof all his majesties subjects are hereby required to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto accordingly . given at the court at whitehall , the eighteenth day of october , 1697. in the ninth year of his majesties reign . god save the king. london , printed by charles bill , and the executrix of thomas newcomb , deceas'd ; printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1697. the french king's letter to the pope concerning the present affairs in england. with allowance. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1689 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49228 wing l3127a estc r220166 99831592 99831592 36056 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49228) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36056) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2050:37) the french king's letter to the pope concerning the present affairs in england. with allowance. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. catholic church. pope (1676-1689 : innocent xi) england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) sold by randall taylor, near stationers-hall, [london] : 1689. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the christ church college, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -early works to 1800. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king's letter to the pope , concerning the present affairs in england . with allowance . most holy father , we heartily rejoyce to see by the brief which your holiness writ unto us the first of this month , that you are sufficiently convinced of the great prejudice the catholick religion may suffer , by reason the king of great britain is reduced to so distressed a condition , and what share your interest may have in his re-establishment . we may also say , that our natural inclination is so far toward the assisting and comforting this afflicted prince , that we would willingly quit the most politick reasons that might oblige us to deny him that assistance he now wanteth , for attaining the glory of supporting the catholick religion in that kingdom , and of seating the said king upon his throne . we are likewise very sensible that your holiness as well as our self , doth take to heart these two so just subjects of your care and resentment : and we do not only partake with you in the merit of the cause , but we also with joy behold , that all christendom is principally obliged to your zeal , that the enemies of our religion who are confederated to oppress it , will at length loose that hope which the conduct of your holiness towards us hath for a long time given them , that you would be no obstacle to their designs , and that they ought not to apprehend any thing but the power which god hath put into our hands ; to which , as we have just cause to believe that god will continue his blessings , seeing we have omitted nothing that might conduce to the re-establishing a perfect understanding with your holiness , and to the concurring with you in the propagation of our religion , and testifying to you on all occasions our filial respect ; praying , most holy father , that god will preserve your holiness many years in the government of his church . your devoted son , lowis , king of france and navarr . tres saint pere , nous avons esté bien aise de voir par le bref que vostre beatitude nous écrivit le premier de ce mois , qu'elle est bien persuadée du grand prejudice que la religion catholique peut souffrir de l'etat où se trouve le roy de la grande bretagne , & de l'interêt qe'elle doit prendre à son retablissement : nous pouvons dire aussi que quand même nôtre penchant naturel ne nous auroit pas porté à donner à ce prince affligé , tout le soulagement & la consolation qu'il pouvoit attendre de nôtre amitié , nous aurions sacrifié au desir de conserver les restes de nôtre religion en angleterre & à la gloire de remettre le dit roi sur son trône , toutes les raisons politiques qui nous auroient pû obliger de lui refuser le secours dont il a besom . nous apprenons aussi avec bien de la joye que vôtre sainteté ne prend pas moins à coeur que nous , ces deux si justes sujets de ses soins , & de son attention : & nous voulons bien aussi non seulement partager avec elle le merite du succés ; mais même nous verrons avec plaisir que toute la chrêtienté en soit principalement redevable à vostre zele , & que les ennemis de nostre religion qui se sont liguez pour l'opprimer , perdent enfin l'esperance que la conduite que vostre sainteté a tenue à nostre égard , leur donne depuis long-tems , qu'ils ne trouveront de vostre part aucun obstacle à leurs desseins , & qu'ils ne doivent rien apprehender que de la puissance que dieu nous a mise en main ; à laquelle nous avons d'autant plus sujet de croire qu'il continuera de donner ses benedictions , qu'il sçait bien que nous n'avons rien omis pour retablir une parfaite intelligence avec vostre sainteté & concourir avec elle à l'augmentation de nostre religion , & luy témoigner en toutes occasions nostre respect filial , priant dieu , tres saint pere , qu'il conserve longues années vostre sainteté au regime de son eglise . vôtre devot fils , le roy de france & de navarre . sold by randall taylor , near stationers-hall . 1689. by the king and queen, a proclamation for prohibiting the importation, or retailing of any commodities of the growth or manufacture of france england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1689 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96584 wing w2598 estc r42666 38875554 ocm 38875554 152514 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96584) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 152514) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2299:24) by the king and queen, a proclamation for prohibiting the importation, or retailing of any commodities of the growth or manufacture of france england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. mary ii, queen of england, 1662-1694. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by charles bill, and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1689. "given at our court at hampton-court the eighteenth day of may, 1689. in the first year of our reign." reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -commerce -france -early works to 1800. france -commerce -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king and queen , a proclamation for prohibiting the importation , or retailing of any commodities of the growth or manufacture of france . william r. whereas the king and queén's most excellent majesties , considering the great prejudice and damage to the english artificers and handicrafts , and the general impoverishment of this kingdom , by the extraordinary importation and use of the commodities and manufactures of france : and resolving with the help of almighty god by a iust and necessary war , to deliver this kingdom , and other their dominions , from the injuries , aggressions , and dangers done , made , and occasioned by the french king , did issue their proclamation bearing date the twenty fifth day of april last , intituled ( a proclamation prohibiting the importation of all sorts of manufactures and commodities whatsoever , of the growth , production , or manufacture of france ) which war their majesties have lately declared . now their majesties finding it expedient to alter the said proclamation , and to the iutent to render their royal purposes more duly and effectually practicable , have thought fit by and with the advice of their privy council , to discharge the said proclamation ; and by the same advice , do hereby publish and declare , and straitly charge and command , that no goods , merchandizes , or commodities whatsoever of the growth , product , or manufacture of france , or of the dominions of the french king , shall at any time after the five and twentieth day of this instant may , be brought or imported into any of their majesties realms or dominions , or any port or creek of the same ; or if so brought or imported , shall not be retailed , uttered , bartered or sold by any person or persons whatsoever , upon pain of confiscation and forfeiture thereof to their majesties use ; of which confiscation and forfeitures , their majesties are pleased the informer shall have one moiety ; and hereof their majesties pleasure is , that all persons whom it may concern , do take notice at their peril ; and to that end , do straitly charge and command as well all and every the officers of the admiralty , as also all and singular customers , comptrollors , searchers , waiters , and other officers , and all other their loving subjects , that they and every of them respectively take special care , that this their royal pleasure and command be put in due execution . given at our court at hampton-court the eighteenth day of may , 1689. in the first year of our reign . god save king william and queen mary . london , printed by charles bill , and thomas newcomb , printers to the king and queen's most excellent majesties . 1689. articles of peace offered by the crown of france france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1696 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04186 wing l3103a estc r180073 52614776 ocm 52614776 175962 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04186) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175962) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2757:3) articles of peace offered by the crown of france france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at london, ; and re-printed : in the year 1696. caption title. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -england -17th century -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -france -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of peace offered by the crown of france i. the crown of france for the foundation of a future peace , will observe the westphalia and nimeguen treaties . ii. notwithstanding the said crown intended to keep strasburgh and luxemburgh , and give for an equivalent friburg , in the state it is in at present , with its dependencies : and also brisack , with all its fortifications , except those of the new city , the fort of esch and the fort of ryne , to be demolished : nevertheless upon the allies refusing to accept them , the said crown promises to give up the city of strasburgh only in the condition it was in when taken . iii. to deliver up philipsburgh to the bishop of spire . iv. to raze the fort of kiell , and other forts made on the rhine . v. as also fort-louis and huninghen . vi. to raze montroyal and roseback , provided the allies will be obliged not to re-fortifie them . vii . to restore to the elector of pallatine , not only his electoral lands , but also the dutchies of simmeren and lauteren , and the county of spanheim , with all other places whereof his ellectoral highness has been dispossessed to this present time . viii . madam the dutches of orleans will not proceed by force on her protestant subjects , but will prosecute her right only before a competent judge in relation to the elector . ix . to give satisfaction to the other crowns , in relation to other revenues ; that is to say to the crown of sweeden , for the dutchies of deux-ponis ; and all its dependencies . x. to the count of valdentz , for his town and castle of valdentz . xi . to restore bischweiter to the count of hanow . xii . to the count of obersteine the county delamoets . xiii . the signory of salme , and that of salstein , to the prince of salme , or to whom they lawfully appertain , since there is still a dispute about it . xiv . the signory of lustenstein , and that of altsheim , to those to whom they belong . xv. obsworter to the house of nassaw . xvi . to the house of wirtemburgh , the county of montraband , herricourt . blamont , and chastillet . xvii . germersheime to the house of the elector palatine ; notwithstanding former treaties . xviii . stadez . and landeburgh to the count de valitz . xix . to restore all that has been taken since the peace of nimeguen : xx. as to lorrain . this crown would have it referred to the general treaty of peace ; and in the mean time , france promises to offer more on this subject than she has ever hitherto done . xxi . to restore to the bishop of liege , dinant , in the state it was in when she possessed her self of it . xxii . that to all other princes , whether comprehended in the alliance or not , their pretensions shall be respited ; and that france obligeth her self to give them satisfaction in the time of the negotiation . xxiii . that this crown will acknowledge william the third for lawful king of england , without any reserve or restriction , tho' not before the conclusion of the peace ; since if this crown should do it at present , and the peace should not be concluded , it would be necessary for her to retract it , an inconvenience she would avoid . printed at london , and re-printed in the year , 1696. a great sea-fight which was fought lately upon the coast of dunkirke, between the babylonians and the dunkirkers as also the relation of the reason why the babylonians came so near this way, which was to invade the kingdom of england : how they were shipwrackt on the coasts of egypt, and overthrowne in fight by the dunkirkers : at the recitall of which the soldan of babylon strook the messonger of this ill newes, and afterwards burned his palace, wherein he and others perished / written by iohn preston ... preston, john, sea-captain. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a55756 of text r2384 in the english short title catalog (wing p3309). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a55756 wing p3309 estc r2384 12888385 ocm 12888385 95045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55756) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95045) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e169, no 12) a great sea-fight which was fought lately upon the coast of dunkirke, between the babylonians and the dunkirkers as also the relation of the reason why the babylonians came so near this way, which was to invade the kingdom of england : how they were shipwrackt on the coasts of egypt, and overthrowne in fight by the dunkirkers : at the recitall of which the soldan of babylon strook the messonger of this ill newes, and afterwards burned his palace, wherein he and others perished / written by iohn preston ... preston, john, sea-captain. [2], 6 p. [s.n.] london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng france -history, naval -17th century. dunkerque (france) -history. a55756 r2384 (wing p3309). civilwar no a great sea-fight vvhich vvas fought lately upon the coast of dunkirke, between the babylonians and the dunkirkers. as also the relation of preston, john, sea-captain 1641 1599 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a great sea-fight which was fought lately upon the coast of dunkirke , between the babylonians and the dunkirkers . as also the relation of the reason why the babylonians came so near this way , which was to invade the kingdom of england , how they were shipwrackt on the coasts of egypt , and overthrowne in fight by the dunkirkers . at the recitall of which , the soldan of babylon strook the messenger of this ill newes , and afterwards burned his palace , wherein he and others perished . written by iohn preston , a sea-captain . printer's or publisher's device london , printed . 1641. it is not unknowne unto all our nation how often our god hath delivered us even from the jawes of death , as heretofore from the powder plot , and the spanish invasion , so now also from the soldan of babylon , whose greatest pride would be to make our christ give place to idolatrous mahomet ; i mean to change our religion which is now extant among us , thinking by force to overthrow the all-seeing and all-creating god ; and thus it lately happened . the great soldan of babylon , hearing of this difference which lately happened between us and our neighbours the scots , thinkes by policy and unawares to surprize this land , and make himselfe the king of that sweet and plenteous westerne island , sends for the chief governours of his countrey , and thus he bespake them . most loyall governours , for i have no other occasion to give a worse title unto you , by reason i never found you any way disloyall unto me . the occasion that we have sent for you at this time is , to give you intelligence of what we would have to be done , which are these things which follow . first , bashaw rackby , i make you our chief generall . of our royall navy , which i would have with all speed as possibly you can to be rigged and hoisted towards england , for i hunger and thirst for that little island , which floweth with milke and honey ; make all speed as possibly you now can , for i protest my thoughts will never rest till i shall hear some good newes from you concerning this voyage . secondly , i desire bashaw ofti , our near cousin to undertake that great charge , which rested on thy shoulders before . thirdly , i request our master of malta to settle the valiant bernardo in his room , and to accompany bashaw rackby , our chief generall in these imployments . thus he made his minde knowne , but he had no sooner ended his speech , but bashaw rackby made him this reply . my most soveraigne lord , i am proud that you will honour meso farre as to put me into such a noble service , for such honourable imployment best befits my nature to accomplish , and either i will bring england in subjection , or else i will spend the dearest blood i have in the attempt , and thus much i will promise , either to accomplish what you desire , or else never to see your face again . i am glad , ( replied the soldan ) to see that you are so forward to go when i shall desire , and my propheticke heart divines , that sure your journey will be prosperous . and so they took their leaves , and departed to their ships , and made every thing ready for their departure , the next morning being come they boorded their ships , and hoised up sailes , and the windes blew very fitly for england , there was such a serene calme upon the seas , that the sailer had no need to use the oares , but they lie sleeping upon the deckes , which mildenesse of the seas made the fool-hardy babylonians , to thinke that god was surely on their side , praising their great prophet mahomet in songs and hymnes , and such like merry glee ; nay , i perswade my selfe , they thought the deed they went about to be meritorious ; but they perceived their folly in an instant , for upon a suddain , the windes began to turne and beat them backe very vehemently , the skies were mantled with clouds , and they never expected to see another day , insomuch that they cast all their riches into the seas , never thinking to survive to enjoy any thing , at last the windes ceased , and the clouds began to cast themselves in heapes to give way to the light , insomuch that they perceived themselves to be cast upon the aegyptian shore : well , there they sold some part of their jewels , which were left them , for those necessaries , which were fitting for their journey , and now although they perceived the angry heavens to repell them , and were unwilling of their journey , yet they would shew themselves to be obstinately impudent , and forwards they , came for england with all might and main : but they had not gone above the space of twenty leagues , when there was another accident which befell them , as bad , or rather worse than the first ; and thus it hapened : as their proud ships came dancing and capering upon the foaming waves , they perceived a navy of ships from far , as great in number , or greater than theirs ; well , in an instant , they came within ken , that they knew one another , and the babylonians perceived them to be of the dunkirks , which were as it were outlawes , and lived by robbing upon the seas . they no sooner came together , but the dunkirks let fly at them , and wished them to yield , the proud bashaw rackby out of the haughtinesse of his stomacke told them , that they should win it and wear it , for he would not yield upon such easie tearmes . well , to it they went , incontinently there began a great sea-fight between them , cannons were roaring , and bullets were flying , and every man there stood in danger of dying : at last , the fight grew so hot , that it was impossible to last long , it was so dangerous , for death seated himselfe upon the hatches , colouring the seas with a bloudy dye , and to make short of our story , the dunkirks had the better of it , for the babylonians and all their ships but one were buried in the sea ; there might you have seen broken plankes to swim upon the top of the water , and shipwrackt goods in abundance ; but now you must understand , that this ship which escaped gained its freedom by flight , and posted with all speed towards the countrey of babylon , and so to the soldans court , where when they came , one silvinus muckshaw a captain undertook to tell the newes first , which when he came , and the soldan understood the losse of his worthies , and his goods , he strook the captain such a blow under the ear , that he never rose again . but his passion so much prevailed over him that he knew not what he did , for he fell starke mad upon an instant , and much ado they had to hinder him for working mischief upon himselfe and others ; yet at length what by perswasions and force they got him to his chamber , and so to bed ; but now when he perceived himselfe to be restrained from doing open mischief , he began to plot with himselfe how he might end his owne miserable dayes , also ending others with him , for he desired company with him , and thus he acted it ; it was when the sun had forsook the horoscope , and luna had graced the zenith with her lightsom favours , all persons being at rest , and nothing waking of man , or bird , or beast , except the dolefull nightingall , who kept her selfe awake against a thorne , or the owle , whose greatest delight is in solitarinesse , and flying abroad in the night-times ; it was then , i say , that he arose , espying no body stirring , and having a tapour burning at his beds head , that he took and fired the palace about his owne eares and others , after he had locked the doores that none could escape , but it would have made a flinty heart to dissolve into teares to hear what piteous moan was made by men , women , and children , which were locked up there , as also to see how the aspiring fire did ascend , throwing downe such stately buildings : there might you have seen brave architectures tumbled topsie turvy , and at last consumed to nothing . thus readers may you see and hear daily how those do speed , who are setting themselves against our god , who is the alpha and omega , the beginning and the end . finis . treaty made between lewis xiv of france and the states general about the exchange and ransom of the prisoner of war together with the rates of prices of ransom from a general to a private soldier. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1691 jan. 4 france. 1691 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49236 wing l3139a estc r222260 07940190 ocm 07940190 40561 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49236) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40561) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1210:4) treaty made between lewis xiv of france and the states general about the exchange and ransom of the prisoner of war together with the rates of prices of ransom from a general to a private soldier. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1691 jan. 4 france. france. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1691 jan. 4. 12 p. printed for randal taylor, london : 1691. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -france. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-01 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion treaty made between lewis xiv . of france , and the states general ▪ about the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war . together , with the rates , or prices of ransom , from a general , to a private soldier . ☞ the same treaty is likewise in agitation , being proposed by the french king to the emperor , king william , and the rest of the confederate princes . licensed , april the 3d. 1691. james fraiser . london , printed for randal taylor , near stationer 〈◊〉 1691. we helie william de rochon , de la peyrouse , lord de la motte and de chateau●●ux , the king's lieutenant of maubeuge , and commander in the town of thuin , and its dependencies , in the name , and by order of his majesty : and james , baron de wassenaer , lord d' obdam , hensbrock , &c. nobleman of holland , major general of the horse of the united provinces , governor of william-stadt , &c. in the name and by order of the states general of the united provinces : have agreed upon the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that have been or shall be made by the troops of the armies and garrisons of france , and those of the states general , one upon the other only ; and have concluded the present treaty , by vertue of a power given to us , in the following manner . first . that all prisoners , that shall be made of both sides , either in battels , taking towns , skirmishes , or other occasions , that may happen between the two nations , shall be rendred faithfully in a fortnight at the furthest , by an exchange of other prisoners of the same post , or others , in making compensation of more or less of the ransom , or shall pay the ransom , that shall be named hereafter , and shall be paid in french money . — and to prevent all disputes and difficulties , as well in regard of the post and quality of the officers of both sides , as the ransoms that shall be paid by each of them ; we have found necessary to specifie hereafter the employments and posts of each party , and the price of the said ransoms . the generals of the kings army , commanders in chief , and the mareschals of france , shall be exchanged for the captain general of the states general ▪ commanding in chief their armies , or shall pay — livers . 50000 the captain general of the kings armies . — 40000 livers . the lieutenant generals of the king's armies shall be exchang'd for those , that command the armies of the states general immediately after the general , or shall pay — 20000 livers . the great master of the ordnance of france for the general of the ordnance of the states general , or shall pay — 4000 livers . the mareschals de camp of the king army shall be exchang'd , or pay — livers . 4000 the collonel general of the horse shall be exchang'd for the general of the general of the horse , or the foot of the states , or pay — 4000 livers . the collonel general of the dragoons shall be exchang'd , if there be one , or shall pay — 3500 livers . the maistre de camp , general of the horse of france , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 3500 livers . the maistre de camp , general of the dragoons , shall be exchang'd or pay — 3000 livers . the commissary general of the french horse shall be exchang'd , or pay — 3000 livers . an intendant of the armies or provinces , for a deputy of the states in the field , or shall pay — 5000 livers . the commissioners under them — 1500 livers . a lieutenant general of the ordnance of france , shall be exchang'd for a lieutenant general of the ordnance of the states general , or shall pay — 1000 livers . a lieutenant general of the horse or foot shall be exchanged , or pay — 1500 livers . the major generals of horse or the foot , shall be exchang'd for major generals or commissary generals of the horse or the foot , or shall pay — 800 livers . the brigadiers of horse or foot , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 600 livers . a major of a brigade , for a major of a brigade , or shall pay — 300 livers . a marshal general of the qurters the army ; for a quarter master general , or shall pay — 500 livers . an adjutant of the marshal general of the quarters , and half a quarter master shall be exchanged , or pay — 100 livers . adjutant general 's of the king , or he dauphin — 500 livers . adjutant generals of the generals in chief , lieutenant generals and marshals de camp shall be exchanged or pay — 300 livers . quarter master generals of the horse shall be exchanged or pay — 200 livers . their adjutants shall be exchang'd or pay — 100 livers . the treasurer general of the extraordinary expences of war — 1500 livers . the first commissary of every army — 500 livers . the other lesser ones of the army and places — 50 livers . the general of the provisions shall be exchang'd for the proveditor or pay — 1000 livers . the first commissaries of the provisions of every army shall pay — 500 livers . the other commissaries and controllers of the provisions — 50 livers . the commissaries of war — 100 livers . the general provost shall be exchanged for the general provost , or shall pay 300 livers . the king's attorny for the fiscal of the council of war , or shall pay — 250 livers . the provost's lieutenant for that of the states , or shall pay — 100 livers . the clerks of the council of war , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 80 livers . the other officers and soldiers attending the council of war , each — 18 livers . out of this number we have agreed to accept those soldiers there shall be imployed to look for , and to seize ▪ thieves , malefactors , and others that have disobey'd their orders , which are allowed to go with all security from the number of four to fifteen , commanded by a brigadier , exempt , lieutenant , or the provost himself ; neither shall it be lawful to seize their horses and arms , being provided with good and sufficient orders of the generals , governors , commanders , or intendants of the armys or provinces , and they may take along with them the king's attorney , the fiscal , assessor , and clerk , to proceed against the criminals , in case it be required , upon condition , that they shall not approach nearer than two leagues to the enemys army , or places belonging to them . and in case that they are met with ▪ either above or under the said number , they may lawfully be made prisoners with their arms and horses , and obliged to pay the ransom specified in the present treaty . the wagen maistre general shall be exchang'd , or pay — livers . 150 his lieutenant . — 80 livers . the commissary general of the banks — 150 livers . his lieutenants , each — 50 livers . the conductors of one and the other , shall pay each — 10 livers . an auditor , or judge — 2● livers . the weght maistre general , or captain of the guides , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 80 livers . his lieutenant — 50 livers . his cornet — 35 livers . the guides on horseback , as troopers — 10 livers . the chief ingeniers — 500 livers . and the others a month of their pay , which shall be faithfully declared of both sides . the ordnance . a particular lieutenant or collonel of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — livers . 400 livers . the provincial commissary or lieutenant collonel of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 250 livers . an ordinary commissary or major of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 150 livers . a commissary extraordinary , gentleman of the ordnance , cadets or guards shall be exchanged or pay 30 livers . the captains of the bombardiers , miners , pioniers , watermen , cartmen , pontoons , and others depending from the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 50 livers . gunners , bombardiers , fire-workers , carpenters , farriers , pioneers , watermen , bridg-masters , and others shall pay as soldiers — livers . 7. 10 s. gensd'-arms . the brigadier of the gendarms — livers . 1100 the captains of the guards du corps of the king — 2000 livers . the captains lieutenant of the gendarms of the king — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the light-horse — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the scotch guards — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenants of the two companies of the musqueteers on horse-back — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the english gendarms — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenants of the companies of gendarms , and the light-horse of the queen , the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry — 2000 livers . the captain of the guards of the duke of orleans — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of his gendarms and light horse — 2000 livers . the lieutenants of the king's guard du corps — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendarms — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the light-horse — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the two companies of the king's musqueteers — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the scotch guards — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the english gendarms — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendarms of the queen , the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendars of the duke of orleans — 1000 livers . the major of the gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensigns of the king's guards du corps — 1000 livers . the ensigns and guidoon of the gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensign of the scotch troop — 1000 livers . the ensign and cornet of the musqueteers — 1000 livers . the ensign of the english gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensign of the gendarms of the queen — 1000 livers . the cornet of the light-horse of the guards — 1000 livers . the cornet of the light-horse of the queen — 1000 livers . the ensign of the gendarms of the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou and berry — 1000 livers . the lieutenants of the guards of the duke of orleans — 600 livers . the ensign of the gendarms — 600 livers . the cornet of the light-horse — 600 livers . the guidoon of the scotch gendarms — 600 livers . the guidoon of the english gendarms600 livers . the guidoon of the gendarms of the queen — 600 livers . the guidoon of the gendarms of the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry and of the duke of orleans — 600 livers . the major of the guard du corps — 600 livers . and concerning the exempts , quarter-master brigadeers , sou-brigadeers , guards du corps , gendarms , musqueteers , and others of the above mentioned troops , they are to give a month of their pay , or shall be exchang'd for persons of the same quality and caracter . and concerning also the company of granadeers on horse-back , of the king's guards , the officers and granadeers of the said company shall be exchang'd or give a month of their pay. french and suiss gaurds . the collonel of the french guards livers . 3000 the lieutenant collonel — 1500 livers . the major — 600 livers . the captains — 300 livers . the lieutenants , aid-majors , under lieutenants and ensigns and others to a soldier inclusive , a month of their pay. the provost , quarter-master , archers , and others belonging to the provostship of the french guards , a month of their pay. the collonel general of the suissers 4000 livers . the collonel of the suiss guards — 3000 livers . the captains , lieutenants and other officers soldiers of the suiss guards shall pay at the same rate as the french guards . guards of the captain general of the states . the officers , troopers , and soldiers of the regiments , troops , and companies of the guards , shall be exchang'd , or pay a month of their pay. horse . a collonel — livers . 400 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 220 livers . a captain — 200 livers . a lieutenant — 100 livers . an adjutant — 75 livers . a cornet — 75 livers . a quarter-master of the regiment — 75 livers . a quarter-master — 25 livers . brigadiers , or corporals — 22 l. 10 s clerks and troopers — 20 livers . the regiment of the cravattes . the royal english regiment . the royal regiment of piedmont . the germen regiment of count nassau . the said regiments shall be treated as the rest of the cavalry . dragoons . a collonel of dragoons — livers 350 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 200 livers . a captain — 150 livers . a lieutenant — 70 livers . an adjutant — 60 livers . a cornet — 55 livers . a quarter-master — 25 livers . a quarter-master of a regiment shall be exchang'd , or pay — 50 livers . a brigadier , or corporal — ●0 livers . dragoons — 18 livers . foot. a collonel — livers . 400 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 150 livers . a captain — 100 livers . a lieutenant — 40 livers . adjutant — 40 livers . quarter-master of the regiment — 35 livers . under lieutenant , or ensign — 25 livers . the serjeants — 15 livers . soldiers — 7 l. 10 s. the provost of the regiments of horse , dragoons , and foot shall be exchang'd , or pay — 40 livers . their lieutenants , clerks , and auditors shall be exchang'd , or pay — 20 livers . gentlemen cadets . the captains of the nine companies of cadets , shall be exchang'd , if some are to be found of the same post and character , or pay — livers . 150 the lieutenants — 80 livers . the sou-lieutenants , or ensigns — 60 livers . the sejreants — 20 livers . corporals — 12 livers . the cadets — 10 livers . the governors , commanders , the king's lieutenants , the majors and adjutants , and the captains of the gates , shall give a month of their pay , and if they have another place of a greater revenue , then they are to pay accordingly all french voluntiers that shall be in the king's army , of what quality and dignity soever , in case they are of the number of those , that live constantly at court , and that have no military imployments , they shall be exchang'd , or pay 2000 livers . and such voluntiers as shall have some imploy , either in , or out of the army , either in his majesties ▪ or states general , or some other foreign princes whatsoever , shall be exchang'd , or pay according to what is specified in this present treaty . the contents of these two articles shall be observed also in regard of the voluntiers , that shall be in the 〈…〉 the states general . the almoners , ministers , physicians , directors general , as well as particular , apothecaries , chyrurgeons and other officers belonging to the hospitals of the armys and places of war , as also women of what condition soever , children of twelve years of age , and under it , post-boys , messengers , foot-men , and servants shall be sent back without ransom . those that have the benefit of several imployments , shall only pay the ransom according to the greatest place they are in possession of , and shall be exchang'd accordingly , or pay their ransom . all officers of the ordonance , that are not comprehended in this treaty , beariug the same names with the officers of foot , shall without any difference , be exchang'd for the same ransom . all reformed officers shall only pay the fourth part of the ransom of the place , they have the title of . trumpets and drummers that shall reclaim the said prisoners , shall be sent back in three days , and if for some reason of war , they are kept longer , they shall be defrayed by those that do detain them . all officers and others , receiving pay , not included in this present treaty , and obliged to follow the armys , shall be ransom'd by paying one month of their pay , besides that it shall be lawful to the parties , to give one another notice of the officers , that have been omitted in this treaty , and to agree amongst them about it , after which it shall be faithfully observed in the same manner , as if it was actually included in this treaty . if a difficult shou'd arise , concerning the quality or the pay of some of the prisoners , it shall be removed by a certificate , which shall be faithfully given by the general of the army or the governour of the place , which the said prisoners shall belong to , without any other proof . it shall be prohibited of both sides to strip the prisoners . all souldiers , troopers , dragoons , and others , whose ransom is the same , shall have for their subsistance , during the time of their imprisonment three pence of french money , besides the bread of munition , and the serjeants are to have the double of it ▪ it is agreed on both sides , not to force any prisoners of war to be listed , and to prevent all disputes about it , those that shall be willing to serve him , whose prisoners they are , shall be obliged to give under their hand , that they have done it voluntary , without being forced thereunto . all officers may be treated in such a manner as they think fit , and shall find themselves in a condition to pay . all officers of both sides , that have been sent back upon their parole of honour , shall be obliged to return and surrender themselve prisoners , a fortnight after the ratification of this treaty , in case they have not before paid the ransom specified therein , as also the debts they have contratracted for their subsistance in prison , which they may do without being obliged to return , and shall be at liberty to serve as soon as they are acquitted of their creditors . as to the months of pay , mentioned in several articles , they shall be regulated of both sides according to what the king allows them , except the governours , commanders , the king's lieutenants , majors and adjutants , captains of the gates , officers troopers and soldiers of the guards , of the captain general of the states army , who shall pay according to the pay they receive from the states general . upon the conditions above mentioned , it is agreed to send back all prisoners from both sides , a fortnight after the ratification of the present treaty , by praying reciprocally , what they have spent for their subsistance during their imprisonment , and hereafter it shall be very exactly observed to render the prisoners as soon as they shall be reclaimed by paying the ransom of rendring some prisoners in an equivolent number , to the place , they possess . and to render all things easie , equally to both parties , an account shall be given of them every six months , if it be necessary . each party shall make a computation of the prisoners that he sends back , and shall take a receit from the commander of the place , where they are sent to , in order that after a full delivery of the prisoners , those of the two parties , that shall be in debt for it to the other , he may take care to satisfie them according to the ransom here above mentioned . all prisoners , horse as well as foot , that are or have been made so , since the declaration of the present war , by sea as well as by land , shall be returned from one side and the other , by satisfying he above mentioned articles , to the nearest place under his majesty's or the states general 's obedience . it shall be expresly prohibited of both sides , to make use of bullets of tin , or any other metal besides that of lead , as also all ramed bullets for flying parties . no pass-port shall be delivered by the generals , governour , or commanders of places to soldiers , to go out in parties under the number of nine men a foot , and fifteen of horse ; it being agreed , that those who shall be catch'd in arms under the said number , shall be punish'd with a hard prison of two months , and in case , they shall be convinced of murther or robbery , they shall be delivered into the hands of the justice , to be punish'd according to law , of which notice shall be given reciprocally , as also the reasons for so doing . yet this punishment shall find no place , in case a party after having lost some men in a skirmish with the enemy , shall be rencountred in a less number , then they went out from the army , or their garison , which shall be justified by the pass-port and certificate of the generals , governours , or commanders , from whom they got their leave , as also when a little troop has serv'd to convoy an officer , which will be justified by the same attestation . that in case some troopers , dragoons , or soldiers that are made prisoners , and that are , either wounded or sick to the danger of their life , shall be put into the hospitals , or other convenient places , in order to be cured ; it is agreed , that which the king or the states general give to the governours of the hospitals for the entertainment of the sick , shall be repaid besides their ransom , upon an ingenious declaration of both sides : that in case of one side or the other , under pretence of well treating the prisoners , they are put into inns or publick houses upon their own , or their captains charges , there shall be paid nothing , besides the ransom , except the three pence allowed 'em for their subsistance , and the bread of muniton , which of both sides shall be given daily to the troopers , cravattes , dragoons and soldiers , and the double to the serjeants . that the pass-ports of spain shall have place , and shall be respected by the troops of holland , of what nation soever , in the whole extent of the 〈…〉 from the sea till to the mosel french men being the bearers of them , and particularly intandants their deputies , receivers of contributions and confiscations , undertakers of forrage , expresses and post-boys , and the same shall be granted by france , to the receivers of contributions , of convoys , customs , and others of the same imployments and functions , as those here above mentioned from the side of france , in case it be required , that shall be estabish'd upon the frontiers of the spanish netherlands , by the states general , which shall have leave to go without any molestation to the towns and places of the said frontiers , provided they do not approach nearer than than two leagues of the places of the enemy , of one side and the other . it shall also be granted to prisoners , to give notice to their superiors of the place of their detention , and the governours and commanders shall assist them in it . that trumpets and drummers shall be sent back without ransom , except they have been taken with arms in their hands , in which case , trumpeters shall pay as troopers , and drummers as soldiers . this present treaty shall have place , and shall reciprocally be good for all the troops , as well of the king 's , as those of the states general , being actually in their pay , or not , of what nation soever , without exception , or exclusion , that shall stand under the orders of the princes and generals , that have , or shall have directly and naturally a command and authority over the armys and troops of his majesty , and their high and mighty lordships , acting by their orders ▪ and in their name , either joyntly , or separately , in what places , or conntrys soever , all the said troops shall have the benefit of this present treaty on both sides , and shall be exchang'd , or pay a ransom , according to the agreement made therein , which his majesty promises to approve , and to see it punctually observed and executed as the states general promise to approve the contents of the present article , and to see it punctually observed and executed by the princes and generals , as it is here above mentioned : the present treaty shall also have place , and shall be executed by his majesty during this present war , not only for the troops that are either in the king 's or states pay , of what nation soever but also in regard of all kings and princes , that are now actually in war against france , that within the time of two months , shall declare by an act of a good form , that they willing to conform themselves to his treaty , and promise the execution of it concerning prisoners , either of this side , or the other side of the sea , and his majesty does promise to see the said treaty executed , in regard of above mentioned kings and princes , that are in alliance with the states general , provided that within the limitted time , the said allies of the states general that are now in war against france ; do promise by an act in a good form , to conform themselves to the said treaty , during the present war , and as soon as the said act shall be delivered to the sieur de la motte , in order to send them to his majesty , he will permit to the prisoners of the said alley's that have promised to execute also the present treaty , to return either to their respective countries , or armies , by paying the ransom specified in the said treaty , according to the places , which they were in possession of , when they were made prisoners , and in case some difficulty shou'd arise , concerning the differency of the places in the king 's and the confederate princes armys ; notice shall be given to the sieur de la motte in order to compose it in such a manner as shall be most agreable to both parties . the contents of the foregoing article shall be of no prejudice to , nor cause any alteration in this treaty concerning the troops of the states general . that the present treaty about the exchange and the ransom of the prisoners of war on both sides , shall have place , and be thought good from the day of the date of the ratification , and shall be inviolably continued during the present war without the least interruption . and for the better assurance of the said treaty , we have promis'd reciprocally by vertue of the power , given unto us to get it ratified by his majesty , as well as the states general of the united provinces , within a fortnight , at the farthest from the date hereof : made at buillon , december the 29th . 1690. signed , la motte de la peyrouse . j. b. de wassenaer . the king 's warrant , translated out of the french . the king being informed that the states general of the unined provinces were inclinable to agree upon a treaty for the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that have been or shall be made , either by his majesties armies or by those that are in his pay , in case his majesty was willing to harken to it ; and being ready to contribute on his side to the easiness and liberty of the said prisoners , his majesty being intirely satisfied with the conduct of the sieur de la motte de la peyrouse , his lieutenant in the government of maubeuge , concerning the soid treaty , which he has made and past in his name the 20th . of october last , with the commissaries , nominated by the catholic king , in a treaty of the same nature , in which he has given proves of his capacity and experience ; his majesty has ordered and deputed him to transport himself to bouillon , and to render himself there towards the second of december next , in order to negotiate , conclude , and sign in his name with the sieur baron de wassenaer , d' obdam , deputed to the same purpose by the said states general , by vertue of a sufficient power , and that shall be in good form , a general treaty about the exchange of the prisoners of war , thas have been or shall be made , since the beginning of this war , and the time of its continuation , by the troops of his majesty , and by those of the said states general , in what place soever , where the armies of his majesty and those of the states general have acted , or shall act hereafter , without exception , and man for man of the same post , and quality , and thot in case there shou'd be a greater number of prisoners of war of one side and the other ▪ the surplus shall be set at liberty , by paying the ransoms , which shall be agreed upon , and all conformably as much as shall be possible , to the last treaty of exchange and ransom , concluded and signed may the 20th . 1675. for the prisoners of war made by the armies of his majesty and those of the said states general , adding thereunto , or taking off from it what shall be thought , fit , and to be done by the said sieur de la peyrouse , for the said exchange and ransoms , all that he shall find necessary , and to the purpose , his majesty having given him , as he gives him by the present full power of it , promising upon the faith and parole of a king , to consent , and faithfully to keep all that shall be negotiated , premist , and signed in his name , by the said sieur de la peyrouse , by vertue of this present power , and to see it punctually exacted and observed on his side , without difficulty ; for such is his majesties will. given at versailles , november , the 19th . 1690 signed , lewis and lower le tellier . the warrant of the states general , translated out of the dvtch . the states general of the united provinces , to all those whom it may concern ; give to understand , that we have thought fit to depute and authorize , as we do depute and authorise by these presents , the heer baron of wassenaer , heer of obdam , major general in the service of our state , from vs and in our name , with those who by his majesty the king of france , are , or shall also be sufficiently authorized , to negociate , and to conclude a treaty about the excbange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that are , or shall be made hereafter , with all that depends from it , promising faithfully to approve , to ratifie , and to execute all that by the said baron of wassanaer , heer of obdam , shall be concluded and agreed upon in our name . given under the seal of the state at the hague , december the 11th . 1690. signed , g. sloot , by order from the high mentioned states general , f. fagel . the king's ratification , translated out of the french. the king , having seen , and attentively read the treaty here before mentioned , made , and concluded by the sieur de la motte , de la peyrouse , and in the name of the states general of the united provinces , by the sieur de wassenaer , de obdam , about the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war that have been made , since it was declared , or shall be made hereafter , during this war , by the troops of france , and those of the states general , one upon the other ; and his majesty being pleased with the said treaty ▪ has approved , confirmed , and ratified , and does approve , confirm , and ratifie it ; and he has promised , and does promise upon the faith and parole of a king to keep it , to see it kept , and inviolately observed on his side , without the least infraction ▪ nor permit that it should be infracted in any manner whatsoever ; having for a mark of his good will , signed these present , with his own hand , and ordered his privy seal to be set to it . versailles , january the 4th . 1691. signed , lewis . ratification of the states general , translated out of the dutch . the states general of the united provinces , to all those whom it may concern , greeting , give to understand , that having seen and examined the treaty concluded at buillon , december the 29th . 1690. between the sieur de la motte , de la peyrouse , authorised thereunto by his majesty the king of france , and the heer baron of wassenaer , heer of obdam , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ed also thereunto by vs , concernin●●he ransom and exchange of both 〈◊〉 prisoners , as it is here above at ●●●ge mentioned . and having o●●erved , that 't is promis'd by the last article of it , that the said treaty should ●e ratified on both sides , within a fortnight after the 24th . of december past , it being the day of the begining of the treaty , we have accordingly approved and ratified the said treaty , as we do approve and ratifie it by these presents , promising faithfully to observe the present treaty and all the points and articles of it , to execute it , and to see it executed by all those whom it may concern . given under the seal of the state at the hague , january the 11th , 1691. w. de nassaw . by order from the high mentioned states general . f. fagel . finis . a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02117 wing c3388a estc r173785 52612089 ocm 52612089 179371 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02117) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179371) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:32) a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) ; 38 x 28 cm. printed by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinbvrgh : 1667. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. text in black letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the twenty fourth day of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven, and of our reign the nineteenth year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng treaty of breda (1667). anglo-french war, 1666-1667 -treaties -sources. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for publishing the peace between his majesty and the french king . charles r. whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at breda , betwixt his majesty and the french king , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof there made the fourteenth day of this instant august : in conformity whereunto , his majesty hath thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all his majesties dominions . and his majesty doth declare , that all ships or other moveable goods whatsoever , which shall appear to be taken from the subjects of the french king ; after the twenty sixth of this instant august , in the neighbouring seas , that is to say , in the channel , the seas betwixt england and ireland , as also in the north seas and the baltick ; after the twenty fourth of september next ensuing , from the said neighbouring seas to the cape st. vincent ; after the twenty second of october next , from the said cape st. vincent to the equinoctial line , aswell in the ocean as in the mediterranean , and elsewhere ; and lastly , after the fourteenth day of february next ensuing , on the other side of the aforesaid line , throughout the whole world , without any exception or distinction of time or place , or without any form of process ; shall immediatly and without any damage , be restored to the owners , according to the said treaty . and hereof his majesty willeth and commandeth all his subjects to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto . given at our court at whitehall , the twenty fourth day of august , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven , and of our reign the nineteenth year . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1667. a true discourse of the whole occurrences in the queenes voyage from her departure from florence, vntil her arriuall at the citie of marseilles together with the triumphs there made at her entrie: whereto is adioyned her receiuing and entrie into lyons. hereunto is annexed, the first sauoyan: wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of sauoy by the french, and the importance of holding it. all faithfully translated out of french, by e.a. 1601 approx. 81 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07151 stc 17556 estc s119499 99854706 99854706 20143 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07151) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20143) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 966:02) a true discourse of the whole occurrences in the queenes voyage from her departure from florence, vntil her arriuall at the citie of marseilles together with the triumphs there made at her entrie: whereto is adioyned her receiuing and entrie into lyons. hereunto is annexed, the first sauoyan: wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of sauoy by the french, and the importance of holding it. all faithfully translated out of french, by e.a. arnauld, antoine, 1560-1619. first savoyan. aut aggas, edward. [2], 7, [1]; 34 p. by simon stafford, for cuthbert burby: and are to be sold at his shop at the royall exchange, imprinted at london : 1601. a translation, by edward aggas, of the french original. "the first sauoyan" has separate dated title page. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marie de médicis, -queen, consort of henry iv, king of france, 1573-1642 -early works to 1800. france -history -henry iv, 158-1610 -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve discovrse of the whole occurrences in the queenes voyage from her departure from florence , vntil her arriuall at the citie of marseilles , together with the triumphs there made at her entrie : whereto is adioyned her receiuing and entrie into lyons . herevnto is annexed , the first sauoyan : wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of sauoy by the french , and the importance of holding it . all faithfully translated out of french , by e. a. imprinted at london by simon stafford , for cuthbert burby : and are to be sold at his shop at the royall exchange . 1601. a trve discovrse of the whole occurrences in the queenes voyage from her departure from flo rence , vntill her arriuall at the citie of marseilles , together with the triumphs there made at her entrie : whereto is adioyned her receiuing and entrie into lions . all faythfully translated out of french by e. a. my lord , according to the promise which you enforced of me at my departure from paris , namely , that i should repaire to his maiestie , and vpon receit of his command , to hasten with all diligence to marseilles , where i haue spent my time in expectation of the so long desired arriuall of the queene : i doe now write vnto you these presents , infull discharge of my said promise : wherby you shall vnderstand , that vpon the thirteenth day of october , the queene departed from the citie of florence , towards france , and arriued at liuorne the seuenteenth day following , where she embarked in the generall galley of the lord the great duke , where she was attended with fiue of the popes galleyes , fiue of the galleyes of malta , and sixe of the sayd lord dukes : in all seuenteene galleyes . her first harbor was at espetie , where the embassadours of the state of genes came to salute her , with tender of their galleyes on the behalfe of the sayde state , for the which shee returned them great thankes . from that harbour shee arriued at fin , where through tempest and soule weather , shee was forced to soiourne nine dayes full : but ordinarily lay in her galley . from fin shee tooke harbour at sauonne : the next day at antibe : thence at saint maryes : then at treport : next at tollon , where shee tooke land , and stayed two dayes : and from tollon shee arriued at marseilles , the third of this moneth of nouember , betweene fiue and sixe of the clocke at night , and landed vpon a great bridge , purposely erected on the kay ouer against the lodging prepared for her : vpon the which bridge wayted on the left hand the lord cardinalles ioyeuse , gondy , giury , and sourdy , the archbishops of arles and aix , the bishops of marseilles , tolon , and paris . the lordes duke of guyse , the constable and the chanceler , assisted with the councellors of his maiesties councell . on the right hand stood the ladie dutchesse of nemours and guyse , and madamoyselle her daughter ; the lady of vantadour , the lady chanceler , the marquesse of guyercbeuille , and other ladies . at the entrie vnto the sayde bridge , the foure consuls of the said citie of marseilles , in long scarlet gownes , holding in their handes a canapie of russet violet , vpon a ground of siluer , vpon their knees presented her maiestie , with two keyes of gold fastened vpon a chaine : which keyes her sayd maiestie immediatly deliuered to the lord of lussā , captain of her guard : the consulsrysed and withdrawne some three or foure steppes backe , the sayd lord cardinalles did their obeysance and receiued her : then the lords of guyse , the constable , and chanceler . after them came the duchesse of nemours , and saluted the queen , then the lady of guyse , and madamoyselle her daughter , and so consequently all the other ladies . this done , her sayde maiestie returned vnder her canapie : before whom marched the sayde lord of guyse , constable , and chaunceler , ledde by the sayde lord cardinalles of ioyeuse and gonay : then followed the lady great duchesse of florence , ledde by the lord cardinall of giury : then the ladie duchesle of mantua , ledde by the cardinall of sourdy : after these marched the ladies duchesses of nemours and guyse , with her daughter : the ladies of vantadour , chanceler , and others , according to their degrees : and so ascending a great stayre that was purposely made , they came to the doore of a great chamber prepared for that purpose , for the sayde lady queene , and so to the presence , where many ladyes wayted for her . this done , shee entred her chamber , followed by the said ladies , the great duchesse , the duchesses of mantua , nemours , and guyse , and the yong lady of guyse , with the other ladyes , who all made but short stay , but returned to their lodgings , so as there remained with her none but the princesses and ladyes that had accompanied her in her iourneyes . the lordes likewise that had accompanied her , did depart , namely ` don iouan , don virginio , and don antonio , who also had assisted her in all her sayde voyages : neyther am i able to expresse the magnificent discent out of the sayde galleyes , each taking place according to their degrees , enriched with all kindes of honour , as well in regard of the multitude of the nobilitie , as for the sumptuousnesse of the furniture of the sayde gallyes , especially of the queenes , which was vnder the conduct of the lord marc. anthonio colicat . therein were two hundred knights , that bare the crosse of florence . the galley-slaues were magnifically apparrelled . in them of malta , vnder the conduct of don peter mendoza , a hundred and fiftie knights , and so in the rest : so that in the whole , it is accounted shee had for her conduct at the least seuen thousand men , all at the kings pay and expences . the next day , the fourth of this moneth , all the ladyes came to helpe vp the queene , whom they brought to the chappell purposely prepared neere to the great chamber , where shee had the masse celebrated , at what time the princes , princesses , lords , and ladyes , had their gentlemen , pages , and seruants as proudly apparrelled as may be : nothing but cloth of gold , embrodery and spangles . a discovrse of the receiving and trivmphs vpon the queenes entrie into the citie of lyons . translated out of french. my lord , this bringer comming to paris , i haue accompanied with these presents , as wishing in what i might , to make shew of the friendship which continually i haue vowed vnto you , and in regard thereof to participate vnto you the pleasures whereof my selfe was an eye-witnesse in this towne , where , through gods grace , hearing of the expected , and long wished approach of the queene of france , i was forced vpon a desire , as well to behold the magnificence thereof , as to write vnto you of the whole proceedings , to intermit whatsoeuer any other affayres . the queene therefore vpon saturday last towards the twy-light , arriuing in the suburbs called la guillotier , standing at the end of rosne bridge , was lodged at the crowne , a verie large lodging , and of great receipt . the next day being sunday , shee returned two leagues backe to a castle , called la moth , where shee dined , whither also the inhabitants of lyons came to see her . after dinner the burgesses troopes issued out of the towne , and marched to the sayd castle to meete her , being in number some three or foure thousand gallant and very choyse souldiers . their chiefe captaines were all attyred alike , euerie man his mandilion of blacke veluet , his white satten doublet , his netherstocks of white silke , his gascognes and buskins of black veluet , all garded with gold parchment lace . their lieutenants all in violet veluet , garded likewise with gold parchment lace . the captaine ancients all in russet veluet , layd also with gold lace , and beuere hats of the like colour , with feathers , garnished with agate stones , set in gold ouall wise . the coronell marched before them excellently well appoynted , and mounted vpon a mightie courser , barded and garded with gold lace , himselfe apparrelled in blacke veluet , all couered with gold parchment lace . then followed the souldiours , one third part pikes , another third part musqueters , and another third part harquebuziers : the musqueters their cassocks of greene veluet , with the bandoliers of the same , and white doublets , all layd with siluer lace . the harquebuziers for the most part white doublets , and cassocks of violet cloth . the pike men white doublets , with cassocks of blacke russet cloth , all well lay de with lace , and hattes all seathers of one colour , and armed in white armour . then came forth the towne watch , armed at all assayes . next the serieants on horsebacke , and the lawyers . then the gouernours of the towne , the steward , and sheriffes , accompanied with thirtie burgesses , all attyred in violet veluet and foot-cloathes . after them the italian nation . the streetes were hanged with tapistrie , from rosne gate , to the church of saint iohn , which was also hanged , and the sayd streetes grauelled all the way that the french queene should come . first entred the troopes that went foorth to meete the queene in verie good order : then the burgesses and nations : then the gouernours of the towne : after them the french and italian nobilitie mixed . next the queenes bastard brother , accompanied with the chiefest of the nobilitie , and with them tenne pages , apparrelled in cloth of gold . after all followed the queene , who entred the citie in an open lictier , about foure of the clocke in the after noone : her lictier all layde with gold parchmentlace . at her entrie into the towne gate , she was receiued vnder a canopie of cloth of gold , borne by foure of the chiefe burgesses of the towne , vnder the which the sayde lady queene passed along the towne , attired in cloth of gold , set with an infinite number of diamonds , and stones that gaue such a reuerberation , as to the beholders seemed a number of sunnes : yet was all this nothing , in regard of her own most excellent beauty , whereat all men did much maruaile : and withall , the voyce of the people so sounded forth their blessings and prayers , crying , god saue the queene , that the verie mountaines about returned an eccho . her pages marched before her , with two that guided the lictier , apparelled in cornation cloth of gold , accompanied and followed with princes , lords , cardinals , bishops , gentlemen , princesses , and ladies , as well french as foreyn , so many , that if i should vndertake to describe the whole , it would take a quier of paper . thus was she brought to the church of saint iohn . thus much in breefe haue i written vnto you , of our ladie the french queenes entrie into our citie of lyons , whom i beseech god to preserue for vs , and shortly to send her some issue , which is the thing that with my heart i doe most desire . from lyons this fourth of december . 1600. the first savoyan . wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of sauoy by the french , and the importance of holding it . imprinted at london for cuthbert burby : and are to be sold at his shop adioyning to the royall exchange . 1601. the first sauoyan . wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of sauoy by the french , and the importance of holding it . albeit my manifold woundes receiued in the seruice of our good kings , charles & his two successors , haue chayned me to my bed , and in manner extinguished all hope of recouerie of my health , considering my age : yet can i not chuse ( sith it will be no better ) but serue my king and countrey with all that is left mee , namely my speech . in as much therefore , as i can not deliuer any thing so faire & conuenient , as that excellent subiect which i haue vndertaken , euen the equitie and benefite of the conquest and presernation of sauoy : i will without farther preface , aduow that the king hath sufficiently made demonstration to the whole world , how vnwilling hee was to proceede by force of armes , in that he stood onely vpon his marquizate : for as well might hee haue called an account of sixe times greater duties : euen such duties as were neither vncertaine nor doubtfull , but most euident , and iustified by authenticall titles reserued among the treasurie of the charters of france , whereof the most part are sufficiently knowne by the histories of these three latter ages , albeit wee seeke no farther for them . first , the earles of sauoy haue without any colour or pretence , seyzed vpon nice and villefranch , members of the true , and ancient bodie of the countie of prouince , whereof the earles of prouince haue euermore beene acknowledged to be lordes : as queene iane , daughter to robert king of sicile , and earle of prouence : who enioyed the fame in the yeare 1380. and with all other her goods gaue them to lewes the first duke of angeou : who , as also after him queene marie , in the name of lewes the second duke of aniou , did peaceablie enioy them as earles of prouence . howbeit , during the great warres betweene the houses of aniou and arragon for naples , the duke of sauoy , without any title or pretence , but onely of seemlinesse , seyzed vpon the territories of nice and villefranch . albeit consequently the french kings , as heyres generall to the earles of prouence , are the vndoubted lords of both these places . secondly , the house of sauoy hath forcibly & by violence seyzed vpon the countrey of piemont , an other part of the ancient bodie and patrimonie of prouence : for aduow of the truth hereof , in the yeare 1306. was the principalitie of piedmont vnited to the county of prouence , and the earles thereof peaceably enioyed the same , vntill the yeare 1363. at what time queene iane was defeated of it . thirdly , they haue also encroched vpon a great part of the countie of ast , which appertaineth to the house of orleance , as being giuē in dowry to valentine ▪ as also they haue seyzed vpō the homage of fousigny , which depēdeth vpō dauphine . fourthly , in dutie they are to obey the contradictory sentence giuen the 10 of iune , 1390 ▪ in the parliament of paris , where they proceeded , & by all meanes defended themselues : for by that decree the k. dauphin was pronounced soueraigne lord of the marquizat of saluces . and in execution of this decree , the duke of sauoy is to yeeld vp a great deale of land appertaining to the said marquizate , together with the fruites of the same . * fiftly and lastly , philip the seuenth , duke of sauoy , had two wiues . the first , margaret of burbon , who brought him sixtie thousand crownes . by the contract of this marriage , the children that should be borne to thē , should succeed each other in the whole , and vnto them ( as in aduance ) is giuen the countie of bauge and castelwick of bourg in bresse . of this marriage issued a sonne called philibert , and loyse that was mother to king francis the first . by the second wife hee had two sonnes . philibert succeeded his father , and dyed without issue , leauing his sister his heyre generall , as well by course of the common law , which preferreth the conioyned on both sides , as by the expresse clause of the contract of marriage . true it is , that in those lands that preferre the male child , our lady regent pretended no part : but in al her mothers goods , in that which was giuen in aduaunce , and in all the moueables and goods , shee was her brothers vndoubted and sole heyre . in the yeere 1534. king francis the first sent diuers times sundrie great personages to charles the ninth , duke of sauoy , his lady mothers halfe brother , to demaund his rights . but this duke , preuented by the passions of his wife , and lingring in hope of a certaine exchange most daungerous for vs , not onely denied to doe him reason in these so euident and palpable rights , but also resolued to debarre the kings passage , as he was on his iourney , to be reuenged vpon sforce , duke of millan , for the most villanous act that euer was committed , namely , the beheading of the lord merueilles , ambassadour of france . hereupon did the king denounce warre to the duke of sauoy , who wrongfully detained his rights : and according to law of nations , which giueth to the strongest in true and full proprietie , the goods of him that hath denied him his right : his maiestie in the yeere 1536. conquered sauoy , bresse , and piedmont , which he reserued twentie three yeres : and very presumptuous he had been , that durst haue mooued this great king to abandon this principall rampier or bulwarke of the gaules , for the custodie whereof , wee neede not to crosse the seas , or trauaile through forrain countries , but may come to it by firme footing . thus are great empires cymented and established . but such was the calamitie of france , that in the yeere 1559. wee made a treatie , whereby wee rendered 198. places , where the king held his garrisons , as the marshall monluc doth testifie , who tearmeth it the vnfortunate and accursed peace , saying , that since the same , wee haue neuer beene free from misfortunes . also that our ciuill wars haue wasted more valiant captaines in seuen yeeres , then any forraine warres in seuentie . yet spake he not this vpon any good will that hee bare to those , with whome wee were at warres : for they neuer had a sorer enemie , or any that dealt more rudely with them . but the flower de luce was painted in his heart , and hee most vehemently did affect any thing , that might tend to the greatnesse and glorie of this crowne . in this regard he could not without griefe speake of so vnprofitable a restitution , whereto our mishap had forced vs , with a whole sequence of all sorts of miseries , in that so many warlike people ( as he termeth them ) could not otherwise employ themselues , then in most furious cutting each others throates . neuerthelesse we did not at that time so farre giue way to the storme , that tossed and turmoyled this realme , but that wee retayned fiue of the principall and strongest townes of piedmont , as pledges for the reason that should be done vs in our rights , namely thurin , quiers , chiuas , pinerol , villeneufue d' ast , wherein we are also to note , that our treatie of peace in 1559. in expresse words imported , that the king should holde thurin , chiuas , and villeneufue d' ast , with all their confines , territories , commaunds , iurisdictions , and other appurtenances : and as for quiers and pinerol , the king should hold thē with such confines & territories , as he should find to be necessarie for the sustenance and defence of the fayd places . now at the same time dyed king henry the second , leauing king frauncis verie young , which occasion the duke of sauoy would not ouerslip : for being still at paris , fourteene dayes after the fathers death , he obtained the sonnes letters patents ( neuer verified as the treaty of peace was ) wherein the confines of these fiue townes were restrained to a piedmont myle , which was as much as to abridge vs of the fiue sixt partes at the least of all that was left vs , as if it had not beene enough that we had yeelded vp so many places , vnlesse wee were also so straightened in the remainder of our shipwrack . all which notwithstanding , i would to god things had yet so remained : but in the yeare 62. during our first ciuill warres , they that had alreadie found opportunitie so to shorten the territories , seeing the realme in trouble , and king charles but twelue yeares old , gaue the aduenture , & restored into this dukes hands , thurin , quiers , chinas , & villeneufue d' ast . ten battelles would not haue wrested from vs such places , which had cost fraunce so much gold and bloud . not long before , they had in fit time made away marshall brissac , who would rather haue cast himselfe headlong from the rockes , then in the kings nonage haue giuen vp townes of such importance to the crowne , the value whereof hee was better acquainted withall , then any man aliue . his successor in this gouernment ( yet accounted one of the fayrest , in regard of the great importance thereof ) forgat no remonstrance : and in deed he satisfied all men but himselfe : for thrice did he refuse the execution of so wonderfull hurtfull an acte , vsing most vehement and liuely remonstrances and protestations , crauing an assemblie of the estates , or at the least considering the kings minoritie , the verification of the parliament of peeres , sitting at paris . had they had any hope to obtaine this promulgation , it had not beene denyed him , especially considering that it would haue stoode for a discharge to all others : but they knew very wel , that such a parliament , consisting of so many great personages , practised in all sorts of affayres , who also by the reading of hystories were acquainted with the truth of our rights mentioned in the beginning , would neuer by their decree haue authorized an acte so preiudiciall to the estate . in this regard , not daring to exhibite such letters to the parliament of fraunce , they grew to such grieuous and strange threates against this gouernour , that at the last hee gaue way : howbeit with such and so violent griefe , that it stucke by him to his end , and brought him to his graue , enforcing him sundrie times to crie out , that he was accursed , that he ought to haue dyed in thurin , vnlesse his master after declaration of his maioritie , had of his owne absolute authoritie reuoked him : also that peraduenture his maiestie finding what a faire flower they sought to plucke from his crowne , and what a griefe and losse the same might for euer remaine , both to him and his successors , would haue altered his purpose , and beene of another mind . thus we see how in 62. these foure places were lost onely for sauillan , and 33000. franckes , for a moneths pay for the souldiours , which was no doubt a proper change . all the artillerie was drawen to carmaegnolle , which by this meanes was as well stored as all the rest of the realme : and in this wise was the assurance and pledge of all our rights reduced to two holds , pinerall , one of the fiue , and sauillan , which was but little worth : yet was not the duke of sauoy thus content : for the pledge , howsoeuer small , did still remember vs of our rights , which he labored to rase out of our minds ▪ & therfore at the late kings returne ( whō god pardon ) out of poland , passing through sauoy , the same were begged in recompence of a collation : and the prince , whose onely error rested in his too great goodnesse , granted them : whereupon the late duke euer after acknowledged himselfe greatly bound vnto him , and good reason . his sonne an ambitious prince , as any bred in europe these fiue hundred yeeres , who in imagination hath swallowed the whole monarchie of all christendome , grounded vpon the decease of his neerest allies without issue , which his sorcerers and magicians doe promise him , together with the decease of his maiestie , which god in his mercie forbid , seeing the late king in 88. excluded out ofhis chiefe citie , accompting him vndone , and contemning the salicke lawe , immediatly perswaded himselfe that he had most apparant right to this crowne : or that at the least hee would carrie away one of the best partes of the broken shippe , and that the rhosne should streame vnder his banners . and to bee the first at the bootie , and to beginne with those places that are allotted to the kings eldest sonne , as a pledge of his future succession , in the face of the estates assembled at bloys , during a most secure peace , hee inuaded the marquizate of saluces , by the surprize of carmagnole , and the beating of rauell . were the losse of such fortresses , the sole remainder of the french name beyond the mounts , verie great , yet was the losse of the artillerie no whit inferior thereto : for there were laide vp the canons , which vnder the banners of the flower de luce had made the proudest rauelins of warlicke italie to stoop . at the beginning of this vsurpation he sought sundrie pretences , and sent his ambassadors expressely to the king , to assure him of restitution of the whole into his hands . but immediately he disgraced his maiesties officers , & of his ducall authority established others : he pulled down & brake the flower de luces , & raysed the armes of sauoy : he furnished his towns with part of our artillery , & at the same instant , to acquaint al the world with the trophees of his victorie , he forgeth a proud coyne , whereupon he stampeth a centaure , treading vnder his feete a crowne reuersed , with this deuise , opportune . all such as are acquainted with histories , can testifie , that since the establishment of this great monarchie , the most auncient in the world , it neuer brooked such an outrage : for if iniuries are much the more aggrauated by the consideration of his weaknesse from whom they doe proceede , what greater shame , what greater reproach to the chiefe crowne in christendome , to the most sacred king in the world , the prince ouer a nationa , euen borne to mars his occupation , the subduers of asia and affrica : at the report of whose name , euen the fiercest nations that euer had dominion vpon the earth , haue trembled , then to see his forts and store-house beyond the mounts , carryed away by a pettie duke of sauoy ? surely no true frenchman can speake of this insolent brauado , without griefe and extreme anguish . all words are too base for such an indignitie , to say that this great & mightie kingdome should beare this reproach and blemish in her forehead for the space of a dozen yeres , and that it hath rested onely vpon this vnthankfull person , that hee neuer felt the punishment for such an outrage , done to the maiestie and glorie of the french name . but it was not gods will , who hath hardened his heart , that he might receiue the reward of such treason , accompanied with the most notable ingratitude that was euer heard of , and with a thousand cruelties that haue insued the same . for not content with this inuasion , he hath since practised all the cruelties that hee could deuise against all such sorts of frenchmen , as hee hath found resolute in the defence of the liberties of their countries , with the price of their bloud , or that preferred death before bondage . prouence & dauphine , which he assumed to revnite to the crowne of sauoy , as his predecessors haue done piedmont , ast , nice , villefranche , and many other places to vs appertainiug , doe yet groane vnder the anguish of such wounds , as his cruell tyrannie hath inflicted vpon them : yea such , so great and intolerable , that euen they that had opened him the gates , were forced to driue him out again , wheresoeuer their strength would serue . afterward seeing this realme quiet vnder one of the mightest and most excellent princes that euer swayed this glorious scepter , a prince growne vp among the allarmes , the nurse-child of legions , and in all poynts requisit in a most perfect captaine , most accomplished , and withall a mightie king ; he was not so slender witted , but that he well perceiued how very difficult it was for him , any long time to hold this marquizate by force , especially considering , that by the treatie euerie man was to reenter into like estate , as hee enioyed before the warres , at the least , within one yeere : besides , that his holynes had sufficiently giuen to vnderstand , that before all things it was requisite , fully to restore him , that in the time of peace had perforce beene robbed . finding himselfe therefore in these perplexities , with the kings permission , whom he had assured euery way to content , he came to paris , where he was receiued with al cheerefulnesse and honour that himselfe could desire : after long and often treaties , hee finally in the month of february promised within the first of lune , to yeeld vp the marquizate in like state as he tooke it , or the exchange thereof agreed vpon betweene his maiestie and him : and this was solemnely signed , as well by the one as by the other . afterward being returned into piedmont , hee was so farre from certifying the king that his mind was changed , that contrariwise from day to day hee entertained him with goodly promises of faithfull performance of all that he had promised . so that as ordinarily such men as had rather incurre a thousand deaths , then break their word , do imagine al others to be like themselues , especially where they haue to doe with princes , whose greatnesse and honour shining as well during their liues , as after their decease , consisteth in the exact obseruation of their fayth , the queene of men , the sunshine of this world , and the ornament of all vertues : his maiestie accounted the restitution of his marquizate , as sure as if the lord of passage , a gentleman without reproch , whom hee had chosen to bee gouernour , had alreadie beene entred with his garrison appoynted to that effect . but the prince of piedmonts purposes had a farre other drift : he sought onely to win moneths , weekes , and dayes , that so the winter comming on , might debarre the king from any enterprise for that yeere , which was alreadie well spent , assuring himselfe , that before the spring he would set so many matters on broach , & ftir such coles , that they should haue other matters inough to thinke vpon , rather then the marquizate of saluces , withal conioyning his extreme confidence that hee reposed in his witches , sorcerers , & prickers of waxen images . but god had otherwise appoynted : for after forbearance of feuenty daies aboue couenant , withall that this prince had declared , that hee would not performe or accomplish that which his ambassadors and pastors had aduised : the king , whose wisdome was correspondent to his bountie , finding himselfe thus vnworthily intreated in the execution of this accord , that had beene made by his predecessor , in the inuasion of his inheritance , did finally resolue by force of armes to reuenge so many wrongs offred to this crowne & withall , to let all the world , where the fame of his conquests and victories should be bruted , to vnderstand , that it was neither want of power in his kingdome , neither feare of danger that forced him to like of the sayd accord , in liew of sixe times as large an inheritance , by this vnthankfull wretch detained from him : but rather for that hee was most religiously bent to obserue the peace of veruins , which since the prince of piedmont had on his part broken , & withal , shrunke from his promise so solemnely signed : as also that god , the great iudge of both good and badde meanings , who giueth victorie to the righteous quarrell , hath so prospered our armes , that with his help and a little patience , we may soone compasse this so important a conquest of sauoy and bresse : shall we then possibly find any of our owne nation , so carelesse of the glory and safetie of their countrey , as againe to desire the presence of the most mortall and passionate enemie that wee haue in this world , on this side the alpes , on this side the bulwarck of the gaules , and euen in our bowels ? nature , sayd our elders ( and in that word we comprehend the power of god ) hath limited the great empires with deepe seas , with high mountains , with mightie and swift riuers , perpetuall and vnchangeable bounds , farre more sure then any made by mans hand , which must alwayes bee repaired . the true bounds of the gaules east-ward , are the alpes : what more profitable , and withall , more honourable , can any man imagine , then by so iust a warre , and so acknowledged throughout christendome , to driue all forraine dominion ouer the mounts , and to take such order , that albeit all transalpine gaules fayle vs , yet so much as is on this side , may conspire the preseruation of the glorie and greatnesse of the flower de luce ? hereupon especially let vs likewise consider the diuers accidents that may befall this great bodie , and remember that when the enemies armies must needes climbe these high mountaines , and crane vp their canons , a verie small resistance will mightily trouble them : and contrariwise , that the estate wherein wee liued before this happie conquest , dauphine and prouence lay open to all inuasions . if they that liued in former ages had not regarded our safetie , as wee are also to take order for our posteritie , the fire would dayly haue flamed in angoulmois , in anieow , and in many other parts of this realme , if our former kings had had no meaning to liue among vs ( as they doe ) through the glorie of their great and stately conquests , or that they would haue surrendred the inheritance of such as durst presume to trie their forces , and what a french armie , fighting in the view of their prince , is able to doe : vndoubtedly wee should now haue neither seas nor mountaines to bounder this kingdome . neither is there any person so vnexperienced in worldly affaires , as not to know , that the pyrenian limits are not vnto vs of greater vse and commoditie then the alpes : for from them we stand in danger of the assault of one onely nation , which since the creation of the world , could neuer alone so fight with the french , but that the honour hath rested with vs. contrariwise , by the alpes wee lie open to all the most fierce , proude , and most capable of extending their dominion , had the ottomans prosecuted their progresse through italy , as well as they caught sure footing by the taking of ottranto , which could not be wrested from them vnder eighteene moneths siege , after his decease that conquered it , euen those against whom we are now to make warres , must haue beene the chiefe bulwarke of our fortresse to keepe it : such men are they to support such cloudes of innumerable men . let vs not imagine these considerations to be scar-crowes , as things vnpossible , which i would to god they were , for we must confesse , that it is not halfe so farre from mont senis to zigeth , or into esclauonia , as from thence to constantinople , which mahomet tooke but in the yeere 1453. hereby let vs consider , in how short a time they may come vpon vs , or vpon our children , to whose good we are to referre all our labours : god of his mercie keepe vs from this miserie : yet must we thinke vpon all , and that in time , holding the alpes as we doe , and vnited to the switzers in a sure league , the greatest power in the world is not able to force vs in a groūd of such aduantage . and this may stoppe the mouthes of some that obiect vnto vs the power of turks , to make vs giue ouer , whereas contrariwise , that is the chiefe matter that should the rather mooue vs to the safe custodie of our principall rampier . here vnto we may adde , that whilest we lost naples , milan , and flanders , we did not consider the turkes great successe in the meane time . when the duke of sauoy euen of late inuaded the marquizate , and bent all his forces to vsurpe pronence and dauphine , no man regarded whether the infidels prospered or not : but now that our affayres are at a better stay , & the case altered , by and by they crie out , the turke , beware the turke : by these policies incroching vpon vs , when wee haue the worse , and lingering and lulling vs asleepe , when our fortune smileth vpon vs : they haue made vs lose almost as much as wee haue left . thus doe they dandle vs like children : but let vs no longer brooke this entertainment ; rather let vs keepe this naturall and incomparable rampier , that shall on that side warrant and secure vs from all sorts of enemies . the remainder of this great realme is bounded with the east and west seas , except toward germany , where our germaine , francke and valiant brethren , men deuoyde of all malice , or purpose to enterprise , doe inhabite : vnited with them , we shall at all times so fiercely , and with such courage defend our selues , that all the world conspiring our ruine , shall not be able to beare vs : we neuer fayled them of helpe in their neede , and therefore with great reason did they account vs as an arch pillar of their libertie , against all that would assault them . neither haue we euer holden any great warres against them , except by the policies and instigation of others more politike , and lesse valiant then our selues , who sundrie times haue fleshed vs each against other , to the end to weaken both parts , as our histories doe testifie : but now our eyes are open , and these policies discouered and blowen vp : and i doe certainely beleeue , that france and germany were neuer greater friends then at this day : so as we may say , that god hath deliuered into our hands , that which we ought most feruently to defire , namely this great bulwarke against all inuasion : and wee may truely say , that this so important a matter , was our greatest want for the accomplishment of this fortresse . god likewise with the eyes of his mercie hath looked vpon these poore sauoyans , that speake our language , and are our true fellow countrey men , borne for the most part vnder the lawfull empire of our kings , francis the first , and henry the second , who at this day do feare nothing so much , as to returns vnder the proud dominion of the piedmontaine , whom they hate as much , as they honour and loue the most excellent vertues of their true king , at whose knees they prostrate themselues , that they may not be miserably abandoned , sith god hath vouchsafed , that he that held them so short , hath shrunk from his word , from whence may proceede the beginning of their libertie . should wee returne it into his hands , we may well thinke how these poore people that were noted to bee so ready to open their gates to his maiestie , shall bee tormented : besides that , in so doing wee shal neuer find any people willing to acknowledge our king , but by extreme force : for by that example euery man shall see , that in vs there is no hold , who make no difficultie to thrust out those to the crueltie of our enemie , that haue yeelded thems elues into his maiesties armes , to liue and die his most humb le subiects , to whose preseruation by the law of nations hee is no lesse bound , then they to obey his commandements in all fidelitie . it is likewise a matter of great import for the kings seruice , with all speede to roote out of the mindes of his subiects in sauoy , al doubt of passing away a prouince of such importance : for so shall you soone see them the more bold and resolute to serue his maiestie in all sorts . but some there are , and peraduenture euen among our selues , who with their coldnesse , and some speeches that slip them , doe driue this poore people into despaire , as imagining that we doe alreadie deliuer them bound into the hands of the piedmontaine . well doe i suppose , that the procurers of this mischiefe , do it not maliciously : but some there are both fearefull and too mistrustfull , yet must they bee gently admonished , to alter their countenance and speech , and for their more assurance , to cast their eyes vpon the valour and good fortune of their great king , and of this mightie empire , as also vpon the ingratitude and trecherie of our enemie , and the iustice of this conquest . as in truth , if among all nations reprysals be holden for a inft title of lordship , when one of the two soueraignes is vnwilling to make restitution of things violently vsurped : if the equitie of lawfull warre , bee another title throughout the world aduowed for iust , whereupon the greatest monarches are also grounded : what man , considering the enterprises of the house of sauoy against that of france , and the kings long patience before he would enter into warres , but must confesle his conquest to be so iust , that his maiestie hath as good right to sauoy , as to paris it selfe ? likewise , if the prince of piedmont by his policies and mediators , should now rob vs of the fruits of our labors , and our good fortune , what mā aliue would feare hereafter to inuade vs , or to falsifie his faith or word , with ful resolution in all extremitie to follow his victorie ( if hee could obtaine it ) when he shall bee sure , being ouercome , alwayes to recouer himselfe through the helpe of some great mediatour ( whereof france , to her great hurt , was neuer destitute ) as our annales doe testifie , which haue beene written principally to admonish nish vs to shunne the like ouersights ? by the same histories doe we learne , that the monarch that pardoneth his subiects , doth seldome repent it : for they be his children , euen such as returning to their duties , do many times indeuour by notable seruice to make satisfaction for their former defaults , and finding the discommodities and incredible hindrances that they incurre by the losse of their princesfauour , they vow , and bind themselues for euer to his seruice , and vtterly roote out all other conceits or cogitations out of their mindes . but it is farre otherwise with the soueraigne , who can neuer forget the griefe of being ouercome or an incredible desire of reuenge , and continuall care to recouer the wants in his estate , eyther to enter into new leagues , and practises to atchieue the victorie in his course , whereby the world may be informed as well of his reuenge , as of his misfortune . the more hee is bound to you , the lesse will he remember you : such remembrance will lie ouer-heauie and intolerable vpon his mind : he wil , if he can , take you at aduantage , seeke by some new quarrel to be freed from such a wonderfull and excessiue fauor . what must we then do ? euen take from our enemie all meanes to hurt vs , though he would . and this may we now easily doe , if we leaue him nothing on this side the alpes , and so crosse all his drifts for lyons , where he shall get small good , by planting whole families of his subiects at his owne cost , to bee as it were secret colonyes , when al is gone on this side the mounts . without dourlans , amyens had neuer beenetaken : saint denys in the end carried away paris : and had we not giuen vp thurin , carmagnole had neuer beene lost . how mightily doe we thinke , shall the citie of lyons , one of the eyes of france , yea , euen of europe , the ordinarie seate of sundrie romane emperours , and a place ofthe of the greatest trafficke in the world , which yet at this day giueth law to all other places , increase hereafter in wealth , and multitude of citizens , being couered with bresse and sauoy , whereas before shee seemed rather a frontier towne , then a citie of the realme ? as also in regard of the multitudes that still arriued there from all parts , and the vsuall passage of great armies neere to her confines , she was alwayes in danger to be surprized , to the great losse and incredible ruine of the whole estate ? euen this poynt is a matter of great weight , and worthie manifold consideration : for it is no small matter to stop forraine armies , without denouncing of warre , from making the mow at such a citie as lyons , one of the strongest in christendome , and ofmost difficult recouery , if it should be lost : wee cannot bee too iealous of such places , neither too curious to keep away all sorts of courtiers . this proposition doe i hold , and there of referre my selfe to all captaynes , namely , that lyons remaining a frontier town , is one of the easiest to be surprized , in regard of the great trafficke , and multitude of strangers there sciourning , & dayly arriuing out of all parts without suspition : which if you ween to hinder , yee vndoe the towne : it shall no longer bee lyons , it must haue great libertie : but standing at this day so farre within the frontiers , there is no more feare of it then of paris . i do also hold this second proposition , that lyons continuing a frontier towne , is , except bourdeaux & marseilles , the most difficult towne in this land to be recouered , if it should be once lost . would not such and so great a blow , deserue the conclusion of the exchange propounded in the yeere of our lord god 1 5 3 4. so necessarie an exchange for the passage of the armies into the low countries ? what know wee what is alreadie determined betweene so neere kinsmen ? if this should come to passe , and this mightie towne be obstinately defended with the whole forces of such a neighbour , into what a miserable estate should we be reduced ? what should become of prouence and dauphine ? into what a straight should foure or fiue other great prouinces be brought ? had any man told vs twentie yeeres agoe , that a handfull of people should haue surprized amiens , wee would not haue beleeued him , and indeede there was lesse likelihood : for it was not so begarded with forraine families as lyons . it maketh mee to despaire , to see men be such cowards , and sometimes purposely to amplifie the forces of our aduersaries , and yet when afterward we come to propound these great considerations , they make but a mocke of it : for indeed they care not greatly . for my part i feare no open forces . our fathers haue seene in prouence 50000. at the least at once , and whole cloudes of men in champagne and picardy : this neuer hurt them , it made them not so much as afraide , so long as the realme was in itselfe at peace , as now it is . what should i then feare ? euen practises , policies , and surprizes of our frontier townes , such as lyons should bee , if wee should render sauoy : vnlesse we should think that we should be loth to break the peace for lyons , sith wee would not breake it for carmagnole . i thinke indeede that on the behalfe , or by his commaund that should send his armies along our frontiers , wee should not feare to incurre such a storme ( for wee must still thinke , that great princes do make some account of their fayth and honour ) yet might there bee some generall of the armie that would gladly be spoken of , but neuer looke for the answere that sextus pompeyus made , saying , thou shouldst not haue told me of it . the most that wee shall get , he shall be disauowed : then must he fortifie himselfe . hereupon the warres are kindled , but the smarting losse is ours , which if it once grow old , they will forget to doe vs right , vnlesse at the howre of death in discharge of conscience : but if yee looke for the execution of the will , yee must seeke your iudges at pampelune . it is therfore a great aduantage , to be out of this continuall feare of lyons : for vndoubtedly , they with whom we are at this time so threatned , are more craftie , more close and secret then wee , and their drifts haue a further fetch . in the field with open force , wee shall alwayes beate them well inough : had neither germaines nor english-men set in footing , they would neuer haue had the faces so much as to looke vpon vs : three hundred french horses will alwayes beate a thousand of theirs . and as for foot-men , ours are of more force , dexteritie , and contempt of death , but lesse discipline . it lieth in our selues to remedie the last , the rest proceed from nature , who hath giuen vs these aduantages , which wee must not lose . we can keepe them when wee list : witnesse the ocean , which euen this yeere hath seene our french aduentures , who cannot possibly be retained , vnlesse we should chaine vp all our youth . for what can we tell who shall escape ? they be no troopes or garrisons licensed at pleasure , so might there be fraud : but they be stragglers , comming some from one place , some from another , the whole nation being so borne to the warres , that they must seeke it where it is , or make it among themselues . the ocean , i say , hath seene of these mad fooles , that haue beaten the flower and choyse of the best & oldest captains & souldiers , whom we hold in such esteeme . go ye therfore and report in those countries , that the french foote-men are nothing worth . but who shall make it as gallant , as firme , and withall , bring it into as good discipline as it was at cerisoles , if this our great king cannot compasse it ? is hee of lesse abilitie then his vnckle , who was but a most faithfull and most profitable seruant vnto him that swayed the scepter and crowne which hee hath succeeded ? eight yeeres had we held sauoy and piedmont , when the lord of anguien , vnder the command of king francis , wonne that glorious day , where our foot-mē with the push of the pike , most furiously ouerthrew all those old triumphant bands of two parts of the world , albeit they were a third part more then wee , and so well armed , that we wonne from them eight thousand corcelets . the storie telleth vs , without the conquest of sauoy , fraunce had missed of that great and stately triumph , as wanting wherewith to haue fed the armie one day . had this commodious a conquest been atchieued before the yeere of our lord god one thousand fiue hundred twentie and foure , king frauncis , who should haue found himselfe vpon the marches of his estate , neere to all succour , treasure , and refreshing , had not fallen into that calamitie that hath stucke by vs euer since . very high had he bin mounted , if the lord of anguyen had not caught him by the throate , that should haue wished him to speake to his lord the king to yeelde vp sauoy : so long is it since this fatal & valiant race of the bourbons was promised to restore the eminency and perfect glory of the flowre de luce. the ten first yeeres of his raigne were spent in his establishment , that was hindered by those that alwayes feared the greatnesse of this estate . at his entrie into his second tenne yeeres , god hath vouchsafed to adde vnto his empire the highest mountaines in the world , thereby to lift vp this prince , and to place him in the view of the whole worlde , as the grand-childe of his beloued king lewis the fifth . what men be these then , that seeking to plucke him from his type of glory , would fetch him sixe dayes iourneyes backe againe , and in one moment defeate him of that great eminent and shining fame , which shineth euen into the east , atchieued in fiue & twenty yeres , through his so wonderfull prowesse and famous victories , still following his good fortune , and proceeding still forward , without stumbling or retyre ? is it possible for this mighty prince , who was able to conquere his kingdome with the swordes point , now for euer to defraude his memory of the glorie of this increase , thatis of such importance to his crowne ? in regarde of our selues now liuing , whatsoeuer his maiestie doe ordaine , or whatsoeuer he do , our perfect obedience , yea i will say more , our loue and feruent affection shall neuer quaile : but what will the posteritie say , when they shall heare of so happie a conquest , and find the inconuenience of the not keeping of the same such inconueniences as will happen either first or last , and those very sharp ? let vs not flatter our selues : it is hard to take away the sobs , the sighs & bitter complaints from those that feele the smart . why haue they not spokē ? why haue they not written of the restitution of 1559 ? and yet in truth wee were forced thereto by an extreme mishap : besides that almost all europe was conspired against vs. but who forceth vs now ? what colour ? what retence shall our historie find ? what excuse shall ve make to our nephewes , for giuing away such an aduantage ? surely i see none : all things do smile vpon vs , and for one that fretteth at our conquest , foure are glad of it though they say nothing . such there are that will intreat his maiestie , and exhort him to let go his hold , yea & make orations vnto him for the same , that in heart would be sorie to bee beleeued . here will some man aske , whether we must alwayes continue the warres . whome i wil aunswere , that france hath many times beene driuen to peace , without the recouery of naples , millan , or the soueraigntie of flanders . why must we then of necessitie , for the making of peace , restore that which we haue so lawfully conquered , sith wee haue so often beene forced to agree without recouerie of our owne ? is it because fraunce is weaker then piedmont , or that we are such dolts , as to thinke all things lawfull for others , and nothing for our selues ? let our enemie beg peace if he list , as well as hee drew on and prosecuted the warre : but it may please his maiestie to call to mind , that it is were requisite that prosperitie should recompence aduersitie : also that he that so playeth that hee may alwayes lose and neuer winne , will be soone vndone . true it is , that they reply that so we shal draw on a greater warre against vs. but hereto we may find a double answere : first , that it is vnlikely , that they that haue so longed after peace , a matter to them as necessarie as profitable to vs , would now breake it , especially vpon so bad and base a title as is the prince of piedmonts . the second answer is this , that sith our cause is good , they that we are threatned withall , will neuer enter warre against vs , vnlesse they haue before resolued vpon it for other causes , and motiues farther fetcht : and in that case it is far better for vs to keep our aduantage , then to lose it , and be sorie for it when it is too late . withal , that this ground standing fast , that our enterprise is iust , and consequently the conquest thereof proceeding : if we be so timerous as for a threat cowardly to forgoe that which wee haue so lawfully and happily atchieued , then farewell all : there is no more frenchman , no more gaule in the world . for how can any man imagine , that this valiant natiō , in former times an actor in all the greatest warres in the world : a nation that hath sought them from one end of the earth to another : that hath taken the imperiall citie of constantinople , and forced the mightiest cities in the east and south : that feared nothing but the falling of the skie , as assured to ouercome all that should withstand , should at this day bee so degenerate and so quailed , as for a rodomontade or spanish brag , to abandon that which so iustly to vs doth appertaine ? that is to say , should shew themselues so fearefull and such cowards , that through the default of his subiects hearts , aforetime the terrour of all nations , so great a king should not bee able to keepe his owne conquests ? but in deed wee are farre from those termes . for albeit our lamentable warres haue greatly diminished vs , yet shall our experience , valour and courage recompence the want of our number : besides that , our head shall alwaies be counted for twentie thousand : hee is the great lion that guideth the lesser to the battell : his soldiers are not counted by their number , but by their valour : yet if need be , and that this empire must stirre vp her stumps in earnest , we shall couer their largest fields with soldiers , & make the earth to tremble vnder the feet of our horses : wee shall drie vp the riuers , and of these old french armies bring forth a hundred or two hundred thousand warriors , as gallant and couragious as euer were their ancestors : euen such as will go to the field with as good courages as others come thence . let no man therefore thinke to terrifie vs with such threates . we seeke peace with euerie one but this vngrateful person , yet feare we not the warre . if any be resolued to set vpon vs , we were fooles to shrinke backe : wee must pleade for all , we must defend all , or rather march halfe the way to meet with any that would ioyne with this presumptuous person , who in liew of humble reuerence to the maiestie of so great a neighbour kingdome , as nature and wisedome doe teach , and all the world do put in practise , hath shewed himselfe so presumptuous and desperate rash , as to seeke to ouerrun a great lyon , who at one sole lift is able to squeaze him asunder . but these be vaine conceits , for there is no prince in the world willing to rayse warre against vs , vpon so bad a quarrell as is the prince of piedmonts . well may euery one intermeddle to agree vs , and we will giue them the hearing : for in the midst of our weapons we seeke for peace , yet in any wise let vs remember two things : first , that wee brooke no delay whilest our wind bloweth faire : as our kings lewes the 12. francis the 1. and henry the 2. alwayes did . our histories do make mention , and our ouersights are noted , but when it is too late . it is not ynough to be valiant in the field : the chiefe point is to be wise & circumspect in counsell . and in that regard did homer neuer commend any valiant captaine for his courage , vnlesse withall it were accompanied with wisedome , witnesse his speech of agamemnon : in armes valiant , and in counsell discreete . so wise was hercules , that his valour was the least part of his glorie . this wisedome & this excellent counsell , so far as it concernes the soueraigne , consisteth not onely in the well pitching of a field ; in the furious assault of a great citie by the weaker ; or in choosing the field : but the chiefest skill is in the knowledge how to vse the victorie and his forces , and cutting off his enemie from all means to take heart again : as also in the forecast how to stop his eares against the faire words of certaine intermeddlers , that seeke no more but to hinder the course of such prosperitie as they do suspects that so he haue no cause to repent that he beleeued them , and through this beliefe limited his good fortune and conquests , and so lost the occasion of assuring his frontiers . it concerneth no lesse , and so let vs remember . secondly , we must beware of ouerbuying our quiet . darius sent to offer alexander part of his empire : but this great prince , the true image and perfect patterne of all generosity , also of curtesie , so long as the same was not preiudiciall to his estate , answered in one word : behold where thou findest me : i haue alreadie passed more then he offereth : we must speake either of atonemēt , or fight for that that is left him : for all that is behind me , is past compromise . and he said truth , for a great captain neuer returneth backe : he that forsaketh it , is vnworthie the prosperitie that god sendeth him : yet had alexander to do with so mightie an enemie , as soone after met him with a million of men : albeit when he made that braue answere , he was not ignorant what forces this mightie emperour of persia might haue , yet could he not be terrified , because he was alexāder . but had hee exchaunged the hope of his victorie with the agreement offered , both bodie and fame had beene shut vp in one selfe tombe , whereas now contrariwise while the world lasteth , he shal still liue as fresh & famous as when hee dyed . and in truth wee must confesse either pusillanimitie , or extreme weakenes in those that yeeld vp that which they haue lawfully conquered . but we are ( thanks be to god ) farre ynough from both . for as for feare , it neuer came neere our kings heart : for had he had neuer so small a spice thereof , he had long since bin ouerthrowne , and his estate couered vp in darkenes . rather may we say , that so many valiant actes and so many trophees , whereby he shineth as a faire sunne ouer the face of the earth , do but burgeon forth conceits of higher enterprises against all that dare giue him good cause , as hauing the hope of things to come , still fighting in his fancie with the glory of things passed . as for force , it cōsisteth especially in money & mē : concerning the first , the k. treasures well husbanded , as they are wil go farther thē men ween for : forren war doth somewhat helpe to maintaine it selfe . true it is , that it is now high time to begin ( sith to our great detriment , we did it not sooner ) i say to begin yeerly to spare 3. millions of gold , which we do wretchedly consume in silkes which wee neede not , whereas our neighbours cannot forbeare so many of our commodities necessary for mans life , which to vs are in stead of mines of gold and siluer . this done , wee shall growe into abundance of wealth : for as the philosopher saith , nature is neuer no loser : because that that which commeth forth of one place , reentreth into another : euen so the expences of this realme do stand vs in nothing . the 3. millions , which we so miserably for lacke of forecast , or rather for want of wit , doe yeerely waste vpon wormes worke , through the enchanting speeches of such as reape the benesite thereof , doe more empouerish this estate in 6. moneths , then 6. yeres of forren war. powder , cannon thot , and most part of our weapons are made in the land , & so cost vs little to speake of . the souldiers pay returneth to the hands of the k. receyuers , to whō the cōmons that haue earned it with their labor & cūning , do returne for their taxes . any man that list to deale with vs , shall haue more neede of forraine souldiours then wee , and all things reckoned , must spend more duckets then we testornes , and so see the bottom of his purse sooner then wee . were wee to be assaulted by such as had a hundred millions ready gathered , the danger were the greater : but if wee haue any discommoditie , they that we are threatned with , are in necessitie , and in farre lesse credite then wee , as being long since with all their partakers , drawen drie , through their incredible expences continued these 34. yeeres , which their last mishap must force them to redouble , or to lose all . were we throughly acquainted with their bullion , we should find that they are rather to stand in feare of vs , then we of them ; also that he that threatneth most , is in most feare . as for multitude of men , the conceiued opinion that the king at this time would haue no more , together with the collection of the fruits of a fruitfull yeere , and the beginning of winter , detained a number in their houses . but if his maiestie should earnestly call for assistance , and giue out that he would find meanes to discerne the house-birds from the true gentlemen , whose seruice he would haue truely recorded , to be monthly sent to his parliaments and chambers of accounts , that thither hee might hereafter haue recourse ; wee should soone see our armies increase , with an incredible number of gentlemen , who would be loth in themselues or their posteritie , to beare so shamefull a badge , as is the abandoning of their king and countrey in time of neede , especially , in so iust and honourable a warre , whereto from all parts both great and small haue recourse . no man can complaine of such remembrances , as do consecrate to the posteritie , the names and valour of those , that as the true children of their gallant ancestors , haue hasted to the place , whither the presence of their king , and glory of their countrey hath called them . hee that would bee an vnprofitable seruant to his prince , and yet misliketh that he should be knowne , seeketh to confound labour with idlenesse , valour with cowardize , and the forsaker of his countrie with the true gentleman , that alwayes considereth in what regard his ancestors had their lands giuen them , with freedome from such charges as other citizens doe beare . to be briefe , he indeuoureth to make a mixture of all vice , with the rarest vertues : yea , so dangerous a mixture , that the greatest obseruers of antiquitie , whose principles wee haue to our cost tryed to bee most true , doe agree , that when such confusions take place , in whatsoeuer forme of gouernment , the same are an infallible token , that that estate is extreme sicke : yet if it be in a monarchy , the cure is both readie and certaine . for the prince may speedily reestablish vertue in her eminencie , and so open the deformitie and shame of her contrarie , that for one of his subiects that continue in this filth , hee shall find tenne thousand hasting to that glorie , wherwith it may please the soueraigne to note the affection , courage , and trauailes of his faithfull seruants : neither shall we want men , yea , as braue men as euer the earth bare . but in any wise , ridde me from these men that depend vpon our enemies wages , whose onely care resteth in daily writing from the army , that peace is concluded , that is to say , that no man must come . my selfe doe know , that this policie hath within these two moneths detained a hundred gentlemen within tenne league about the house of my abode : yet haue we one rule in monarchie vndoubtedly true , namely , that it is in the king onely to thinke vpon peace , when he thinks it profitable for his estate , and in the subiects no farther to trouble themselues , but to keepe their hands nimble , and their swords sharp , according to the saying of aemilius , and to vse no communication but of weapons , of horses , and of warre , after it is once proclaimed . this is it that maketh a prince to bee feared , yea , this is it that maketh him condiscend vnto profitable peace , when he findeth that the heate of his subiects , boyling in a burning desire to fight , must bee restrained . let vs peruse our histories , and we shal find , that this great monarchy was founded , augmented , and preserued , not by luke-warme and effeminate humours , but by valour and generositie , by entring into ferraine warres , not for threates , but for benefite and aduantage . ciuill and intestine warres haue sundrie times , and twice within these two hundred yeres , brought it to the poynt of destruction , other warres neuer shooke it : but contrariwise , haue euer beene holden as an exercise of our principall profession , and as the substance and theatre of our glory . for as lycurgus referred all his lawes to the warre : and as the romanes made their vaunts , that they were not acquainted with any other arts or occupations , but left thē all to their subiects , as vnworthie themselues , so our ancestors , inured to the natures of this war-like nation , did vtterly reiect from all succession to the crowne , that sexe which they thought vnfit to leade the french-men to the warres , and withall , established the foundation of this empire , vpon the force of armes , and the perfection of militarie knowledge , the most generous of all , and most noble , as well in the cause as in the end . through the excellencie of this art , the romanes ouercame the multitude of the cymbrians , the force and craft of the affricans , the wisedome and policie of the grecians , and the riches and power of asia . but when they went about to alter their braue and valorous principles , and in liew of iron to vse gold , flatterie for commaundement , treaties for battailes , and composition in steade of victories and triumphs ▪ the resplendent maiestie of this mightie empire withered , the fame thereof vanished , the subiects feare changed into contempt , and the reuerence of the neighbours into dension . and it was with all men , as with the nations , which beforetime trembled at the viewe of the romane magistrates : but when they saw themselues renting and dismembring their empire , they also set vpon them , and assaulted thē euen in their capitoll , which they haue so often and so miserably sacked and razed , that now there remaineth no more but the sole tombe and cinders thereof . let vs beware that wee fall not in the like fault , and that we alter not our old principles , both bold , couragious , and in a word , right french , into their contraryes ; and withall , let vs remember , that so soone as we , like women , shall beginne to quaile at the threate of some great warre , wee shall see our selues enuironed round about , euerie man will ouer-runne vs , one will plucke at the one side , another at the other , and wee shall bee the contempt and scorne of the children of those that could not , without trembling , heare any speech of our fore-fathers . yet doe i not say , that we should preferre a continuall warre before a wished peace , which through gods goodnes , and the valour and wisedome of our great king , wee doe at this day enioy with all men , except this vngratefull person , that hath infringed his promise and fayth : but rather to confirme our first proposition , namely , that being iustly grounded in this warre , and the conquest being both iust , lawfull , and most profitable to our estate , neither threate , nor any other consideration , should make vs to giue ouer that which we hold , or to steppe one foote backe againe . if wee can firme our selues in these principles replenished with equitie , glorie , and honour , and bee resolued couragiously to set vpon any that would intrude into so wrongfull warre against vs , wee should euen against the whole world , releeue the auncient glorie of this mightie empire , yea , wee should giue them to vnderstand , that it is not good meddling with france in her afflictions : also that either first or last , god , who fauoureth her as the chiefe crowne of those that are baptized in his name , will enable her to bee quit with her enemies . to be briefe , that she knoweth how to liue in peace with those that account of her amitie and alliance , and to treade downe all such as will attempt against her glorie and honour . thus haue we finished this discourse , and yet the principall is behind , that is , most feruently to pray vnto the heauenly goodnesse , so to vouchsafe to touch the heart of our king , that he will courteously heare , and at length yeeld to a most humble petition , which our iust feare of extreme perill hath wrested , not out of my heart and penne onely , but out of the hearts and mouthes of all his subiects . the petition . sir , your self are as wel acquainted with al worldly affaires , i wil not say as any prince , but as any man in europe ▪ how is it then possible , that you should not conceiue the principall drifts of your enemies ▪ if you please attentiuely to cōsider , you shal vndoubtedly find , that their great hope is built vpon your tombe , whom they see so extreme aduenturous , that euery houre , yea , euery momēt , they hearken afterthat desired newes , euē the type of all their vowes . cut them off , sir , from this hope , by a moderation worthie your glory already atchieued , worthie the imperiall throne whereto god hath exalted you , and worthie the extreme necessitie that all your france , and all your confederates haue of the preseruation of your life . so shall your maiestie immediatly see the weapons droppe out of your enemies hands , all their deuices confounded , and their drifts dispersed . indeed , sir , we are to confesse , that hitherto this great contempt of danger was necessarie for the reestablishment of your estate , which was so sicke , as vsuall remedies could neuer haue recouered it . it was requisite to aduenture farther , then stood with any discourse of militarie reason , to execute before deliberation , and with extraordinarie and more then humane confidence to plunge your selfe among many dangers , yea euen the dangers of death , but god enuironed you with his angels : for it was no rashnes , but perfect valiancie . but now sir , that he hath graced you with the restitution of your kingdome , quiet and in peace : also that your maiestie haue the assistance of so many great princes , and excellent captains , ( almost all trained vp at your owne hand ) and of these , braue frēch horsmē , so famous & so feared throughout the world , followed with the great squadrons of thundring legions , replenished with yong and gallāt nobilitie , who burne with an incredible desire to ioyne & ouerthrow your enemies in a pitched field , in case they dare stād you , or proudly to assault some strong fortresse . seeing your selfe also entred into such and so mightie alliances as neuer any king your predecessor was the like : is it not time , sir , that the same affection to your subiects that caried you into all these hazards , should now make you to reserue your selfe to such as are worthie of your maiestie ? if a king , said theophrastus , must needes die in the warres , let him die like a king : that is to say , in some fierce and bloodie battell , enuironed with all the gallant , noble & braue men of his estate : let him be drowned in some maine sea of his enemies bloud , mixed with the bloud of his owne soldiers , and neuer be slaine as some meane captaine at the siege of some towne , or in some skirmish : for so should his glorie and triumphes bee so farre from increase , that they should euen wither and decay : witnesse that great & couragious captaine , that thought himselfe greatly disgraced , in that a quarrel shot out of samos , light neere him : wherewith had he beene slaine , his armie through his default had stood as a bodie without a head at the enemies mercy , to the reproach and ruine of his countrey . but as the excellent archimedes , by planting his engines , threw more darts & shot at the romanes , then all the rest of the siracusans together : euen so your maiestie , beeing the soule infused into the veynes , sinewes , & arteries of this great body , and proud preparation for warres , and kindling the courages of all his captaines and souldiers , doth alone make all hands to walke , all cannons to rore , and all the swords of his armie to cut . assure your selfe therfore , sir , that if you wil vouchsafe to yeeld to the feruent supplications & teares of all your subiects , that prostrate themselues at your feet , onely to obtaine this sole request , as the fulnesse of their felicitie , and so take from them this extreme feare and incomparable terror , which onely doth freeze the bloud of all your souldiours ; you shall reuiue their courages , and maruailously cheere vp their forces , as knowing , that so long as your person are in safetie from so many cannons leueled at your heart , the affayres of your fraunce , euen of your warlike fraunce , will prosper and grow from better to better : and contrariwise , your enemies that cannot stand and beare vp thēselues but vpon this cowardly & cursed hope , seeing themselues fallen from the same , shall find their destruction , and that they are in worse estate , then if they had lost tenne battailes . doing this , sir , you shall surmount your selfe , which is the most difficult , gallant , and glorious victorie of all other , and withall , by this great poynt of discretion , crowne all your triumphs and trophees , whose glorie and fame shall neuer be limited , but with the bounds of the earth , and all eternitie ; and besides , sir , you shall reserue your anoynted 〈…〉 to infinite garlands of great victories , yet due to your good fortune , which it hath pleased god to giue you , for a faithful companion to your heroycall and excellent vertue . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a07151-e1000 * these lands are called barges , caours , pancalier , ennee , villeneufue de solier , morel , murel , carignan monasterol , carde , vigon , villefranche cauallimours , raconis , moullebrune , carail , someriue , camaraigne , caualerlyon , polongnieres , cazalgras , fortpas , faule , malazan , villefalet , & busque . an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion for to make them abjure and apostatize : to which is added to form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to : with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg, in favour of those of the reformed religion, who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. 1686 approx. 91 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49222 wing l3119 estc r14911 11845900 ocm 11845900 49845 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49222) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49845) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 540:14) an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion for to make them abjure and apostatize : to which is added to form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to : with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg, in favour of those of the reformed religion, who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, 1620-1688. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. [6], 32 p. printed by g.m. ..., [london?] : 1686. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -iv, -king of france, 1553-1610. france. -edit de nantes. protestants -france -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -france -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-07 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an edict of the french king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . wherein he recalls , and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv. his grandfather , given at nantes , full of most gracious concessions to protestants . together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion , for to make them abjure and apostatize . to which is added , the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg , in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . translated out of french. printed by g. m. anno dom. 1686. an edict of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grandfather of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and forreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings his predecessors , had by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , 1598. regulated the conduct which was to be observed with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges , to administer justice to them ; and lastly , also by several distinct articles provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion ; and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to reunite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had withdrawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grandfather , could not be effected , by reason of his suddain and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the foresaid edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honoured lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprises of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages which had been granted to them , by the foresaid edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july 1629 , by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re-established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grandfather was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution , but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year 1635 , to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in 1684. the kingdom having been only for some short intervals altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mix'd chambers of judicature , whichwer composed of an equal number of papists and protestants , the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore at length it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves entirely in the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see at present ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves , forasmuch as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion have already embraced the catholick , and since by means thereof , the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is made useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles , confusion and mischief , which the progress of that false religion , hath been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons us thereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annull'd , do suppress and annull the edict of the king , our said grand-father , given at nantes in april 1598. in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified the second of may , next following , and letters pattent granted thereupon ; as likewise the edict given at nismes , in july 1629. declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted , together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forthwith demolished . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion , in any place or house under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiefs , of what quality soever the said fiefs may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , 15 days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widdows after their decease , so long as the continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widdow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree , and that after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion , and in general all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that henceforward they be baptized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of 500 livres or more , as it shall happen . furthermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries , and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done in case they had always contiued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories , under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the 20th of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and of confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declarations made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. moreover , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion , upon condition nevertheless , as forementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually , without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau in the month of october , in the year of grace 1685 , and of our reign the 43. signed lewes . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . visa . le tellier . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the kings procurator or attorney general , requiring it , in order to their being executed according to form and tenor , and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each destrict , to be there entred and registred in like manner , and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed and put in force , and to certifie the court thereof . at paris in the court of vacations the 22th of october 1685. signed de la baune . a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practise in other places against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the 8 / 18 of august 1685. the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , representing unto them , that they could not be ignorant that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion , and therefore wished them readily to comply with the same , and in order thereto , advised them to assemble themselves and consider what resolution they would take . to this proposal some answered , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account , forasmuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be always in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town-house , which should be left free for them from noon till six of the clock in the evening , where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved , as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion ; which resolution of theirs , there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainted how we are menaced with the greatest violence . hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and dye in their religion . the day after the battallion of la fere consisting of 16 companies , entred the city , and were followed by many more . the protestants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering , and were come to a resolution to possess what they had in common : but alass , how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city , but withal appointed several corp de gards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers , souldiers and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities and cruelties wherewith the devil can inspire the most inhumane and reprobate minds : they marr'd and defac'd their housholdstuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments , they let the wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoil'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparrel , plate , and things of the like nature , these they carried to the market place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged the roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such who were most resolute and constant in their profession it is supposed according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five days , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers who demanded 400 crowns a piece of their hosts for spending money , and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier upon the same account . in the mean time the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous , i shall only here set down some few of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de gard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with mounsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at 10000 livers , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . mounsieur d' alliez one of the prime gentlemen of montauban , being a venerable old man , found so ill treatment at their hands , as its thought he will scarcely escape with life . mounsieur de garrison who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of the souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience , adding , that in recompence of this favour , he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livers ; but by all his entreaties and proffers he could not in the least prevail with the intendant , who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three days and nights together , without meat , drink or sleep ; when they were so wearied and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearied out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vig●●… and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of with success , in bearn and other places ) many went distracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations to the mercy of these barbarous and more then savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban , where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night by pinching and tearing of his flesh with pincers , tho by all this they were not able to shake his constancy in the least . the wife of one roussion a joyner , being violently drag'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions this was one , they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age , who continually with hands and eyes lifted to heaven , cryed , my god help me , and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper guienne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guienne , which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also ; and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go , if god in pity and compassion to his people do not restrain them . it is to be seared ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to , perswade protestants that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but alas ! this is not all , for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also , for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them in order to perfect their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last essorts and death-struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red-hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the paps of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark-naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex , because in this case their shamefacedness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger and thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have been ready to faint away and give the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go ; they beat men and women outragiously , they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took was to give them no rest , for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success , who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done , the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowery paths by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object , you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horor of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution upon pretence of religion carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been , and therefore of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can be compar'd with it . true indeed it is that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks , but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres , but these were only violent tempests , and suddain hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or at the most a few days , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible than a state of war , but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly canibals entring their houses , battering , breaking , burning and destroying whatever comes to hand , swearing , cursing , and blaspheming like devils , beating to excess , offering all manner of indignities and violence , diverting themselves , and striving to outvie each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment , not to be appeased with money or good chear , foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons , and presenting death , at every moment , and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and set seless stupidity by those devilish inventions , we have given you an instance of in the relation of montauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more , which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dioclesian , which is the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors and common enemies ; all the prisons of sea port towns are cram'd with these miserable fugitives , men , women , boys and girls , who there are condemn'd to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves , from this dreadful persecution and deluging calamity ; this is the thing which is unparallel'd , and of which we find no instance . this is that superlative excess of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva , he massacred , he beheaded , he butchered , but at least he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groaned under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done ; but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of , for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only , no armies were imploy'd to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several ways of torment , much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperours council , to shut up all the protestants in hungary , in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion , which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a forreign country , being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies behind them , for to lead a poor miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most apparent , that those monsters who have inspired the king with these designs , have resin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne dost behold all the outrages done to thy people , hast thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolution ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our groans and supplications , yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world ; behold we perish if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer , we do not place our confidence in any but thee alone ; let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . hast thee to our help , make no long tarrying , o lord , our god and our redeemer . a letter sent from bordeaux giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , whatsoever you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion in the land of bearn , guienne , and perigort , is but too true , and i can assure you , that they who have given you that account , have been so far fromamplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not much surprised at the difficulty you find to perswade your self that the things of which your friends inform you are true ; in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us eccho the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprise or amazement to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , as well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and ever-blessed jesus was , and must like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith , and it is more than probable that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that in so doing , they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it , obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law , which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calamities ; insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but alas ! our enemies were too ingenious to be bauk'd so , and had taken our ruine too , much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring about their desires ; they call'd to mind what prodigious success , a new kind of persecution had had of late years in poictou , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of , and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's and marillacs could be fit instruments for such like enterprises ; neither could we ever have imagin'd that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self same time they treated us in this manner , they would needs perswade us , that the kings council had disapproved the design : and indeed it seem'd very probable to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now by experience we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparallel'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permiting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by setling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendants had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour , and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be left for a prey , and who not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since that began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearn was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprise gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it ; he told them , that great numbers of souldiers were at hand to compel those that should refuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as the lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and dye faithful to their lord and master jesus christ , with souldiers , and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses and outrages these enraged brutals committed in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful , it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhumane , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition , sex or age , they pull'd down and demolished their houses , they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold-stuff , they bruised and beat to death venerable old men , they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pitty or respect , they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains , they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost , they took red-hot fire-shovels and held them close to their bare heads , and actually apply'd them to other parts of their bodies , they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst ; and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new ways of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch that of all those many numerous assemblies we had in that province , as that of pau , d' arthes , de novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for a prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to loose no time , but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montauban ; where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , bespeaks them much in the same language , as was used to those of bearne , whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders 4000 men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants , with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhumane wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pittiless orders , that of 12 or 15000 souls of which that church did consist , not above 20 or 30 families are escaped , who in a doleful and forlorn condition wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruine of this important place drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it , which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realmont , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigort , which this horrible deluge hath likewise overwhelm'd . mounsieur bousters and the intendant having shared the country between them , mounsieur de bousters taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time 17 companies at saint foy , 15 at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts ; so that all places being fill'd with these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty , having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerac was most signally famous for the long tryals it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever , they accordingly failed not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than 18 troops of horse had their winter quarters there , who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return , the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither to observe the inhabitants , and soon after 32 companies of foot enter the town , monsieur bousters and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and same other persons of quality , render themselves there at the same time , and send for 200 of the chiefest citizens to appear before them , telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass , and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimously answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences , and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately 32 companies more of infantry and cavalry enter the city ( which , together with the 34 companies beforementioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town-house , and once more pressed to change their religion , and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imaginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigour and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending 34 more companies into the city , which made up the full number of a hundred , who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen , and persons whose whole estate did not amount to 10000 livres , were taxed at the rate of 150 livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost 60 livres , they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door to hinder any from coming in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep ; on one hand the child cries with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ? i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alass ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ; whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , wilt not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live nor to dye , ( for when they see them sainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities , nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable , insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens and caves of the earth . furthermore i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present , the army , we hear , is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation , there being searce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel , for i know the gospel in their accounts passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdome , which , according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it , and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith , and who have so cowardly behav'd their religion and conscience , or with the outrageous and barbarous persecuters of the religion which they profess ▪ and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks ? and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will ere long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches who have been deceived , by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember that they could not embrace the communion of rome , without absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed , and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make , then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell , and will make them endeavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have so unhappily betray'd . and on the other side , their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of day , and therefore will endeavour through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and wherewith they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once by a general massacre , which many good souls have so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches , and make the heart of our soveraign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those who in their blindness think they do him service by putting us to death , that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice ; finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may with st. peter go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous usage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most at this time , there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow , and that is , the cruel persecution which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible , and the heavenly courage wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful ; i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel , which she boldly and man fully refusing , was commanded back again to prison , where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities , and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her throngh the streets of the city , where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water , where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and stuck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again , and then had another ready , dipt in wine , to clap upon her , this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undauntedly answered , that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them , but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover , as knowing that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel to their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture with her head downwards , till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and stil continue under the tormentors hands , in an old man , who having for a great while been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges with vermine and snails crewling upon his mouldred garment , who seeing him in that loathsome condition , said to him , how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your haeresie ? to which he answered ; as for haeresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god to dye in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : dost thou not see that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , since thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsome place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart ; to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi post quam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne me a me visurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god ; and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsome dark abode , where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants , yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd off , which take as follows ; some dragoons who were quartered with a person , whom they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion , upon a time when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank , and so fill'd the floor where they were with the fragments , and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser picees and fractions , and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance , and told their host that he must be one of the company , but withal , that he must first pull off his stockings and shoes , that he might moove the more nimbly ; in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed upon the sharp points of glass , which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed , and a while after stript him stark-naked , and roled his body from one end of the room to the other upon the sharp glass , as before-mentioned , which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chirurgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body , which you may easily conceive could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcome company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion , one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself with letting his beard grow so long ; but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber ; the dragoon reply'd , i can do that for you as well as the barber , and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him , and so fell to work , but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face : one of his companions coming in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bunglar , and then to his host , come your hair wants cutting too , and you shall see i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhumane , and more than barbarous means , it is that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their more then devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire , and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance , for the names of martyrs and rebels are equally odious to their enemies , who tell them , that the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels , and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon for having so long entertain'd you with these more then tragical passages , and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear ; which is , the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner i receive the scriptures , but in the same sense as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same , for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures ; and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream vnction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received and approved by the catholick church in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing and things which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood , which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory , and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgence was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner iown and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly profess , by gods assistance , to keep entirely and inviolably , unto death , this self same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power , endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting is to leave with the priest , before whom he makes his abjuration . i n. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it way concern , that having acknowledged the falsness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free-will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick and roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption — . a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william by the grace of god marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania , of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia , of crosne and jagerndorff , burg-grave , of noremberg ; prince of halberstads , minde and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come . that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and forreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith , we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer to the said protestants a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion , and withal to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them in some measure of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extradinary with the states general of the united provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families from holland to the city of hamburg ; where then our counsellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur guerick , shall furnish them with all conveniencies they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city frankfort upon maine , and there address themselves to sieur merain , our counsellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark ; or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address and conveniencies for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniencies and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce and trade by sea and by land , those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive that in our electoral marquisate , the cities stendel , werbe , rathenow , brandenburg and frankfort ; and in the countrey of magdeburg , the cities of magdenburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of konigsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates ; as for the convenience of trade and traffick , we have given charge that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received , and agreed with about all those things which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandise and commodities which they shall bring along with them , shall not be lyable to any custome or impost , but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heirs for ever ; and shall content the present proprietors according to the value of the said houses , and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand engaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick-lime , stones , bricks , and other materials , they may stand in need of for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses , which shall for six years be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free-quarter , and all other charges whatsoever , neither shall the said french , during the said time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chargeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found , for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges with which the said places or their dependances may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said place , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry in every city for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned to them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade or profession they belong to , and shall enjoy the self same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedome , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those who are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloath , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges ; pattents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to countreymen and others who are willing to settle themselves in the countrey , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistence , at the beginning of their settlement , in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss-families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion , we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french families shall be setled , they be authorized to choose on from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and in case any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accomodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in any city where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custome , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france who heretofore have put themselves under our protection , and entered into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the countrey ; and that there are many sound amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces , we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges , honours and dignities they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess them with all the rights , prerogatives , and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned , shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their setling there ) after the date of this declaration , but also to those , who before the date hereof , have setled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse and address themselves upon all occasions of need , and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before-mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aide and assistance . given at postdam , octob. 26. 1685. signed . frederick william . kind reader , because in the edict of the french king , the perpetual and irrevocable edict of nantes is recall'd and abolished , i thought fit ( because the whole edict would be too long to be inserted here ) to give you some passages of the prefatory part of it , whereby it may appear what stress was laid on it by henry the iv. ( called the great ) grandfather to the present french king , and how much he judged the exact maintaining of it would conduce to the settlement , peace , and prosperity of his kingdom . — now it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think we cannot employ our selves better , than to apply to that which may tend to the service and glory of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed to by all our subjects ; and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules , that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults ; and that we and this kingdom may always conserve the glorious title of most christian , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the papers of complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion , to assemble themselves by deputies for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances , and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , we have upon the whole judged it necessary , to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , plain , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences , which have heretofore risen among them , on which may rise hereafter , wherewith the one and the other may be contented , having had no other regard in this deliberation , than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward grant to all our subjects a durable and established peace : and we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour he hath always bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , and that he would give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance , consisteth ( next to their duty towards god and us ) the principal foundation of their union , concord , tranquility , rest , and the re-establishment of this estate in its first splendor , opulency and strength , as on our part we promise all to be exactly observed , without suffering any contravention . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute , perpetual and irrevocable said , declared , and ordained , &c. — finis . remonstrances made by the kings maiesties ambassadour, vnto the french king and the queene his mother, iune last past, 1615 concerning the marriages with spaine; as also certayne diabolicall opinions maintayned by cardinall perron, about the deposing and murthering of kings. together with the french kings letter to the prince of conde, dated the 26. of iuly last, 1615. and the prince his answere thereunto. translated according to the french copie. england and wales. legation (france) 1615 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22727 stc 9237 estc s100716 99836546 99836546 826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22727) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 826) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1413:08) remonstrances made by the kings maiesties ambassadour, vnto the french king and the queene his mother, iune last past, 1615 concerning the marriages with spaine; as also certayne diabolicall opinions maintayned by cardinall perron, about the deposing and murthering of kings. together with the french kings letter to the prince of conde, dated the 26. of iuly last, 1615. and the prince his answere thereunto. translated according to the french copie. england and wales. legation (france) edmondes, thomas, sir, 1563?-1639. louis xiii, king of france, 1601-1643. condé, henri ii de bourbon, prince de, 1588-1646. [32] p. printed by william stansby for nathaniel butter, and are to be sold at his shop vnder saint augustines gate, london : 1615. the kings majesties ambassadour = sir thomas edmondes. in part concerning: du perron, jacques davy. harangue faicte de la part de la chambre ecclesiastique, en celle du tiers estat, sur l'article de serment. signatures: a-d⁴. quire d is in two impositions: the prince de condé's answer begins on (1) d1v or (2) d2r. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng du perron, jacques davy, 1556-1618. -harangue faicte de la part de la chambre ecclesiastique, en celle du tiers estat, sur l'article de serment -controversial literature. louis -xiii, -king of france, 1601-1643. france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643 -sources. great britain -foreign relations -france. france -foreign relations -great britain. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion remonstrances made by the kings maiesties ambassadovr , vnto the french king and the queene his mother , iune last past , 1615. concerning the marriages with spaine ; as also certayne diabolicall opinions maintayned by cardinall perron , about the deposing and murthering of kings . together with the french kings letter to the prince of conde , dated the 26. of iuly last , 1615. and the prince his answere thereunto . translated according to the french copie . london , printed by william stansby for nathaniel butter , and are to be sold at his shop vnder saint augustines gate . 1615. remonstrances made by his maiesties ambassadour of great brittaine , to the french king , and the queene his mother , iune 1615. sir , the title of your good brother , and auncient friend , wherwith the king my master is truly stiled , doth assuredly perswade him that you also on your part haue the like impression of sincere affection , which is infused and ingrafted in him by the successiue and perpetuall continuance of that vnited amitie and alliance , which his predecessors the kings of scotland haue had at all times with your crowne , hath beene testified also in these latter daies , by the kings of england , in their worthy and effectuall assistance often performed vnto your state , chiefly vnto your father , the late king of worthy memory , in the time of his most difficult affaires ; so that you cannot impute any thing proceeding from him , but vnto that same entire affection , which his maiestie , on his part , desires ( if it may be ) to continue , and perpetuate in his successours , both to you and yours . whereupon , his maiestie by expresse command hath charged me , seriously to remonstrate vnto your maiestie , for the good of your person and state , and all christendome in generall ; and as he assureth himselfe , that all his actions and proceedings since his raigne , which began with his life , will iustifie him before you and the world , that he neuer through practicality , or curiositie intruded himselfe into forraine affaires , so hath he this testimonie of his conscience , and doth protest before god , that the onely end and cause of his enter-meddling in this action , is the aforesaid welfare of your state , and discharge of his owne conscience . sir , his maiestie hath been aduertised , that your maiestie is resolued speedily to take your iourney , to make an exchange of princes with spaine : whereupon he findes himselfe obliged ( as wel by the affection he beares vnto you in particular , as by the care he owes vnto the publike of christendome , faithfully to represent vnto you the great & imminent danger , wherinto , by this your resolution , you wil plunge both the state of your owne kingdom , and also of your neerest neighbours , and best allios , not that hee doth counsell your maiestie to depart from tho contract which is already past touching these mariages . for his maiesty knows wel , that the greatnes and dignity of kings doth in good reason require , that they should seeke the amity one of the other , and combine theselues by such alliances and leagues of friendship , but only to present vnto your view , how expedient and necessarie it is , ( both for the consideration and welfare of your person in particular , as also in respect of all christendome in generall , in this doubtfull vncertaintie , wherein the affaires of these times now stand , to remit the accomplishing of the said marriages vnto a time more mature and opportune . besides this ancient affection , and bond of amity betweene your crownes , his maiestie takes himselfe obliged in conscience to performe vnto you this office , by reason of that faithful promise passed betweene the late king your father of happie memorie and him ; by the secret ministerie of some certaine of your seruants , and namely , the deceased monss . de vitry , which was , that when either of the two departed this life , the suruiuour should take into his care & protection , the estate and posteritie of the deceased . which , his maiestie , presently after that vnfortunate accident of the late kings death , made knowne ( by the baron of hales ) vnto mons . de la borderie , who was then with him , offering himselfe to the vtmost of his power for the accomplishing of this promise , whereof since the bond yet remaines in his person towards your maiesty , hee cannot , for the discharge of his conscience , but shew vnto you , and the queene your mother , the great wrong , which hee supposeth , is done vnto you , if , before you haue attained to that maturitie of yeeres and iudgement , requisite and necessary for your direction in the choise of your wife and associate , be it for the content of your affection , or welfare of your state , you should be precipitated into the yoke of mariage , to the manifest preiudice of your health , and ( may be ) of your contentment and affaires ; for , as touching this last point , his maiestie weighing that which publikely appeares of the cōstitution of your present estate , the diuers iealousies and discontentments of the greatest of your court , the ill treating of your parliament , which without doubt hath caused much discontent in the mindes of your subiects , in respect of the great credit and reputation , which this body , and principall member of your state hath with the people , besides the grieuāces which those of the reformed religion pretend , he knoweth not how in the middest of these agitations and disorders , your maiesties may absent your selues from the heart and center of your kingdom , as you should doe by this voyage ; besides , the leauing of your affaires here exposed to a great deale of confusion , and danger of disorder . but besides these considerations which meerely concerne your person and kingdome in particular , the generaltie of christendome doth finde it selfe greatly interessed in the precipitation of this voyage , for if in the doubtfull and vnsettled estate of the affaires of these times , the accomplishing of the same were for a certaine time suspended , there would be hope , that by the common & ioynt intercession of all their friēds and allies , the differences which now molest and menace the quiet of christendom , might be ordered ; whereas if in this doubtfull and dangerous coniunction , these marriages be suddenly perfected , it cannot be in all likelihood , but there must ensue a general combustion throughout all christendome . for first , what iealousie and discontent will the states of the vnited prouinces receiue , when they shall see france & spaine so ioyntly vnited ? can they hope that france will then labour to cause the arch-duke to make restitution of those places kept , and detayned in cleues and iuilliers , by the marques spinola , for the which they are now in controuersie with him ; yea rather , will they not suspect all counsels and resolutions , to be enterprised to oppugne them ? yes , without doubt they will beleeue , that in this coniunction , the ill will of spaine towards them , will surmount the good will of france , and that it will not cease , vntill it hath ingaged this state in open enmitie against them . and this with great griefe his maiestie is forced to say , that if the same wil and resolution had beene brought from hence , as was taken by him , for the ordering of the affaires of wesell , those points and puntillioes whereon so long time the spaniards haue dwelt , to prolong this affaire , might haue beene long agoe cut off : but now on the cōtrary , he hath cause to grieue , that hauing as much labored to sollicite the interuention of this state in this affaire , as to draw the spaniard to some reason ; notwithstanding all this importunitie , he could neuer procure any other answere from hence ( neither touching this point , or the other affaires ) but in generall termes , witnesse that weake satisfactorie answere presented vnto his maiestie , by mons . de buisseaux , as also all the other answers to the sollicitations of the princes of germany . moreouer , these princes of the vnion , knowing that spaine is the fauourer and protector of their enemies , will receiue no lesse damage and displeasure by the accomplishing of these mariages , thus prosecuted without any necessity , and so out of season , that they will not only weaken them by the losse of france , but also strengthen their enemies by the aduantage of this cōiunction . and who can secure them from feare , ( if the troubles of sauoy can be appeased ) that the army of spaine , which now threatneth italic , doth not come expresly by the forbearance of this state , to fall vpon them , and in particular , the elector of brandenbourg , who hath so long timerelyed vpon france , cannot hereafter expect any fauour from hence for the deciding of his controuersie , seeing that the king of spaine hath taken the duke of newenbourg , his competitor , into his protection ? as for the duke of sauoy , who is descended from this crowne , and whose preseruation doth much concerne it , as well for the neerenesse , as for the situation of his countrie ; if before the accomplishing of these marriages , hee hath found france so violent and discourteous towards him , as well by the harsh and peremptorie messages , which haue been sent him from hence , as by the rigorous inhibitions published in disfauour of him , declaring all such as goe to aide or assist him , offenders of his maiestie , and so vsing them , by confiscation and razing of their houses , ( a thing neuer heard of , nor practized , especially by france , towards a prince and friend , so vexed and oppressed by the armes of one stronger then himselfe ) how may he hope , after the consummation of the said marriages , that this state will remaine an impartiall arbitrator betwixt spaine and him , or that these ministers which shall be imploied in his busines , will deale faithfully and sincerely for the good of his affaires , his maiestie protesting for his owne part that his desire hath and euer shall be , firmely to vnite himselfe with your maiesties , to incite the said duke vnto peace , howbeit he iudgeth it fit to haue an equall care , lest by such disfauour , he might be inforced to accept of conditions vnsafe and preiudiciall ? and since that the greatest honour of france , during the wise gouernement of the late king , was the authority and trust which it had , prudently and profitably to prouide ( as it hath done vpon diuers great and important occasions ) for the accommodating of differences betweene forraine princes and states , to the conseruation of the publique peace of christendome , and seeing that it is already apparent , that the shaddow of these double alliances doth minister cause of feare to your ancient friēds , that together with them the interests also of spaine will be espoused , it is most certaine , that the precipitation of these marriages wil much augment this feare in them , causing france to lose that authority and trust which their councels haue had alwayes heretofore on their part , turning their confidence into distrust , and their loue into discontent . if therefore , notwithstanding all these weighty and vrgent considerations , which concerne so neerly the person of your maiestie , and the weale publique , aswell of your owne state , as of your neighbors and allies , you shall hastily proceede to the cōsummation of this voyage ; what may they imagine , who in this state , and also among your neighbours doe clearely perceiue , weigh and apprehend these pregnant considerations , but that thereby there is some hidden designe tending to their preiudice ? lastly , the king my master shall haue iust cause of regret in his owne particular , if hauing liued so many yeeres in loue , and correspondency so firme with this crowne , insomuch that these two states ( hauing had almost one & the selfe same to will , and not to will , the same friends and enemies ) haue alwayes ioyned their counsels , and guided their actions in all affaires and occurrances , tending to the weale publique , after one and the same manner : now france diuerting it selfe from him , by the precipitation of these marriages with spaine , shall leaue vnto him alone the burthen and charge of all such affaires and differences , as yet remaine in christendome vndecided ; howsoeuer notwithstanding his maiestie is not ignorant of the aduantage , which elsewhere is offered vnto him by this alienation , if he were a prince ambitious to winne vnto him selfe alone the good will and friendship of all those ancient allies , which by this action seeme abandoned , if he alone should not enterprise the managing of their affaires , as hee will neuer bee wanting either by assistance or counsell , to effect the same , when necessity shall require . but being not able on his part so sleightly to forget & renounce the ancient correspondence & coniunction , which hee hath hitherto maintayned with this crowne , hee is willing to vse all care and meanes for the preseruation of it in its owne estate , before hee change his course , or addresse himselfe to new counsels , if he be not thereunto constrayned by this sudden alteration . and this is it that his maiesty hath charged me , thus freely to represent these foresaid considerations vnto your maiesty , beseeching you to accept and embrace this his aduice , euen as he presents it vnto you , that is to say , with his true and ancient affection for the good of your person and state , and the zeale he beareth vnto the weale publike of christendome , that you would be pleased so to dispose of your resolutions hereupon , in this most weighty occasion , that his maiesty may enioy the contentment , and you the fruit which he earnestly desireth . a declaration made by his maiesties ambassadour of great brittaine vnto the french king , and the queene his mother , concerning an oration made by the cardinall of perron , in the late generall assembly of the estates at paris . sir , the king my master , ( hauing seene a certaine oration , made in the assembly of your states generall , held lately in this city , and since published by mons . the cardinall of perron , wherof he himselfe hath sent a copie vnto his maiestie ) cannot sufficiently wonder at the licentiousnesse , and deprauation of this age , animated with such audacity by the speeches and writings of a person of that qualitie , who , to ouerthrow a wholesome proposition , made in the third chamber of the said states , for preseruation of the life and authoritie of kings , vnder pretence of maintaining the interest and rights of the pope , doth not onely expose and lay open as a prey , the life and states of princes , by the doctrine maintained in the said oration , but also doth vnworthily subiect the crowne of his owne king , to the tutelage and authoritie of the sea of rome ; and thirdly , doth send forth , without any respect , diuers reproches and iniurious inuectiues against the person and gouernment of the king my master . first therefore , his maiestie complaines , and takes in ill part , that the said cardinall , in diuers places of this speech , publikely maintaines , that a king by the law of god may fall from his right , and cease to be acknowledged as a king. that a pope or councell hath authoritie , particularly in cases of heresy or apostafy , to depose kings , and absolue subiects of their oath of alleageance , and that consequently their subiects may enterprise against them . which were not only to put the state and temporall dignity of kings , into the hands and disposing of the pope , but also disobedience into the hearts of their subiects , and a knife into the hands of assassines , to execute vpon their sacred persons , the decrees of a will transported either by error or malice vnto their ruine ; whereof , within these fiue and twentie yeeres , this kingdome hath felt too too lamentable & remarkeable effects . secondly , the said cardinall , applying this execrable maxime , in particular vnto france , maintaines , that it hath alwaies been receiued and authorised here , yea , sometimes for crimes of religion , lesse weightie then heresie or apostafie : and if any hold the contrary , the popes do but tolerate the same for the good of the churches peace , conditionally that they hold it as doubtfull , and problematicall , and not affirme it contradictorie to the word of god ; by which meanes , your maiesties life remaines continually exposed to the same danger and enterprises , that your two predecessors felt . thirdly , his maiestie findes himselfe greatly offended in particular , by the language , that the said cardinall vseth of him and his actions , chiefly , that vnder pretence of gratifying his person , he rankes him ( as much as in him lyeth ) in the number of pagans , commending him onely for his vertues , morall and naturall , without attributing vnto him any christianitie at all ; wherin his maiestie glories principally . secondly , he accuseth him of malice and faction , affirming that he hath enterprised to sow schisme and deuision in this assembly of the estates , and in the states of this kingdome , endeuouring thereby , to bring in the same article and oth , which himselfe imposeth on his own subiects , and which is worst of all , describes him in his gouernement , as if he were a bloudy tyrant , and as if no sort of torments could be deuised , which he inflicteth not vpon his catholike subiects , whom he presents sighing , and as it were , breathles vnder the yoke of persecution ; & at the end of this discourse ( by way of antithesis ) saith , that , god bee thanked , the french are not vnder a king that maketh martyrs . inferring thereby , that the king of great brittaine is so cruell and vnmercifull , as he taketh pleasure in the effusion of the bloud of innocents . but his maiestie being content to trample vnder his feete , all these opprobries and iniuries , which concerne but his own particular , standeth not vpō any reparation with the cardinall , but onely esteemeth himselfe obliged , and should thinke himselfe defectiue and wanting in that , which god and nature hath made him to bee , if he did not testifie vnto the full , the sensible apprehension , which he herein hath , touching the honour , safetie , and dignitie of kings in generall ; which the said cardinall by this maxime and pernicious speech of his , doth abase and subiect to the disposing of another . this is that which his maiestie hath commanded me liuely , and seriously to remonstrate vnto this state , to the end , that your maiesties , and my lords of your counsell , opening your eyes to see and apprehend ( as is requisite ) the scandall , danger , and pernicious consequence of this doctrine , aswell in generall to all christendome , as to the state of france in particular , may speedily prouide a forcible remedy for the choaking of the seede hereof . and more particularly , his maiestie out of the impression of that hearty and sincere amitie , which was betweene him and the late king , whose losse he daily deplores , and whose memory hee honours with all respect in his heart , hath charged me to shew and call to your maiesties remembrance , that during the life of the said king , they contracted this amiable accord , and brotherly agreement , betweene them in such sort , that when it should please god to take vnto him one of the two , the suruiuor should vndertake as father and protector of the childrē of the predeceased . and for this cause , his maiestie ( desiring to acquit himselfe of this obligation and duty , which he beareth to the remembrance of him , whom he so faithfully loued during his life ) cannot but declare the liuely feeling and commiseration , which hee hath of the miserable and perillous estate of your maiestie his most deare brother , which is continually in danger , if the doctrine of the cardinall be receiued & allowed in france . and therefore his maiestie , for the discharage of his conscience , and dutie of his quality , desires , and requires this state , openly to manifest to the view and knowledge of all the world , ( by publike and rigorous suppression of the oration of the said cardinall , and by a solemne decree touching the same ) their disauowing and condemning of this new and accursed doctrine , to the end , that by this declaratiō , the licentious spirits of your subiects may the better bee kept in the duty of their fidelitie and obedience a letter from the french king , to the prince of conde . covsin ; i haue oftentimes giuen you to vnderstand the desire which i had , that you should accompany me in my voyage which i intend to make into guyenne , for the accomplishing of my marriage , and haue inuited you to prepare ●our selfe for the same , and to repaire vnto me for that purpose : i haue also made knowne vnto you my good meaning touching some points , whereof you desired , before your returne , to be informed , aswell concerning the affaires generall , as others , hauing to that effect sent diuers times vnto you mons . de villeroy , who is with you at this present , by whom also you might haue beene certified , and assured , of my affection and good will , as also of the queenes my mother , towards you . notwithstanding hitherto , i cannot know your intent in this businesse , hauing yet had nothing but delayes on your part . in the meane time being forced to take my iourny , i send mons . de pont chartrain my counsellour & secretarie of state in those parts , with the said mons . de villeroy , ●o●signifie vnto you , that my resolution is to begin my said voyage vpon saterday , the first of the next moneth , without any further delay , and to desire you againe in my behalfe , to come and accompany me , and there to take the place which is due to your qualitie and birth ; or to declare your minde in the presence of the said mons . de pont chartrain , if ( contrary to that hope i haue euer had of you ) you intend to make refusall , or difficulty , and denie me this content , to the end that he may bring me certaine intelligence of your intentions , being the principall cause of his voyage : referring my selfe therefore vnto that , which the said mons . de villeroy , and he , shall say vnto you in my behalfe , cousin , i pray to god to haue you in his blessed protection . written from paris the 26. of iuly , 1615. signed lovis , and vnderneath , de lomenye . the prince of conde his answere vnto the king . sir , hauing vnderstood by your letters , which your maiestie vouchsafed to write vnto mee , by mons . de pont chartrain , the 26. of this moneth , the speedy resolution which you haue to vndertake your voyage into guyenne , and the command it pleaseth your maiesty to impose on me , to goe and accompany you in the same , i judged that this departure so hastie ( without order first giuen to the affaires of your state , and prouision for the disorders which haue beene represented vnto you , both by your states generall , as also your court of parliament of paris ) was but a cōtinuation of the ill counsell of those , which are the authors thereof , whom heretofore i haue forborne to name in my most humble remonstrances , being not willing to displease you , sir , nor the queene your mother , hoping that they would at length haue ceased to abuse your maiesties goodnesse . but seeing that they continue to make vse of your authority , for pretext and couert of their owne pernicious designes , and violēt counsels too manifest to be now doubted of , and too publike to be tolerated and suffered any longer , seeing they tend to the subuersion of your state , the weakning of your crowne , and the ruine of those of your bloud and other princes , and officers of your crowne , and principall lords of your kingdome . i am constrained , sir , after long patience , to present vnto your maiesty ( in all humility and respect which a most humble subiect oweth vnto his prince ) the iust reasons which detayne and hinder me , from rendering obedience to your command . i will declare therefore vnto your maiesty , that when i withdrew my selfe to chreil , you being pleased to send thither vnto me mons . de villeroy , to cōmand mee on your behalfe to come vnto you , with promise made vnto mee , that your maiesty would giue good order vnto the publike affaires of your kingdome : i made answere , that ( hauing beene eight moneths at paris , where i saw the beginning , proceeding , and issue of the assembly of the states , such as it was , the course which was taken to suborne and peruert the deputies , and frustrate their counsels and resolutions , the parliament abused , and vnworthily handled , for endeuouring the seruice of your maiesty ; my life , and the life of diuers other princes and lords of qualitie endangered , because i freely with them declared my aduice in your councel , touching your seruice and the welfare of your state ; ) i say , my answere was , that i could not returne either with dignity or safety , vntill it had pleased your maiesty to prouide for the reformation of your councell , and those publike disorders , contayned in the declarations of your parliament . whereupon , your maiesty being pleased to send againe vnto me the said mons . de villeroy to clermont , with more ample authority then he had the first voyage , we conferred together of the reformation of your foresaid councell , and of those orders which he had in charge to shew vnto mee ; and as touching the aduices of the parliament , i reserued to make knowne vnto him my intent , vntill that i had conferred with , and taken the aduice of other princes , officers of your crowne , and lords , who concurre and agree in the same opinion with mee , and stand no lesse affected to your seruice , the good of your state , and the establishment of your crowne , euen as the said mons . de villeroy hath shewed vnto your maiesty , who taking in good part that , which he had begun to treate of , thought good yet againe to send him backe to the same place , where the same morning of his arriuall , wee were already entred into conference concerning the foresaid remonstrāces , in such sort , that the affayres seemed to be brought to a good point , when the said mons . de pont chartrain arriued , who deliuered vnto me your maiesties letters , and declared vnto me your speedy departure , which depriues the cōmonaltie of that fruit they expected by the issue of this conference , and makes the affaires ( which we were in hope to haue compassed ) impossible to bee effected before the same , by reason of the suddennesse thereof , and by this meanes increaseth the disorders that are in your state ; the authors whereof , i am forced to name vnto your maiestic , viz. the marquesse d'ancre , and his wife , the chancelor , the cheualier of silleny , dole , & bulion , who only were dessigned in the remonstrances of the parliament ; vpon whom i most humbly beseech your maiestie publikely to execute iustice , and to ordaine , that the complaints made against their actions and behauiours , may be verified and admitted ; and also , that it may bee proceeded against them , according to the ordinarie and accustomed manner , as also concerning the murder committed vpon the person of mons . de prouuille , sergeant maior of the towne of amiens , by an italian souldier of the garrison of the cittadell , appointing that he be deliuered into the hands of the ordinarie iudges , to draw his inditement , according as so wicked a fact doth deserue : and vntill that order for the reformation of your counsell be taken and effected , the declarations of the court examined , the disorders of the same preuented , and punishment inflicted vpon the persons therein denoted , whom at this present i name vnto your maiestie , as also vpon the italian souldier ; i most humbly beseech you to excuse me , if i attend you not in this your voyage ; which otherwise i would doe , and readily will doe , if it please your maiestie , before your departure , to prouide for these things ; being alwaies willing to testifie by my obedience vnto your maiestie , that i am sir , your most humble , and most obedient subiect and seruant , h. de bovrbon . from conçy the 27. of iuly . 1615. finis . encouragments for the vvarres of france to excitate and induce all generous minded and heroick noble-men, gallant gentlemen, and couragious souldiers, who vnder the conduct and regiment of the most martiall and magnanimous lord the earle of mortoun are worthilie disposed to serue our king his most sacred maiestie in france / by william douglasse north-britaine. douglas, william, earl of morton, 1582-1650. 1627 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20677 stc 7075 estc s778 22379539 ocm 22379539 25486 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20677) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25486) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1775:8) encouragments for the vvarres of france to excitate and induce all generous minded and heroick noble-men, gallant gentlemen, and couragious souldiers, who vnder the conduct and regiment of the most martiall and magnanimous lord the earle of mortoun are worthilie disposed to serue our king his most sacred maiestie in france / by william douglasse north-britaine. douglas, william, earl of morton, 1582-1650. [16] p. printed by iohn wreittoun, edinburgh : 1627. in verse. "cum privilegio." signatures: a-b⁴. t.p. contains illustration. title and each page of text in ornamental border. reproduction of original in the university of edinburgh. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce 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of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng douglas, william, -earl of morton, 1582-1650. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. france -history -17th century. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion encovragments for the vvarres of france . to excitate and induce all generous minded and heroick noble-men , gallant gentlemen , and couragious souldiers , who vnder the conduct and regiment of the most martiall and magnanimous lord the ●arle of mortoun are worthilie disposed to serue our king his most sacred majestie in france . by william douglasse north-britaine . alter erit tum 〈◊〉 et altera quae vehat argo dilectos heroas : erunt etiam altera bella atque iterum ad troiam magnus mittetur achilleis edinbvrgh , printed by iohn wr●i●toun ▪ 1627. cum privilegio . to the right honovrable and truely noble lord william earle of mortoun , lord dalkieth , and aberdoure , &c. it is a maxime and generall obserued in philosophy that all things naturally tends and inclines to the center of the owne kinde : if so in things physicall where altogether nature beares the sway , much more in matters politicall where reason rules & hath the preheminence , yea , even in religion and pietie , as the common proverbe goeth charitie begins at the selfe . what marvell then , right noble lord , that i ( although the meanest of all such who stand oblished and ingadged to your l. in all humble duetie and service ) yet hauing the honour to bee one of your l. name , & presuming vpon the good report i heare in the mouthes of all men of your l. good nature , courteous humane & affable disposition haue adventured and taken the boldnesse in this litle triviall taske , and extemporaniall lynes ( the very first essay & fruit of my muse ) to addresse my self , and haue recourse vnto your honourable l. the true and worthie center of my sphere & horizon : and that my darkenesse beeing inlightned , by the meanest reflects that flowes from the sunshine of your l. worth , i may , darre appeare in publicke & the more boldly shew my self to the view of the world in this learned and apollo-bred age . it is cleare & evident , that the mirthlesse musicke of the droning bee , is no wayes so pleasant as the melodious warbling of the matchlesse mearle or rarest philomel and the rest of heavens sweet singing quiristers yet doth shee not ceaese to fill the vacuitie of the spacious aire , and to please the eare of the auditours in giving them all that nature hath giuen her , so i in this time of necessitie and common concurrance while as euerie man endevors to bee some way stedable to the most worthie proceedings of our most sacred soveraignes intended warres , though i can neither doe as others , nor say or sing as others , yet with others i will bee bold to shew foorth my goodwill , though it were but to roll and tumble my tub with diogenes , and with the bee to blast soorth the bombing sound , of my barren song . and as for your honourable l. who is the due subject of my songe , i am perswaded that as the naughtiest mettall , even lead it selfe , being presented to the most rare alchimist stone by the touche and vertue thereof , is presentlie transformed into gold : so no question this drosse of my plumbish poesie being once presented & touched with the most rare vertue of your l. fauour , shall incontinent bee metamorphosed in a golden shape : & las the weary dove flying to the safe ark of your l. protection with this one leaf of the olive maybee sheltered & enioy a sure couer from all the stormy blastes , not of the vncertaine god aeolus , but of the certaine windie devi● zoilus , such a damnable detracter , who is well practised and learned in his arte of carping & calumniating other mens workes , but was never so well learned himself , as to vnderstand but these three words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so hoping , yea , assuring my self your l. out of your euer accustomed courtesie and goodnesse , will excuse and take in good part this my boldnesse and presumption and so much the rather , my chiefe aime heerein being the glorie of god , the eredit of our king and country , & the celebration of your l. duelie deserved honour and praise , wherein i haue done as i could though not as i would : yet protesting when a more fauouring influence shall , afford mee seme matter of greater importance the same also shall come foorth vnder the shelter of your l. honourable name whom i haue chosen to bee the great protectour and onlie maecenas of my muse as i am and shall ever remaine , your l. owne in all humble duetie and affectionat service while i breath , w. d. to the courteous reader . kind courteous reader , whosoe're thou bee , who viewes these infant ishues of my braine let mee receiue no censures sharpe from thee since these my verse but from a novice vaine in tennours low i studie to bee plaine , leauing a higher stile for great engines , this birth abortiue doe not then disdaint , tho bee not heere elaborat my lines not vsde as yet on heliconian mountaines on pindus toppe , or acidalian fountaines your servant in all bound duetie . w. d. to my mvch respected friend and cousing mr. william douglasse . i can not but commend thy ' spyring spreit , who now so soone dost haunt parnassus springs and for due declaration of thy wit so high dost soare with pegasean wings , since tender yeares such tribute now imbringes : vnto apollo & the muses shrine , in grauer age when thou some subiect sings , what shall the greatnesse bee of thy engine ? how aptly heere thy tennours doth combine precedents past to matters now in hand of countrie men , while courage doth incline with valour to advance by sea and land ? praise worthy thou , of douglasses a mearle to douglasses doth sing and mortouns earle . ge. colquhoun . in amici & condiscipuli mihi dilectissimi m , gulielmi douglasij libellum . mira canis , sed vera canis : cum annalibus olim douglasidum memoras fortia facta virûm gallorum fraudes , scotorum camine laudes pangis : saxonidas pingis honore duces ergo tibi nomen patrium , ergo in amore paterno vincta est pro meritis terra britanna tuis . ge. dunlopus . epigrams , vpon the most honourable and braue resolution of the right worthie , vertuous , noble , heroicke , martiall and magnanimous lord william earle of mortoun , lord dalkieth and aberdoure &c. one of his most sacred maiesties most honorable priuie counsell in both kingdomes : and great generall to all the hie minded and couragious noble-men , gallant gentle-men , and braue souldiers who followes and accompanyes his honourable lordshippe to france . now is the time if e're in any age for martiall men and gallants to goe foorth , against the french , to vindicat with rage , their wrongs and vilipending of our worth what hath the valiant scots of galls nowgaind eight hundreth yeares who haue their state maintain'd ? in parliament worthie colmannus wise much ' gainst this league did constantly contend who thane of marre in braue achaius dayes when charli-mane did heere his legat send an aide of scotts doth earnestlie implore ' gainst saxons , who supprest the celticke shore . colmannus wise with grace and grauitie vnto his king and nobles doth declare , to scotts that league must prejudiciall bee , ' gainst english in one ile who natiues are since aide of french stood in vncertaintie of elementes vnconstant wind and sea. time hath confirmde colmannus counsell good who ' gainst this league his speeches did propone , spent by the scotts what speates of bravest blood , in fending france whiles english them oppone ? abroad in france at home in britannie what bravest scots did in that quarrell die ? were french e're since victors in any warre wherein not scots did chiefest credit carrie ? to english braue since french inferiour farre in valour , worth , in matters militarie : so long with them beene at such deepe debate , were not for scots vndone long since their state : the english archers so by the french were fearde , whiles edward the blacke prince who praisde so much through most of france his statelie trophies rierde , with his victorious troupes wrought matters such that numbers small of his with easie toyle whole myriads of feeble french would foyle . if not impeded by those ciuill jarres and by the martiall scots wel-knowne might , what valiantly was wonne by them in warres , and what they did possesse by normand right the worthie english in celticke diadame vnto this day had still maintainde the same . now warres of lancaster and yorke are done , and both the roses well long since are joynde and scotland now and england all in one vnder one king are happilie conjoynde vnit in boundes , in bodies , mindes , and loue gainst all the worlde invincible to prooue . since then the french most madde in their intent , hath incitate our most couragious king that for reuenge and for their ruine bent deserued warres doth duelie ' gainst them bring : and by his generall braue buckinghame he hath begun their fronters for to tame , it is full time for scots for to concurre and by their kings and englands injurie vnto their proper splene to bee a spurre and ' gainst the french for to encrease their furie . that archers of the corps so long neglected nor is our gens d'armes as due respected . nor haue they kept in minde that league so old nor dueties done to them , which were so great ; into their histories not wee inrolde the actions of the scots doth not entreat our deedes in france both recent and of old by forrainers not by the french or told how can the scots forget in ages all in latest times their great ingratitude ? since god this land from errours did recall , resaued heere pretending much our gude . since that our queene of scotland onlie heir . in france espoused to their dolphine their . when they as friends had seazed in their hand our fortresses , and strengths of importance they much opprest the people of this land , and euerie where as victors did advance , badlie for soule and bodies ruine bent did use tyrannicall gouernement . which tyrannie had longer heere indurde , if english ( we not meriting so much ) with strongest troupes to hardnesse all inurde had not them forcde to composition such that soone they left the limites of this land , for which to england yet wee obligde stand . then martiall mortoun with thy men at armes like thy ancestors worthilie aduance : let to thy foes notorious bee their harmes by douglasse name sounded againe throught france : that they who french wont to defend before now of their spoiles and victories may glore . as in the warres of scots by oldest right the vanguard to the douglasse did belong , so first of scots against the french to fight leade thou our trained troupes their lands along , that ancient valour which in ages old may now againe reviue in douglasse bold . two douglasse earles ( their valour this proeur'de ) in turoues dukedome were worthilie invest which yet their successours if not injurde vnto this day had still the same possest : since thou hast right from thy ancestors race let now thy sword thee in possession place . right gallant guilliam king achaius brother transported first fiue thousand scotts to france as wise and valiant he , as any other with lillies first the lyon did advance , for rare exployts right fast his fame did flie through flanders , france through spaine and italie . most famous florence was by him restorde , by cruell gothes when brought to great decay : with monuments and buildings braue decorde , which keepes in minde his name vnto this day , and yet respects the scots with honoures hie since they restorers of their libertie . so valiant william of statelie douglasse stemme is now the first into thir sturring times gallants transportes from scotlands diademe to conquesse and to kepee those celtick climes the bloody heart with lyon to erect , king charles foes with terrour to correct . that hee in france may possiblie repeat those provinces which doe him to belong , since he as heire to conquering william great , deprivde of normandie receiues great wrong by and attoure his right and greatest claime to all the rest of celticke diademe . hee is the man to whom the mates of mars directed hath the drift of their designes his grandour chiefest end of wished warres he highest aime whom hope to most assignes that tru elie him we charles the great may see greater nor charles the great or fifth to bee . for , shall wee not expect to be compleat what prophesied by sacred sibill songs ? in gods owne time he 'le raise some man of spreit to free his church and vindicate their wrongs the antichrist with all his cursed crew , the tyran turke the lord in hell will spew . and is there one from east to occident a potent prince so for this purpose meete , as is king charles our monarche eminent . in whom those prophesies shall bee compleet : that so gods saintes enjoy may libertie hence by his sworde from proud oppressours free . so then it restes for all that seeke renowne with their braue king concurre in such a quarrell his old vnconquered caledonian crowne for such pretence they will refuse no perrell ; invincible they will their courage show , that all the worlde may still their courage know . finis . an acrostiche or alphabeticall sonnet to the said noble earle . vvyse , valiant , vertuous , worlds admired worth in courtesie , and courage next to none loved of all , heroike heart goe foorth , let armes aduance thy old ancestoures throne : in our vnconquerde soill at of this one as many good was ere of any name ? mars had not else foure hundreth yeares by gone doubled the douglasse still augmenting fame or was the vandgard euer lost with shame , whereas chiefe chiftaine douglasse did appeare ? grand honour of the royall diadame loe , for their woethin parliament they beare and yet more praise expects of thee alone since seldome god gaue vertue more to one . an echo resounding and answering to the same purpose . come echo canst thou answere to my call ? e. all . what votes thou to this earles brave adventer ? e. enter . will thou stand good then for all future euill ? e. i will. but what ? all future chances are vncertaine ? e. certaine . who then doth know mens afterward estates ? f. fates . and cannot their presages faile for euer ? e. never . who doth inspire them ? god from heauen hic ? e. eaven he . vvhat shall the earle of his paines exonor ? e. honor . and since he goes what shall he bring againe ? e. gaine . vvhat gaine ? for by long time fame will decay ? e. nay . shall none forget to memorate this voage ? e. no age . then who is fitte to conquere such a pearle ? e a earle . and who bee's master of this matchles fortoun ? e. mortoun . quod galli arctissima jamdiu cum scotis necessitudine neglecta pactisque violatis stristissimis & antiquissimis scotiam iustissime contra seipsos armarunt . carmen elegiacum . temporibus priscis fulsit victoria gallis vllene quae scotis non fuit auxiliis ? mirum igitur gallos vincendos milite scoto victores toties milite scotigeno : nempe sui nostro cum regno faedris icti immemores , fragilem nunc violasse fidem constat : ut in celtis nō sunt data praemia nostris debita , nec laus , nec gloria militibus : quid referam fratres anglos cum classe retentos ? quid referam oppressos relligione pios ? quid cereris sacrum arcanae puerilibus ausis vulgatum memorem , spretaque connubia . carolus ille ergo noster regum editus alto gallorum , anglorum , scotigenumque satu ; normannaeque ducis qui longa ab origine gentis ius certum in celtas nunc habet imperij , armis accinctus justis hic carolus ensem distrinxit justum , justaque bell a movet , vindicet vt fraudes , vt debita forte reposcat sceptra , utque oppressos subleues ense pios . finis . quod nobilissimus mortoniae comes ex antiquissima & invictissima douglasiorum familia cujus majores toties gallis opem temporibus aerumnosis tulerunt , nunc in gallos ex scotia primus milites ducat . si qui de nostris vnquam meruere camaeuis , vel si vnquam musae quid potuere meae . an non te quem prima decent praeconia laudis carmine nunc celebret calliopeia mea ? tune ille antiqui magna de stirpe douglassi regis ut & patriae raptus amore tuae , prima caledoniae qui primus belliger infers in francos meritis arma petita suis . qui regem patriamque tuam virtutibus ornas : exuperas proavos qui probitate pios . tanta tua baec virtus nostr● bene nota monarchae te facit astrigeras martis adire domos . tanta tua boec virtus regali milite structum mittit te ad trojam major achille novam . te duce longinquos quis non percurrat ad indos succinctus gladio jussa subire tua : hostis imo armatas procedentem ante catervas si te tam validum viderit ire ducem , non modo terga dabit sed ter verba baec geminabit . heu cum scotigenis venit ad arma deus . qualis vt aethereis si iuppiter esset in armis , qualis et in castris mars foret ipse suis : talis eris dum bella gerens sub imagine martis structus eris clypeo tu iove nate tuo . marte igitur part●s qui diu latuere triumphos nomini ut & patriae tute repone tuae . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20677-e3740 anagr. the french kings declaration of a vvar against england published in the manner expressed therein at paris, 27 jan. 1666 / translated out of french ... france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1666 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49213 wing l3112 estc r2482 13439847 ocm 13439847 99562 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49213) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99562) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 464:19) the french kings declaration of a vvar against england published in the manner expressed therein at paris, 27 jan. 1666 / translated out of french ... france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 8 p. printed by tho. newcomb ..., london : 1666. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. france -foreign relations -england. great britain -foreign relations -france. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french kings declaration of a vvar against england . published in the manner expressed therein at paris , 27 jan. 1666. translated out of french , and published by authority . london : printed by tho. newcomb , living over against baynards castle in thames-street . 1666. by the king . whereas his majesty being informed , that some misunderstanding was like to arise between england and holland , did give order to his ordinary ambassadors to perform in his name , all good offices necessary for the stifling those differences in the birth , and being troubled to see things grow worse and worse , so as to come to open acts of hostility between them , did dispatch extraordinary ambassadors to the king of great britain , to endeavor to stop the further growth , and by some agreement to compose those differences ; but his mediation not having had that effect he promised himself in it , the states general of the united provinces of the low countreys , have with earnestness continued their instances with his majesty , that he would execute the treaty of league defensive , which he concluded with them the 27 of april , 1662. and his majesty finding himself obliged to make good his royal word , and the engagements , he entered into , by a solemn treaty at a time when england and holland were in good correspondence , without any appearance of rupture . his majesty hath declared , and by these present● signed with his hand , doth declare , that men determined and resolved to succor the states of the united provinces of the low countreys , in consequence of the said treaty of league defensive , and to joyn all his power to that of the states general in act against the english as well by sea as land. and to this end , doth most straightly charge and require all his subjects , vassals , and servants , to fall upon the english , prohibiting them for the future , to have any communication , commerce , or intelligence with them , upon pain of deaths . and to this end , his majesty hath revoked , and from henceforth doth revoke , all licences , passes , letters of protection , and of safe-guard , which may have been granted by himself , his lieutenant generals , or other officers , contrary to these presents , declaring them void , and of no effect ; and commanding that no regard or consideration be had of them by any person or persons whatsoever . and his majesties will and pleasure is , that the duke de beaufort , peer of france , great master , head , and surintendant general of the navigation and commerce of this kingdom , the mareschals of france , the governours , and lieutenants general for his majesty , in his provinces and armies , mareschals of camp , colonels , masters of camp , captains , heads , and conductors of his soldiers , as well of horse as of foot , french as strangers , and all other his officers whom it may concern , do cause the contents of these presents , to be put in execution within each of their powers and jurisdictions respectively : for such is his majesties pleasure , expecting that these presents be published in all his towns , aswell maritime , as others , and in all the ports , havens , and such other places of his kingdom as may be necessary ; to the end , none may pretend cause of ignorance ; and that to copies hereof , duly collationed , credit be given as to the original . signed , louis , and below le tellier . these are to charge , and require canto , the kings sworn cryer , to publish the above proclamation , and it to post up and affix in the usual places of this city and suburbs of paris . at paris the 6th of jan. 1666. signed , daubray . read and published with sound of trumpet , and open proclamation in all the carrefours of this city , and suburbs of paris , posted and affixed , where necessary , by me underwritten , charles canto , the kings sworn cryer , of the said city , provosté and visconté of paris . in the making of which proclamation , i was accompanied by five trumpetters ; to wit , jeremy tronsson , stephen du bos , his majesties sworn trumpetters in the said places , and three other trumpetters . the 27th of day january , 1666. signed , canto . after the publication of the said declaration , in the manner above expressed , the lord hollis having taken his leave of that court , and so being divested of his character , thought fit to represent to monsieur de lionne , one of the secretaries of state , the exorbitancy thereof , and how offensive it would look to all the world , to expose the estates and persons of his majesty of great britain's subjects , to the last violences , if it were literally executed ; and how contrary it was to the treaties subsisting between the two nations , not to allow a competent time for persons to withdraw themselves from the rigorous execution of it ; his majesty of france was pleased to issue this following declaration , allowing three moneths time for all english to withdraw their persons and estates from his territories . by the king. his majesty having been given to understand , that the english which are now in the kingdom , do apprehend they may be molested in their persons , and disturbed in the enjoyment of their estates , in consequence of the ordinance of the 26 of january last ; in which , his majesty declared he would joyn all his force to that of the estates general of the united provinces of the low countreys , to act against the english , as well by sea as by land ; charging and requiring all his subjects to fall upon them , and not to have from thenceforth any commerce or communication with them . and although there be not any ground for such apprehension , seeing the said ordinance cannot be understood , but against the english that shall hereafter be met at sea by his majesties ships , or that shall appear on the coasts of the kingdom , to land and enter there in arms , or otherwise ; and not against private persons that are settled in the kingdom , or that are come hither upon the faith of that good correspondence which hath hitherto been between this crown , and that of england : yet his majesty desirous more particularly to explain his meaning therein , hath ordered , and doth order , that such english , as being not naturalized , have settled themselves in the kingdom , or are at present here , do quit it within three moneths , to be accounted from the date of these presents ; during which time , they may safely sell or transport their merchandize and other goods . his majesty , in the mean time , strictly commanding all his subjects not to molest the said private englishmen in their persons or goods , for any cause or occasion , or under any pretext whatsoever , except by the ordinary ways of justice ; and so , as they might have done before the publication of the said ordinance of 26 january last . and his majesties will and pleasure is , that all his governors , and his lieutenant governors of his provinces , intendants there , particular governors of his towns and places , bailiffs , seneschals , provosts , judges , and their lieutenants , and all other his officers and subjects , whom it may concern , do take care respectively for the exact observation of these presents , which his majesty commands to be published , and set up in all the towns , boroughs , and other places of his kingdom , where requisite ; to the end , none may pretend cause of ignorance . given at st. germain in lay , the first of february , 1666. signed louis , and below le tellier . these are to require canto , the kings swarn cryer , to publish the above ordinance , and to cause it to be affixed in the usual places of this city and suburbs of paris . at paris the first of february ▪ 1666. signed daubray . read and published with sound of trumpet and open cry , in all the carrefours of this city and suburbs of paris , and affixed where requisite , by me underwritten , charles canto , the kings sworn cryer in the said city , provosté and visconté of paris . in making which proclamation , i was accompanied with three trumpetters , viz. jeremy tronsson , stephen du bos , his majesties sworn trumpetters in the said places , and with one other trumpetter . the third day of february , 1666. signed canto . finis . the french king's decree against protestants, prohibiting them the exercise of their religion, &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecution and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion to make them abjure and apostatize : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh ... : also a letter from father la chese ... to father petre ... / newly translated from the french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. 1689 approx. 105 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49221 wing l3117 estc r2440 13659918 ocm 13659918 101092 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49221) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101092) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 794:4) the french king's decree against protestants, prohibiting them the exercise of their religion, &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecution and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion to make them abjure and apostatize : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh ... : also a letter from father la chese ... to father petre ... / newly translated from the french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, 1620-1688. la chaise, françois d'aix de, 1624-1709. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 40 p. printed for the author and sold by the booksellers of london and westminster, london : 1689. revocation of the edict of nantes, dated october 22, 1685. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -iv, -king of france, 1553-1610. france. -edit de nantes. protestants -france -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -france -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king's decree against protestants , prohibiting them the exercise of their religion , &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecvtion and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion , to make them abjure and apostatize . together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . also a letter from father la chese , confessor to the french king , to father petre , jesuit and great almoner to the king of england , upon the method or rule he must observe with his majesty , for the conversion of his protestant subjects in england , &c. newly translated from the french. licensed , january 18. 1688 / 9. london , printed for the author , and sold by the booksellers of london and westminster , 1689. a decree of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom , wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry iv , his grandfather , given at nantes , full of most gracious concessions to protestants . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grand-father of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and foreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings , his predecessors ; had , by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , 1598. regulated the conduct which was to be observed , with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges to administer justice to them : and lastly , also by several distinct articles , provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion : and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to re-unite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had withdrawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grand-father , could not be effected , by reason of his sudden and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the foresaid edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honored lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprizes of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages , which had been granted to them , by the aforesaid edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , 1629 by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grand-father was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution : but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year 1635. to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in 1684. the kingdom having been only for some short intervals altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mixt chambers of judicature , which were composed of an equal number of papists and protestants ; the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore , at length , it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves entirely to the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been * our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see at present , ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves for as much as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , have already embraced the catholick ; and since by means thereof the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is become useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles confusions , and mischief , which the progress of that false religion have been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since , in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons usthereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annulled , do suppress and annul the edict of the king , our said grand-father , given at nantes , in april 1598. in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified may 2. next following , and letters patent granted thereupon ; as likewise the edict given at nismes , in july 1629. declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted ; together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forth with demolish'd . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion , to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion in any place or house , under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiess , of what quality soever the said fiess may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick , apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , 15 days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widows after their decease , as long as they continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover , we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives , a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree ; and that , after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues , which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion ; and in general , all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession , of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that henceforward they be baptized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of 500 livres , or more , as it shall happen futhermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof , they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done , in case they had always continued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the 20th . of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declaration made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. ☞ moreover , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them , as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion ; upon condition nevertheless , as aforementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly , we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau , in the month of october , in the year of grace 1685 , and of our reign the xliii . signed lewes . le tellier . visa . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the king's attorney general requiring it , in order to their being executed according to form and tenor ; and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each district , to be there entred and registred in like manner ; and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed , and put in force ; and to certifie the court thereof . at paris , in the court of vacations , the 22th , of october 1685. signed de la baune . a letter of the french king to the elector of brandenburgh , sept. 6. 1666. brother , i would not have discoursed the matter you write to me about , on the behalf of my subjects of the pretended reformed religion , with any other prince , besides your self : but to shew you the particular esteem i have for you , i shall begin with telling you , that some persons , disaffected to my service , have spread seditious pamphlets among strangers ; as if the acts and edicts that were pass'd ▪ in favour of my said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , by the kings my predecessors , and confirm'd by my self , were not kept and executed in my dominions ; which would have been contrary to my intentions : for i take care that they be maintained in all the priviledges , which have been granted them , and be as kindly us'd as my other subjects . to this i am engaged both by my royal word , and in acknowledgment of the proofs they have given me of their loyalty , during the late troubles , in which they took up arms for my service , and did vigorously oppose , and successfully overthrow the ill designs which a rebellious party were contriving within my own dominions , against my authority royal. i pray god , &c. brother , &c. a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practice in other places , against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the 18 / ●th of august , 1685. the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , represented unto them , that they could not be ignorant , that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion ; and therefore wished them readily to comply with the same : and in order thereto , advised them to assemble themselves , and consider what resolution they would take . to this resolution some answer'd , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account ; for a smuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be alwaies in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town house , which , he ordered , should be left free for them from noon till six of the clock in the evening : where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion : which resolution of theirs there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainted , how we are menaced with the greatest violence . — hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us , — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and die in their religion . the day after , the battalion of la ferre , consisting of 16 companies entred the city , and were followed by many more . the testants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates , and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse , for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering ; and were come to a resolution to possess what they had in common : but , alas ! how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city ; but withal , appointed several corp de guards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers souldiers and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities , and cruelties , wherewith the devil can inspire the most in human and reprobate minds : they mar●'d and defac'd their houshold ▪ stuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments ; they let their wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoil'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparel , plate , and things of the like nature ; these they carried to the market-place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such , who were most resolute and constant in their profession . it is supposed , according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five daies , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers , who demanded four hundred crowns apiece of their hosts for spending-money ; and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier , upon the some account . in the mean time , the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous ; i shall only here set down some few , of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois , was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de guard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with monsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at 10000 livres , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . monsieur d' alliez , one of the prime gentlemen of montanban , being a venerable old man , found so ill ▪ treatment at their hands , as it 's thought he will scarcely escape with life . monsieur ▪ de garrison , who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of his souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience ; adding , that in recompence of the favour he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livres ; but by all his entreaties and proffers , he could not in the least prevail with the intendant ; who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts , or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three daies and nights together , without meat , drink , or sleep : when they were so wearied and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time , when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearied out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vigour and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of , with success ; in bearn and other places many went dictracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape , were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations , to the mercy of these barbarous , and more than savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban ; where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place , was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night , by pinching and tearing off his flesh with pincers ; though by all this they were not able to shake his constancy in the least . the wife of one rouffion , a joyner , being violently dragg'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions , this was one : they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age ; who continually , with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , cryed , my god , help me ; and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper guinne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guinne ; which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also : and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue , and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go ; if god , in pity and compassion to his people , do not restrain them . it is to be feared , ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to perswade protestants , that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but , alas ! this is not all ; for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also ; for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them , in order to the perfecting of their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt , but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last efforts and death struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain , that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red-hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the breasts of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex ; because in this case their shamefac'dness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight , without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger & thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender-hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have heen ready to faint away and give up the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go : they beat men and women outragiously ; they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took , was to give them no rest ; for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches , without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him , they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success ; who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done ; the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowry paths , by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object ; you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties , but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horror of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution , upon pretence of religion , carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been ; and therefore , of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can can be compar'd with it . true indeed it is , that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks ; but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but , behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres ; but these were only violent tempests , and sudden hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or , at the most , a few daies , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible , than a state of war ; but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly cannibals entring their houses , bateering , breaking , burning , and destroying whatever comes to hand ; swearing , cursing and blaspheming like devils ; beating to excess , offering all manner of indignities and violence ; diverting themselves , and striving to out-vy each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment ; not to be appeased with money , or good chear ; foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons ; and presenting death , at every moment ; and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and senseless stupidity , by those devilish inventions we have given you an instance of in the relation of mentauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more ; which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dieclesian ; which is , the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom , upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea-ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors , and common enemies : all the prisons of sea-port-towns are cramm'd with these miserable fugitives , men women , boys , and girls ; who there are condemned to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves from this dreadful persecution , and deluging calamity . this is the thing which is unparallel'd ; and of which we find no instance : this is that superlative excess of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva : he massacred , he beheaded , he butchered ; but at least , he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groan'd under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done , but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of ; for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only ; no armies were imploy'd , to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several waies of torment ; much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperors councel , to shut up all the protestants in hungary , in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion ; which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a foreign country ; being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies , behind them , for to lead a poor , miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most ●●parent , that those monsters who have inspired the king with th●●● designs , have refin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne doest behold all the outrages done to thy people , haste thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolation ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our grones and supplications ; yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness , as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world : behold , we perish , if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer : we do not place our confidence in any , but thee alone : let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . haste thee to our help ; make no long tarrying , o lord , our god , and our redeemer ! a letter sent from bourdeaux , giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , what you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion , in the land of bearne , guinne , and berigord , is but too true ; and i can assure you , that they who have given you that account , have been so far from amplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not so much surprized at the difficulty you find to perswade your self , that the things of which your friends inform you , are true : in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us echo the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprize , or amazement , to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , as well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and everlasting blessed jesus was ; and must , like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment , to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith ; and it is more than probable , that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves , will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that , in so doing , they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble , in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it ; obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law , which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say , all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calam●ties : insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but , alas ! our enemies were too ingenious , to be bank'd so ; and had taken out ruine too much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring-about their desires : they call'd to mind what prodigious success a new kind of persecution had had of late years in pocton , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of ; and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these , would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's , and marillacs , could be fit instruments for such like enterprizes ; neither could we ever have imagin'd , that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far , as to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self-same time they treated us in this manner . they would needs perswade us , that the king's councel had disapproved the design : and indeed , it seem'd very probably to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now , by experience , we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparell'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was , to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permitting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by settling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was , to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendents had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay , hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour ; and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be left for a prey ; and who , not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since they began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearne was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprize gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it : he told them , the great numbers of souldiers were at hand , to compel those that should refuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and die faithful to their lord and master , jesus christ , with souldiers ; and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses and out-rages , these enraged brutals committed in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful : it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhuman , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition , sex or age ; they pull'd down and , demolished their houses ; they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold-stuff ; they bruised and beat to death venerable old men ; they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pity or respect ; they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains ; they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost ; they took red-hot fire-shovels , and held them close to their bare heads , and actually applied them to other parts of their bodies ; they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst : and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new waies of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch , that of all those many numerous assemblies , we had in that province , as that of pan , d'arthes , d'novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number , who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for the prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to lose no time ; but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montaubam ▪ where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , bespeaks them much of the same language , as was used to those of bearne ; whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders 4000. men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants ; with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhuman wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pitiless orders , that of 12 or 15000. soul , of which that church did consist , not above 20 or 30 families are escaped ; who , in a doleful and forlorn condition , wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruin of this important place , drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it ; which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realmont , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigord ; which this horrible deluge hath likewise over-whelm'd . monsieur bouslers , and the intendant , having shared the country between them ; monsieur de bousters taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time , carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time 17 companies at st. foy , 15 at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts : so that all places being fill'd i th these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty ; having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerat was most signally famous for the long trials it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be , to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever ; they accordingly fail'd not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy , than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already , for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments , and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than eighteen troops of horse had their winter quarters there ; who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return : the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither , to observe the inhabitants , and soon after 32 companies of foot enter the town : monsieur bouflers and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and some other persons of quality , tender themselves there at the same time , and send for 200 of the chiefest citizens to appear before them ; telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass ; and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimosly answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences ; and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately 32 companies more of infantry and cavalry enter the city ( which , together with the 34 companies before-mentioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town-house , and once more pressed to change their religion ; and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigor and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending 34 more companies into the city , which made up the full number of an hundred ; who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen ; and persons whose whole estate did not amount to 10000. livres , were taxed at the rate of 150. livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost 60. livres ; they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door , to hinder any from coming in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep : on one hand the child cries , with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ? i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alas ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ! whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , will not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy , who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live nor to dye , ( for when they see them fainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities ; nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable ; insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens , and caves of the earth . futhermore , i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present ; the army , we hear , is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation ; there being scarce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess , i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel ; for i know the gospel , in their accounts , passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdom , which according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it ; and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith ; and who have so cowardly betray'd their religion and conscience , or with the outragious and barbarous persecuters of the religion , which they profess ? and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks . and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will e're long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches , who have been deceived by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember , that they could not embrace the communion of rome , without absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed ; and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make ; then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell ; and will make them endavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have unhappily betray'd . and on the other-side ; their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of the day ; and therefore will endeavor , through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable , when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and where with they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once , by a general massacre , which many good souls have so so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god , that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches ; and make the heart of our sovereign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those , who in their blindness think they do him service , by putting us to death ; that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice : finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may , with st. peter , go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , &c. an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous vsage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most , at this time ; there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow ; and that is , the cruel persecution , which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible ; and the heavenly courage , wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader , to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful : i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council , in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel ; which she boldly and manfully refusing , was commanded back again to prison ; where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities ; and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her through the streets of the city ; where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water ; where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and fluck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again ; and then had another ready , dipt in wine to clap upon her : this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage , her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she , being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undauntedly answer'd ; that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that , though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them ; but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover ; as knowing , that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel of their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture , with her head downwards till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and still continue under the tormentor's hands , is an old man ; who having , for a great while , been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges , with vermin and snails crawling upon his mouldred garment ; who seeing him in that loathsom condition , said to him : how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your heresie ? to which he answer'd : as for heresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so , i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god , to die in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : dost thou not see , that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , since thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsom place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart : to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi postquam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne mea me vissurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god. and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsom dark abode ; where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious , in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants ; yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd of ; which take as follows : some dragoons , who were quartered with a person , who they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion ; upon a time , when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank ; and so fill'd the floor , where they were , with the fragments ; and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser pieces and fractions : and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance ; and told their host , that he must be one of the company ; but withal , that he must first pull off his stockins and shooes , that the might move the more nimbly : in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed , upon the sharp points of glass ; which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed ; and a while after stript him stark naked , and rolled his body from one end of the room to the other , upon the sharp glass , as beforementioned ; which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chyturgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body ; which you may easily conceive , could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcom company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion ; one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself , with letting his beard grow so long : but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber : the dragoon reply'd , i can do that for you as well as the barber ; and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him : and so fell to work ; but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face . one of his companions coming in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bungler ; and then to his host , come , your hair wants cutting too , and you shall see , i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins , in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin , and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhuman , and more than barbarous means it is , that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire ; and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance ; for the names of martyrs , and rebels , are equally odious to their enemies , who tell them , the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels ; and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon , for having so long entertain'd you with these more than tragical passages ; and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear : which is the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. since the first publishing of this , some further particulars ( representing the horror of this persecution ) are come to hand ; which take as follow : they have put persons into monasteries , in little narrow holes , where they could not stretch their bodies at length ; there feeding them with bread and water , and whipping them every day , till they did recant : they plunged others into wells , and there kept them till they promised to do what was desired of them : they stript some naked , and stuck their bodies full of pins : they tyed fathers and husbands to the bed-posts , forcing their wives and daughters before their eyes : in some places , the ravishing of women was openly and generally permitted : they pluck'd off the nails and toes of others : they burnt their feet , and blew up men and women with bellows , till they were ready to burst . in a word , they exercised all manner of cruelties they could invent ; and in so doing ; spared neither sex , age nor quality . the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed , which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner , i receive the scriptures , but in the same sense as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same ; for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures : and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise , than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess , that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho' not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream unction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated , without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received & approved by the catholick church , in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing , and things , which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood ; which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ , and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory ; and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgences was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner , i own and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting , must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly prosess , by gods assistance , to keep intirely and inviolably , unto death , this self-same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god , and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting , is to leave with the priest , when he makes his abjuration . in. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it may concern , that having acknowledged the falseness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption . — a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants , who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william , by the grace of god. marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania ; of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia ; of crosne , and jagerndorff ; burg-grave of noremberg ; prince of halberstadt , minde , and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come . that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and foreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer , to the said protestants , a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion ; and withal , to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them , in some measure , of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end , that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extraordinary with the states-general of the vnited provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families , from holland to the city of hamburg : where then our councellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur guerick , shall furnish them with all conveniences they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon , for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city of frankfort upon maine ; and there address themselves to sieur merain , our councellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely , our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark : or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address , and conveniences , for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniences , and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce , and trade by sea , and by land , those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please , in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive , that in our electoral marquisate , the cities of stendel , werbe , rathenow , brandenburg , and frankfort ; and in the country of magdeburg , the cities of magdeburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of koningsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates , as for the convenience of trade and traffick ; we have given charge , that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received and agreed with about all those things , which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious , and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandize , and commodities , which they shall bring along with them , shall not be liable to any custom or impost ; but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions , of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heits for ever ; and shall content the present proprietors , according to the value of the said houses ; and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand ingaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick lime , stones , bricks , and other materials they may stand in need of , for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses ; which shall , for six years , be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free-quarter , and all other charges whatsoever : neither shall the said french , during the time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chatgeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture-grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges , with which the said places , or their dependances may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said places , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry , in every city , for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned for them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade of profession they belong to ; and shall enjoy the self-same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedom , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those who are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloth , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges , patents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to country-men and others , who are willing to settle themselves in the country , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistance , at the beginning of their settlement ; in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion . we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french families shall be settled , they be authorized to choose one from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and in case any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose , from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accommodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in every city , where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custom , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france , who , heretofore , have put themselves under our protection , and entred into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the country ; and that there are many found amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces ; we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges honours and dignities , they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess the same with all the rights , prerogatives and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion , who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their settling there ) after the same date of this declaration ; but also to those , who before the date hereof , have settled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse and address themselves upon all occasions of need ; and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall from time to time issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aid and assistance . given at postdam , octob. 26. 1685. frederick william . a letter from father la chese , confessor to the french king , to father pe●re , jesuit , and great almoner to the king of england , upon the method or rule he must observe with his majesty , for the conversion of his protestant subjects . most reverend father , when i compare the method of the french court ( which declares against all heresies ) with the policy of other princes , who had the same design in former ages ; i find so great a difference that all that passes now adaies in the king's council is an impenetrable mistery : and the eyes of all europe are opened , to see what happens ; but cannot discover the cause . when francis i. and henry ii. his son undertook to ruin the reformation , they had to struggle with a party which was but beginning and weak , and destitute of help ; and consequently easier to be overcome . in the time of francis ii. and charles ix . a family was seen advanc'd to the throne by the ruin of the protestants , who were for the house of bourbon . in this last reign many massacres hapned , and several millions of hereticks have been sacrificed , but it answer'd otherwaies : and his majesty has show'd ( by the peace and mild waies he uses ) that he abhors shedding of blood ; from which you must perswade his britannie majesty , who naturally is inclin'd to roughness , and a kind of boldness , which will make him hazard all , if he does not politickly manage it ; as i hinted in my last , when i mentioned my lord chancellor . most reverend father , to satisfie the desire i have to shew you by my letters the choice you ought to make of such persons fit to stir up , i will in few words ( since you desire it ) inform you of the genius of the people of our court , of their inclinations , and which of them we make use of ; that by a parallel which you will make , between them and your english lords , you may learn to know them . therefore i shall begin with the chief : i mean our great monarch . it is certain that he is naturally good , and loves not to do evil , unless desir'd to do it . this being so , i may say , he never would have undertaken the conversion of his subjects , without the clergy of france , and without our societies correspondence abroad . he is a prince enlightned ; who very well observes , that what we put him upon , is contrary to his interest , and that nothing is more opposite to his great designs , and his glory ; he aiming to be the terror of all europe . the vast number of malecontents he has caused in his kingdom , forces him in time of peace to keep three times more forces , than his ancestors did in the greatest domestick and foreign wars : which cannot be done , without a prodigious expence . the peoples fears also begin to lessen , as to his aspiring to an universal monarchy : and they may assure themselves he has left those thoughts ! nothing being more opposite to his designs , than the method we enjoyn him . his candor , bounty , and toleration , to the hereticks , would undoubtedly have open'd the doors of the low countries , palatinate , and all other states on the rhine , and even of switzerland : whereas things are at present so alter'd , that we see the hollanders free from any fear of danger ; the switzers and city of geneva , resolv'd to lose the last drop of their blood in their defence ; besides some diversion we may expect from the empire , in case we cannot hinder a peace with the turks ; which ought to hasten his britannick majesty , while he can be assured of succors from the most christian king. sir , his majesties brother is alwaies the same , i mean , takes no notice of what passes at court. it has sometimes happen'd , the king's brothers have acted so , as to be noted in the state ; but this we may be assur'd will never do any thing to stain the glory of his submission and obedience : and is willing to lend a helping hand for the destruction of the hereticks ; which appears by the instances he makes to his majesty , who now has promised him to cause his troops to enter into the palatinate the next month. the dauphin is passionately given up to hunting , and little regards the conversion of souls ; and it does not seem easie to make him penetrate into business of moment ; and therefore we do not care to consult him which way , and how , the hereticks ought to be treated . he openly laughs at us , and slights all the designs , of which the king his father makes great account . the dauphiness is extreamly witty ; and is without doubt uneasie to shew it in other matters besides complements of conversation . she has given me a letter for the queen of england ; wherein after her expression of the part she bears on the news of her majesties being with child , she gives her several advices about the conversion of her subjects . most reverend father , she is undoubtedly born a great enemy to the protestants ; and has promoted all she could with his majesty , in all that has been done , to hasten their ruin ; especially having been bred in a court of our society , and of a house whose hatred against the protestant religion is heraditary ; because she has been raised up by the ruine of the german protestant princes , especially that of the palatinate . but the king having caused her to come to make heirs to the crown , she answers expectation to the utmost . monsieur louvois is a man who very much observes his duty , which he performs to admiration ; and to whom we must acknowledge france owes part of the glory it has hitherto gained , both in regard of its conquests , as also the conversion of hereticks ; to which latter i may say , he has contributed as much as the king : he has already shewed himself fierce , wrathful , and hardhearted , in his actions towards them ; though he is not naturally inclin'd to cruelty , nor to harrass the people . his brother the archbishop of rheins , has ways which do not much differ from those of his soul ; and all the difference i find between is , that the archbishop loves his own glory , as much os monsieur de louvois loves that of his majesty . he is his own idol ; and give him but incense , and you may obtain any thing . honour is welcome to him , let it come which way it will. the least thing provokes this prelate ; and he will not yield any thing deregetary to his paternity . he will seem learned ; he will seem a great theologian , and will seem to be a good bishop , and to have a great care of his diocess ; and would heretofore seem a great preacher . i have hinted in my last ; the reasons why i cannot altogether like him ; which are needless to repeat . the archbishop of paris is always the same ; i mean , a gallant man ; whose present conversation is charming , and loves his pleasures ; but cannot bear any thing that grieves or gives trouble ; though he is always a great enemy of the jansenists , which he lately intimated to cardinal camus . he is always with me in the council of conscience , and agrees very well with our society ; laying mostly to heart the conversion of the protestants of the three kingdoms . he also makes very good observations , and designs to give some advice to your reverence , which i shall convey to you . i do sometimes impart to him , what you write to me , my lord kingston has embrac'd our good party : i was present when he abjur'd in the church of st. denys ; i will give you the circumstances some other time . you promised to send me the names of all heretick officers who are in his majesties troops ; that much imports me ; and you shall not want good catholick officers to fill up their places . i have drawn a list of them who are to pass into england ; and his most christian majesty approves thereof : pray observe what i hinted to you in my last , on the subject of the visits , which our fathers must give to the chief lords , members of the next parliament ; those reverend fathers , who are to perform that duty , must be middle-aged , with a lively countenance , and fit to perswade . i also advised you in some of my other letters , how the bishop of oxford ought to behave himself , by writing incessantly , and to insinuate into the people the putting down the test ; and at the same time cal● the storm , which the letter of pensionary fagel has raised . and his majesty must continue to make vigorous prohibitions to all booksellers in london , not to print any answers : as well to put a stop to the insolency of heretick authors ; as also to hinder the people from reading them . in short , you intimate to me , that his majesty will follow our advice : it 's the quickest way , and i cannot find a better , or fitter , to dispossess his subjects from such impressions as they have received . his majesty must also , by the same declaration , profess in conscience , that ( if complyed with ) he will not only keep his word , to maintain and protect the church of england ; but will also confirm his promises by such laws , as the protestants shall be contented with . this is the true politick way ; for by his granting all , they cannot but consent to something . his most christian majesty has with great success experienced this maxim : and though he had not to struggle with penal laws and tests , yet he found it convenient to make large promises , by many declarations ; for , since we must dissemble , you must endeavour all you can to perswade the king , it is the only method to effect his designs . i did also in my last , give you a hint of its importance , as well as the ways you must take to insinuate your selves dextrously with the king , to gain his good will. i know not whether you have observed what passed in england some years since , i will recite it , because examples instruct much . one of our assisting fathers of that kingdom ( which was father parsons ) having written a book against the succession of the king of scots , to the realm of england : father creighton , who was also of our society , and upheld by many of our party , defended the cause of that king , in a book intituled , the reasons of the king of scots , against the book of father parsons : and though they seem'd divided , yet they understood one another very well ; this being prcticed by order of our general , to the end , that if the house of scotland were excluded , they might shew him who had the government , the book of father parsons ; and on the other hand , if the king hapned to be restored to the throne , they might obtain the good will , by shewing him the works of father creighton : so that which way soever the medal turn'd , it still prov'd to the advantage of our society . not to digress from our subject , i must desire you to read the english book of father parsons , intituled , the reform of england ; where , after his blaming of cardinal pole , and ●ade some observations of faults in the council of trent , he finally concludes , that suppose england should return ( as we hope ) to the catholick faith in this reign , he would reduce it to the state of the primitive church : and to that end all the ecclesiastical revenue ought to be used in common , and the management thereof committed to the care of seven wise men , drawn out of our society , to be disposed of by them as they should think fit . moreover , he would have all the religious orders forbidden on religious penalties , not to return into the three kingdoms , without leave of those seven wise men : to the end , it might be granted only to such as live on alms. these reflections seem to me very judicious , and very suitable to the present state of england . the same father parsons adds , that when england is reduced to the true faith , the pope must not expect , at least for five years , to reap any benefit of the ecclesiastical revenue ; but must leave the whole in the hands of those seven wise men ; who will manage the same to the benefit and advancement of the church . the court goes this day for marli , to take the divertisements which are there prepared : i hope to accompany the king , and will entertain him about all business ; and accordingly as he likes what you hint to me in your letter , i shall give you notice . i have acquainted him with his britannic majesties design , of building a citadel near white-hall ; monsieur vauban , our engineer was present : after some discourse on the importance of the subject , his majesty told monsieur vauban , that he thought it convenient he should make a model of the design , and that he should on purpose go over into england , to see the ground . i have done all i could to suspend the designs of our great monarch , who is alwaies angry against the holy father : both parties are stubborn : the kings natural inclination is , to have all yield to him ; and the popes resolution is unalterable . all our fathers most humbly salute your reverence . father reine ville acts wonderfully about nismes amongst the new converts ; who still meet , notwithstanding the danger they expose themselves to . i daily expect news from the frontiers of the empire , which i shall impart to your reverence , and am with the greatest respect , paris , march , 7. 1688. yours , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49221-e210 ☞ a treatise touching the east-indian trade, or, a discourse (turned out of french into english) concerning the establishment of a french company for the commerce of the east-indies to which are annexed the articles and conditions, whereupon the said company for the commerce of the east-indies is established. discours d'un fidèle sujet du roy touchant l'establissement d'une compagnie françoise pour le commerce des indes orientales. english charpentier, m. (françois), 1620-1702. 1664 approx. 121 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32727 wing c3714 estc r13405 12097586 ocm 12097586 54004 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32727) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54004) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 863:60) a treatise touching the east-indian trade, or, a discourse (turned out of french into english) concerning the establishment of a french company for the commerce of the east-indies to which are annexed the articles and conditions, whereupon the said company for the commerce of the east-indies is established. discours d'un fidèle sujet du roy touchant l'establissement d'une compagnie françoise pour le commerce des indes orientales. english charpentier, m. (françois), 1620-1702. [6], 62 p. printed by thomas mabb for henry brome ..., london : 1664. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. attributed to francois charpentier. cf. bm. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng compagnie des indes orientales. france -commerce -east indies. east indies -commerce -france. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise touching the east-indian trade : or , a discourse ( turned out of french into english ) concerning the establishment of a french company for the commerce of the east-indies . to which are annexed the articles , and conditions , whereupon the said company for the commerce of the east-indies is established . london , printed by thomas mabb for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane , 1664. to the reader . not to usher in this following discourse with a long and needlesse preface , it shall suffice that the publisher thought it worth the translating , both as an entertainment to himself , and as a further service and respect to his country-men . you have the scope of it in the title , viz. a discourse touching the establishment of a french company for the commerce of the east-indies : which discourse conteins , in short , an earnest and well-couch'd recommendation of commerce , by diverse arguments of utility , and convenience as well private as publique ; drawn from the experience , and successe of those nations , that have applyed themselves to traffique : adjudging severall advantages in fine , to the french above all other people in the world , in order to the dominion of the sea , and setling of an vniversall trade ; wherein , our neighbours ( how clear-sighted soever in other matters ) may perhaps live to finde their mistake , and that it will cost them more than the dash of a pen to become our rivals ; especiall at a time , when the humour of the people runs so violently that way , and upon a point , which the most absolute sovereign of the seas in the whole universe ( charles the second , and the great ) has taken upon himselfe to carry on ( within the bounds of honour , and justice ) to the highest degree of improvement , and reputation imaginable . to the treatise above mentioned here are likewise annexed the articles and conditions themselves , as they were presented to his most christian majesty at fountain-bleau , where they received the royall sanction ; and were forthwith imprinted at paris ; and the reader may take further notice , that his most christian majestie 's allowances are inserted in the margin . imprimatur june 13. 1664. roger l'estrange . a discourse written by a faithfull subject to his christian majesty , concerning the establishment of a french company for the commerce of the east-indies . dedicated to the whole french nation . as it is a matter of great reputation , and security to any state , to have a people trayned up in the knowledg and exercise of arms ; so is it of great utility , and convenience , that they likewise addict themselves to commerce , by which means the benefits of the whole world are brought home to-their own doores : beside that by this employment alone , are acquired the two things which wise men accompt of all others , the most necessary to the well-being of a common-wealth : that is to say ; a general industry of minde , and hardynesse of body , which never fayle to be accompanyed with honour and plenty . so that questionlesse , where commerce does not flourish , as well as other professions , and where particular persons out of a habit of lazynesse , neglect at once the noblest way of employing their times , and the fairest occasions of advancing their fortunes , that kingdome though otherwise never so glorious wants something of being compleatly happy . but in truth , it is with commerce , as with the liberal sciences , that man or state , that would improve either of them , must be at quiet ; peace being the same thing to a community , which tranquillity of minde is to each individual . what can be more importune , or unseasonable , then in the middle of a warr either foreign , or intestine , when every mans duty calls upon him to defend his country ; for people to be undertaking of long voyages and transporting themselves into remote parts , their principal obligation and businesse lying at home ▪ in such a case as this , he that absents himself from his country , is in construction a desertor of it , and turns that , which at another time , were an honest , and laudable desire of benefit , into a criminal avarice . the broyles and troubles of france for these hundred years and upwards , are so well known , that to tell the story , were but needlessely to revive the memory of those misfortunes , which we must strive to forget . it shall suffice therefore to note , that the state of france , having scaped so many tempests , and rocks , was yet once again emplunged in a civill warr at the beginning of the last kings reign , upon the point of religion , which affaire being happily determined , and the people reduced to their obedience , without any violence , either to their liberties , or consciences ; there succeeded an obligation to engage in a contest with strangers , which proved to be one of the longest warrs , that has been known in france since the foundation of this monarchy : and though the justice of the cause : the valour of the prince and the wisdome of his councel , have never fayled of being attended with victory ; yet certain it is , that these advantages have not been obteyned without infinite care and labour throughout the whole body of the state. so that it is no wonder , if the french having so much to doe at home , look'd but little abroad ; especially , into the businesse of navigation , and traffique , wherein our neighbours in the interim have bestowed so much study , and diligence ; and from whence they have likewise reaped so much reputation , and profit . some private enterprizes indeed have been set a foot , and without that successe , which the undertakers promised to themselves : but this will not appear strange at all , if we consider , that the greater part of the adventurers , having other affaires wherein they were more nearly concerned , during our troubles , did neither vigorously persue what they had begun , nor indeed so much as take the peyns , to keep the frame of their designe in order . but now that it has pleased god to give france the peace it has so long desired , and the enjoyment of that peace under the government of a prince , whose wise conduct and steady application to businesse are at once the wonder , and the jealousie of all europe : now i say , for our country-men not to put themselves forward toward the recovery of a right which they can never loose , and toward the gaining to themselves , of those inestimable benefits , which their neighbours receive , by the settlement of a glorious commerce , were to administer just reason of astonishment . now of all commerces whatsoever throughout the whole world , that of the east-indies is one of the most rich and considerable . from thence it is ( the sun being kinder to them , then to us ) that we have our merchandize of greatest value , and that which contributes the most , not onely to the pleasure of life ; but also to glory , and magnificence . from thence it is , that we fetch our gold , and precious stones , and a thousand other commodities , ( both of a general esteem , and a certain return ) to which we are so accustomed , that it is impossible for us to be without them , as silk , cinamome , pepper , ginger nutmegs , cotton clothes , o●…ate ( vulgarly watting ) pourcelain , woods for dying , ivory , frankinsence , bezoar , &c. so that having an absolute necessity upon us , to make use of all these things , why we should not rather furnish our selves , then take them from others , and apply that profit hereafter to our own country-men , which we have hitherto allowed to strangers , i cannot understand . why should the portuguez , the hollanders , the english , the danes trade dayly to the east-indies possessing there , their magazins , and their forts ; and the french neither the one , nor the other ? what does it signifie to us , that we have so many good ports , and vessels , so many experienced sea-men , so many brave souldiers ? to what end is it in fine , that we pride our selves to be subjects of the prime monarch of the universe : if being so , we dare not so much as shew our heads in those places where our neighbours have established themselves with power ? were it not in a manner better for us to be without these advantages then not to use them ; and to rest where we are , for want of ability to go further , then for want of resolution ? would it not be a shame to us , to make a difficulty of attempting that in a state of security , which other people have carryed on through all doubts , and hazzards ? and to stick at the bare crossing of those seas , which others ventured upon , even before they were known ? is it , that we lack either industry , to make use of their inventions , or courage , to follow their example ? would we have any thing more easie , then to reap the fruits of others mens travailes : or any stronger assurance of a good event , then the wealth , and glory , which they enjoy , that have tryed the experiment . true it is , that there is a certain glory , which is so inseparable from the inventors of things , that it is entirely theirs without any possibility of communication . the portuguez will be for ever famous for their discoveries in the east , and even their kings themselves think it no dishonour , to be thought the first projectors of that enterprize . they say , that in the year 1420. henry duke de viseo , son of king john the first , being eminently skill'd in the mathematiques , took up a strong perswasion , that there must be of necessity more islands in that ocean , then were yet known , and so sent out certain vessels upon the search , which discovered the isle of madera : after which , others sayling along the coast of affrica , made new discoveries . thus designe , that had been so luckily set afoot , was however interrupted by the wars , during the reigns of edward the successor of john the first , and of alphonsus : but john the second , who succeeded alphonsus , ( in persuance of his predecessors beginnings , ) sent out one bartholomew diaz in 1487. to skirt the whole coast of affrica , and he it was , that first doubled the cape of good-hope ; to which at first he gave the name of cabo tormentoso , because of the storms , which are frequent thereabouts . and this name perchance would have continued , if the king himself had not thought fit to change it for one of a better omen , ( the cape of good-hope , ) which was grounded upon the hope he had , that this new progresse would open a way to the conquest of the oriental indies , an acquisition , which he thirsted for , with exceeding passion . yet before he would venture his shipping into so vast a sea , diverse persons were sent by land to the indies , to enform themselves from the best pilots of the country , in order to the voyage ; but king john dying upon the preparative , left the consummation of this great work to his successour emanuel , who having sufficiently instructed himself , as to the carrying of it forward , dispatched away four vessels from lisbon in july 1497. under the command of vasco de gama , who in may following arrived before calicut having doubled the cape of good-hope , notwithstanding the storms he met with ; and the violent importunities of his people , pressing him to return . after two years absence , he brought the newes himself of his prosperous voyage , and laid the foundation of greater hopes to come . in the year following , the king sent thither again 14. ships , under the charge of pedro alvarez , and after that , diverses other fleets to secure ▪ and fortifie themselves in a place , where they found so vast a treasure ; and thus it came to passe , that when the king of castile seized upon all the new lands , upon the west , the portuguez did the same in the east , and this was it , that gave occasion to the famous partition made by pope alexander the sixth , who drawing an imaginary line , from one pole to the other , ( to pass at a hundred leagues from the asores ) adjudged to the king of castile all that which was on the west-side of the line ; not meddling with any of those establishments , which the king of portugal had upon the east , which since the voyage of vasco de gama have been infinitely encreased . thus did the constant resolution of these princes surmount all difficulties ; bringing both glory to themselves , and happinesse to their subjects . thus did these new argonauts address themselves to the conquest of the reall golden fleece : for in sine , the portuguez are indebted to this navigation for almost all they are worth . this it is , that has made them famous in the world , and raised them into an eminent reputation , although one not onely of the smallest , but of the least fruitfull kingdomes of europe . it is this traffique , ( which they have now been sole masters of a hundred years entire ) that has put them in condition to carry so high the undertakings which we have seen in our dayes , and they would finde it a very hard matter to cope , even with the enemy at their gates , if it were not , that the inexhaustible source of their indian treasure , and trade from time to time supplyes them , for the expence of so long , and so dangerous a warr. what has it been , but this very navigation , and traffique , that has enabled the hollanders to bear up against the power of spain , with forces so unequall ; nay and to become terrible to them , and to bring them down at last to an advantageous peace ? since that time it is , that this people , who had not onely the spanyards , abroad ; but the very sea , and earth at home to struggle with , have in a despite of all opposition made themselves so considerable , that they begin now to dispute power , and plenty , with the greatest part of their neighbours . this observation is no more then truth , their east-india company being known to be the principall support of their state , and the most sensible cause of their greatnesse . in the mean while , who would have imagined that the union of a few particular merchants , that but in 1595. bethought themselves of the very project , and did not form this grand company till six or seaven years after , should ever have raised them to that point of opulence , where they now stand ? it is known , that communibus annis , there has been yearly 30 , or 35. per cent. clear gain to the sharers ; and it is an easie mater likewise , to make a near calculation of their occasional expences , and yet all this deducted , when they came to make a general computation of the estate of the company in the year 1661. reckoning what they might have in ready cash , in merchandize , the value of their shipping , cannon , and what thereunto belongs , the estimate upon the whole , amounted to a summe so prodigious , that it almost exceeds all possibility of credit : not accompting all this while , that this company possesses more land in the indies , then the states of holland have in the low countries ; and this is it , that maintains for them fourteen , or fifteen thousand souldiers , to make good what they have got , beside sea-men , and other people , which they employ up and down to the number of near fourscore thousand persons , all subsisting thereupon . so vast an encrease of wealth from so small a beginning would passe absolutely for fabulous , if we did not both see , and know , that at this day the hollanders are the best monyed people of europe ; and that in their country , an inheritance is worth more , then in any other part of the world : an estate in fee commonly selling there at 60. years purchase , and lands in soccage , at 50 ; whereas money goes but at three per cent. ( so much is it cheaper then other goods : ) and this does not proceed , i hope from the emprovement of their drayned marshes into pasturage ; nor from the culture of their other grounds ( which are certainly none of the best ) but barely from their traffique , and chiefly from that of the east-indies . about the same time with the hollanders , did the english likewise advise upon the same designe , and formed a company at london , for the east-india trade . this company set out four ships in the year 1600 , which succeeded so well , that in a short space of time , the english made twenty voyages thither . this new society was powerfully protected , and encouraged , by his majesty of england ; who in 1608. sent sir. william hawkins in the quality of embassadour to the great mogol ( to demand a free trade ) in despite of all the obstacles , which both the portuguez , and the hollanders endeavored then to cast in the way . in 1615. his majesty sent sir thomas roe , and after him other embassadours to the kings of iapan upon the same errand , who wrought so well upon the humour of those barbarians , that they not onely obteyned their desires ; but gained so far upon the affections of the people , that the hollanders themselves , in order to their better welcome , would often pretend to be english-men . this company prevailed also with the king of persia , for great privileges in his territories , in consequence of the service they did him against the portuguez about the siege of ormus . but it had been well , if they had found him as just in the execution , as he was easie in the promise . however ; be it as it will , this company has made it self very considerable in the indies , and has at present diverse mony tables there under two principall directors , or presidents ; the one of which has his residence at surat , and the other at bantam , by whose authority the trade of those parts is menaged . thus has the industry , and valour of these people establisht , and mainteyned their commerce against all opposition , and though their enemies have done their utmost to crush their designe , and brought the difference even to an open and bloody warr , they have gayned nothing but shame by the contest , without ever being able to hinder their course , and progress , which indeed they had no colour at all to endeavour to obstruct . the danes it's truth , menage not so great a trade , in the indies as the rest ; neither are their fleets there so numerous ; but some concernment they have likewise in the voyage , and their agents upon the place ; and from time to time they send out shipping thither . their businesse lies commonly in the gulf of bengala , upon the coast of pegu , and in certain isles of the south , where they have rendred themselves considerable . in fine , the famous gustavus adolphus king of suede thought himself obliged , as upon a point of honour , and greatness , that his subjects also should visit the oriental-indies , and other parts of the world ; and in the very instant , that this prince ( whose minde was set upon dominion , and glory ) was disposing of his design to enter germany , and contriving the ruine of the house of austria , he had likewise in his projects the forming of a suedish company , for this great navigation , inviting his people to interest themselves therein , as by his letters-patents , dated at stockholme the 14th . of june , 1626. is made to appear ; but the warr of germany , and the death of this great prince coming on soon after , would not permit him to see the accomplishment of this design , which since that time has been again renewed . all this considered , what would the french nation have to say for themselves , if they should now let slip the opportunity of an enterprize , that has rewarded all that have ever embarqued in it , with reputation , and profit ? if we have neglected it hitherto , it may serve for an excuse , that we have not been hitherto in condition to attend it , by reason of our constant troubles . but now that we are in a state of tranquillity , and peace , what shall acquit us to posterity , it we deferr it any longer ? it would be very ill done indeed to envy our neighbours the fruits of their honest , and i awfull industry ; but it would not be well on the other side , to decline the same means of enriching our selves , if it were but for the conservation of our common-good , the benefits of commerce serving as a recompence of their labour , and travail , while the greater part of our people lye lazing at home , as of no use , and without employment . but men are not easily persuaded to engage upon new adventures , they are afraid , that things will not prove to their mindes , and every man is unwilling to make the first step . these thoughts doubtles might well enough have become the portuguez , that had a vast sea before them , and were to passe into another climate , and under other stars , without any knowledge of the course they were to steer . this apprehension might have been pardoned also in the hollanders , whose design lay in a country , where their mortall enemies were masters , and where they were in mere danger from the portuguez , then either from storms , or the barbarians themselves . but now that the former of these has led the way to this fortunate land , and the latter has disabused us , as to any fear of erill from those that were there before us , we must be willfully blinde , not to agree upon an advantage so certain upon the accompt , and so easy to obteyn . for whether france be more potent , or not , then any other nation , that trades to the indies is not the question ; neither can it be disputed , whether the french have not as good commodity for this traffique as any other people , if it be considered , that we are possessed already beyond the cape of good-hope , of the island of st. laurence or madagascar , the largest island of all that sea , being no less then seven hundred leagues in compass , and in the most agreeable climate of all india . the aire is so temperate , that the same clothes which we wear here in the spring , may serve there the whole year through ; and experience tells us , that the heats of france are more troublesome ; then those of st. laurence . the soyle is proper for all sorts of grain , and trees , and askes nothing but dressing to be admirable . there is no need of carrying provisions thither , as to other islands , for the support of the colonyes ; for the abundance of every thing being so great , that the country produces enough for it self , and to spare . the waters are excellent , the fruits delicious , and without hyperbole , the place may be improved into a paradise . over and above this , there are goldenmines in such plenty , that in great falls of rain , and ravages of water , the veins of gold discover themselves all along the coast , and upon the mountains . the inhabitants are of a disposition tractable enough , and with good usage ready , and willing to be employed in any service ; being a people humble , and obedient , and of a humour farr differing from those of the country , and of the islands further up in the indies , who will not upon any terms subject themselves to labour : whereas these on the contrary , both love it themselves , and take pleasure to see the christians work. the country is shared among diverse petty kings , who are still making war one upon the other , and from whose disagreements we might easily take a rise to an absolute establishment of our selves among them . beyond this place the trading lyes open without difficulty into india , china , japan , and more commodiously yet to the coasts of ethiopia , and territories of the emperour of the abissins ; ( where commerce is scarce understood ) to sofola ; where are the richest gold-mines upon the face of the earth , to quama melinda , to the red-sea , and throughout the persian gulph . in a word , there is not any where a fitter place for a general magazin of all commodities , to be brought from those parts into europe , then is this island . but this convenience should not yet hinder us from planting also in other places , where it may be expedient for the good of our affairs ; and such a place we have in our eye , where no person as yet inhabits , which we have now in our power to seize upon , and where the greatest commerce might be established , that has been yet known in the world. ( where this place is shall be declared in fit season ) so that it is our part now , not to let so many favourable concurrences slip through our fingers , and to loose the benefit of so faire an occasion . we are apt to admire the good fortune of our neighbours , and it deserves it . but 't is not enough barely to admire , unlesse we also emulate it ; especially , having so many encouragements to promise our selves a successe , at least equal , if not superiour to any , that have gone before us . besides there is a great part of the world , that remains still unknow , vast regions , that are not yet discovered : so that although others have had the good fortune to have preceded us , we may yet have the honour to carry the businesse further then they have done . but as it seems necessary for the bringing of this great design to effect that we should follow the example of other people , in forming a company among our selves for the navigation of the east-indies , and that we must needs do the hollanders this right to acknowledg , that their society is both the richest and the best read in the mystery of that commerce of all ; that have ever medled with it . it will not be amisse to look into the constitution of that company , and the manner of their proceedings , that any man may the better judge , whether we have any reason or no , to doubt of doing as much , as they have done before us . the warr betwixt spain , and holland having ruined one part of the hollanders commerce , without which they would have had much adoe to subsist . certain merchants of zealand associated among themselves in the year 1592. to go and trade in the east-indies ; and particularly in such places , where the portuguez had nothing to do : but to avoid the hazzard of being too near the line , they resolved to search a passage toward the north , and so to coast about tartary , and cathay , and from thence to fall into china , and the indies . this voyage not succeeding to their wish , they joyned themselves afterwards with some merchants of amsterdam , and all together equipp'd a small fleet of four vessells , which they sent forth to india by the ordinary way , under the command of one cornelius aoutman , who having lived long at lisbon , had learned from the portuguez the secret of this navigation . in 1595. they departed , and at the end of two years , and four months returned , without making any profit of their voyage . this little disappointment did not hinder them from forming at the same time a second company , in the same town of amsterdam ; and these two companies being united , set forth a fleet of eight ships , that went out in 1598. while a third company in zealand were making ready for the same designe . in the year 1599. certain other merchants of amsterdam ( the most part of them brabanders ) framed yet another company apart from all the rest , which sent also four vessells to the indies . in 1600 , this latter company set out two more , which joyned themselves to six other of the first company , and these eight ships being gone , the members of these two companies , not waiting for their return equipp'd thirteen vessells ( the first company nine , and the latter four ; ) and this fleet went to sea in aprill 1601. putting the profits of the first voyage , into a stock for a second equipage . there were at that time some merchants of rotterdam , and north-holland , that were modelling of companies separate from the rest ( which encreasing in this manner gave greatly to fear , that one would spoyle the other ; ) whereupon the states foreseeing what disorder this division might cause , persuaded them to unite all their interest , and to send their deputies to the hague , to endeavour there to draw them all into one company , in which proposition the parties concerned did acquiesce , and so there was constituted one generall company for the east-indian navigation , with a grant , or privilege from the states , expressly inhibiting all other the inhabitants of the united provinces to traffique in the indies , from the cape of good hope , to the furthest part of china , for the term of one and twenty years , to begin from the 20 th . of march 1602. by this grant , it was left free for all persons whatsoever to enter themselves into the company for what summe they pleas'd ; provided , that they declared themselves , within five months ; after which no more should be received upon what terms soever . in this space of time , they gathered together a fond , or stock of six millions , and six hundred thousand livres mony of the country ( which make seaven millions , nine hundred and twenty thousand livres of france ) and no man since that , has been taken anew into the company at least without having bought the share of some of the first interessed , which they call buying of an action . there were made also diverse rules , for the maintaining of order and preserving the interest of each particular , which were explained in the grant. in the mean while , the first terme expiring in march 1623. it was continued for one and twenty years longer , and in 1643. renewed again for 27. years , in consideration of a million and six hundred thousand livres given to the state ; and they are now soliciting to renew their privilege again for a further term. the first sum of six millions , and six hundred thousand livres was employed upon the equipping of a fleet of fourteen sayle , that set out in february , 1603. and after that , of another of thirteen that departed in the december following . till then , the persons interessed , made no benefit at all of their adventure , for being divided into so many private companies , they were faine to lay out all their gaines upon a stronger equipage . but upon the return of these two fleets , the profit was so great , that in 1605. the company got fifteen , for a hundred ; and in 1606. seventy five , for a hundred . so that in this short time , they wanted but ten in the hundred of reimbursing themselves their original summe . in this interim , the company did not slacken at all in their preparations , and provisions . they treated with the indian kings , built fortresses , and every where enlarged their conquests , which vast expences notwithstanding , it appeared in may 1613. that every man was reimbursed his principal , and had over and above , a hundred and sixty , profit . as for example ; he that in 1602. put foure thousand tranks into the stock of the company , had received in 1613. ten thousand and four hundred profit , and yet his original good in the common-stock . and this gain has been so much augmented since that time , that there are few years , wherein they get lesse , then 30. per cent. in 1661. they gained 40. in 1662. there was no distribution at all , by reason of four ships lost , which they have never heard of since ; beside the extraordinary charge they were at for the seige of cochin ; but in 1663. they had 30. again per cent. the company at every ten yeares end makes a general inventory of the whole business , and by that , which was made in 1661. it was found to be in possession of the immense wealth above-mentioned . this company has not only enriched particulars ; but the advantages , which the body of the re-publique draws continually from it , are almost inestimable . in the first place , all commodities , that are brought from the indies into the states ports , pay at least seaven in the hundred , and before they come into france , are unladen in holland , where they pay all their rights of in and out ( before they come to us ) arising to six per cent. and one per cent. more for the duties of convoy , which seaven per cent. go clear to the re-publique , beside two in the hundred more for factorage ; and the charge of merchandizes : so that upon this reckoning , we pay twelve per cent. more for indian commodities , then they would cost us , if we fetched them our selves . whence it followes , that our negociants , making the same profit of these merchandizes , which the holland company does , might be able to furnish us at twelve in the hundred better cheap , then others ; because we should save the duties , that are now paid in holland ; ( an expence that every year draws vast summs out of france , where are consumed at least a third part of what the hollanders bring out of the indies . a second advantage , which the states draw from this company , is , that upon every renewing of their grant , it makes them a considerable present . the last ( as we have said already ) amounting to no lesse then sixteen hundred thousand livres . in the third place , it maintaines at least fourscore thousand men , the greater part whereof would otherwise be a burthen to the state. the last , and the most important consideration is , that this company , in weakning the commerce of the portuguez , who were a long time under the obedience of his catholique majesty , did also weaken the spanish monarchy ( their great enemy ) and by that means made their way to a peace . they equipp every year for this voyage twelve fair ships ; from eight hundred , to fourteen hundred tun , which depart at several seasons ; and every year precisely at the end of june , there return as many , or thereabouts . the company , and the states usually in the month of may send out their men of warr to meet them , partly as a convoy , and to defend them against their enemies , and partly to relieve them with fresh men , and other necessaries , as they have occasion . the principal place , which this company has in the indies is called batavia , a town , that they have built ( in the island of java major , not far from sumatra , they have there their magazins , and stores of all the commodities ; which they bring into europe , from the several countries of the indies , of japan , of china , and of other kingdomes . they have also colombo in the isle of ceylon , which they have lately taken from the portuguez ( this island furnishes the whole world with cinamome . ) in fine , they possesse diverse other places , even from the gulph of persia , to the extremity of china , and they have reckoned a good while since , seaven and thirty magazins , and twenty considerable forts , which they had in the indies . for the greater advantage and liberty of their commerce , they have their agents about all the kings of those quarters , as the king of persia , the great mogol , the kings of china , japan , cochinchine , and diverse others . see now to what degree of greatnesse this company is arrived : a society of particular merchants , low enough at first , both in fortune , and every way else ; but now advanced , not only beyond their hopes , but their very pretences . but there is not any thing which a company , of this condition , by union , conduct and courage may not accomplish . this truth being so clear , and the same advantages now offered us , shall we not make use of them ? or shall we rather acknowledge to the world , that we want unitie , addresse , or courage ? the last is a reproach , which our very enemies will never fasten upon us , ; nor with any colour of reason will it be pretended , that we want addresse . for ( to speak in this place only of navigation ) it is certain , that better seamen cannot be desired then ours are , and the hollanders know that well enough , who make use of the french more then of any other nation , and finde themselves better served with them , then with their own. as to the point of union ( not to dissemble the matter ) without doubt , we are there too blame , and 't is a fault of our nation , which certainly deserves our greatest care to redresse . to say the truth , what a shame is it , that the french ; the people of all the world the most accomplish'd , a nation with whom valour , magnificence , good nature , civilitie , learning , the liberal arts seem in a manner , to have chosen their abode . that these people , i say , should be so hardly brought to endure one another ; that their societies should be so unconstant , their agreement so difficult ; that the most hopefull affairs in the world should perish even in their hands , by i know not what fatality of this lightnesse ; without which discord among themselves , it were almost impossible to resist them . when the hollanders began their company , how many were there even of an ordinary condition , that sold themselves to their very houshold-stuffe for the furnishing of a stock to begin withall ; because of the honour , and benefit which they foresaw , would accrue to their country . and shall the french having so many other excellent qualities faile at last in so material a point , as to be wanting in their zeale , and duty to the glory , and well-being of the publique . i dare promise my self this will never be ; and since we are now in an age of wonders , that must give remedies to all our evills , and renew our whole frame : let us not leave the least mark of that antient blemish ; but by a constant kindnesse among our selves , and a true and dutifull love of our country give the world to know , that our great , and incomparable prince has influenced his people , and inspired them with a virtue , which they never had before . but what shall we doe then ? will some say ? our businesse in the first place , must be ( as is already said ) to compose a society of diverse persons , that will unanimously contribute to the execution of our design ; which society shall carry the name of the french company for the commerce of the east — indies . our next work must be to equip a fleet , and to go directly , and make a descent upon our isand of madagascar , which we may do without any resistance , and begin there with a considerable establishment , which from time to time shall be supported , and maintained by strong colonies . we must then resolve to carry thither , onely men of honesty and courage , not criminals redeemed from the gibbet , or the galleys , nor women condemned for debauchery or lewdnesse . part of these people shall be employed in tilling the ground , ( which will be a matter of exceeding benefit ) while the rest shall be making themselves masters of the principall posts of the country , and securing of ports , whereof there are diverse in this island , capable of two or three hundred vessels , to ride without danger . thus much for the praeliminaries of our great commerce . i know very well , that this proposition will not please all people , and some will tell you perhaps , that the french have been at madagascar already ; and what did they there ? they will tell you too , that monsieur flacourt ( who was the director of the company , that was then made , ) has sufficiently manifested the vanity of this project ; in a relation that he has published upon this subject . well! but are we now to learn , that a businesse , that has miscarried at one time , may succeed at another ? how many great enterprizes , do we finde in story , that have required several tryalls to bring them to perfection . the first spaniards , that planted in the isles of america , were all slain ; and yet this disaster did not discourage the undertakers from sending more . the english colonies in virginia have been four or five times destroyed ; and yet this has not made them abandon the country . to come once again to the example of the hollanders . the first step , they set toward their indian adventure ( endeavouring to find out a new passage ) was most unfortunate to them . the second time ; t is true , they got thither ; but they made nothing of their voyage . did they give it over for that ? no , by no means . they returned a third , a fourth time , and at last gathered with interest the fruits of their perseverance . but this is not all neither ; for the world must know , that there is a large difference , betwixt the business of monsieur flacourt , and that which is now in question . a large difference , betwixt a company composed of a small number of private persons , and that wanted stock for the accomplishment of so great a designe , and the company , which is now in proposal to be erected . for after all ; we are not without hope , that the king himself , ( who has so great an affection , and tenderness for his people ) considering the notable benefits , which this enterprize will bring to his dominions , will himself i say , lend his royall support , and rather then fayle , even enter into a participation in the designe : so that the consequence betwixt monsieur flacourts affaire ; and this at present , holds no proportion . and this must be acknowledged too ; that ( the misfortune notwithstanding , into which he was cast , by the fault of the company ) he has been ever known to say ; nay , and publiquely to declare , and print at the end of his relation before mentioned , that a considerable settlement in madagascar ( which must be vigorously begun , and wathchfully persued , ) would bering an advantage to the state of france beyond imagination : considering the goodnesse , and fertility of the country , the gentle , and industrious disposition of the people , and the commodious situation of the island for the entertainment of commerce . and this which we deliver is supported by the agreeing testimony of so many nations , newly come from thence ; as flemmins french , hollanders , english ; that to dispute the point , were to offer violence to truth it self . monsieur flacourt did not so much as wish for more , then one lusty ship to be sent every year from france to madagascar , to carry on the designe . what are we to expect then , that propose no lesse then fourteen or fifteen , at a blow ? the transporting of five hundred men thither was the very utmost or his desire , but we speak of carrying as many thousands . the disbursment of a hundred and fifty thousand livres upon an equipage , was a summe that he had not the confidence so much as to propose ; but we have in our prospect , the expence of many millions . in a word , his reasonings were proportioned , to the abilities of a company of private persons ; but we speak of erecting a company , whereof 't is possible , that his majesty himself will not disdain to be a member ; and by his royall participation , influence it with a certain character , peculiar to the dignity of such a constitution . so that the odds betwixt our modell , and his is evident , and that we shall be able to carry our business higher , then ever he could have raised his imagination . but let that go as it will ; of the isle of madagascar a man may safely say , that with a very little care to fortifie there , we may have not onely one place , but many , and those of greater value , then all that the hollanders can pretend to be masters of in the indies ; take it either in regard of the place it self , or the convenience of traffique . surely it cannot be denied to be incomparably more commodious , and safe , then batavia in the isle of java , where the hollanders have pitcht their principall residence . more commodious doubtlesse it is , as being in a gentle climate , and having within it self whatsoever may honestly serve either to the pleasures , or necessities of humane life . whereas on the contrary , there is scarce any thing to be gotten about batavia ; but the company is faine to fetch from afar off the very rice , meat , and necessary provisions for five and twenty , or thirty thousand persons , to their great trouble , and expence . and then madagascar is certainly a safer place ; for the natives of java are a brutal , bold , warlike , and stubborn people : by profession mahometan , and consequently haters , and despisers of christians . the hollanders have for their neighbour , on the one side the king of mataran , a prince , that shews himself now and then at their very gates with a hundred thousand men. on the other side they have the people of bantam ( a matter of twelve leagues from batavia ) who have often done the same as the king of mataran . whereas the inhabitants of madagascar , on the contrary , are of a meek and quiet humour , discovering withall a singular inclination to receive the gospel . so that one is more secure with a hundred men in madagascar , then with above a thousand in java . but this is not all yet , that the place is more delightful and secure ; but it lyes much better also for traffique : for i cannot but take notice of another inconvenience , which the hollanders suffer , in having their general magazin at batavia . it lyes so far up in the indies , that it makes their voyges long and dangreous , and a great part of them to no purpose . when you have brought them within view of madagascar , they have still a third part of their way further to batavia . and when they are there , they must come back again the same way they went , and with the same windes , that would carry them into europe ; onely to traffique in the gulf of bengala , upon the coasts of coromandel , and malabar , at ceylon , surat , in the persian gulf , and upon the coasts of ethiopia ; and after all this , they must back again with their merchandize for batavia , and there at last they make their cargasons for holland . so that the very situation of the place gives them the trouble of passing the same way two or three times over , whereas by planting our principal magazin at madagascar , all the doubling would be saved : for being there once , let us go which way we will , either toward the red-sea , the gulph of bengala , china , japan , or the most remote islands , we are never out of our way ; but when we shall have made our markets , and carried our commodities to madagascar , every hour of our passage will have brought us so much nearer home . so that we shall have nothing to stop us , but foul weather ; none of this back , and forward , this turning , and crossing , to make the way tedious . take this along with you too , that when you are once at madagascar , you are upon as good a breathing-place as you would wish , with all conveniences about you , to refresh your men , and follow your course at pleasure : whereas the holders , after they are once under way from batavia , meet with no such relief betwixt that , and home : ( commonly a seaven-months voyage ) for want of which , they are so miserably harrassed with the journey , that a long time it takes them to recover it . and there remains yet another inconvenience ; ( from which we are exempt ) that is ; when they are come into our seas , they dare not passe the channell , for fear of the english , with whom they are at variance , upon the very point of the indian-trade ; but away they go on still to the northward , and so about ireland , and scotland ( a matter of four or five hundred leagues compass ) to fall at last into their own country by the way of the german ocean ( which is the true reason of the companies allowing an augmentation of three months pay , to all the officers and seamen ( upon this voyage ) above their ordinary wages . ) so that they have both extremities of heat and cold to encounter in their return . and we are now to presume , that the company puts upon accompt all these rubbs , and stopps in the way , which make the navigation both more hazzardous , and expensive , and rate their commodities accordingly . this is enough said , i suppose to prove the situation of madagascar better then that of java , and consequently , that the matter in hand is worth our care. to instance now in our own nation , the french make no difficulty at all to adventure upon the american isles , as st. christopher , martinique , guadalupe , and others ( where there are at least thirty thousand persons ) and yet these are places , where there is no living without succour from abroad ; and if the english , and hollanders with whom they traffique , should not supply them with bread , wine & victualls ; nay and with slaves too , to order their grounds , they were not able to subsist two years to an end without extream misery ; which would enforce them at last to quit their hold. from hence it proceeds , that the english and hollanders get away all their sugar , tobacco and indigo , with which they furnish us afterward , at a dear rate ; so that the french are they that reap the least benefit of their own labours . taking this for granted , what can be clearer , then that we are under a grosse , and most unreasonable prejudice , in rather chusing to send out colonies into places , subjected to such inconveniences , then to plant a large and fruitfull island , fitted with all advantages , both for plenty , pleasure , and commerce : and all this , because monsieur flacourt failed in the businesse ; because a matter of a hundred , or six score men miscarryed in it . ( even by the fault of the very company it self ) these people should do well to observe , that we are now upon another manner of design ; upon an enterprize not unworthy of that great prince , who will have the goodnesse to make himself of the party . i must expect now to be questioned , by what authority i talke at this rate , and who made me an undertaker ? truly , i shall not take upon me beyond my commission ; but i think it may be very fairly presumed , that so accomplished a prince , as his christian majesty will never refuse to comfort , and protect his people in an affair of this weight ; or ever fall short of that affection , which the kings of england have constantly manifested toward their subjects upon the like occasion . a man may say indeed , that his majesties daily acts are a security to the contrary ; and he that shall consider , that since the year , 1658. the king has struck off twenty millions a year in taxes , and since that , brought , down the price of salt : how that in the scarcity of , 1661. ( which threatned us with an inevitable famine ) he did out of his proper coffers provide for the importation of prodigious quantities of grain , to relieve the necessities of his people , ( and particularly of paris , where the number made the evill the more dangerous . he i say , that shall duely consider , what we have both seen , and tasted of ●his kinde , will never doubt of his majesties propension to further the advancement of this company to all purposes imaginable . if there were nothing else of inducement in the thing , it would be sufficient alone to prevaile upon his majesty to see , that the establishment of this great , and noble commerce , by opening an honest and certain way of livelyhood to the whole french nation for the future , would insensibly wear out , and banish all those other ignoble , and shifting wayes of living , which in our dayes have been but too much in practice , and credit . that this happy abundance would bring us again to a sincerity in our dealings , and put out of countenance that trade of wrangling , which the insatiable greedinesse of a lazy sort of men has raysed to the highest degree of iniquity . that it will be a sure way of employment for those that languish for want of businesse , whose industry is as good as lost , when it is not exercised . and in conclusion , that it will be an indubitable relief to a world of poor ; who have at present no other cho●ce , then either a shamefull beggery : or some criminal course to deliver themselves from it . so that since the thing in question , has no lesse an influence upon the interest , and honour of the state , then upon the profit of particular persons : we may be confident of his majesties royall favour and assistance toward the accomplishment of so glorious , and beneficial a work. to come to the point then , there must be first a fond , or stock , of six millions to be laid out upon the equipage of twelve , or fourteen faire ships , of burden , from eight hundred , to fourteen hundred tunn for the convenience of passing such a number of persons into our isle of madagascar , as may take possession of it in a handsome fashion . i would here propose that his majesty might be humbly besought , to put in for a tenth part , and i persuade my self it might be readily obteyned . i am further assured , that there are diverse persons of eminent condition in this kingdome , that would be willing to venture considerable summs upon this bottome , in case the merchants , who shall first associate toward this constitution , shall think it convenient . and in this case , i reckon upon three milions , as good as raysed ; so that we are advanced the one half already . and for the other moyety , i would recommend it to all merchants , burgers of towns , and in a more especiall manner to all that love the honour of their country , and desire the laudable advancement of their proper fortunes , to bethink themselves seriously of the businesse , and to make their zeal as remarquable to the present age , as the reward of it will render them in their generations to posterity . for their further encouragement , i have great reason to believe , that his majesty after his engagement for a tenth in the first expedition , will be prevailed with to furnish more for the second , third , and fourth , if it shall be thought needfull . his majesty may be also supplicated to remit to this company , the one half of his rights of entry and customs , throughout all france , for all indian commodities imported thither . in fine , upon a strong presumption , that the king will shew himself in this , as in all other cases ; the father of his people i flatter my self with a strange hope , that his majesty may be perswaded to take upon himself , the risque of the first eight or ten years ; which if it comes to passe , let the world judge by that signal engagement , how his majesty stands affected to this affair , and whether the opinion , which i have entertained concerning it , be not somewhat more then the vision of a man , that dreams waking . as for private persons , they shall have liberty to interest themselves in the company for what summe they please , till the stock shall be compleat ; after which no more shall be admitted : and for the speedier raising of the sum , his majesty shall be desired , that strangers ( as to that particular ) may have the same freedome with french-men themselves : by virtue whereof they shall stand naturalized , without need of any other grace ; provided that their engagement exceed the sum of ten thousand livres , in consideration of which interest , their kindred although strangers shall be qualified to inherit their estates . and for further security , his majesty must be desired to grant , that in case of any rupture betwixt this crown and the states , whereof such strangers shall be subjects , their goods shall not thereupon be seized or consiscated , in consequence of the war. this company shall then have its directors ; and to take away all jealousie from the negotiants of being one oppressed by another ; these directors shall be chosen out of the body of the merchants onely , and the whole stock put into the hands of one person to be named on their part. and for the greater encouragement of strangers , and in testimony of the trust , that shall be reposed in them , they shall be declared capable of being heads and directors of the company ; provided , that they bring in an interest correspondent thereunto and settle in france with their families . the king must be supplicated again to permit , that the causes of the company may in the first place be brought before the next consulary justice , and by appeal to the parliament . in fine , every man shall be free to offer his advice for the good of the company : or , for the security of any of the persons therein concerned ; and his opinion shall be received with respect , and followed so far , as shall be found expedient . i have now delivered my thoughts upon this subject , which have not been hitherto unacceptable where ever i have imparted them . but feare and distrust ( those two ignoble passions , and the enemies of all great undertakings , ) will perhap , have the power to work upon some easie natures , by their ill grounded and mistaken reasons ; which ( such as they are ) we shall frankly lay open , for the service of those who otherwise might possibly suffer themselves to be surprized . the first objection is drawn from the ordinary uncertaintyof events , which is the great common-placeof such as want resolution , who will tell you , that a man can have no assurance , that this new navigation , will ever come to what we imagine : that our neighbours being already in possession of the indian commerce , where they are powerfully setled , and rooted in familiarities with the natives , with whom they trade , it will be a hard matter to bring them over to us : and that in fine , being before-handed , and having great magazins , and stores , they will appoint their factors perchance to beat down the market , and under-sell us : so that we shall be quickly reduced either to throw off all ; or trade to losse . all this is is easily answered , and we will do it in order . as to the first objection , i reckon , that it can never enter into the thought of a man of courage . have our neighbours prospered in this navigation , even beyond their hopes , and is it a reasonable question to aske , whether we shall succeed , or no ? it is without dispute , a point of false prudence to doubt it . how seldome is this same froward wisdome in the right ! which requires more certainty , then the thing will bear ; that would have the future in hand , and cannot content it self , with a well-grounded probability . this was it , that made so many of the christian princes to reject the proposition of the famous columbus ( of which notwithstanding , they saw afterwards , the effects to their amazement ( the first that boggled at the design being the genoeses ) he discoursed the businesse to the king of portugall ; but he had as good have said nothing : and to as little purpose was the project broken to the king of england ; and to the french king too : ( as some say ) and the favourable audience , that he had of ferdinand , and isabel , would have signified just as much as the rest , if a private man had not born the charge of his first expedition , by the advance of sixteen thousand gold ducats , that were employed upon it . the king of spain has the same obligation also , for the discovery of peru to three private persons , that joyned in the design , which passed a while for an extravagant folly , till the event made it appear to be an act of profound wisdome . in the mean time , the difference we here speak of , was not without some plausible appearance of reason : the thing being as then in doubt ; but with us 't is another case . the gaine is certain , and the good fortune which others have had there already , tell us what we our selves are now to expect . in one word , if our design miscarry , t is our own fault , and we cannot say , that the execution of it is not in our own hands , without offence to truth , and honour at once . as to the second objection , which concerns the vent of our merchandize ; the conceit is idle : for first , the company may be sure of france ; because ( as we have proved already ) they may afford their commodities at ten or twelve in the hundred , better cheap then the hollanders . ( which rises to more , then a man would imagine , till he comes to compute , that france alone consumes at least a third part of what is brought out of india . ) but besides , it will not enter into my understanding , why strangers should not as soon buy of ●s , as of our neighbours ; especially , when their interest leads them to it ; france being placed in the very heart of europe , and accessible on every side . i shall say more , which is , that since strangers are already under an obligation of dealing with us , for four principal commodities , which we have in excellence ( and which an italian of great authority , calls the four load-stones , that draw other nations to us ) that is to say , corn , wine , salt , and hemp ; there is no doubt , but they that traffique with us for these things , would be very well content to take off our indian merchandize , as far as they have occasion for it , all under one. which would be very much for the merchants ease to furnish himself with whatsoever he can desire , at one , and the same market . so that it is rational to believe , not onely that our indian merchandize will not be left upon our hands ; but that we shall have a quicker sale for it , then other people ; and by this means recover the great traffique , which france had of old before the portuguez found out the navigation of the east-indies : for in those dayes , all the persian , and indian merchandize was brought by land into egypt , from thence by sea to marseilles ; and there distributed . in consequence hereof , it is not unlikely that our neighbours whose best card is their commerce , will try all the wayes in the world to cross us . and this is the foundation of the third objection . in truth it may very well be , and that they will not stick even to pick their own pockets , rather then we shall fill ours , and shew ●s a thousand tricks , to make us sick of our business . it is possible , that for a while they will be content to set their merchandize at an under rate , to loose a little at present , to get the more hereafter , and trifle away a million or two upon the experiment . but how long will this frolick hold ? or can any man imagine , that to do us a mischief , they will resolve absolutely to ruine themselves ? after all , the consideration how far they would expose themselves upon this design to divert and discourage us , serves onely to confirme me in my first opinion of it . they are not a people to do great things to no purpose ; nor would they throw away so much treasure now , but in order to the conservation of their future interest . again ; they would not stickle so hard for a small matter , and the very industry they use to hinder our commerce , proves the benefit considerable , if we carry it . so that this objection is so far from moving us to relinquish our enterprize , that on the other side it rayses both our hopes , and resolutions to go thorough with it . to say all in a word , if so great a blessing does attend us , as his majesties consent , that all the loss , which shall befall the company , for the first eight or ten years may be made good upon the stock which his majestie shall vouchsafe to venture in the design . what have we then to fear ? can it be , that a party of private merchants ( for such are our neighbours companies ) shall have the power to sink a design , which one of the greatest princes of the world has a mind to support ? a prince , who by the admirable order of his conduct ; the just administration of his revenue , and by his fatherly goodness toward his people , has put himself into a condition , to undertake without fear , whatsoever may be put in execution with honour , and justice . no , no , our neighbours are too wise to make so dangerous an experiment ! let us say rather , that they shall see us take part of their commerce , either with pleasure , as their principal allyes ; or however without having it in their power to harm us . the second scruple objected by some particulars arises from the consideration of certain unhappy effects of our past troubles . the prodigious expences , which the king was at , while he was forced to maintain a war in all the parts of europe ; ( which has now brought us however to the most glorious constitution , that the state of france ever enjoyed ) those expences i say , having obliged his majesty to call for supplies of mony now and then from his people , have left in them certain dark imaginations and jealousies , that the stock of the company being a publique treasure ; upon the kings next occasion , his majesty might perchance seize it as his own. so that it would be a madness for private persons to venture their fortunes in a bottome , which the king may make himself master of at pleasure . but these are weak heads god knows ; and that they say , is certainly unworthy , both of the prosperity of our affairs , and the magnanimity of our prince . the king , they say , may perchance lay hand upon the companies stock , because 't is publique mony. but i say , that the king will never do it for that very reason . his majesty has heretofore had great warrs upon his hands , his treasury drayned , and his finances mis-menaged , to the great dissatisfaction of his people : but in the middle of this pressing necessity can any man say , that the king ever fingered any of the publique mony : was his majesty ever known to order the receiver of consignations to empty his coffers in the hands of his treasurers ? never had any creature such a thought . for the publique treasure is a kind of sacred trust , and it were a sort of sacriledge to abuse it , why should any man suspect the king capable of so prophane a violence ? and that he should take that now too , when his coffers are full , which in his greatest wants , he ever made a conscience to meddle with ? but it will be said again , that the world is uncertain , and all that is in it , and that the greatest felicity imaginable cannot warrant it self from misfortune . this is true , and i think no man will dispute the humour and caprice of fortune ; but let us judge of things by probability ( if not , by somewhat more substantial . ) we see , that most of our neighbours have their hands full at home ; others are weak , and those , whom we have found formerly most to be feared , are now well enough satisfied to be at peace with us . let us consider on the other hand , the power of our prince , and the unmoveable foundations of that power . in his menage of affairs of state , his majesty is assiduous , and indefatigable . as to the ordering of his finances , he looks after it himself , and understands the whole business of his revenue no man better . if we turn our thoughts now toward those blessings , which heaven has showred upon his royal person , that clearness of wit , solidity of judgment , vigour of body , health , youth ; we have reason to believe , ( if we may believe any thing in this world ) that our good fortune will be long-lived , and that god will reward his royalliety , and justice , with a reign as lasting as happy , and not refuse to his christian majesty a grace , which heaven has sometime bestowed even upon pagan princes , and conferred upon the reign of augustus . away then with this lewd distrust , that embitters all our delights , and troubles our heads , with the apprehension of evils which are never likely to concern us . let it never be imagined , that a prince so generous and just , after the solemn establishment of a company , under the seal of his authority , can ever have the thought to invade the estates of private persons , putting themselves under his protection , and by so foul a violence to blast the glory of his unspotted reputation . in a word , let not any man think , that his majesties flourishing condition can ever be reduced to stand in need of so hateful an expedient , and after that , so unprofitable . for in fine , ( to leave this opinion nothing to say for it self ) i dare affirm , that if the king both wanted mony , and had a mind to seize it , the estate of the company would be yet secure . for let us look into holland , and we shall find wherein the wealth of these companies consists . 't is true ; they have a world of merchandize disposed of up and down in their magazines , both in india , and europe , they have their shipping , their canon , and their necessary equipages ; but for mony , alas , 't is the least part of their riches ; and indeed their cash compared with the rest , is scarce considerable . now i pray you tell me , were it not a pleasant project for a king of france that had need of mony , to make seizure of all these commodities , and that at three or four hundred leagues distance , for the great part. put case , that he were to raise an army to prevent an invasion , and wanted mony upon that pinch ; or to pay off some mutinous troups ; were it not a ready way think ye to send a matter of a hundred , or sixscore wagons to the house of the indian company for so many load of cinamome , and nutmegs ? do princes use to pay their souldiers , with baggs of pepper , and cloves ? no! no , in such cases , this will never do their business . in a state of warr there must be money in kind , and not that , which makes mony in a time of peace . wherefore since the estates of this company , will not lye in cash , which is the only thing , that ●rinces at some times may have occasion for : it is manifest that this apprehension of the authority-royall is nothing else , but a chimera set up , to oppose the growing prosperity of this nation . there is another sort of people , yet more unreasonable ; but we shall answer them with the rest , and they 'l tell ye , ( taking every thing at worst ) that we are not sure to be alwayes at peace with our neighbours , and if there should happen a warr , how much the companies shipping would be exposed to the enemy , for they make a great question , whether the state of france , would ever concern themselves so far in the quarrel , as their neighbours do upon the like occasion : for , say they , traffique being the chief , and almost the onely support of our neighbours , it is their interest to maintain their commerce with their lives and fortunes : whereas france , that lives upon it self , and has within it self so sure a bottom of strength , and subsistence , will not think it self much the poorer , for the loss of a merchants fleet. so that the kings business will be to secure his frontiers , and look to his garrisons , without charging himself with armado's to protect us in our trade . sure these people do not heed what they say , for they confute themselves with their own objections . do they confess , that our neighbours , in a country , not so good as france , have yet kept up their trading against all opposers ; and do they now question whether his majestie will uphold us in ours ? what colour have they for a perswasion , that the stronger should not do that now , which they themselves acknowledge to have been done already by the weaker ? not that they make any doubt of the kings power , they 'l tell ye ; but perhaps there will not be so much care taken as might be . they are ignorant then it seems or would be thought so , of what his majesty dos every day . i do not speak of his universal vigilance over all his dominions ; but of the special care he takes for the protecting of his people in a forreign trade . they do not know i perceive , that it costs the king at least four millions a year , to entertain a liberty of ordinary commerce , both in the east and western ocean . and that it is upon this accompt , that his majesty is now at the charge of a navy royall , to suppresse the corsares of algiers : that it is , for this very end , that he entertains another squadron , to defend our merchants from the pirates of gallicia . they are strangers doubtlesse to all these things , without which , it were not possible they should fall foule upon so grosse a mistake . is it not known , that his majesty does all this , for the support of a very ordinary traffique , and can any man imagine , that he will doe lesse for the maintenance of so much a greater , and more honourable commerce ? no man can perswade himselfe , that the king would refuse the same countenance and assistance to the interest of a company , wherein the whole state is concerned , which at this very day his majesty is pleased to allow in favour of particular merchants . we have seen in times of warr , what peyns has been taken for the providing of our frontiers ; and a battail fought sometimes , onely to hinder the taking of a small town , or to secure a passe upon a river . much more then will his majesty provide for the safety of a fleet , that has the prayers and wishes of all france engaged in the venture . in a word ; if interest and honour be the most powerfull motives of humane resolutions ; and the two poles upon which are turned the affaires of princes , as well as of private persons , there can be no question , but the king will employ his power upon all occasions to preserve the company from danger . for , that it is his majesties interest so to do , is clear ; not onely in regard of his part in the stock of the company ; but by reason of the infinite number of merchandizes , and merchants that this traffique will draw into the kingdome , to the great advantage of the revenue of his majesties farmes , and customes . so that a man may rationally compute , that the profit of this commerce , when it shall be once established , will be better to the king , then the two best provinces in his kingdome . nor is it lesse manifest that his majesty is engaged in honour , then in interest ; since without dispute , it is a point of honour for a prince not to suffer his people , to be crusht in a designe undertaken by his own allowance , and authority . so that to ask , if the king will vigorously maintain us both in peace , and war , having so many considerations to engage him to it , would be but a kinde of senselesse , and unmannerly question . if necessity , which many times forces great actions from mean persons has been able to produce those faire resolutions , which we admire in our neighbours : how much more shall the true love of glory and justice operate upon the soules of princes . the first are carried on by a kinde of violence : the other govern their actions by choice and reason . those at the best , are but wise enough to avoid mischieves ; but these are the ordinary instruments of our greatest good. let us trouble our selves no further then about our fleets , since they are under the care of one of the best princes of the universe : and that miraculous power , which subjects all other powers to it self , and attends him where ever he goes , shall influence our new navigators , and protect them both against enemies , and storms . neither let it be thought , that the conquest which we shall make in his name , will be lesse his majesties care , then his other possessions : or that he will ever endure to have his lillies torn up , where ever they shall have taken root . there is a certain invisible chain that lincks together the severall parts of the world , though never so remote , when they belong to the same master : so that 't is not possible to shake the one , without violence to the other . it is then upon the resolution and power of his majesty , that we may confidently repose for the issue of this enterprize , which beginning upon a time , when this great monarch is in effect , the arbitrator of all europe ; when all princes make it their businesse to preserve his friendship , and avoid his displeasure . what question is to be made ; but that the reputation of his greatnesse will carry good fortune and successe to our colonies ? joyn your selves then my masters , joyn your selves my generous countrymen in the pursuit of a glorious discovery , which has onely been kept from you thus long , by our past disorders . a discovery that shall lead you to advantages not to be numbred , and which shall yet grow in the hands of your posterity . a discovery in fine , that shall carry the fame and terrour of your armes into those quarters of the world , where the french nation it self was never heard of . no more therefore of these reproachfull jealousies , which are so unworthy of your ordinary courage and virtue : but go on boldly under the banner of the invincible lewis , and be assured , that as the awe , and reverence , which his glorious name imprints upon other nations , leaves you nothing to feare from strangers : so from himself , you are certain to receive all the comforts of his goodnesse , munificence and protection . articles , and conditions , whereupon the trading merchants of this kingdome do most humbly beseech his majesty to grant them his declaration , and the graces therein contained , for the establishment of a company for the commerce of the east indies . paris . 1664. i. first , that his majesties subjects of what quality or condition soever shall be taken into the company for what summes they please , without losse either of nobility , or privilege , his majesty granting them in that particular his royal dispensation : provided , that under a thousand livres no share shall be admitted : nor any augmentations , under five hundred ; for the ease of accompts , divisions , and sales of actions ; a third part whereof shall be paid down presently , and go to the furnishing of the first expedition ; and the two other thirds within two years after , by equal portions , under pain of losing what is already advanced , to any man that shall fail of paying in his full proportion within the said time : the mony so forfeited remaining to the benefit , and stock of the company . ii. that all strangers ( be they the subjects of what prince or state soever ) shall have free admittance into the said company ; and such of them as shall have ten thousand livres in the stock , shall be reputed as natives without any further need of naturalizing ; by which means their kindred though strangers too , shall have a right of inheritance to what estates they shall be possessed of in this kingdome . iii. that no part or portion belonging to any particulars in the said company of what nation soever , shall be either seized by the king , or confiscated to his profit ; even although they be the subjects of some prince or state in open hostility against his majesty . iv. that the directors of the said company shall not be molested , either in their persons , or estates , for or concerning the affairs of the said company : nor shall the estate of the said company be liable either to be made over or seized upon the accompt of any debt due to his majestie from any of the particular members thereof . v. that such officers as shall have 20000 livres in the said company shal be dispensed their residence : to which otherwise they are obliged by his majesties declaration of december last , at the treasury-offices , and other ●laces of their establishment : enjoying all their rights , allowances and fees , as if they were present . vi. that all such as shall have to the sum of 6000 livres in the said company , shall enjoy the privilege of burgers in the towns where they live ; unless paris , bourdeaux , and bayonne : in which places they shall not acquire their freedome , unlesse they have the interest of at least ten thousand livres in the said company . vii . that all such as shall be willing to enter into the said company , shall be obliged to declare themselves within six moneths to commence from the reading , and registring of the declaration in the parliament of paris : after which time no more shall be admitted . and they that shall have furnished their parts , and declared themselves accordingly , shall have liberty within three months after the registring of the said declaration to nominate and establish one moyety of the directors of paris for the chamber general of the said company , and the rest shall be named within the aforesaid term of six months . viii . that there shall be established a chamber of direction-general of the affairs of the said company in the town of paris only , to consist of one and twenty directors , and no more : twelve whereof to be of paris , and the other nine , of the provinces ; to be named and chosen : that is , the twelve , by the persons concerned in the town of paris , and the other nine by the interessed persons in the said provinces , every one in his division ; for every town or province shall have a right of nomination , which shall be ordered by the chamber of direction-general after the settlement of it , in proportion of the stock that every town shall have brought into the said company , or otherwise , as shall be thought convenient ; and for the future , the elections shall be always made after this manner . ix . in the mean while , till the said company shall be established as aforesaid , for the first time , the said nine directors for the provinces shall be chosen , and named by the interessed parties in the said towns and provinces respectively ; ( but provided , that it may not be drawn into consequence for the time to come ) that is to say , one from each of the towns of rouen , nantes , st. malo , rochelle , bourdeaux , marseilles , tours , lyons , and dunkerque , or such other towns of the kingdome , as shall have the most considerable interest in the company . and in case , that any of the said towns shall be found without some interessed person in it , there shall be two named out of such other town , as shall be chosen by the six directors named for paris : and it shall be lawfull for the parties interessed in each of the said towns respectively , to name their caissier for the receiving of their moneys , and remitting them to the cassier of the town of paris ; who shall be named for the first time by the said six directors of paris , and so to continue till the chambers general shall be established . x. that none shall be capable of being directors , but merchants trading , and without offices , except such of the kings secretaries as have dealt formerly in commerce : onely it shall be lawfull to admit two burgers into the number of the directors , although they have never meddled with traffique : provided , that they be persons that have no offices , and that no more be taken into the said chamber upon any ground whatsoever ; the company being perpetually to consist at the least of three fourths of negotiating merchants , and with out offices : neither shall any man have a vote in the election of the directors , unlesse he has at least ten thousands livres in the company : nor be chosen a director for paris without twenty thousand livres at least ; nor for the provinces under ten thousand livres ; all in the interest of the said company . xi . that it shall be lawfull for the chamber of direction general to constitute chambers of particular direction , in such numbers and places as they shall finde most agreeable to the interest and benefit of the said company ; and likewise to regulate the number of the directers of the said particular chambers . xii . that all the accompts of the chambers of direction particular of the provinces , shall be sent from six months to six moneths , to the chamber of direction generall at paris ; where the accompt-books shall be view'd , examined , and stated , and the profits afterward divided by the said chamber of direction general , as they shall think meet . xiii . that the said chambers of direction general , and particular , shall name such officers as shall be found necessary for keeping the cash , books , and papers of accompts , for buying and selling ; for taking care of all provisions , and equipage ; paying of wages , and other ordinary expences every man in his proper place . xiv . that the first directors shall continue in power for the first seven years , after which time there shall be two changed every year at paris , and one in the other chambers ; and the first , second , third , fourth , and fifth changes of those that go out , shall be made by lot : and in case of death of any of the directors , within the first seven years , the other directors shall have power to fill that vacancy with a new choice ; and it shall be permitted to chuse the same director again , after six years respite from the execution of his office : nor shall it be lawfull for father and son , or son in law ; nor for brothers , and brothers in law to be directors at the same time ; and his majesty shall be further supplicated to confer upon the said directors certain titles of honour , and priviledges , that may descend to their posterity . xv. that the directors of the said chambers generall and particular , shall reside by turns , each man his month , to begin with the antientest , in each of them severally . xvi . that the said chamber of generall direction shall be empowred to make statutes , and rules for the benefit and advantage of the said company , which in case of need shall be most humbly presented to his majesty for the obteyning of his royall confirmation . xvii . that the said chamber shall make a general accompt every six years , of the estate of the said company , and no man shall be suffered to withdraw himself unlesse by the sale of his action to some one or other of the said company , who shall alwayes uphold and maintain the same right , so that the stock be not diminished . xviii . that his majesty will grant to the said company ( to the exclusion of all other his subjects ) the sole power and faculty of traffique and navigation from the cape of good hope throughout all india , and the eastern seas : nay even from the streight of magellan , and the maire throughout the southern seas , for the term of fifty years , to begin from the setting out of the first shipping from this kingdome ; during which time his majesty shall be desired expresly to inhibite all other persons from entring upon the said voyage , and commerce ; under p●yn of forfeiting all their vessels , arms , munitions , and merchandize , to be applyed to the profit of the said company . to which company his ma●esty shall grant license to send gold and silver as much as shall be thought needfull , both into the isle of magdagascar ; and the east-indies , and other places of the said commerce , all laws and ordinances to the contrary notwithstanding . xix . that his majesty shall be likewise requested to grant unto the said company , the propriety , and lordship of all those lands , places and isles , which they shall either gain from the enemies of his majesty , or otherwise make themselves masters of , whether as abandoned , uninhabited , or in the possession of barbarians xx. that his majesty shall comprehend in the said concession , the propriety of the isle of madagascar , or saint laurence , with the neighbouring islands , forts , habitations and colonies belonging unto any of his subjects : concerning which , his majesty shall be most humbly desired to permit the company to come to a fair treaty , with those who may have formerly obteined the grant thereof from his majesty ; or if not , that commissioners may be appointed for the examination of the interest of all parties therein concerned , for the indemnisication of the proprietors , that the company may quietly enjoy the same . xxi . that the propriety of the said isles and things belonging to the said company , may remain unto them after the expiration of the grant , to dispose of according to their own pleasure , and as their proper inheritance . xxii . that his majesty shall vouchsafe to give and grant to the said company , over and above the jurisdictions annexed to the seignory and propriety heretofore granted , for the said isle of madagascar and others round about it , full power and authority to establish judges for the exercise of sovereign justice , throughout the whole extent of the said countries , and such other as they shal subject to the obedience of his majesty ; even over the french themselves who shall there inhabite ; provided , alwayes , that the said company shall name to his majesty the persons whom they shall choose for the exercise of the said sovereign justice , who shall swear allegiance to his majesty ; and execute justice , and issue out all their orders and decrees in his majesties name . to which effect , his majesty ( if he pleases ) shall empower and authorize them by patent or commission under his great seal . xxiii . that for the execution of decrees , and for all acts where his majesties seale shall be necessary , there shall be one established , and put into the hands of him that shall preside over the said sovereign justice . xxiv . that the officers constituted for the said sovereign justice shall be authorized to constitute likewise such a number of subordinate officers , and in such places as they shall think meet , to be by them supplyed with commissions under the name and seal of his majesty . xxv . that for military command , the said company shall name to his majesty a governour-general of the country , and of such other countries as shall be subdued ; whom his majesty shall be humbly desired to authorize with a commission and to receive his oath of fidelity . and in case that the said company shall not be well satisfied with his conduct , that they may be at liberty to name some other , to be likewise impowred by his majesty . xxvi . that his majesty will be pleased to grant to the said company the power and authority of settling garrisons in all the places before-mentioned , and in such other as shall be conquered or built ; consisting of what numbers the company shall think necessary : and therein to put arms , canon , and ammunition ; and to cast guns and other arms in what place soever , and in what quantity soever they shall think needfull ; with his majesties arms imprinted upon them , and underneath them , the arms of the said company ; which shall be authorized to provide for the safety of the said places as by them shall be thought expedient . the officers and commanders of the said places to be totally dependent , and put in or out at the pleasure of the said company ; provided alwayes , that they shall all sweare allegiance to the king , and after that , take a particular oath to the said company in consideration of trafsique and commerce . xxvii . that his majesty shall vouchsafe to authorize the said company to send ambassadours in his majesties name to the kings of india , and to treate with them , either upon peace , or truce , or even to declare war with them , and to doe all other acts which shall be deemed by the company to be for the advantage of the said commerce . xxviii . that the directors of the chamber-general and particular shall keep register-books of all the wages and salaries , which they shall give to their officers , servants , clerks , work-men , souldiers and others , which bookes shall be good evidence in court , and serve for the decision of questions upon any demand or pretension against the said company . xxix . that of all differences that shall arise upon what cause soever concerning the said company , betwixt two or more directors , or interessed persons , and any one particular , touching the affaires of the said company , the circumstances and dependences shall be judged and determined by the consulary justice to the exclusion of all others , whereof the sentences and judgments shall be executed sovereignly and without appeal , as far as 1500. livres ; and in cases of a higher concern , the judgments and sentences shall be executed notwithstanding all oppositions and appeals whatsoever : the appeal to be brought before the ordinary judges that are properly to take cognizance of the matter : to which effect his majesty shall be desired to establish the consulary justice before spoken of , in the town where it is not ; and wheresoever else his majesty shall finde it necessary . xxx . that all criminal matters wherein any of the said company shall be a party , whether as plaintiff or defendent , shall be determined by the ordinary judges , provided alwayes that for no cause or pretext whatsoever , the criminal shall ever carry along with it the civill ; which shall be still judged as is aforesaid . xxxi . that his majesty shall have the goodnesse to promise to the said company protection and defence against all opposers , and by force of arms , to maintain them upon all occasions in the entire freedome of their commerce and navigation , and see them repaired in case of any injuries or affronts offered them . and in case further of any designe against the said company , to appoint them such convoyes both forward and backward , at his proper charge and expence , as may be sufficient to secure the company not onely over all the coasts of europe and africa , but even as far as india it self . xxxii . that his majesty shall be pleased to advance at present out of his own cossers , a fifth part of the whole expence for the three first expeditions , so that so soon as ever the person authorized for the receiving of the monyes shall be named by the company , his majesty shall cause to be delivered into his hand three hundred thousand livres , and upon his receiving of four hundred thousand livres from the persons engaged , his majesty shall cause to be delivered three hundred thousand livres more , and so forward to three fifths , for the first year , which comes to one fifth upon the whole ; ( his majesty furnishing nothing at all for the two following years ) by virtue of which advance his majesty will give a foundation to the establishment of the said company , which will be of so great advantage to the state. xxxiii . that his majesty shall be graciously pleased to l●nd the said summe to the said company , without interest ; and even without any participation in the said adventure , his majesty contenting himself with the companies obligation of paying back the said summe without interest at the end of ten years , to reckon from the day whereupon the said company shall have perfected their first capital stock ; and in case that at the end of the said ten year , it should appear by a general accompt then to be made , that the said company had lost of their capital , that the whole damage shall fall upon that summe which his majesty shall have advanced . and his said majesty shall be most humbly desired upon valuation of the estate of the company ( to see whether they have gained or lost ) not to reckon upon immovables , fortifications , cannon and ammunitions ; and to content himself with such accompt as shall be stated by the company , without bringing them to any further reckoning before the chamber of accompts , or elswhere . xxxiv . that the merchandises that shall come from the indies and be consumed in france ; shall pay but half the duties charged upon them by his majesties rates , for his rights of the five gross farms ; which moyety shall be regulated at so much per cent ; and for such commodities as shall be sent into forreign countries , or countries exempt from custome , whether by sea or land , they shall pay no duties at all , either in , or out : and shall be deposited in their store-houses of the customs and harbours of the places where they arrive ; where there are any such ; and where there are none , they shall be marked with lead , and laid up , till they are to be taken away , at which places an accompt of them shall be given to the persons interessed , or to the clark of the said five gross farms signed by one of the directors of the said company : and upon their removal elswhere there shall be an obligation of bringing back within a certain time a receipt with proof that they are arrived : and as to merchandizes unknown , and not as yet rated , they shall pay three per cent. according to the valuation that shall be made of them by the chamber-general of the said company . xxxv . that wood , and other necessaries for building of the ships of the said company shall be exempt from all duties of entry ; the vessells and merchandizes free from the duties the of admiralty and wood ; and the munitions of war , victualls , and other things necessary for victuallings and embarquings requisite for the said company , shall be free from all rights of in and out , during the term of the present privilege . xxxvi . that his majesty shall order the furnishing of the said company for their provisions and equipages with the quantity of a hundred measures of salt , or what other number the said company shall have occasion for , in the town of haure de grace , by the hand of the clerk of the store of that town , and at the merchants price : provided alwayes , that the company shall deal fairly in the businesse , without abusing the grant. xxxvii ▪ that his majesty shall permit the said company to settle ecclesiasticks in the said isles of madagascar , and other places where they shall plant themselves , in such number and of such quality as the company shall judge convenient . xxxviii ▪ that his majesty shall be most humbly desired not to grant any letters of protection , respit , evocation , or delay , to any that shall have bought the goods of the said company , or sold any thing to their use and service , that so the company may be alwayes in condition to compel their debtors to make just payment , according to the form and tenor of their obligations . xxxix . that his majesty shall be most humbly desired , to vouch-safe that the sieurs pocquelin pere , maillet pere , ie brun , de faverolles , cadeau , samson , simonet , jabac , & scot , merchants ; may present these articles , and receive his pleasure thereupon : this establishment being of infinite advantage both to his majesties kingdome , and all his subjects , who shall redouble their vows and prayers for the long continuance of his majesties health . xl. that his majesty be most humbly desired , by the deputies above-named , to vouchsafe , that in case any thing shall appear to be omitted in these present articles they may be allowed to deliver memorialls of them , to what persons he shall be pleased to appoint to make report thereof to his majesty , and to be made use of in his declaration which shall be issued in consequence of this present petition . done and resolved at the assembly held by his majesties gracious permission at the house of monsieur faverolles , merchant at paris , tuesday may 26. 1664. examined and concluded in our council , the last day of may 1664. signed lovis and underneath de lyonne . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32727-e10750 allowed . allowed . onely putting in twenty thousand livres in stead of ten. allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . putting 8000 livres in the first place and 20000 in the second . allowed . upon condition that all those that have a mind to engage in the said company shall declare themselves , and subscribe at the first assembly ; and at the same time chuse 12 syadicks to take care of what is to be done in order to the settlement of the company till the directors shall be nominated . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed for fifty years . the exporting of gold and silver being a thing never publickly permitted in any state , and yet at present acknowledged to be necessary . it shall be allowed , by a particular permission , to remain in the hands of the directors of the said company . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed : even to all priviledges of justic● & admiralty in matters concerning the sea affairs throughout the whole extent of the said countries . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . provided that the whole estate of the said company shall be valued bonâ side by the chamber of direction general . allowed , as to the exemption of all duties ; the valuation of commodities unknown , by the chamber-generall , and the regulation of the rights upon them at three per cent. and in regard that the discharge of one half of the duties of entry cannot be granted in manner as is desired , for the reasons which have already appeared upon the debate there shall be allowed instead thereof acertain summ upon the return of each vessel coming from the indies , according to the regulation that shall be made thereupon . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . allowed . a memorial delivered to the states-general by the marquess of castell moncayo, envoy extraordinary of spain, at the hague, may 9th, 1684. avaux, comte d' (jean-antoine de mesmes), 1640-1709. 1684 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26254) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47740) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1453:53) a memorial delivered to the states-general by the marquess of castell moncayo, envoy extraordinary of spain, at the hague, may 9th, 1684. avaux, comte d' (jean-antoine de mesmes), 1640-1709. 1 sheet. printed for richard morris ..., london : 1684. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in the university of london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng spain -foreign relations -1516-1700. great britain -foreign relations -1660-1688. france -foreign relations -1643-1715. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a memorial delivered to the states general , by the marquess of castell moncayo , envoy extraordinary of spain , at the hague , may 9th . 1684. the marquess of castell moncayo , envoy extraordinary of spain , doubts not but that your lordships deputies ( which were present at the conference held this day by the ministers of the high allies ) have made a sincere and true report of that which was there debated : nevertheless , he hath thought fit to put in writing that which was there represented by discourse ; viz. that the said envoy extraordinary of spain was extreamly troubled and perplext , by reason he knew not whether or no he ought to concur in the same sentiments with the ministers of the high allies , or with those of this state ; without due reflection on his majesties pleasure and resolutions . the spanish affairs being transacted without regard to the interest of spain , or that which respects its monarchy ; without concern for its honour , or that which is due to the king thereof ; proposals of a peace or a truce , and the partaging of the spanish netherlands being made in such a manner , as if they belonged to the states-general , and not to his catholick majesty . but having also considered that there were present at the aforesaid conferences , besides your lordships deputies , the ministers of many other princes and states , who seem cordially to embrace the interests of his catholick majesty , and who have the same esteem for the king his master's friendship , as the king his master has for theirs : the said subscribed envoy extraordinary therefore is fully resolved to understand the opinion and sentiments of the said ministers , though perhaps he may meet with a mortification in desiring the same thing from your lordships deputies ; which mortification will be the more intollerable to the said subscribed envoy , by reason of the lecture your lordships deputies have made of the french ambassadors last memorial : in which the ministers of the high allies have taken notice that he says , knowing that this state is more inclined to accept of a truce than a peace ; which if your lordships think consists more with your interest , his most christian majesty gives your lordships the choice , to conclude either a peace or truce , according to the conditions specified in his ambassadors memorial , the 29th . of april . as if it belonged to this state , and not to spain , whom france makes war upon ; or as if this state had received a full and ample power from spain to treat of an accommodation with france . the said envoy extraordinary of spain desires to know , that if france gives to your lordships the choice of a peace or a truce , whither your lordships be masters of luxemburg , and of all the other places and towns which france demands , and pretends to retain , or if they belong not to the king his master , or if by this choice france may think that your lordships will induce his catholick majesty to agree to the unjust and impracticable conditions of france . the said subscribed envoy extraordinary hath several times declared , and now doth declare unto your lordships , that if your lordships shall continue to promote such a design , it will be wholly in vain , and of no effect , and the reasons which he hath already alledged , which concern this state , and the allies of his most catholick majesty , as may appear by their minister disapproving the late measures your lordships have taken . if then the perswasions of your lordships will be wholly ineffectual to cause his catholick majesty to consent to the proposals of france , as the said envoy extraordinary hath already declared , and now doth declare unto your lordships , how can your lordships then undertake to dispose of that which is not your own , the so doing belonging to him to whom it appertains , and who hath declared he will never agree to such conditions . if france think that your lordships may constrain his catholick majesty to comply with terms wholly inconsistent with his interest , which if it be done directly , it will leave this glorious example to posterity . that those arms which were first rais'd for the defence of the spanish netherlands , were afterwards instrumental in its oppression ; and if indirectly by withdrawing your troops , then this state will be the first that will feel the effects of such a resolution . and the said envoy most instantly prays your lordship to consider , that his catholick majesty is their friend , their allie , and their confederate , but not their pupil ; and , that if your lordships continue to treat your allies as they do , perhaps they wo'nt have one left , when they stand in need of many . his majesty could not worse resent the measures your lordships have taken , than by your granting france all that he pretends to ; for undoubtedly , if such a grant should take place , this state would be utterly lost without the future hope of a recovery . however , his catholick majesty taking to heart the liberty and welfare of this state , is content to hazard the rest of his dominions , ( he having lost the best part thereof ) and by his constancy and patience , will do what in him lies to hinder this state from sinking , which turbulent spirits endeavour to compass . the ministers of the high allies have sufficiently exposed to your lordships , of what importance luxemburg is to this state , and to the empire , and what consequences may follow to both if it be lost , with the disposition and readiness that there is to succour it : therefore , since that we are morally assured of its making a vigorous defence , as vienna has done , and that those troops which besiege it are not equal in number to those which besieged vienna , and those which may raise the siege are not at such a distance as those which relieved vienna ; i 'm sure the cause is as just , and we have the same god to confide in . in the name of god then , let us not delay to succour a place whose conservation imports christendom as much as vienna . london , printed for richard morris , at the sign of st. paul in holborn . 1684. an act prohibiting the importing of any vvines, vvooll or silk from the kingdom of france, into the commonwealth of england or ireland, or any the dominions thereunto belonging. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82479 of text r211253 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[69]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82479 wing e1149a thomason 669.f.14[69] estc r211253 99869982 99869982 163056 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82479) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163056) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[69]) an act prohibiting the importing of any vvines, vvooll or silk from the kingdom of france, into the commonwealth of england or ireland, or any the dominions thereunto belonging. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husband, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1649. order to print dated: die martis, 28 augusti, 1649. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -commerce -france -early works to 1800. france -commerce -great britain -early works to 1800. a82479 r211253 (thomason 669.f.14[69]). civilwar no an act prohibiting the importing of any vvines, vvooll or silk from the kingdom of france, into the commonwealth of england or ireland, or a england and wales. parliament. 1649 483 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms an act prohibiting the importing of any wines , wooll or silk from the kingdom of france , into the commonwealth of england or ireland , or any the dominions thereunto belonging . the parliament of england taking notice of a late declaration of the french king , verified in the parliament at paris , whereby are prohibited all negotiations to bring , or cause to be brought into that kingdom , the drapery of wooll or of silk made in england , on pain of confiscation and other great penalties ; and that by force of that declaration , divers goods of great value of english merchants there found , have been seized , and are detained from the true proprietors thereof , notwithstanding several clauses in the treaty between the two nations , for encouraging the english trade there : and being induced by the grounds of common equity and reason , and by their own duty , to provide for the interest and good of this commonwealth , have thought fit to enact , and be it enacted by authority of parliament , that all wines of the growth of the kingdom of france , or any dominions belonging to the same , and all manufactures of wooll , and silk , made or to be made in the kingdom of france , or any of the dominions belonging to the french king , shall be and are hereby prohibited to be brought into any port or ports , place or places within england or ireland , or any the dominions thereof , by any person or persons whatsoever , from and after the seventh day of september , one thousand six hundred forty nine , on pain of confiscation of the ship , and goods therein imported contrary to this act , and the penalty of two hundred pounds more to be levied on every person offending contrary to this act ; the one moyety of the forfeiture to be to the party that shall inform of any breach of this act , and the other moyety of the forfeiture to the use of the commonwealth , to be recovered in any of the courts of record at westminster . and to the end that due intimation and publication of this act may be made , that none may pretend ignorance thereof , be it further ordered and enacted , that this present act shall be published by a sergeant at arms three several days upon the exchange london , at the time of the concourse of merchants thither . die martis , 28 augusti , 1649. ordered by the commons in parliament assembled , that this act be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed for edward husband , printer to the parliament of england . 1649. poor robins character of france, or, france painted to the life in a brief dialogue of the description of that nation, their manners, customs, complements, language, discourse &c. : as also, an exact character of the city of paris, of their gentry, peasants, women &c. / by poor robin ... poor robin. 1666 approx. 69 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55410 wing p2878 estc r8615 13736675 ocm 13736675 101631 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55410) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101631) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 847:13) poor robins character of france, or, france painted to the life in a brief dialogue of the description of that nation, their manners, customs, complements, language, discourse &c. : as also, an exact character of the city of paris, of their gentry, peasants, women &c. / by poor robin ... poor robin. winstanley, william, 1628?-1698. 31 p. [s.n.], london : 1666. "attributable to winstanley or his imitators"--cf. dnb. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -description and travel. france -description and travel -early works to 1800. paris (france) -description and travel. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion poor robin's character of france : or , france painted to the life . in a brief dialogue of the description of that nation , their manners , customs , complements , language , discourse , &c. as also , an exact character of the city of paris , of their gentry , peasants , women , &c. by poor robin , knight of the burnt-island , a well willer to the french taylors . london , printed in the year 1666. to the judicious readers . gentlemen , i here present you with a dish of dainties , i assure you you no kickshaws , though drest after the french mode . to describe that people aright , a man must have in him extraordinary of the mimmick , and therefore i would desire the reader in the perusal of these lines , to adde to them something of action ; for it is impossible to personate a french-man aright , unless he with it play the antick : my request therefore is to all those who shall read this ●ook in taverns , ale-houses , or coffee-houses , to have a special care therein , that i may not be murthered in my own lines , but to adde to it a graceful shaking of the head , drawing back the legs , and thrusting out the shoulders , and then it will be ala mode france . if all the humors i have writ of them do not suit patt to the nation the same time you read this , you must impute it to the fickleness of those people , whose inconstancy is such , that let me now write never so real a truth of their garb or clothes , though the author and printer make all the haste imaginable , they will be in another fashion before the book can be published , that a taylor may as well take measure of a garment for the moon , as an author to describe the habits and fashions of that people . so now reader , having told you at the door how you are to behave your self , if you please walk in and see the show . poor robin's character of france . english-man . good morrow , monsieur . french-man . tres humble serviteur , monsieur . english-man . what makes you stirring so early this morning ? french-man . no ting , but me owe de leetle mony to de hoastess , and de pocky-hora vill no stay , but send vor de shargeant , dat scare me worss den de tiffell ; begar me sooner see de tiffel den de shargeant , me be de sush bird vas vill no sing in de cage : fish vay sall me take to be safe ? me mus come no near de hoastess , me goe in de france , den futra vor de shargeant . english-man . and what calling do you intend when you come into france ? french-man . ah , me have de brava calling in de varle , me play ode fidle , me teash a to dance , o so rare , so rare ! begar london vill de undone when me be in de france : begar you no ave de autre man in all de shitty so brave fellow as me selfe ; yet begar me no shuse but run , de pocky shargeant doe scare a me so . english-man . indeed a fidler in france is a man of a very high repute , for i remember about five years ago being in your countrey at a town not far distant from orleans , whilest i and the rest of my company ( amongst which was a fille de joy of paris ) were at dinner , there entred into our room three of these uncouth fellows , with flats on their heads like cover'd dishes , and in such a garb as our countrey-men use to clothe poles wherewith to affrighten crows from eating their corn , being for the most part pinn'd together , and the rest fastened with here and there a stitch , so that they were a la mode de tatterdemallion . at the first sight of them i cast one eye on my cloak , and the other on my sword , as not knowing what occasion i might have of the one , to desend the other ; for by their insol●nt int●nsion and sa●cy boldness , i could not imagine them to be other than thieves : but when i took a more strict survey of their apparrel , i soon alter'd that opinion , and rather guess'd them to be the excrement of a prison , though it soon appeared that i was alike deceived in my thoughts , they being neither better nor worse than errant fidlers . these fellows , though such as we in england should not hold worthy of the whipping-post , without leave , and without reverence on their parts performed , fell to their work , abusing our ears with such an harsh lesson , that one of our school-boys playing on the jews-trump compared to this , might have been taken for the musick of the spheres : but as if this had not been punishment enough unto us , they must needs adde to it one of their songs , but then how did i bless my self in the remembrance of our ballad-singers when they chant the tunes of in summer time , and ch●vy-chase ! now though i understood not french perfectly yet by that little i had , and the simpering of the fille de joy , i perceived it was bawdy , yea , such as could not patiently be endured by any but a french-man . french-man . begar you be de rouge to speak sush ting of de french-man , no peeple in de varle dat do sing like unto dem ; begar me should by de prate tink dat dis drunk , but dat me no see stagger . english man. but monsieur , give me leave to proceed in my story : what to do to be rid of these fellows i knew not , for i knew not how to call them rogues handsomly in french , and for other languages they understood none , and to beat them , they were villains of such an inferior quality , as indeed was not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger ; a knot of rascals so infinitely below the severity of a statute , that they would have discredited the stocks ; and to have hang'd them , as it would have hazarded the reputation of the gallowes , so it would have been unprofitable to the executioner , their clothes being onely fit for the rag-woman ; it would have puzzled a man in a whole years time to have studied a vengeance for them which they would not have injured , in the suffering the greatest torment one could inflict on them , being not to hearken to their ribaldry . but to proceed , after their song was ended , one of them pulled a dish out of his pocket , and set it before us , into which we were to cast our benevolence , which by custom ( you know monsieur ) is but but onely a soll from every man ; such a rare calling it is to be a fidler in france ! french-man . begar me be no sush fidler , me be de mushishaner , dat play to de lords , to de ladies ; me goe brave in de parrell , me kish de shamber-maid , me lye wid de kitchen-wensh , but if me get her wid shilde , o diabolo , vat sall become of me den ? english-man . it is but shifting into another countrey , you know fidlers and beggars are never out of their sphere . i suppose it is impossible for you to be lowsie you shift so often . french-man . begar me go to parry de brav● shitty in de varle , dis shitty is no compare wid parry , no more den de bushers knife is wid a long tord . english-man . indeed monsieur your comparison is very suitable , if by your last word you mean paris , as i suppose you do ; the onely stink of which place being a greater strength unto it , and more powerful to keep out an enemy , than the ditches or bullwarks round about it ; well therefore may it be said to be the strongest town in christendom , if we take the word ( strong ) in that sense , as when we say , such a man hath a strong breath ; for otherways it is so weak , that if the stink of the streets keep him not out , there is no assurance to be looked for of the walls : but that which is most admirable , is , that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks , there is also such an admirable and distinct variety , that a chymical nose after two or three perambulations , would hunt out b●inde-fold , each several street by the smells , as perfectly as another by his eye in a serene skie at noon day . french man. par ma foy de tell loud lye , begar parry is so brava dat no express it , begar be son of debastalder to say parry tinks , when it is sweet as de rose , and de brava houses in de varle . english-man . i confess your houses in paris are very handsom to the street-ward , but for the furniture within , they come very much behind ours ; the french men most commonly carrying all their wealth on their back , so that when they are in their best clothes , they may be said to be in the middle of their estates , when the poorest trades man in london hath his plate to drink in , and is served up with his pewter-dishes of several sorts , your artisans of paris coming so far behinde them , that they would be glad of meat ( could they but reach to the price of it ) although it were in a wooden dish . french-man . begar de artisan of parry be de brava fellow , de engliss taylor be noting , de make breech vit vor de plough-man , 't is not ala mode france : de france taylor trick de clown up so rara , make him zhow like de gentil-man . de engliss barber trim make man like de goate . english-man . the french barber trims so as makes a man look like a monkey , come monsieur i must help you out with it : you french men are indeed excellent fellows for toys , very perfect at tooth-picks , beard-brushes , and gentle womens fans ; but in other more substantial trades how infinitely short do you come of the english ? your cutlers make such abominable and fearful knives , as would grieve a mans heart to see them , enough almost to make one loathe the victuals that should be cut by such mis-shapen instruments . and your glovers are worse than your cutlers , for you would imagine by their gloves , that the hand for which they were made , were cut off by the wrist . and what excellent workmen your painters are , may be seen by the signes hanging over each door in paris for a distinguishment , as with us at london : but so hideously are these made , and so little resembling the thing signified , that if a hen did not scrape better pourtraitures on a dunghil , i would be bound to eat no other meat but of a french paisant womans dressing during life , which would be a torment next to starving ; very convenient therefore is it that they have it printed in capital letters under every sign what it is , for fear the spectators should take a cock for a bull , or a pigg for a goss-hawk . french-man . me can no longra endure to heare parry de brave shitty in de varle to be so degraste . english-man . a brave city indeed , and of a strange composition , wherein a man cannot live in the summer for fear of being poisoned with the stink , nor in the winter for the like danger of being mired with the dirt . french-man . begar if de speak so false of parry de brava shitty , vat will de den doe of de countrey ! english-man . for your countrey , i must confess indeed the soyl thereof is enough plentiful , stored with corn , beasts , and fowls ; but alas , what is that to the poor peasant , who onely beholdeth it with his eyes , seldom or never so much as tasting it with his mouth ; a capon or rabbit being almost as unlawful for these miserable creatures to eat , as it was in the old law for any but the priests to eat shew-bread . i believe one of your countrey taylors has but an ordinary trade with them , they thinking themselves happy if in their apparel they can but mount to canvass , for woollen cloth is beyond the reach of their purse , and he that aspires to fustain , will not stick to justle for the best place in the parish , even to that of the church-warden : for hats they will be sure to have them , though their bellies pinch for it , and that it may appear they have them , they alwayes keep them on their heads . i suppose they are great enemies to hosiers and shooe-makers , because they seldom wear any shooes or stocking ; , but such as nature furnishes them withal , unless it be on some principal holy-day , when they will be sure to go to church . french-man . vat dis de speak of de p●isant , begar de paisant be de clown in all country , but de france gentilman is de brave gentilman in de varle . english-man . what is spoken of your nation in general , that they are won with a feather , and lost with a straw , may more particularly be applyed to these your de brave gentil men , who at fi●st sight will be as familiar with you as your sleep , and follow you as doth your shadow ; but upon the least distaste , for a word speaking they will draw their sword : they are brave fellows at a first on-set , begin an action like thunder , and end it in a smoke , at the first encounter more than men , in the close thereof less than women . they are very complemental , and full of their court cringes , without which none is accounted a gentil-man . at my first coming to paris , one of these monsieurs add essed himself to me , carrying his head as if he had been ridden with a martingal , then did he draw back his legs , and thrust out his shoulders in such a ridiculous posture , that made my worship to laugh heartily to see the ape out-done by the french-man . french-man . begar me can forbeare no longra , de rouge , de rascal , de jack-napes , compare de france-man ala moda , to de ape , begar fleesh , blood , speerit , na de saule can no suffer dis ; par ma foy de thrush tord in de heart bleed if de speak dis . english-man . monsieur , not so angry , we know the temper of your country-men well enough , though you will draw the sword on the least distaste , a minutes pause sheathes it again , then if a man beats you into better manners you will take it kindly , kiss your hand , and cry serviteur . i must confess at first when i came to paris , i did much admire the gallantry of your nation , thinking no place in the world comparable to it for nobility and gentry , until at last one foul mistake rectified my judgement , which was this : there came to visit a scotch lord of my acquaintance a french gallant , who had on him a sute of turky grogram doubled with taffata , ●●asht after the french fashion , and belayed with bugle-lace , a shirt of pure holland appearing through the openings of his doublet , which was likewise wrought with curious needle-work ; the points at his waste and knees ( for so the fashion there then was ) alledged with a silver-edging ; his garters , roses , and hat-band sutable to his points ; a beaver hat , and a pair of silk-stockings ; his cloak also of turky grogram cut upon black taffaty . this man by his habit i guessed to be no less than a lord , ( for who would have imagined aesops fable to have been a real truth , that the ass was drest up in the lyons skin ) and according to the man that i imagined him to be , i gave him the stile of my lord at every word . after some discourse , he seeing me to clap a handkerchief to my cheek , and to make a kinde of a sowre face , asked me what i ailed ? i told him i was very much troubled with the tooth-ache . alas , said he , that is a grievous pain , but ca●l on me at my lodging the next morning , and i shall presently give you ease : i humbly thanked his lordship for such an immense favor , with the greatest obeysance i could devise ; and the next morning somewhat before the time appointed , sent my servant for a barber to trim me and make me neat , because i could not tell what occasion i might have of seeing his lady , or his daughters . this messenger chanced to happen on his lordship , who was no other than a barber ; but when i saw him come in with his apron before him , and pulling a case of instruments out of his pocket , bless me ! i thought i should have split my self with laughing , had not the consideration of my own folly , of being so obeysant to him the night before , something restrained me . his lordship , though he guessed the cause of my extraordinary mirth , yet fell to work about me , to the earning of a quardesou , and indeed he was very dexterous in his art , and soon made my chin ala mode ; then would he have proceeded to to the pulling out of my tooth , but the pain being now something abated , i told his lordship i would retain it in my head a little longer : wherefore pocketing up his quardesou , with a low cringing , and less courtesie on my part than before , his lordship departed . french-man . begar dat vas brave , de france barber couzen de engliss-man , begar me no shuse but laugh till de burss : o de france barbers be de brave fellows in de varle , but where den did thee goe ven de went from parry ? english-man . a friend and i having a great desire to see the countrey , we took post-horse , intending for amiens , but might as good have been mounted on a post , as on such jades ; as lean they were as envy is by the poets feigned to be , having neither flesh on their bones , nor skin on their flesh , nor hair on their skin ; neither was it so alone , that their bones might be numbred through their skin , but the spur-galls had made such casements in their flesh , that an ordinary farrier might have known what diseases they were troubled with , by surveying their entrails . they were very easie to be mounted , and there was no great fear of melting them by over-riding , surely don quixot's rozinante was a horse of state to either of these . being thus mounted , and galloping a foot pace , in twelve hours we had ridden fourteen miles ; night coming on , and a pretty big town just before us , we resolved to lodge there , whert enquiring for one of the chief inns , we were directed to the skelliton of a house , which in england would scarcely have passed for an ale-house , and yet there it was an inn , ay , and an honorable one too : alighting at the door , the hoast of the house came out unto us , at first sight i took him to be one of the three fidlers i told you of before , a pitiful ragged , shabby fellow . french-man . dat is no honest to de grase french inns , de base guest dat raile on de hoast ; begar de french inns be more good den de engliss inns , ver in de french inns is de brave vine , but in de engliss inns is no ting but de beere english-man . but monsieur , notwithstanding your wine , i suppose our ordinary ale-houses are a story higher praise worthy than your inns , as may appear by the description of this , and by which you may give a guess at the rest . no sooner were we alighted , but our hoast ( the ragged fellow i told you of before ) conducted us to a room , somewhat resembling a charnel-house , being full as dark and as dampish ; on one side whereof was a pretty big hole , which formerly had been a glass-window , but the glass being gone it was for the most part stopped up with pease straw : in this room was the resemblance of three beds , for by their description you will say it was improper to call them beds ; the foundation of them was of straw , which not having been shifted in many a year , it was so infinitely thronged together , that the wooll-packs which our judge sit on in the parliament , were melted butter to them . upon this lay a large bag containing a medley of flocks and feathers , but so ill ordered , that they stuck out of the sides like to the knobs of a crab-tree cudgel ; the sheets on those beds were party per pale , a mean betwixt white and black , and so course , that a mariner would have disdained to have used them for a sayl ; the coverlets were alike answerable to the rest of the bedding , here a hole , and there a patch , and for curtains and valances , my landlady had disrobed the beds of them two years before , to make she and the kinde natured gentleman her husband , clothes of them . french-man . begar if de make cloase of de curtans a●d de vaylance , den de look like de jack pudding . english man. having taken a view of the furniture of this room , seeing every thing so nasty , i supposed it was impossible to finde any victuals there ; and that if our horses were the pictures of envy , this place was the receptacle of famine : but see how i was mistaken in my thoughts ! for my hoastess ( whose head was wrapped about with a dirty dish-clout ) had for our suppers cut the throat of a pullet , and tearing it in pieces with her hands , she after that took away feathers and skin together , stripping it as we strip rabbets in england , then clapping it into a pan , it was soon fryed and set upon the table ; the napery belonging to which was suitable to the bedding , as foul and as dirty , my landlady being so provident a creature , she would not have it worn out with often washing . the napkins were fit companions for the clothes , which would rather foul ones fingers with whiping on them , than make them clean . french-man . begar she were de slu●t dat no w●sh linnen till de tink , par ma foy de shade va●●d bin hanged ; bega● me could raile on her out of all de cry . english-man nay monsieur , you may as well rail on the rest as on this , for though some few of your inns be not altogether so wretched , yet is the alteration almost insensible . french-man . begar de lye dere be brave inns in france , in paris , in roven , &c. one , twa , tre stories high , where de hoast goe like de gentilman , and de hoastess like de madam . english man. i speak not of your inns in paris , nor some other great cities , but of those in the countrey , which are generally such as this , and therefore monsieur , give me leave to go on in my story . the meat being on the board , we fell unto it , hunger making us the better able to digest the nastiness of the cookery : after supper , desirous to go to bed to refresh our bodies , weary with riding on those tyred jades , we called for a chamberlain , but you might a good have spoken greek to them , none of them understanding what a chamberlain was : at last came a fellow with some patches hanging on him , but for the most part open to the skin , who having pulled off our boats , presently had recourse to the coverlet to wipe them , and having rubb'd one side a little , left the other part to be finished by us if we would have it ; it was enough for him that he had written the copy . thus forced to make a law of necessity , we lay till morning , not making extraordinary haste out , lest perchance we might have lost the sight of my hoastess and her daughters ; they were not very hard to be known , for at the first blush a stranger might swear that they were of a blood , and indeed it had bin great pity had it bin otherwise . not to honor them with a further character , let it suffice to know , that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture , that it was great pity they should be parted . french-man begar me no vill stay if de speak so ; oh mordien , we sall shitt me selfe to heare do parte , and den vill they say dere is de shitten french-man . english-man . well then , monsieur , to take my leave of this inn ; being about to depart , we had such a throng about us of those ill-favoured faces , and every one chiming out this ditty , pour les servant , that one might with greater ease have distributed a dole at a rich mans funeral , than to give them a penny , their importunity , be you never so hasty , will forestal your bounty ; yet their ambition is not so high : after all this impudent begging , they expect but a soll , and he that gives them more out-bids their expectation , and shall be counted a spend-thrift . french-man . begar me vill stay no longra , de be sush time taking leave of de inn , dat de might in dat time have rid fife , sex , sefen mile . english-man . well then , to proceed : being mounted , and riding very softly according to the genius of our horses , at the end of the town we came to a great green , and it being then a petty holy-day , there was assembled on the green a miscelany or gallimaufry of all ages and conditions on purpose to dance . — french-man . begar me mush speak now : o de dance , de skip , de fidele , par ma foy de brava ting in all de varle . english-man . it seems your nation does naturally affect it , not onely the poor peasants , but also the gallant monsieurs and damoseils ; for here were assembled both youth and gentry , age and poverty , the rags interwoven with the silks , and wrinkled brows interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties . those whom age had forced to walk with a staff in the street , here taught their feet to measure out the paces of a dance , and others that had been long troubled with the sciatica , though they could not trip it so nimbly , yet would enfo●●● their feet to hobble . some of them were so ragged , you would have thought that a swift galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness , and yet would they venture the loosing of their clothes for the gaining of a dance . nay , those whom either age or other infirmity had not permitted to go , yet would be carryed thither in their chairs , to behold the pastimes , and tread the measures with their eyes ; to perswade them to stay at home when they heard the fidle , was to seek to empty the sea with a spoon , or to perswade a lutners love-lady to become a nun. — a work so great , would make olympus bearing atlas sweat . french man. o de brave exercise in de varle , begar no ting is wid it de compare . o de brave shite to heare de fidele , to see dem dance , to leap , to skip . — o dat me were amongst dem . — english-man . that which to you is so pleasing , soon wearied us , wherefore we took our leaves of them , and proceeded on in our journey , and about noon came to another town somewhat bigger than a village , and comparable to the worser sort of market-towns in england , distant from the place where we lay before , about five miles , ( for we rid very hard , and spared not for horse-flesh ) here we resolved to bait both our selves and our horses , and to that purpose singled out an inn where we expected to finde best accommodations , and indeed we thought we had found a great purchase , for there it was our fortune to meet with a rabbet , larded it was , as all meat is in that countrey , otherwise it is so lean it would be burnt up ere it could be roasted , it was served up with the feet on , and the reason of the custom thereof in that country is ( i conceive ) that being a frugal nation , they would make them go the further . the sight of this dish gave us great content , but when we came to eat thereof , it proved so tough , that i verily think it was no more than two removes from that rabbet which was in the ark ; but though it proved so bad in the eating , the price thereof was good enough , no less than half a crown english . my companion thought it to be very dear , but i adjudged otherwise , for certainly the grass which fed it was worth more than eight times the money . french-man . begar some men do tink meat is no good if dat it be no deare , par may foy vould me had it present , me could eat it , vor me is very angry . english-man . nay monsieur , if you be so angry that you grow quarrelsom , i shall beat you into better manners . french-man . begar me no say quarrelsom , me be angry , dat is , me could veede on de rappit . english-man . o cry you mercy sir , now i understand ye , i suppose you are better to feed than to fight ; but alas , rabbets are too dainty meat for french peasants , for in that rank i must place ye , though now you have got on a borrowed garb of english feathers , but when you come amongst your fellows , you must then be glad to do as they do , your bread of the coursest flour , and so black that it cannot admit of the name of brown , and for drink have recourse to the next fountain , content onely with so much as is sufficient to keep you from the extremities of cold and famine . french-man . begar be de r●gue to call me paisant , me be de gentilman mushishaner , me be de compaigne vor de lord , vor de madam , me fidele vor de gentilman , and at de weddin . english-man . now you put me in minde of a wedding , i must tell y● of one that i saw once at orleans , where at my going into the town , i met with mistriss bride coming from the church : the day before she had been somewhat of the condition of such as scowre dripping-pans in great mens houses , and went accoutred as those women that in london cry kitching-stuff about the streets of the city : but now there was a strange metamorphosis in her , you would not believe she was the same woman , she was so tricked up with scarffs , rings , cross-garters , knots of ribbonds , &c. that she was a la mode france . now could the fellow have marryed onely her clothes , i should have very much applauded his fortune , but it could not be so ( god be merciful to him ) he was also chained to the wench , much good may it do him with her , and much joy may they have together most peerless couple . sing , hymen , hym●n , o hymenae● , o hymen , hymen , hymenaee . i would have a french man marry none but a french woman , for a fitter match cannot be . french-man . vat is dat de say ? begar france weemen be de brave weemen in de varle . english-man . now monsieur , i shall speak something of what i observed of the women in your country , and to begin with the peasants , as being most in number : they are a sort of people which cannot say the least claim to any share of beauty , so that she which with us is reckoned amongst the vulgar , would be amongst them esteemed for a princess , quite contrary to the women in england , where you have many thatched cottages that harbour such beauties , as would tempt jupiter from his throne to court them in a golden showre . answerable to their beauty is their attire , their head being wrapped about with an old dish clout turned out of service , or the corner of a table-cloath reserved from washing ; the goodness of their faces tells us that that is sufficient , for why should the back-part of their head be handsomer than the fore-part ? they have no need of masks , and the bacon-rined colour of their faces tells us that they were strangers to bon graces when they were children . as concerning petticoats , they have all of them such a kinde of garment , but most of them so short , you would think them cut off at the placket ; now when the parents have worn them till such time as the rottenness of them will save a labor of undressing , they are a nevv cut out and fitted for the children , by vvhich time they have done vvith them , they speed to the dunghil , being scorned to be taken up by the rag-vvoman . for shooes and stockings they take no great care for , few of them ever had above one pair in all their lives , and vvhich they vvear every day , being very durable . in this degree hath nature placed them , and the greatest happiness that they do enjoy , is that they are contented vvith the same . french-man . but vat is dis of de paisant to de france gentil woman . english-man . well , next i will speak somthing of the middle sort of women , or such as live in cities and great towns , ( for i shall forbear to mention the court , as being above my sphere ) of these sort of women there is much difference from the peasants ; but in what ? surely nothing but in attire , otherwise nature hath not been over prodigal to them for beauty , so that don quixot did not so deservedly assume to himself the title of the knight of the ill favoured face , as they may that of the damosels of it ; the most comly and best proportioned part about them is their hands , long , white , and slender ; but scarce shall you see one of a hundred , whose wrists , and betwixt their fingers is no● all over-run with a scab like to a leprosie . their dispositions hold good correspondency with their faces , and suit as well as a toast and nutmeg doth with a pot of ale in the depth of winter , all which you will swear to be truth , when you once come but to hear them speak ; no better character being to be gathered of them , then from their prating , which is so tedious and infinite , that you shall sooner want ears than they tongues ; set but their tongues once a going , and they are like to a watch , you need not winde them up above once in twelve hours , for so long will the thread of their discourse be in spinning , such everlasting talkers are they all , that they will sooner want breath then words , there being no wayes to silent them , but only to go out of their companies . but were this only to some of their familiars , it were the more tolerable , but stranger or acquaintance , all is one , though indeed no man is to them a stranger , for in two houres time you shall have them as familiar , and as merry with you , as if you had been of their acquaintance seven yeares , or bred up in a house together ever since you were born ; now though i cannot condemn any of them of dishonesty , as having had no such experience of them , yet to an englishman such sudden affability argues somwhat of a confident boldness , to say no worse . i remember , the first time i came to london , being but a young novice , scarcely writing man , passing through luteners-lane , a gentlewoman standing at the door accosted me with these words , how do you sir , i am heartily glad to see you well , how have you done a long time ? seeing so beautiful a lady , with black patches on her face , and drest alamode de france , thus to salute me , i could not chuse but admire ; madam , said i , do you know me ? alack ( sir said she ) pray come in and let us discourse together : but notwithstanding her bold invitation away i went , and coming to my lodging , relating the story , sir , said one to me , you must have a care of such creatures , for notwithstanding their brave garbe , they are no other then common strumpets . this sudden familiarity of the french-women made me to remember this story . for — french-man . begar be de rogue , de shallenge de feeld , compare de french madam to de lutener-lane pocky-hora ; begar me no shuse but feight up to de nose in plood ; begar me can no dure dis . english-man . you fight , you sh — think you with high words to daunt me ? do not i know the nature of your country men better then so ? how in one thing they very much resemble the de — meekness or submission maketh them insolent , but a little resistance putteth them to their heels , or makes him your spaniel . french-man . begar me tink no hurt , though de speak so . tres humble serviture mounsieur . english-man . then to proceed in my story concerning the french women . they are abundantly full of laughter and toying , and have always in store some lascivious songs , which they refuse not to sing in any company , so that a stranger would think modesty were quite banished the kingdom , or rather that it had never been there ; and whereas women in other countrys are most ashamed to discourse of those parts which makes them women . these french dames will talk of them , even before men , as broadly as a midwife , or a barber-surgeon . so that if that saying be true , that modesty is the best apparel of a woman , i doubt many of the female sex in france , must go thinly clad , and a great many of them quite naked . french-man . begar dere be but some dut be so bad as de peak of . english-man . truly i saw but little difference amongst them , it is an epidemical disease , both maids and wives , madams and damosels , rich and poor , alike sick of it , if there were any difference , it was onely in this , that those who were highest in their places and callings , were likewise highest in this lightsom vein of ribaldry . french-man . de speak of de common hora , but de fransh gentilwoman be no sush . english-man . god forbid i should condemne every one of them , though they generally be so , but for them you call common whores , i must rank them in a degree by themselves ; it was my fortune once to be in the company of two of these fille de joyes , but never since i first knew mankinde and the world , did i observe so much impudence in the general , as i did in these two ; so audaciously bawdie in their discourse , that even any immodest ear would have abhorred their language , and of such a shameless deportment , that their very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living , but a frenchman . in a word , they were wenches able to have shamed all the friers with whom they had trafficked , for they would not be cast-a , and could not be caut-a , and so i leave them , for methinks my discourse of them is unsavoury , but he that rakes in filthy puddles , must be sure to meet with nasty stinks . french-man . begar de hora be over all de varle , dere be de creat many in de london , me go in de turnbull street , me go in de neetingale lane me go in de rosemary lane , me go in de ra-ra-ratcleefe high way , me go to damaris page , me sure doe find pocky-hora , me veele it in my bones . english-man . ha mounsieur , have you got a clap with a french-fiddle . french-man . begar me no deny it , me pay shurgeon one , twa , tree pound var de cure . english-man i commend you mounsieur , for your ingenuous acknowledgment ; but i having spoken so much of the french-woman , i think it convenient to say somthing of the men , for pity it is they should be parted . french-man . begar me will listen to dat , me love to heare of de france gentil-man . english-man . as i said of the women , you might character them out by their discourse , so may i say of the men , you may look into their breasts by their talk , which most commonly runneth upon two wheels , treason and ribaldry . never in my life did i hear people talk less reverently of their prince , and as our nation have been always addicted too much to your apish fashions , so in our late times , when rebellion was rampant , had they got too much of your unworthy custom of speaking irreverently of their king ; but i hope that custom is out of use with us now . i wish it were so in france ; where scarce a day passeth without some seditious pamphlet printed and published , in disgrace of the king , or some of his courtiers ; the contents of which libels they will not spare to speak of in each place where they come ; take them from this , ( which you can hardly do till they have told all ) and then they fall upon their ribaldry , relating stories of their own uncleanness , with a face as confident , as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable . never did valiant captain more glory in the number of the cities he had taken , then they will do of the several women which they have prostituted . french-man . par ma foy me no dislike dat , me love to hear talk bawdy de leetle , me be no shamed of dat , begar it does teekle my ling● to hear dit . english-man . nay , i know that you are not only good to talk bawdy , but to act bawdily , and to boast of it too , as many of your countrey-men have done , who having been at london , upon their return , report strange chimera's of the english modesty ; as what merchants wives they enjoyed here , and in what familiarity such and such a lady entertained them at westminster , when the poor fooles have been cozened with common prostitutes ; and to this purpose i shall relate you a pretty story . a french mounsieur coming over full pursed to london , being hot in the codpiece as many of them are , desired a cooler , but his ambition soared so high , that common beauties , ( such as those of france ) would not serve his turn ; but he must have a rare one , no lesse then a phoenix ; and falling in acquaintance with a french pandar , for a sum of money he promised him the enjoyment of a lady , who was much famoused for her beauty ; the mounsieur gladly hearkens thereto , pays his money , and thinks every houre ten , till the prefixed houre come . in the mean space the pandar goes to a common prostitute , instructs her in the business , they share the money , and she takes upon her to imitate the lady ; a coach is hired , ( for a cart m●ght have been in danger of shaking her in pieces ) the pandar and she goes together , who conducts her to the mounsieur , the french gentilman courts her alamede , swears he is her servant , and she with a seeming unwillingness at last condescends to his request , but whilest he is busie in his employment , she picks his pocket of his watch , and threescore pieces of gold , which as soon as she rises from the bed , is strait conveyed to the pandar , who all this while guarded the door . upon the receit of the prize he is gone ; but before the pretty mob could make an escape , mounsieur misses his watch and his money , he stormes and chafes like a mad-man , mistrusts his mob , but wonders a lady of her quality , as he took her to be , would do such a thing . necessity has no law , she endeavours an escape , gets into the street , but mounsieur overtakes her there , and layes flat felony to her ladiship , presently an huburb is made , the constable comes and carries them both before a justice , the frenchman challenges her ladiship with his money , and she challenges him with a rape ; the mob is searcht , but no money found ; mounsieur is askt again , if he would swear positively she pickt his pocket ; he considers of it , and then says , he was mistake ; but she being known to be a prime trader in fleet-yard , was sent to bri●ewell , and mounsieur dismist to go to borrow money to go to the surgeon , of whom now he had great need . french-man . begar me was serve sush a trick one , me go into de lutener-lane , de-brave gentilwoman at de door call me in ; me kiss her , and me do someting else , but when me was gone , me vent to de ordinary to eat veetle , ven me come to pay , all me mony vas gone . english-man . and how come you off with the cook ? french-man . begar de cook call me french rogue , tell me de beat-me , me vas pray him to bè quiet , and me vild leave de tord for his reckoning . english-man . that was a right french trick , to eat up the cooks meat , and leave him a a tord for his reckoning . french-man . me do no mean de tord in de belly , me mean de tord dat hang by de side . english-man . nay mounsieur , it is pitty you should ever speak any thing but french , your language being very agreeable to your natures , which to be spoken with a grace , the head , body , shoulders must all concern in the pronouncing of it , and the many proverbs wherewith it is furnished , makes it very significant to your nations humor of scoffing . indeed it is very full of courtship , which makes all your people so complemental : the poorest cobler in the village having his court-cringes , and his eau beneste de cour , his court holy-water , as perfectly as the best lord of them all . french-man . and vy shoole henot , begar franceman be de all gentilman . english-man . and that makes you in your ordinary discourse to bestow the highghest of titles upon those of the lowest condition , and by this reason the beggar begetteth mounsieurs and madams to his sons and daughters , as familiarly as the king. french-man . begar di● true or me be de hang. english-man . but on what gibbit mounsieur would you desire to be hanged on , for i observed in your country there were several sorts of them , every haute justice having his peculiar gibbit , which were made wonderful methodically , by the criticisme of which you may judge of the quality of him that owneth it ; for the gibbit of one of the nobles hath but two pillars , that of the chastellan three , the barons four , the earls six , and the dukes eight , so exact is your nation that they observe a mode even in their gallowses . french-man . but begar me no love hanging , me shuse to die in de straw , den be hang on de vine gallowes in all de france . begar den me mus eat no more quood mutt , quood beef , quood lamb , &c. english-man . now you speak of beef , mutton , and lamb , give me leave to tell ye some observations i made of your cookery , and how your gentlemens tables furnished , which though they come not nigh ours , yet are they beyond comparison above the paisants . their beef they cut out into little chops , so smal , that what goes there for a laudable dish , would be thought here to be a university commons , now served from the hatch . a loyne of mutton serve amongst them for three roastings , besides the hazard of making pottage with the rump . they have likewise store of fowl , but such as the king found in scotland , viz. foule napkins , foule table cloaths , &c. but to speak truth , that which they have is sufficient for nature and a friend , were it not for the strange misteries of the kitching-wench . their cooks are much famed for rare fellows , but their skill consists not in the handling of beef , mutton , and such like solid meats , but in the making of puff-pastes , kickshaws , and such fine devices , onely to fill the pallat , but not the belly , and so by consequence would make rare fellows in a garrison , to cozen the belly , and feed the eye . now if you can digest the sluttishness of the cookery of ( which is most abominable at the first fight ) sit down and welcome , where you must say your own grace , private graces being there as ordinary as private masses , and from whence ( perhaps ) they learned them . grace ended , fall to where you like best , for they observe no order nor method in their eating , and if you expect a to have carver , you may rise a hungry ; thus are their tables furnished , and think themselves served in as great state as king nebuchadnezars . french-man . vat is dat you say , no be gott no sir . english man. i said nebuchadnezar , the name is something hard . french-man . begar so it is ; no , no , no , no be gott no sir . eng. ne . fr. ne . eng. bu . fr. bu . eng. chad . fr. chad eng. ne . fr. ne . eng. zar . fr. zar . now me have it , ne-bu-chad-ne-zar , begar me vil carry dis name into me country var to cure de tooth-ake . english-man . and why may not that name cure the tooth-ach , as well as many cures which are ascribed to be done by reliques , of which reliques i saw divers of them at st denis , a small town with a great wall , showing like all the world like a spaniards little face in his great ●uffe , or like a small chop of mutton in a large dish of pottage at the th●ee penny ordinary , at this town in the church of ●● d●nis , is sa●d to be kept one of the naile● town in the church of st. dennis , is said to be kept one of the nails which fastened our saviour to the cross , as also a piece of the cross it self , though so many parts thereof are shown at several places , that were they all put together , would have broken the back of symon of cyrene to have carryed it . here is also some of the virgin maries milk , the arm of st. simeon set in a case of gold , the reliques of st. lewis , and the head of st. dennis , with a part of his body ; of this st. dennis ( being the patron of france ) i shall tell you a story , more than ever you read in the history of the seven champions of christendom , and perhaps as true , which is this : he being to suffer death under the reign of domitian the emperor , for not bowing before the altar of mercury , when the executioner had smitten off his head , he caught it in his arms , and ran with it down the hill as fast as his legs would carry him ; having run thus half a mile he sat down and rested , and so he did nine times in all , ( you must conceive he was very heavy loaden to carry his head in his arms ) but having ran three miles , he ran himself quite out of breath , for then he fell down and died , over which place was built this church consecrated to his memory wherein the aforesaid reliques are kept . french-man . begar sen dennis was de brave fellow when he live , he cut , he slase , he slay , he feight like de spright ; he vas love wench named rossalen , she make him cuckoll , he weare de horns on his head sefen year ; den came zhorge on de hoars-back , and wid his tord cut dem off at one blow . english-man . was not st. george of england than a brave man to do so worthy an act ? french-man . begar he was de brave shampion in all de varle , but de france man ; he kill de burn dragon , but de seignior amadis de gaule be kill de shyant , one , twa , tre , four story high ; begar den he was brave fellow ; let me see den , dere was monsieur le charlemaigne , de roy pepin , monsieur oliver , monsieur rowland , begar de france man be de creat killer of de shyants in all de varle . english-man . indeed no nation in the wo●ld is greater killers of gyants and multitudes of people than the french ; but how ? why in romances , wherein there is little danger in fighting ; but for real feats of arms , alas how far short do they fall in the performance ! how often have they been beaten by the english , with the greatest disadvantage almost that might be ? witness poicters , crescy , and agen-court battels , wherein their armies exceeded ours almost ten to one ; nay , have we not taken their kingdom from them ? the english king crowned king of france in france ? where was their valour then ? why they were forced to have recourse to a witch , one joan of arc , when france lay as it were expiring out her latest breath . how were they forced to pretend a message to her from god , to breathe new courage into the hearts of their fanting soldiers ? and yet when they had wrought all these forgeries , it was not so much their courage as our own divisions , that caused the english expulsion out of france . french-man . begar though me ha skill to fidele , me ha no skill in de history , me can no tell if de speak true ; but me mush tink dis , me mush give looser leave to speak . english-man . nay monsieur , if you are up with your proverbs , i must also give you one , which though but a homely one , yet sets out the three nations , french , english , and the spaniards to the life . the french man is compared to a flea , quickly skipping into a countrey , and as quickly skipping out ; their valor being like a blaze of fire , makes of a sudden a great show , but is quickly extinguished . the english are like a lowse , slowly mastering a place , and as slowly driven out again . the spaniard like to a crab fish● hardly gaining any thing , but where he enters seldom or neve● again removed . french-man . begar me leeke dis proverb well enough of de men , vat is de pr●●verb of de weemen ? english-man . they say that to the making up of an absolute woman , the●● is required the parts of a dutch woman from the girdle downwards , the parts of a french woman from the girdle up to the neck , over which must be placed an english face , for the greater perfection of all the rest ; for if you come to compare the french beauries with the english , alas they are not to be named the same day with them , their faces being as bad a punishment to the eyes , as their discourse is a torment to the eares : and herein may the english glory , that they have the fairest women , the goodliest horses , and the best breed of dogs in all the whole world ; to which we may adde , that as england is said to be a paradise for women , by reason of their priviledges , so it may be said to be a paradise of women , by reason o● their un-marchable perfections . french-man . begar de france woman be de hansom woman vor all dat . english-man . for your french women , as their shoulders and backs are so broad that they hold no proportion with their middles , so are they of a very black hair , and swarthy complexion ; and though the poets do commend leda for he● black hair , as in that verse of ovids , leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis . yet that blackness reached onely to a kinde of dark brown , not so fearful as this of the french women , who are generally blacker th●n a gracious loveliness can admit : and though black hair do give a lustre to a beautiful face , as a shadow doth to a picture , or a sable bearing to a field a●gent ; yet what are the french womens faces concerned in that , which are so far from that thing called beauty , that when they are adorned with black patches , they look like rusty gammons of bacon stuck with cloves . french man. me can no shuse but confess me had rader eat of de gammon of baoon , dan kiss de hansom woman in all de v●rle . english-man . now you talk of kissing , i cannot but much admire that humor of the french women , who though ( as i said before ) they are so light and wanton in their discourse and gestures , yet are so coy of their lips that they will not admit of a kiss , accounting that woman that is kissed , more than half whored , be her deportment other wayes never so civil ▪ now , though i must confess i like this their custom very well , it sparing me many an unsavory piece of mannerliness when i was amongst them , yet it was to me a kinde of a strange riddle , that they should confine all immodesty and lasciviousness to a harmless kiss . but as it is said of the italian , that he will rather murther a man in private , than speak ill of him openly , so it may be thought of these damosels , that they will not refuse a mans bed in private , although they deny to kiss him openly . french-man . begar de tell lye , de france madam be de civil madam dat lives in de whole varle . english-man . yes monsieur , i shall tell you of a piece of civility of one of your madams , as i was informed by an acquaintance of mine who was an eye-witness to it . that being at a tilting , a roguish boy was peeking under a ladies coats , a courtier seeing it , went about to remove him from that sawcy action : but when her ladyship perceived his intention , she hindred him with this complement , laisse monsieur , laisse les yeux ne sont pas larrons : the boys eyes would steal nothing away . certainly those who are so w●nton in their discourse and actions abroad , will not stick out of play , when night and the curtains may conceal it . french-man . par ma foy vis is no sush ting , de frensh be a no soe bad , dey make more conscience den so . english-man . i will not deny but there may be some of them very conscientious , but generally they are most irreverent and irreligious ; great scoffers , yea in matters of religion , and at those times when they should be most solid , witness that gallant who lying on his death-bed , when he had the hoast ( so they call the sacrament of the lords supper ) brought to him by a lubberly priest , he said , that christ came to him , as he went into jerusalem , riding ▪ upon an ass . another of them being to receive the sacrament , when the priest had with many words perswaded him that the bread and wine was the real body and blood of christ , he refused to taste of it , because it was then fryday . and i was informed by a gentleman , that at a mass in the cordeliers church in paris , he saw two french papists , when the most sacred mystery of their faith was celebrating , break out into such a blasphemous and atheistical laughter , that even an ethnick would have blushed to have heard it . can we then think these men to be religious , who make a scoff at the divine mysteries of our salvation ? certainly had a lutheran done this , some french hot-head or other , would have sent them laughing to pluto . french-man . dat is none good to do soe ; me had rather goe to dine den to die , to feede den to feight , dere is no sush haste to goe to de teiffel , he vill have dem soone enough me varrant ye . me vill be glad to live so long as de old woman of parry . english-man . i remember dat old woman very well , who was of such an age , that it is questionable whether she were ever young or no : for , but that i have read the scriptures , otherwise i should have been apt to have believed that she was one of the first pieces of the creation , and that by some mischance or other she had scaped the flood : our countrey-man tom. parr the salopian wonder , was but an infant to her ; at the least you could not but have imagined her one of the reliques of the first age after the building of babel , several ages before the birth of the wandring jew ; her face was for all the world like unto that of sibylla erythrea in an old print , or like that of solomons two harlets in the painted cloth , or like those statuas on the out-side of westminster abbey , which for these six hundred years have been exposed to winde and weather . it is doubtful whether our arch poet ed. spenser , when he writ his poem of the ruines of time , did not purposely intend it of her ; sure i am it is very appliable in the title . now by reason that all her teeth were out , her tongue was boundless , and without ceasing would move for six and twenty hours togethet , the fastidious pratler which horace mentioneth in his ninth satyr , was but a poisne to her . now whether she be living still , or no , i know not , but if she once come to be speechless , i suppose she is then past all recovery . french-man . begar she was creat pratler indeed , and so me tink we be , derefore me now make haste , vor my belly de chime noon , and me mush make haste vor fe●r of de pocky shargeant . english-man . well monsieur , onely one word before you go , and then farewell . there is an old proverb , that the emperor of germany is rex regom , the king of spain is rex hominem , the king of france rex asinorum , and the king of england rex diabalorum . the emperor of germany is called rex regem , in respect of having so many free princes under him , who have power of themselves to coyn money , raise soldiers , and other immunities consenant to regal authority . the king of spain rex hominem , for that his subjects are so constant and faithful in their allegiance , not questioning what the prince does , but obeying because he so commands it . the king of france is called rex asinorum , because of the subjects patient bearing of those insupportable taxes which he sucks out of their sweat and blood . pride in matters of sumptuousness , and the civil wars which lasted a long time in that countrey , having occasioned most of the crown lands to have been sold or mortgaged , so that the subject is now onely the revenue of the crown . the kings hand lying so heavy upon them , that it hath almost thrust them into an egyptian bondage : to recite all those impositions which this miserable people are afflicted withal , were almost as wretched as the payment of them , i shall briefly instance in some few , and first gabelle de sel , or gabel on salt , which is an imposition that no man in the kingdom ( some few countries excepted ) can eat any salt , but he must buy it of the king , and at his price ; but this is not all , for though through poverty many of them could be contented to eat meat ( when they can get it ) without salt , yet are they forced to take such a quantity of it , or howsoever they will have of them so much money . this imposition is exacted with such unconscionable rigour , that it is thought to be worth unto the king 3000000 of crowns yearly . next is the taillon , a heavy burthen which lies almost altogether upon the poor peasant , who are a people of any other the most unfortunate , paying such infinite rents to their lords , and such innumerable taxes to the king , that all their care and extream labour is onely sufficient to pay their duties , and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine . this imposition was at first levyed by way of extraordinary subsidy , and lay alike heavy upon all , but now it is confined onely to the peasant ; the greater towns , the officers of the kings house , the officers of war , the president , councellors , and officers of the courts of parliament , the nobility , the clergy , and the scholars of the university , being freed from it . divers imposts have they besides , as the soll upon the liure , which is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold , onely corn and sallets excepted . imposts upon wine double and treble , and after all this , the poor vintner forced to pay the 8th penny of that wine which he selleth , to the king. then is there besides imposts on all sorts of fruits , provisions , wares , and merchandize , to which we may adde the base and corrupt money in it , being for the most part made of tin and brass . hardly shall you see a piece of gold of the french stamp , scarce any but what comes out of spain , which are very ill proportioned , and which one resembles to a french cheese , being neither long , nor square , nor round , nor thick , nor thin , nor great , nor little , nor any one of these , but yet all , and yet none of them . these circumstances considered , we may the clearer see our own felicities , which to express in a word , is to say onely this , that the english subject is in no circumstance a french man , though we are so blinde as herein not to see our own happiness , but by our often rebellions have given occasion to that apellation , that the king of england is rex diabalorum . finis . a proclamation, declaring war against the french king. edinburgh, the 6th of august, 1689. scotland. privy council. 1689 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05557 wing s1738 estc r183432 52528948 ocm 52528948 179015 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05557) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179015) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:4) a proclamation, declaring war against the french king. edinburgh, the 6th of august, 1689. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, by order of privy council, edinburgh : anno dom. 1689. caption title. initial letter. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng war, declaration of -scotland -early works to 1800. grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , declaring war against the french king. edinburgh , the 6th of august , 1689. whereas the french king being the great disturber of christendom , these several years , hath not only invaded , and seized the territories and rights of his neighbouring princes , his majesties allies ; but hath used unparalelled cruelties , and devastations , and by a most unchristian persecution , having designed to suppress and extirpat the protestant religion , he hath been the great supporter , and abetter of the arbitrary courses in these kingdoms , for the destruction of their religion , liberties , and laws ; and hath of late , without any declaration of war , invaded ●he kingdom of ireland , fomenting and maintaining a rebellion there : and likewise , he has lately declared war against his majesty , and his kingdoms of scotland and england , and hath sent ships to transport irish forces to invade the said kingdom of scotland ; for which cause his majesty having required the lords of his privy council , to emit a declaration of war in his majesties name . therefore the lords of his majesties privy council , in their majesties names and authority , do declare war against the french king , and his subjects , and discharge all the leidges of this his majesties antient kindom of scotland , to trade , correspond , or have any intercourse , or meddling with the said french king , or any of his subjects : declaring nevertheless , that such of the french subjects , as for the causes foresaids have been expelled , or have abandoned their native countrey , and have taken refuge in this kingdom of scotland , that they living dutifully , and not corresponding with his majesties enemies , they shall be secure in their lives , liberties and fortunes , under his majesties protection , and the shelter of his laws . requiring likewise , all officers of war , captains , and masters of ships , and generally the whole leidges , to prosecute the war against the said french king , and his subjects , with all acts of hostility , by sea and land , to their uttermost . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published by the lyon king at arms , or his depute , heraulds , macers , and pursevants , at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , at the castle-gate , and peer and shore of leith , and other places needful . extracted by me gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , by order of privy council , anno dom. 1689. the present state of the protestants in france in three letters / written by a gentleman at london to his friend in the country. gentleman at london. 1681 approx. 95 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55723 wing p3274 estc r29406 11096100 ocm 11096100 46344 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55723) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46344) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1428:21) the present state of the protestants in france in three letters / written by a gentleman at london to his friend in the country. gentleman at london. [6], 28 p. printed for john holford, london : 1681. "the first shews the privileges granted them by the edict of nantes. the second sets forth the injustice that is done them and the cruelties that are used to force them to renounce their religion. the third vindicates their innocence and their loyalty." reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -edit de nantes. reformation -france. france -church history -17th century. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-06 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the protestants in france . in three letters . written by a gentleman at london to his friend in the country . the first shews the privileges granted them by the edict of nantes . the second sets forth the injustice that is done them , and the cruelties that are used to force them to renounce their religion . the third vindicates their innocence , and their loyalty . london , printed for john holford , book-seller in the pall-mall over against s. alban's-street . 1681. to the reader . i am under a necessity of begging excuse for what follows : because it will come short of the title-page , which promises three letters . the truth is , the third was in a manner ready ; when so many fresh instances of the barbarity used to the poor protestants in france , came to my hands : that i found my self obliged either to defer any account for some time ; or else to publish these two letters by themselves : but i must confess i was not long in taking my choice . for i saw it so requisite to say something presently : that i resolved out of hand to publish these my two first letters . the enemy has been so industrious as to way-lay these poor people : and whilst they will not suffer them to live in france , they endeavour to prevent their subsisting any where else . amongst some they are represented as enemies to the religion establish'd ; however , they profess the same faith , and desire to be esteemed as brethren . amongst others they are made to appear a mix'd multitude , part protestant , part papist : whereas it is as impossible for any number of papists , or indeed almost any to thrust themselves in amongst them undiscovered ; as it would be for a black amongst whites . their ministers are such as have had their education amongst them , well known and approved , before admitted to that office ; strictly observed , and under a careful discipline after admission : their people well acquainted and observed among themselves , as is usual for such as are under a persecution , or the jealous eye of their superiors . besides greater care cannot be taken , than is by the french churches , to whom the recommendation of all that come over is remitted , to see that their attestations and testimonials are true and substantial : and i hope the printed advertisement has already given satisfaction in this point . but that nothing may be wanting to augment the misery of these poor fugitives , and render them at the same time worse than unprofitable to their brethren : it is suggested to the common people , that they come to take the bread out of their mouths , by over-stocking those populous manufactures , which seem already rather to be overcharged , and by surfeiting the land with people . which objection , if we consider strictly according to interest , comes not up to any weight or consideration . for many of the manufactures they bring over , are such as we had not before , and by consequence of the greatest and most unexceptionable benefit to us . others , tho not wholly new , yet bring so great improvement to those we had already of the same kind : that they do in a manner create a new manufacture . there are likewise that give help to a full trade that wanted hands before to supply it . and now if any are so unfortunate , as to bring over such as we are more than fill'd with already : i would beg , that as men we would consider the common laws of humanity , and let necessity take place of inconvenience , and as christians , to have especial regard to those that are of the houshold of faith. now that we should be over-peopled , i think there is no danger ; when no considering man but will allow that our nation wants more than a million of people , and that no country is rich but in proportion to its numbers : for multitudes create scarcity , and that industry . but be the politick consideration what it will ; never was there greater objects of christian charity and compassion , than these poor people . 1. if we look upon the privileges of mankind , we shall find them here infringed to the scandal of our being . men not only forced to renounce their thoughts , and say the contrary to what at the same time they declare themselves to believe ; but having by violence holy water cast upon them , and dragged at a horse-tail to mass , they shall be pronounced roman catholicks , and made to suffer as relapse , if they dare renounce what they never consented to . they are neither permitted to live at home , nor to go abroad . the holy and religious duty ( as the papists account it ) of confession is prostituted to oppression , and polluted with the intermixture of secular concerns . for the confessors now in france conjure their penitents , upon pain of damnation not to conceal any debt they owe to a protestant , and when revealed , immediately they attach it in the debtors hands , under the same penalty . 2. if we consider them as they are protestants of france , never had people greater privileges , better settled , nor upon juster grounds ; of which the first letter will abundantly convince any reasonable person . and yet it will appear by the second letter , that no people were ever reduced to a more miserable estate , and lived . but that which ought to move an englishman in all diversities of his passion at once is , not only that they are of our communion , or that our kings are garantees for the edict of nantes ; but that we are in a manner punished in them . for a great inducement to this inhumane usage , not only seems to be , but is really owned by them , to be from the rage they have conceived against us for preventing their bloody and hellish designs by the exemplary punishment of some popish traytors . nay , if they durst for shame speak out , i am sure they would tell us , that since they could not execute their malice upon english protestants , they are resolved to wreak their revenge upon the french , and scourge them for our sakes . the present state of the protestants in france . letter i. you are not at all mistaken ; i can now easily satisfie you in what you desire to know concerning the protestants of france . one that is a friend to us both , who is lately come thence , hath fully acquainted me with the condition they are in . i saw him the day after his arrival , and found him ordering his books , and loose papers , which were just opened . after our first salute , i ask'd him what they were . they are , said he , french books ; and those printed sheets , are the new edicts , declarations , and acts which the king of france hath lately publish'd against the protestants of his kingdom . i am very happy , said i , in lighting on you at the opening of your papers . i was extremely impatient of knowing , with some certainty , what it was drove so many of them from their native country ; and i perceive , by the care you have taken to collect all the pieces which concern them , that i could not have met any one who might better satisfie my curiosity . they come hither in troops almost every day , and the greatest part of them with no other goods , but their children . the king , according to his accustomed goodness , hath had pity on them , so far as to provide means whereby they may be able to gain their lively-hood ; and amongst other things , he hath ordered a general collection for them throughout the kingdom . we were all resolved to answer the charitable intentions of our gracious prince , and were beginning to contribute freely . but to tell you the truth , we were extremely cooled by certain rumors . it is confess'd , that their king is very earnest to make them embrace his religion : but they assure us , that he uses none but very reasonable means , and that they who come hither with such outcries , are a sort of people not gifted with much patience , who easily forsake their native country , being dissatisfied , that their merit , as they conceive , is not sufficiently rewarded . besides , they are represented to us very much suspected in the point of their obedience and loyalty . if we may believe many here , they have been very factious and rebellious ; such as in all times have struck at the higher powers both in church and state ; which , you must needs see , would not be much for our purpose in these present conjunctures . in truth , this is intolerable , ( cry'd our friend ) i cannot endure that the innocence of these poor people should be run down at this rate : i perceive father la chaise is not content to persecute them in their own country with the utmost cruelty , but trys all ways to shut up the bowels of their brethren in foreign parts : he endeavours to ruine , and to famish them every where ; in england as well as france : a hatred so cruel , and , if i may so say , murderous , agrees not so well with the gospel of the meek jesus , whose companion father la chaise styles himself . for , he came not to destroy men , but to save them . let this jesuite alone , said i , and his emissaries , i do not doubt but he hath too much to do in all the affairs of protestants . but tell me ingenuously , do they give just cause to them of france , to quit their country as they do , and are they persons whom the state and the church may trust ? you your self shall be judge , said he , and that you may be fully inform'd of the cause , i will give you a particular account of the state of these poor people . but before i speak of the evils they have suffered , it is fit you should know , what it is that they have right to hope for from their king , and from their countrymen ; you will then be more affected with the usage they find . you cannot but have heard of the edict of nantes . here it is , said he , ( taking up one of the books that lay upon the table . ) it is a law which henry the fourth confirmed to establish their condition , and to secure their lives and privileges , and that they might have liberty freely to profess their religion . it is called the edict of nantes , because it was concluded of at nantes whilst the king was there . it contains 149 articles , 93 general , and 56 particular . you may read it at your leisure , if you please : i will only observe some of them to you at present . look , i pray , ( said he ) on the sixth general , and the first particular article . liberty of conscience , without let , or molestation is there most expresly promised , not only to them who made profession of the protestant religion , at the establishment of the edict , but , ( which is principally to be observed ) to all those who should imbrace and profess it afterwards . for the article saith , that liberty of conscience is granted for all those who are , or who shall be of the said religion , whether natives or others . the seventh general article grants to all protestants the right of having divine service , preaching , and full exercise of their religion , in all their houses who have soveraign justice : that is to say , who have the privilege of appointing a judge , who hath the power of judging in capital causes , upon occasion . there are a great many noble houses in france which have this privilege . that seventh article allows all protestants who have such houses , to have divine service and preaching there , not only for themselves , their own family and tenants , but also for all persons who have a mind to go thither . the following article allows even the same exercise of the protestant religion in noble houses which have not the right of soveraign justice , but which only hold in fee-simple . it is true , it doth not allow them to admit into their assemblies above thirty persons besides their own family . the ninth article is of far greater importance : it allows the protestants to have , and to continue the exercise of their religion in all those places where it had been publickly used in the years 1596 , and 1597. the tenth article goes farther yet , and orders that that exercise be established in all places where it ought to have been by the edict of 1577 , if it had not been ; or to be re-established in all those places if it had been taken away : and that edict of 1577 , granted by henry the third , declares , that the exercise of the protestant religion should be continued in all places where it had been in the month of september that same year ; and moreover , that there should be a place in each bailywick , or other corporation of the like nature , where the exercise of that religion should be established , tho it had never been there before . these are those places which since have been called , with reference to the exercise of religion , the first places of the bailywick . it follows then from this tenth article of the edict of nantes , that besides the cities and towns in which the exercise of that religion ought to be continued , because they had it in the years 1596 , and 1597 , it ought to be over and above in all those places where it had been in the month of september in the year 1577 , and in a convenient place of each bailywick , &c. altho it had not been there in that month. the eleventh article grants also this exercise in each bailywick , in a second place where it had not been either in the month of september , 1577 , or in the years 1596 , or 1597. this is that which is called the second place of the bailywick , in distinction to that other place of the same nature , which is granted by virtue of the edict of 1577. when henry the fourth sent commissaries into the several provinces to see his edict put in execution , there was scarce found any considerable city or town where the commissaries did not acknowledge that the exercise of the protestant religion had no need to be confirm'd , or re-established , because it had been used there in some one of the three years above-mentioned : in so much , that there were whole provinces which had no need of those two places , granted out of pure favour , i mean , the two places of each bailywick ; all the cities , and all the towns of those provinces claiming that exercise by a better title . this is it which made the bishop of rodes , ( monsieur perifix ) afterwards archbishop of paris , in his history of the life of henry the fourth , to say , that that prince by his edict of nantes granted to the protestants liberty of preaching almost every where . but he granted them farther , the means and full power of breeding up , and teaching their children . read , as to that , the thirty seventh particular article . it declares , that they shall have publick schools and colleges in those cities and places where they ought to have the publick exercise of their religion . the edict having secured , as you see , the exercise of the protestant religion , secures also the condition of them who should profess it , to the end that they might , without any molestation , each one according to his quality , follow those trades , employments and offices which are the ordinary means of mens livelyhood . indeed , the thing of it self speaks this . for it is plain that they do not grant in good earnest the free exercise of a religion , who debar the persons that profess it the use of means necessary for their subsistence . nevertheless for their greater security , henry the fourth hath declared to all europe by his edict , that he would not that there should be any difference , as to that point , between his protestant and his papist subjects . the thirty seventh general article , as to that is express . this it is : we declare all them who do or shall make profession of the pretended reformed religion , capable of holding and exercising all conditions , offices , honours , and publick charges whatsoever , royalties , seigneuries , or any charge in the cities of our kingdom , countries , territories , or seigneuries under our authority . the fifty fourth article declares , that they shall be admitted officers in the courts of parliaments , great council , chamber of accounts , court of aids , and the offices of the general treasurers of france ; and amongst the other officers of the revenues of the crown . the seventy fourth article puts them in the same state with their fellow subjects , as to all publick exactions , willing that they should be charged no higher than others . those of the said religion pretendedly reformed ( saith the article ) may not hereafter be overcharged or oppressed with any imposition ordinary or extraordinary , more than the catholicks : and to the end that justice might be done and administred impartially , as the edict explains it self , the 30th . 31st to the 57th articles set up chambers of the edict in the parliaments of paris and roan , where the protestant counsellors ought to assist as judges : and chambers miparties in the parliaments of guienne , languedoc and dauphine , consisting each of two presidents , the one protestant , the other papist , and of twelve counsellors , an equal number of each religion , to judge without appeal , ( exclusive to all other courts ) all differences of any importance which the protestants might have with their fellow subjects as well in criminal , as in civil matters . in short , this great edict forgets nothing which might make the protestants of france to live in peace , and honor : it hath not fail'd even to explain it self , as to the vexations which might be created them , by taking away or seducing their children . for , read the eighteenth general article . it forbids all papists of what quality or condition soever they may be , to take them away by force , or by perswasion against the will of their parents : as if it had foreseen that this would be one of the ways which their persecutors would use , to vex and ruine them . but the 38th . article goes farther yet : that wills , that even after their death , fathers shall be masters of the education of their children , and consequently of their religion ; so long as their children shall continue under guardians , which is by the laws of france till the 25th year of their age : it shall be lawful for fathers , who profess the said religion , to provide for them such persons for their education , as they think fit , and to substitute one or more , by will , codicil , or other declaration made before publick notaries , or written and sign'd with their own hand . you perceive then plainly , continued our friend , that by this edict king henry the fourth made the condition of the protestants equal almost in all things to that of his other subjects . they had reason then to hope that they should be allowed to exercise their religion , to breed up and instruct their children in it , without any disturbance ; and that they should have as free admission to all arts , trades , offices and employments as any of their fellow subjects . this is very clear , said i , and i am much obliged to you for explaining to me what this famous edict of nantes is , which i had heard so much discourse of . but they who have no affection for the protestants tell us , that it is a law which was extorted by violence ; and consequently , is not to be kept . i will not stand now ( said our friend ) to examine whether that consequence be good ; you cannot but perceive that it is dangerous . but i dare assure you that the principle from whence it is drawn ; namely , that the edict was extorted by violence is very false . i would not have you take my word for it . but i will produce an unexceptionable witness . it is the archbishop of paris ; he who writ the life of henry the fourth . that one witness is worth a thousand ; for he was a declared enemy of the protestants . according to him : the general peace was made , the ligue extinguish'd ; and all persons in france had laid down their arms , when this edict was granted in favour of them . it is ridiculous now , to say , that it was extorted by violence , there being then no party in all the kingdom in a condition to make the least attempt with impunity . moreover , that prelate could not forbear owning expresly what it was mov'd the king to grant them that edict : it was the sense of the great obligations he had to them . see the book it self ; read the passage . the great obligations which he had to them would not permit him to drive them into despair ; and therefore to preserve them a just ballance , he granted them an edict larger than any before . they called it the edict of nantes , &c. indeed the obligations he had to them were not small . they had testified an inviolable loyalty to him in all his troubles . they had spent freely their lives and fortunes to defend his rights , and his life against the princes of lorrain , who made so many attempts to keep him from the throne of his ancestors , and to usurp his place . had it not been for their valour , and their loyalty , the crown had gone into the hands of strangers ; and ( since we must speak out ) had it not been for them , the blood of the bourbons would not this day have been possessed of the throne . the edict of nantes then , was the effect and the recompence of the great obligations which king henry the fourth had to his loyal protestants , and not as is slanderously reported , the fruit of any violence , gained by force , and granted against the hair . but farther , the law of nature and common policy might challenge such an edict for them as well as gratitude . it is true , that soveraign magistrates are appointed by god to preserve the publick peace , and by consequence , to cut off , or prevent , as much as in them lies , whatever may disturb it : it is true also that new establishments in matters of religion may cause great troubles in a state , and that there are religions which have maxims so pernicious , that when magistrates are of a different opinion , or but so much as tolerate such a one , their lives and their kingdoms are never in safety . but henry the fourth found the protestant religion wholly establish'd in the kingdom when he came to the crown : besides , he who had so long profess'd it , knew perfectly well that it had none of those dreadful maxims , which makes princes and states jealous ; that on the contrary , in it , loyalty and obedience of subjects to soveraigns of what religion , and what humor soever , was to them an article of faith , and an obligation of conscience . he knew that protestants , by their religion were peaceable men , who sought but to serve god according to his word , and were always ready to spend the last drop of their blood for the service and the honor of their king. but he knew also that the zeal of the romish clergy always animated the popish common people against them , and that they would be sure to fall upon them , unless he took them into his protection . the law of nature then did not permit him to abandon to the rage of the multitude so many innocent persons ; and common policy warned him to preserve so many faithful subjects for the state , so capable of supporting it on occasion , as he had so freshly experienc'd . it being certain , that had it not been for them , the pope and the ligue had ruin'd the whole kingdom ; but it was not possible , either to defend them from the fury of the people , or to preserve them for the service of the state , if he had granted in favour of them any thing less than the edict of nantes : so that this edict in truth was to be ascribed to common equity and prudence no less than gratitude . but , said i to my friend , do you believe that the grandson of henry the fourth is bound to make good what his grandfather did ? i do not doubt it at all ( answered he ) otherwise there would be nothing secure or certain in civil society ; and wo be to all governments if there be no foundation of publick trust . 1. for if ever law deserv'd to be regarded by the successors of a prince , it is this . it was establish'd by a hero , who had recovered the crown for his posterity , by his sword : and this establishment was not made but after mature and long deliberations , in the calm of a profound peace , obtained and cemented by many and signal victories . that hero hath declar'd expresly in the preface of the edict , that he establish'd it in the nature of an irrevocable and perpetual law ; willing , that it should be firm and inviolable ; as he also saith himself in the 90th . article . accordingly he made all the formalities to be observed in its establishment , which are necessary for the passing of a fundamental law in a state. for he made the observation of it under the quality of an irrevocable law , to be sworn to by all the governors and lieutenant-generals of his provinces , by the bailiffs , mayors , and other ordinary judges , and principal inhabitants of the cities , of each religion , by the majors , sheriffs , consuls and jurates , by the parliaments , chambers of accounts , court of aids , with order to have it publish'd and registred in all the said courts . this is expresly set down in the 92d . and 93d . articles . was there ever any thing more authentick ? 2. the same reasons which caused the establishment , remain still , and plead for its continuance . 1. the family of bourbon preserved in the throne . 2. the law of nature and common policy . 3. the two successors of henry the fourth look'd not upon themselves as unconcern'd in this edict . their word , and their royal authority are engaged for its observation no less than the word and royal authority of its illustrious author . lewis the thirteenth confirm'd it as soon as he came to the crown by his declaration of the 22d . of may , 1610 , ordering , that the edict of nantes should be observed in every point and article . these are the very words . read them ( said he ) shewing me a book in folio , called , the great conference of the royal ordinances and edicts . i read there in the first book , title 6 , of the second part of the volume , not only the article he mention'd , but also the citation of nine several declarations publish'd at several times by the same king , on the same subject . lewis the fourteenth , who now reigns , ( says our friend ) hath likewise assured all europe by his authentick edicts and declarations , that he would maintain the edict of nantes according to the desire of his grandfather , who had made it an irrevocable law. he himself acknowledges and confirms it himself anew ; by his edict of june , 1680 , where he forbids papists to change their religion . there it is ; pray take the pains to read it . lewis by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all persons to whom these presents come , greeting . the late henry the fourth , our grandfather , of glorious memory , granted by his edict given at nantes in the month of april , 1598 , to all his subjects of the religion pretended reformed , who then lived in his kingdom , or who afterwards should come and settle in it , liberty of professing their religion , and at the same time provided whatsoever he judged necessary for affording those of the said religion pretended reformed means of living in our kingdom , in the exercise of their religion , without being molested in it by our catholick subjects : which the late king , our most honored lord and father , and we since have authorised and confirmed on other occasions , by divers declarations and acts. but this prince is not content to tell what he hath formerly done , in confirmation of the edict of nantes ; read some lines a little lower , and you will see that he repeats again his former ingagements . we declare , that confirming as much as is , or may be needful , the edict of nantes , and other declarations and acts given in pursuit of it , &c. that is to say : that by this new edict he signs once more the edict of nantes , and for a more authentick confirmation of that important law , he ratifies together with it , and seals with his royal seal all the declarations which had already confirmed it . if all this is not sufficient to render his word sacred and inviolable , there is nothing in the world can do it : all things are lawful , and it is to no purpose to talk of any obligation , or of any bond in humane society . they cannot make void , or break the clauses of an edict so well deserv'd by the protestants , so just and so wise in it self , so solemnly establish'd , so religiously sworn to , and so often , and so authentically confirm'd by three kings , without shaking all the foundations of publick security , without violating , in that act , the law of nations , and filling the world with fatal principles , which by ruining all mutual faith among men , render divisions in states incurable ; and consequently immortal . dear sir , said i , i am much pleased with what you have inform'd me . o how i shall dash them out of countenance , who hereafter shall compare the condition of our papists in england with that of the protestants in france . there is no sort of good usage but what is due to these in their own country ; of which they have deserved so well by preserving that family which now reigns there . what have they not a right to hope for under the protection of an edict so authentick ? but our papists in england have they ever deserved a like protection ? hath there ever been pass'd any act of parliament in favour of them , like to this edict ? on the contrary , have not there been pass'd 1000 against them ? and not one , but upon the provocation of some sedition , or open rebellion . you need but review the fundamental laws of the land now in force against the pope , against the jesuits , seminary priests , and in general against all the papists . there is decreed justly against them all the contrary that by the edict of nantes is promised to the protestants . you are much in the right ( said our friend ) when you use the word justly on this occasion : princes and protestant magistrates cannot look upon , nor by consequence , treat papists otherwise than as declared and mortal enemies of their persons , and of their states . they may disguise themselves as they please : but in truth , every papist is a man who takes the pope to be the soveraign head of the universal church , and believes that on that very account , there is no prince , nor king , nor emperor who is not subject to his censures , even to excommunication . now who knows not that it is a general maxim of that religion , that they ought to treat all excommunicated persons , as common pests ? upon this all subjects are dispensed with from their oaths of allegiance to their princes , kingdoms are laid under interdicts ; and they are no way obliged to keep faith with hereticks . this is the original and damnable cause of the many conspiracies that have been made against the sacred lives of our kings : and if you will search our histories , you will find none of the forementioned acts ever passed but upon some previous provocation given by the papists insolence , or rebellions : of the massacres in france and ireland , wherein they of rome have so triumph'd , and of the general consternation into which so lately our nation was cast . they would fain perswade us , that these pernicious maxims are peculiar to the jesuits and some monks : but a little treatise , called , the difference between the church and court of rome , proves undeniably , that it is the judgment of all true papists . i could produce other invincible authority , if this point were here to be proved . there cannot then be too great caution against such persons : whatever they pretend , they do not design simply the exercise of that belief which their conscience dictates to them , they grasp at the power , and aspire at dominion : they design , whatever it cost them , to have their church reign once more here in england . there is nothing they dare not attempt , nothing they are not ready to act , that they may compass it . they are implacable enemies who wait but for an opportunity to cut our throats : and we must needs be very senseless and stupid , if after so many proofs as they have given us of their desperate malice , we should repeal those laws which tie up their hands . you are much in the right , i replyed , but let us leave them for the present , and return to our protestants of france . you have shewed me their rights , now let me understand their grievances . i am willing to do it , said he ; but it is a little late : and if you please , being somewhat weary with my journey , we will defer it till to morrow . i will expect you here in my chamber at the same hour you came to day . i told him with all my heart . and as our conversation ended there , i think it not amiss to end my letter also , intending in another to let you know the present condition of those poor people . i am your , &c. letter ii. i did not fail to wait on my friend at the appointed hour . sit down ( said he ) as soon as he saw me in the chamber , and let us lose no time in needless ceremony : i was just putting my papers in order , by which i would desire you to judge of the protestants complaints , and the reasons that have made them leave their country : but since you are here , take them as they come to hand . the first is a verbal process of the extraordinary assembly of the archbishops and bishops held in the province of the arch-bishop of paris , in the months of march and may , this 1681. it is a piece which justifies a truth , that the world will hardly believe : namely , that whereas the protestants by virtue of the edict had the exercise of their religion almost every where , they have it now scarce any where . see the proof in the tenth page of that verbal process , where one of the agents , general of the clergy of france , alledgeth as so many publick testimonies of the piety of their king , an almost infinite number of churches demolish'd , and the exercise of the religion pretended reformed suppress'd . i leave you to imagine what a consternation such a terrible blow must have put those poor people into ; not to mention their grief to see those holy places beaten down , whose very stones they took pleasure in ; instead of having the heavenly mannah shower down at the doors of their tabernacles , at this present they are forc'd to go 30 or 40 miles through the worst of ways , in the winter , to hear the word of god , and to have their children baptized . but let us go on to a second piece . here is a declaration hath lain heavy upon them , in reference to an infinite number of living temples , who are far otherwise to be lamented for , by reason of the rigor they are us'd with , than the temples of stone that are demolish'd . it is of the thirteenth of march , 1679. pray read it . it forbids all popish clergy-men , whatever desire they have , to turn protestants ; and even all those protestants , who have forsaken their religion out of lightness , or infirmity ; to return to it again , upon better knowledge of the truth , press'd to it by their consciences , and desiring to give glory to god. this dreadful edict , will not suffer , that any of them shall satisfie their consciences , in so important an affair , under any less penalty , than that of the amende honorable , perpetual banishment , and confiscation of their goods . i beseech you ( said i ) what doth the declaration intend , by making amende honorable ? you have reason to ask , replyed he , it is that you ought not to be ignorant of . know then , that for them to make amende honorable is to go into some publick place , in their shirt , a torch in their hand , a rope about their neck , followed by the hangman , in this equipage ( which is that of the most infamous criminals ) to ask pardon of god , the king , and justice for what they have done : that is to say , on this occasion , for having dar'd to repent of sinning against god , for having forsaken a religion which they believ'd heretical and idolatrous , and consequently , the infallible way to eternal damnation ; and for being willing thence forward to profess the protestant religion , in which only they are perswaded they can be saved . this is , dear friend , what they inflict upon all popish ecclesiasticks to whom god vouchsafes grace to discern the true religion , and upon all protestants , who having been such wretches as to forsake it , are afterwards so happy as to be convinc'd of their sin ; and to repent . they call the first apostates , and the other relaps . but names do not change the nature of things : the misery is , that all this is executed with the utmost rigor . the prisons of poictiers , and those of other places are at this present filled with this sort of pretended relapsed persons ; and it is not permitted to any one to relieve them . what possibility is there then for such as are in like circumstances , and whose number every day increases , to continue in france ? but the mischief is much increas'd since this declaration . what was particular to ecclesiasticks and relapse protestants , is now become universal to all roman catholicks . i shewed you the piece yesterday . it is that very edict of june , 1680 , wherein they pretend to confirm the edict of nantes . a blessed confirmation ! the edict of nantes , as i have shewed you , allows the liberty of conscience to all them who were then protestants , and to all such as would be afterwards , inhabitants , or others . but what doth this new edict declare ! our will and pleasure is , that our subjects , of what quality , condition , age or sex soever , now making profession of the catholick apostolick roman religion , may never forsake it , to go ever to the pretended reformed religion , for what cause , reason , pretence or consideration soever . we will that they who shall act contrary to this our pleasure , shall be condemned to make amende honorable , to perpetual banishment out of our kingdom , and all their goods to be confiscated . we forbid all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , hereafter to receive any catholick to make profession of the pretended reformed religion , and we forbid them and the elders of their consistories to suffer in their churches or assemblies any such , under penalty to the ministers of being deprived for ever of exercising any function of their ministry in our kingdom , and of suppression for ever of the exercise of the said religion in that place where any one catholick shall be received to make profession of the said pretended reformed religion . lord ! what a horrible proceeding is this ! ( cryed i , as soon as my friend had read it ) do they call this confirming of edicts in france ? what a violence is this to the consciences of ministers and elders , to command them to shut the doors of the church of jesus christ to all their neighbours who come thither for admission : ( and to have this done ) by them who are called by god to open the door to all the world ? is not this to force them to violate the most essential and sacred duty of christian charity ? in truth , if there were nothing else but this ; i do not see how they can stay there much longer with a safe conscience . they must swallow worse potions than these ( said my friend ) you shall see presently quite other preparations . what ( replyed i ) have they the heart to use thus cruelly those poor churches within whose walls any roman catholick changes his religion ? don't doubt it ( said he ) they make no conscience at all to exceed their commission , whensoever they are enjoyn'd to execute any penalty . i will give you an example , which will amaze you there is a great town in poitou called la motthe , where the protestants have a church consisting of between three and four thousand communicants : a young maid of about seventeen years old , who from a protestant had turned papist , had stole her self into the congregation upon a communion-day . now you must observe , that the protestant churches are full on those days . for they would believe themselves very much to blame , if they lost any opportunity of partaking at the lord's supper . nevertheless , without considering how easie it was for that young maid not to be discovered by the consistory in such a crowd , and tho those poor people were not at all within the letter of that rigorous edict , they have made them undergo all the penalty . the exercise of their religion is wholly suppress'd there , and their minister not allowed to preach in france . this is very cruel ( said i to our friend ) and tho it were true that those ministers and those elders were guilty upon such an account , why should the whole flock be punished ? those poor sheep what have they done ? that is very usual for those gentlemen ( answered he : ) i have a hundred stories to instance in . i cannot forbear telling you one , which many of their own devotees were scandalized at . s. hippolyte is a place in where all the inhabitants are protestants , except the curate , and it may be , two or three poor wretches , who are not natives of the place neither . a fancy took the curate to put a trick upon the protestants ; for this he chose a sunday ; and the very moment that they came out of the church , he came and presented himself before them with his sacrament , as they were almost all come out . you must know that the church is on the farther side of a bridge , which must be pass'd over , going and coming . several of them were upon the bridge , others had pass'd it , and part were yet on the other side ; when the curate appear'd , all of them , who could possibly , got away and hid themselves : but neither the place , nor the great haste of the curate would permit all of them to do so . he went up directly to one of the company , whom he had born an ill will to for some time : he bids him kneel : and the other answering that his conscience would not suffer him to do it ; he gave him a cuff on the ear. he that was struck grumbled ; and so did two or three who were about him . the curate went on his way , threatning hard . next day there were informations made on both sides : the curate in his , not complaining of any person but him he had struck , and two or three others who had grumbled at it . the friends of the curate perceiving that he had done the wrong , propos'd an accommodation . it was by misfortune consented to . prosecution ceased on each side , and it was believed that there was an end of that business : there was not a word spoken of it in above a year . but the intendant of languedoc revived it last winter , when they thought of nothing less ; and of a matter particular to two or three , made it a general concern of the whole congregation . he cites them before the presidial of nismes , to whom he joyn'd himself . he condemns them to demolish their church in a months time . those poor people go and cast themselves at the feet of the court ; but to no purpose . the king's council hears and confirms this strange order of the intendant , and the church is rac'd to the ground . the council which gave this sentence was the first in which the dauphine was present . the report of such an order being spred among the courtiers , and all being amaz'd that heard it , a certain person took the liberty to tell the dauphin , that for the first time he had been at the council , he had assisted to a great injustice . what say you to that ? said a duke and peer , to the dauphin , who had made no reply to the former . i say , answered the dauphin , that he may be much in the right . i told our friend , i had enough of this . you must not be weary , said he , this is but the beginning of sorrows . let 's go on to the rest . here is , said he , a little book which comes just now to my hand , in it are stitch'd up together , three acts concerning schools . the first is of the ninth of november , 1670. it forbids all protestant schoolmasters to teach any thing in their schools , but to read and write , and arithmetick . the second , which is of the 4th . of december , 1671 , ordains , that the protestants shall have but one only school in any place where they have the publick exercise of their religion ; and but one master in that school . the third is of the ninth of july , this present 1681. look upon them ( said he ) and give me your opinion . it seems ( said i ) that the first contains nothing which the protestants may complain of , at least , if that which i read there be true , namely , that by the edict of nantes it is expresly ordain'd , that in the schools of those of the pretended reformed religion , there shall not any thing be taught , but to read , write , and cast account . for according to this , the edict of 1670 is entirely conformable to that other edict which is the law. you are in the right , said i , but they who fram'd the act , have deceived you , and have made no scruple to ground it upon a matter of fact entirely false . for the article which speaks of schools , doth not mention the least word of that restriction , which the act assures us to be there expressed , namely , of teaching only to read , write , and cast account . see the article at length : it is the 37th particular . those of the said religion may not keep publick schools , unless in cities and places where the publick exercise of their religion is allowed , and the provisions which have heretofore been granted them for the erection or maintenance of colleges , shall be authenticated where occasion shall require , and have their full and entire effect . where is that express order ? it is expresly ordered to teach only to read , write , and cast account ; upon which the act is grounded . is it possible ( said i ) that they should have no sense of the horrid shame which must arise upon conviction of forgery in a matter of fact of this nature ? they never stick at so small a matter as that ( said he ) in the design they have of rooting out the protestants . those who are in france dare not open their mouths to discover such kind of falsities ; and strangers , whom they carry fair with , will not so far concern themselves as ever to suspect there should be falshood in a matter of fact so easie to be made out ; and which they make to be so positively affirm'd by so great a king. so that they do not fear at all the shame you speak of . after all , they are but pious frauds , at which , they of the popes communion never blush . and what say you ( continued he ) to that other act which reduces all schools to one , in each city and town where the protestants have the publick exercise of their religion , and that which requires that there should be only one master in that school . i replyed that it was an excellent way to restore ignorance , the mother of the roman faith and devotion . in truth , says he , the care of one master cannot go far . besides there is a protestant church which alone hath two thousand children of age to be taught . those poor people have done all they could to obtain of the council , that at least there might be two schools in each place , one for boys , and the other for girls . but it was to little purpose that they pleaded good manners for it , which such a mixture of both sexes visibly was offensive to . they were deaf to all their prayers and to all their remonstrances . but this is not all yet . in the execution of this rigorous act , they have taken away from them that little which was left them . for the judges of the places will not suffer that any schoolmaster teach , unless they have first of all approved of him , and receiv'd him in all their forms . as therefore their approbation is a matter full of invincible difficulties ; above all , when they are to give it to a man of merit , and who may do good , it is come to pass by means of these two acts , that all the little schools of the protestants are shut up . from the little schools they have proceeded to colleges . you see by the act of the last of july , which suppresses for ever that of sedan . they have taken away also the college of châtillon sur loin . so that , hereafter the protestants in france are to lie under worse than egyptian darkness . i leave you now to judge whether they are to blame to seek for light in some goshen . in truth , said i , this is very hard . but if they who inspire into the king such strange acts , have no respect for henry the great and his edicts , at least they ought to be more tender of the glory of their own illustrious prince , and not to expose him , as they do , to be ranked with that emperor against whom the holy fathers have cryed so loudly . is it possible they can be ignorant that this method of extinguishing the protestant religion is exactly the same that julian took to extinguish the christian religion ? i do not think ( said our friend ) that they can be ignorant of a truth so well known ; especially since one of their eminent writers hath publish'd the history of the life of s. basil the great , and of s. gregory nazianzen . there they might have read in more than one place , that it was likewise one of the secrets of that emperor , to ruine the christians by keeping them from all improvement in learning , and to prohibit their colleges and schools ; and which the father 's judg'd to be most subtle policy . but their zeal transports them above the most odious comparisons . they stick not to give occasion for them every moment . i will shew you an example which will astonish you , i have here light upon the paper . they are now come to take the measures of that barbarous and inhumane king who us'd midwives of his own religion to destroy the race of the people of god in egypt . for by that declaration of the 28th of february , 1680 , it is ordered , that the wives of protestants shall not be brought to bed but by midwives or chyrurgeons who are papists . this they make to be observ'd with the utmost rigor , so far that they put a poor woman in prison for being present at the labour of her sister , whose delivery was so quick and fortunate , that there was neither time nor need to call a midwife . that you may in few words understand of what consequence this is to our poor brethren , i need but acquaint you , that the king of france in his edict of the month of june , 1680 , where he forbids papists to change their religion , acknowledges himself , what experience doth but too plainly justifie , namely , that the roman catholicks have always had an aversion , not only against the protestant religion , but against all those that profess it , and an aversion which hath been improv'd by the publication of edicts , declarations and acts. that is to say , that whatever pretence the roman catholicks make to the contrary , they have always been , and still are enemies of the protestants ; and that the protestants ought to look to be treated by the catholicks as enemies . after this what can they judge of the design , and consequences of a declaration , which puts the lives of their wives and children into those very hands which the king , who makes the declaration , acknowledges to be hands of enemies ? but farther , the declaration it self discovers , that one of its intentions was , to make the children of protestants to be baptized by midwives , or by popish chyrurgions : and what mischief do they not open a way for by that ? the protestants will hold that baptism void , which hath been administred by such hands , they will not fail to make it be administred anew , by their pastors . this shall pass for a capital crime in the pastors and fathers , and they shall be punished as sacrilegious persons who trample on the religion in authority , the religion of the king : for the most odious representations are still made use of . nay , said i , by this they will likewise claim a right , from the baptism's being administred by papists , to make themselves masters of the education of their children . you are in the right ( said he ) and that article ought not to be forgotten . it is just , will they say , that they should be brought up in the church which hath consecrated them to god , by baptism , at least , that they should be bred up there , till they are of age to chuse for themselves : and when they are of age , they will say then , that it is just they should , as well as others , be liable to the same edict which forbids catholicks to change their religion . is not this enough already to make one forsake such a kingdom ? a christian for less than this would surely flie to the utmost parts of the world. but to proceed . here is that terrible decree which fills up the measure , as to what concerns the poor children . it comes to my hand very seasonably . it is the declaration of the 17th . of june last . this ordains that all the children of protestants shall be admitted to abjure the religion of their fathers , and become papists as soon as they shall be seven years old : it declares , that after such an abjuration , it shall be at the choice of the children , either to return home to their fathers , and there to be maintain'd , or to oblige their fathers and mothers to pay for their board , and maintenance , where ever they please to live . it adds extreme penalties to be laid on them , who breed up their children in foreign parts , before they are sixteen years old . but i pray read over the whole edict . upon that i took the declaration from our friends hand , read it , and returning it to him again , could not forbear declaring , that i did not now wonder any more that the protestants of france were in so great a consternation . they are much in the right ( said i ) discretion and conscience oblige them to depart out of a country , in which there is no security for the salvation of their dear children . they are of too great a value to be so hazarded . what is more easie , for them who have all the power , than to induce such young children to change their religion ? there is no need for this , to shew them all the kingdoms of the world and their glory . a baby , a picture , a little cake will do the business ; or if there want somewhat more , a rod will not fail to complete this worthy conversion . in the mean while , what a condition are their wretched fathers in , besides the most inexpressible grief of seeing what is most dear to them in the world seduc'd out of the service and house of god ; they shall likewise have this addition of anguish of having their own children for their persecutors . for , knowing , as i do , the spirit of that religion , i doubt not but they will all prove rebellious and unnatural , and renounce all that love and natural respect which is due to them , whom they owe their lives to . they 'll give law to their parents , they will oblige them to make them great allowances , which they will dispose of as they list ; and if their fathers pay them not precisely at the time appointed , i am sure , no rigors shall be forgotten in the prosecution . no certainly , said our friend , and i could give you an hundred instances , if there were need . even before this merciless declaration was made , the goods of parents were seis'd upon , exposed to sale , to pay for the maintenance of their children , who had been inveigled from them , and been made papists . if they dealt with them so then before the declaration , what will they not do when they see themselves supported and armed with royal authority ? but there is no need i should insist farther on the dreadful consequences of this declaration . it hath been lately printed in our language , and notes made upon it , wherein nothing hath been forgotten . the book is written impartially : tho i can scarce believe what is express'd in the title page , that it was written in french ; however , some gallicisms are put in to make you believe it : but the protestants of that nation are not us'd to such bold expressions upon such kind of subjects : and i doubt much whether they could do it . if they have reason to fear for the birth , and for the tender years of their children , they have no less for themselves . here is a proof of it . it is the declaration of the 19th . of november , 1680 : by which it is ordained , that whenever they are sick , they shall suffer themselves to be visited by the papist magistrates . thus , having made their lives burdensome to them , they take a thousand ways to torment them in their beds , as soon as any disease hath seised them . it is not henceforth permitted to them either to be sick , or die in peace . under colour of this declaration they are persecuted , and all means are tryed to shake their faith , under the pretence of being ask'd what religion they will die in . first a judge presents himself with the awe of his presence , accompanied by one of the king's sollicitors and two papist witnesses . they begin their work by driving all protestants , who are with the sick man , out of his chamber : father , mother , wife , husband , children , none are excepted . after that , they do with the sick person as they list : they draw up a verbal process , or such as they like . lies with them are but pious frauds . whatsoever the sick man answers , he hath still abjur'd , if these gentlemen please to make a conversion of it ; and there is no possibility of disproving it . the verbal process is drawn up in good form. if the sick man recovers , and refuses to go to mass , immediately he is subject to all the penalties of a relapse . if he dies and chances to be the father of a family , they take away all his children , to breed them up in the popish religion ; and his estate , to preserve it , as they pretend , for the children of a catholick father . can any one who hath any care of his own salvation , or any affection for his children , live expos'd to such dreadful inconveniences , if god offers any means to avoid them ? i am afraid i tire you with the recital of so many calamities . fear not that , answered i , i am resolv'd to know all . you do not consider what you say , replyed he , i should need whole weeks to tell you all . imagine all the suprises , all the indirect practices , all the base tricks of insinuation , and little quirks of law are put in ure : together with all manner of violence , to accomplish the work. neither do those enemies of the protestants always neglect the oracles of the scripture . it says , i will smite the shepherd , and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered . these gentlemen then , that they may the more easily scatter the sheep , smite , every where , the shepherd , and constrain them to fly . they imprison one , for having by the word of god confirm'd some of his flock , whom the popish doctors would pervert : another , for being converted to the protestant religion in his youth , long before any law was made against pretended apostates . they hire forlorn wretches to go to the sermons of the protestant ministers , and to depose before a magistrate , that the ministers said , that the church of rome was idolatrous , or that the faithful are persecuted , that they spake ill of the virgin mary , or of the king. upon this , without being heard , ( and tho it be offered to be made out by the deposition of an infinity almost of persons of credit , that the testimonies of these two or three wretches are absolutely false ) orders are issued out for the seising the bodies of the ministers . they are clap'd in jayl as soon as taken : they are condemn'd to pay excessive fines : they force them to make the amende honorable , they banish them the kingdom . the intendant of rochefort suppress'd one there , upon the most extravagant deposition that was ever taken . the deponent having been at the sermon of that minister , said , that there was nothing to be found fault with in his words , but that he perceiv'd his thoughts were not innocent . if there are any amongst them so happy as to confound so the false witnesses , that the judges are asham'd to use all those rigors ; none of the charges of imprisonment , or of the suit are ever recovered against any one . a minister who may have sixty or seventy pounds a year , and seven or eight in family to maintain , must be condemn'd with all his innocence to pay all these great costs . i could , upon this head , tell you a hundred stories , but that it would be too tedious . i have met both at paris and in other provinces many of these persecuted ministers , who acquainted me with their adventures , germany , holland and switzerland are full of them , and i am told , there are some of them here in england . their absence from their flocks is but too good a proof how hot the persecution is against them . and so let 's go on . you may remember that the edict of nantes judg'd it necessary for the preservation of the estates , and credit of the protestants , and for the safety of their lives , to erect tribunals where supreme justice might be administred by judges of the one , and of the other religion . but all these tribunals are suppress'd : namely , the chambers of the edict of paris , and of rouen . it is some years since the chambres miparties were suppress'd by the delaration of july , 1679 : so that here is their fortunes , their credit , their lives , all at the mercy of their sworn enemies . for you have not forgot that the king of france acknowledges , in one of his declarations , that the papists have always hated the persons of the protestants . judge then if it be safe for them to stay longer in such a kingdom . but there is no method proper to ruine them , which is not made use of , that if one fails , another may be sure to take . synods and conferences are absolutely necessary , for the admission of their ministers , for the correction of scandals , for the preservation of peace in their congregations , for the subsistence of their colleges , and for the support and exercise of their discipline . at first they kept them with all sort of liberty . under lewis the thirteenth , they thought fit to forbid them to hold any synod , unless some protestant commissary , who was to be named by the court , were present . this was observed till the year 1679 , when a declaration was publish'd , requiring that there should be a papist commissary in their synods . that is to say , sir , said i , interrupting our friend , they will pry into their hearts , and perfectly know where their strength or their weakness lies . if there were nothing but that in it , replyed our friend , that declaration would not allarm them so much as it doth . for there is nothing done in their assemblies , which they are not willing all the world should know . they defie their most mortal enemies to prove the contrary . can there be a more undeniable proof of this , than the practice of the protestant commissary , who sends to the court a copy well attested of all the results of the deliberations which are made , while the synod or conference is held ? what do they fear then , replyed i , from the presence of a papist commissary ? because they know that the end of the court cannot be to discover their secrets , since they have none ; therefore it is that they justly fear , that this papist commissary hath been set over them , to create them trouble in the most innocent affairs , to hinder those deliberations which are most necessary for the due preservation of their flocks , to silence those ministers among them whom he shall perceive to be of greatest ability , and of credit , to dishearten one by threatnings , to corrupt another by promises , to sow dissention and division among them , and to employ all means possibly to ruine them . these are the just fears which have hindred them till this present , from assembling any synods with this so destructive a condition , hoping continually that , it may be , god would touch the heart of their king. but perceiving no favourable change , and not being able to subsist without holding their synods , i learn'd , as i came out of france , that these poor people are resolv'd to run these hazards , and that their synods are upon assembling in several places . may god vouchsafe to preside in the midst of them by his grace , and remove far from them all the evils they have cause to fear . it may be , by their good examples , and their religious behaviour they may convert them , who are set over them for a snare , as it happened to their fathers in the last age also . then was contrived the placing of papist commissaries , to spie out their liberty . but these commissaries were so taken with the modesty , the piety , the charity , the decency of order , and the devout prayers of the first reformers , that they gave glory to god , and embrac'd the religion which they had persecuted . the jesuites nevertheless have thought all these evils of which i have spoken , too slack and gentle . that they may not be at any more trouble , they will do the business once for all . they have contrived to starve all the protestants : and to effect this , they have made all the means of gaining a livelyhood , to be taken from them , by the acts of the council of state , of the sixth of november , 1679 , and the 28th . of june , 1681. 1. they have turn'd out of all jurisdictions and seignuries ( which are almost infinite in france ) all protestants who had been admitted officers in those jurisdictions . all stewards , bailiffs , sollicitors , officers of the exchequer , registers , notaries , clerks , serjeants and ushers that were protestants , of all sorts , throughout the whole kingdom , are cashiered by virtue of these acts ; they have reduc'd to beggary thousands of families , which had no other subsistence , but by these employments . 2. look upon those two pieces , which they procured also , for the same intent . the title of the one is , the order of the council royal of the finances ( or treasury ) of the 11th . of june , 1680. the other is , an order of the council of state of the 17th . of august of the same year . by the means of these two pieces , the jesuites have made the protestants to be kept out of all the affairs of the finances , customs , which they call traites forains , of aids , gabelles , taxes of all sorts of commissions , to which the edict of nantes ordered , that they should be admitted indifferently with the papists . this second hath taken away the bread of a vast number of families more . 3. they every day make the protestant captains and officers ( who have serv'd so worthily by land and sea ) to be turn'd out of their commands . those brave men after they have spent their estates to advance their masters honor , and ventured their lives a thousand times for his glory ; see themselves shamefully , as so many cowards , cashiered , without any exception for them who having signaliz'd and distinguish'd themselves by particular actions , had deserv'd extraordinary pensions . because they will not be less faithful to god , than they have been to their king : they are resolved disgrace and beggary shall be the reward of their service . by this , they take away from all the protestant nobility the means of maintaining themselves in that rank in which god by their birth hath placed them . 4. as to the merchants , look what the jesuits have thought upon to ruine them . they have obtain'd an order of council of state , of the 19th . of november , 1680 , which grants to all protestants who change their religion , the term and forbearance of three years for the payment of the principal of their debts , with prohibition to all their creditors to bring any action against them , during that time , upon pain of non-suit , noli prosequi , and all charges , damages , costs and interests . i perceive very well , ( said i to our friend ) that this puts those who revolt in a way to secure and withdraw their goods ; and to enjoy in peace the fruits of their turning bankrupts . but i do not see how this tends to the ruine of those merchants in general , who persevere in the protestant religion . that is ( said he , smiling ) because you have not so subtle a wit , nor are so quick-sighted as the jesuits . you know very well that merchants subsist by their credit : if their credit be low , they must fall ; there is no more trading for them , their business is done . now do you not perceive , that the credit of all protestant merchants is ruined by this order , which puts them in a way of turning bankrupts as they please , with all indemnity ; and of inriching themselves with those goods they have been trusted with ? who do you think after this will be so silly as to take their word ? who can tell , with any certainty , whether they with whom they deal , are persons who will continue in the protestant religion ? is there any thing more common than such changes in religion now adays ? it 's enough ( said i ) i was mistaken , i perceive now very well that the ruine of the protestant merchants is unavoidable . go on to the other professions . for i see they are resolved that no protestant shall get bread among them . you are in the right ( said he ) you have seen it in many of them , i 'll shew it you now in the rest . 5. all papists who drive any trade , or exercise any art , are forbid to take any protestant apprentice . i have seen the order , but have it not now by me . by this you see that all young men of the protestant religion ( who have not means of their own ) are reduced to this extremity , either of starving in france , or turning papists , or forsaking that kingdom . for the same order forbids any protestant who drives or professes any trade , to have under them any apprentice , either papist or protestant , that so they may not be able to do work enough to maintain their families . 6. the grand master and grand prêvot have given notice , by virtue of letters under the signet , to all protestants who had privileges , whereby they had right to keep shops , as chyrurgions , apothecaries , watchmakers , and other tradesmen , to forbear using their privileges any longer , and to shut up their shops , which hath been punctually executed . 7. they have establish'd societies of physicians at rochelle , and in other places , where , as i am assured from good hands , there were none ever before . none but papists will be received into those societies . by this , the jesuits have found out the way , at one stroke to hinder the practice of all the protestant physicians ; however able and experienc'd they may be . in so much that the lives of all sick protestants are by this means put into the hands of their enemies . 8. in short , there is scarce now any place in all france where they may get their livelyhood . they are every where molested and hindered from exercising in quiet any trade or art which they have learn'd . to dispatch them quite ; they require of them not only that they shall continue to bear all the burdens of the government , altho they take from them the means of doing it : but also that they bear double to what they did ; that is to say , they use a rigor far greater , than what was practised upon the people of god , when they were commanded to deliver the same tale of bricks , and yet had not straw given them as formerly . in effect , at the same time that they will not allow them , of the protestant religion , to get a penny : they exact of them to pay the king double , nay , treble , to what they paid before . monsieur de marillac , intendant of poitou , hath an order of council which gives him alone the power of the imposition of the tax in that great province . he discharges the papists , who are at ease , and overcharges the poor protestants with their proportion , who before that fainted under their own proper burden ; and could bear no more . i will tell you farther on this occasion , that the jesuits have obtain'd an order of the king , by which all protestants who change religion , are exempted for two years , from all quartering of soldiers , and all contributions of moneys which are levied on that account , which also tends to the utter ruine of them who continue firm in the protestant religion . for they throw all the burden upon them , of which the others are eas'd . from thence in part it is , that all the houses of those poor people are filled with soldiers , who live there as in an enemy's country . i do not know if the zeal of the jesuits will rest here : for they want yet the satisfaction of keeping s. bartholomew's day , as they kept it in the former age. it is true , what is allowed them is not far from it . for which is the better of the two , to stab with one blow , or to make men die by little and little , of hunger and misery ? as to the blow ( said i to our friend ) i do not understand you . pray , if you please , explain your self , what do you mean by keeping s. bartholomew's day ? monsieur de perifix , that archbishop of paris , who hath writ the life of henry the fourth ( answered he ) shall tell you for me . there 's the book , the place may be easily found . here it is : six days after , which was s. bartholomew 's day , all the huguenots who came to the ( wedding ) feast , had their throats cut , amongst others , the admiral , twenty persons of the best quality , twelve hundred gentlemen , about four thousand soldiers and citizens : afterwards through all the cities of the kingdom , after the example of paris , near a hundred thousand were massacred . an execrable action ! such as never was , and i hope to god never will be the like . you know then well , continued our friend , directing his speech to me , you know well now what it is to keep s. bartholomew's day , and i believe that what i said is no riddle to you . the jesuits and their friends set a great value on themselves in the world , because they forbear cutting the protestants throats , as they did then . but , merciless as you are , do you ere the less take away their lives ! you say you do not kill them , but do you not make them pine to death with hunger and vexation ? he who gives slow poison is he less a poisoner , than he who gives what is violent and quick , since both of them destroy the life at last ? pardon this short transport ( said our friend ) in good earnest i cannot restrain my indignation , when i see them use the utmost of cruelty , and yet would be looked on as patterns of all moderation and meekness . let me impart to you three letters which two of our friends who are yet in france have written to me since i came from paris . i received the two first at calis , before i got into the pacquet boat ; the last was delivered me last night after you went away from my chamber . you will there see with what gentleness they proceed in those countries . he thereupon read to me his letters , and i have since took copies of them send them here inclosed . a copy of the first letter . we are just upon the point of seeing that reformation which hath cost so much labour and pains , and so much blood , come to nothing in france . to know the condition of the protestants in the several provinces of this kingdom , you need but read what the first christians suffered under the reigns of the emperors nero , domitian , trajan , maximin , dioclesian and such like . there are four troops of horse in poitou who live at free quarter , upon all of the protestant religion without any exception . when they have pillaged the houses of them who will not go to mass , they tie them to their horse tails , and drag them thither by force . the intendant whom they have sent thither , who is their most bitter enemy , hath his witnesses ready suborned , who accuse whom they please , of what crimes they please , and after that cast the poor men into dark dungeons , beat them with cudgels , and then pass sentence of death to terrifie them ; and afterwards under-hand , send others to try them by fair means , to promise them that their mourning shall be turn'd into joy , if they will but go to mass . those whom god gives the grace to resist , die in the dungeon , through unspeakable anguish . three gentlemen of quality who went about to confirm some of the poor people in their village , that began to waver , were presently clapt up , flax put about their necks , then set on fire , and so they were scorch'd , till they said they would renounce their religion . there would be no end if i should relate all that is done . this you may be assured of , that the people of israel were never so oppress'd by the egyptians , as the protestants are by their own country-men . a copy of the second letter . to make good my promise of giving you an exact account of the continuance of the persecution which is rais'd against the protestants in france , i shall acquaint you that they of poitiers are threat'ned with being made a garrison this winter . i say they , the protestants : for none but they must quarter any of them . monsieur de marillac gives himself up wholly to the making of proselytes . the deputies of poitiers are now here to make complaint of the violences they still labour under . they offer , by a petition which they have presented , at the cost of their lives , if they are found guilty of any falshood , or if they do not make out what they say . they set forth , that by the orders of monsieur marillac , the protestants are dealt with as declared enemies ; that their goods and their houses are plundered ; their persons assaulted ; that the soldiers are employed as executioners of these outrages . that they are quartered upon the protestants only , that besides the excessive expence they put them to , they exact money of them with dreadful oaths and execrations . they knock them down , they drag women by the hair of the head , and ropes about their necks , they have put them to the torture with screws , by clapping their fingers into a vice , and so squeezing them by degrees , they have bound aged men , eighty years old , and beaten them , and have misused , before thir eyes , their children , who came to comfort them : they hinder handicrafts men from working ; they take from labourers what they use for their livelyhood ; they set their goods openly to sale , and they clap their swords and pistols to their breasts , who are not frighted with their other usages : they drag them in sheets into their churches , they throw holy water in their faces , and then say they are catholicks , and shall be proceeded against as relapsed , if they live otherwise . it is not permitted to these miserable persons to complain ; those who would have attempted it have been seised on , and the prisons are full of them . they are detained there without any process being made against them , and even without so much as having their names entred in the jayl-books . if any gentleman speak to monsieur marillac , he answers them , that they should meddle with their own business , that otherwise he will lay them fast . this is a taste of what they are doing here . a copy of the third letter . being very busie , it shall suffice at this time to send you a copy of a letter ; which i just now received from saintes , concerning the protestants of this kingdom ; sir j. p. our common friend writ it me . he is now making his tour of france . i intreated him to inform himself as well as he could how they treated the poor people in those places he was to pass through , that he might give me a full account . this is the letter , dated the last of august , old style . i am now going out of aulnix , where i meet with nothing but objects of compassion . the intendant of rochefort , which is monsieur du muins , lays all waste there . it is the same person concerning whom at the marquis de segnelay's we were told so many pleasant stories last winter at s. germain . do not you remember that they talked much of a certain picard , who owed all his fortune to his wife , and whom the marquis de segnelay treats always as the worst of men ? that 's the man , he is born to do mischief as much as ever man was , and his employment hath increas'd bis insolence beyond measure . to this he hath added , to the protestants grief , all the barbarous zeal of ignorance . and if the king would let him do it , he would soon act over again the tragedy of s. bartholomew . about ten days since he went to a great town in aunix , called surgeres , accompanied with his provost , and about forty archers . he began his feats with a proclamation that all the huguenots should change their religion , and upon their refusal he quartered his troop upon those poor people : he made them to live there at discretion , as in an enemies country ; he made their goods to be thrown into the streets , and their beds under the horses feet . by his order the vessels of wine and brandy were staved , and their horse heels wash'd with it ; their corn was sold , or rather given away , for a fourth part of what it was worth , and the same was done to all the tradesmens goods : men , women and children were put to the torture , were dragged by force to the popish churches ; and so great cruelty was used towards them that the greatest part not being able longer to indure the extremity of the pain , renounced their religion . by the same means they forced them to give it under their hands , that they had abjured without constraint , and of their own free choice . the goods of those who found means to escape , are sentenced to be sold , and to be pillaged . proud of so noble an expedition , our good man returns to rochefort , the place of his ordinary abode , forbids all the protestants , who are there pretty numerous , to remove any of their goods out of the town , under penalty of confiscation of what should be seised , and corporal punishment over and above ; and he commands them all to change their religion in five days . this was done by sound of trumpet , that no one might pretend ignorance . the term expires to morrow . after this he marched to mozé ( it is another great town in aunix ) where there is a very fair church of the protestants , and a very able minister , there he set out the same prohibitions , and the same commands that he had at rochefort . upon this a very worthy person of the place , and elder of the church , named mr. jarry , addressed to him with a most humble remonstrance ; and this cruel and barbarous man made him presently to be clapt up in irons . after this he quartered his men upon those of the protestant religion , where he exerciseth the same violence which he did at surgeres . nevertheless hitherto no one hath made shipwrack of his conscience in this place . they suffer all this cruel persecution with an admirable constancy . god of his mercy support them to the end . all the rest of aunix is in extreme consternation . there are likewise prohibitions made at rochelle , against the shipping of any goods . in so much that all they who flie away run a great hazard of carrying away their lives only for a prey . adieu . i will end mine as sir j. p. doth his : all your friends — do you intend to conclude there , said i to our friend ? i have a mind to do so ( replyed he ) tho i have a thousand insolences and outrages more yet to acquaint you with . but it is late ; and i have produced but too much to justifie the french protestants who forsake their country , from any suspicion of impatience or wantonness . you see now what are the reasonable means that are used to convert them . those goodly means which have been employed are , to despise the most sacred edict that was ever made by men ; to count as nothing promises repeated a hundred times , most solemnly by authentick declarations ; to reduce people to utmost beggary ; to make them die of hunger , in my opinion , a more cruel death than that by fire or sword , which in a moment ends life and miseries together ; to lay upon them all sorts of afflictions , to take away their churches , their ministers , their goods , their children , their liberty of being born , of living , or of dying in peace , to drive them from their employments , their honors , their houses , their native country ; to knock them on the head , to drag them to the mass with ropes about their necks , to imprison them , to cast them into dungeons , to give them the question , put them to the rack , make them die in the midst of torments , and that too without so much as any formality of justice . this is that they call reasonable means , gentle and innocent means : for these are the terms which the archbishop of claudiopolis useth , at the head of all the deputies of the clergy of france , in the remonstrance they made to their king , the last year when they took leave of his majesty . i must needs read you the passage : here is the remonstrance , and the very words of that archbishop : those gentle and innocent means which you make use of , sir , with so much success to bring the hereticks into the bosom of the church , are becoming the bounty and goodness of your majesty , and conformable at the same time to the mind of the divine pastor , who always retains bowels of mercy for these strayed sheep : he wills , that they should be brought back , and not hunted away , because he desires their salvation , and regrets their loss . how far is this conduct from the rigor wherewith the catholicks are treated in those neighbouring kingdoms which are infected with heresie . your majesty makes it appear , what difference there is between reason and passion , between the meekness of truth , and the rage of imposture , between the zeal of the house of god , and the fury of babylon . in good truth , cryed i to our friend , after the reading of this passage : this is insufferable , and i cannot forbear taking my turn to be a little in passion . methinks they should blush to death , who call those cruelties , which have been executed upon innocent sheep , meekness ; and that rigor , and the fury of babylon which we have inflicted upon tigers , who thirsted after our blood , and had sworn the destruction of church and state. they plague and torment to death more than a million of peaceable persons , who desire only the freedom of serving god according to his word , and the laws of the land , who cannot be accused of the least shadow of conspiracy , and who by preserving that illustrious blood which now reigns there , have done to france services which deserv'd , together with the edict of pacification , the love , and the hearty thanks of all true french men. and we have put to death in a legal manner , it may be twenty wretched persons ( the most of which had forfeited their lives to the law , for being found here ) convinced by divers witnesses , who were the greatest part papists , of having attempted against the sacred life of our king , and the lives of millions of his faithful subjects . surely they would have had us let them done their work , let them have rooted out that northern heresie , which they were , as they assure us by their own letters , in so great , and so near hopes of accomplishing . but we had not forgot the massacre of ireland , wherein , by the confession of one of their own doctors , who knew it very well , more than a hundred and fifty thousand of our brethren , in the midst of a profound peace , without any provocation , by a most sudden and barbarous rebellion , had their throats cut by that sort of catholicks , whose fate they so much bewail . altho your transport be very just , and i am very well pleased with it , said our friend to me , i must needs interrupt you ; to bring you back again to our poor protestants . what say you to their condition ? i say ( answered i ) that there can be nothing more worthy compassion ; and that we must entirely forget all that we owe to the communion of saints , if we open not our hearts , and receive them as our true brethren . i will be sure to publish in all places what you have informed me , and will stir up all persons to express in their favour all the duties of hospitality and christian charity . to the end ( said he to me ) you may do it with a better heart , at our next meeting , i will fully justifie them against all those malicious reports which are given out against their loyalty and their obedience to the higher powers . let us take for that all to morrow seven-night . as you please , said i , so we took leave one of another : and thus you have an end of a long letter , assuring you , that i ever shall be , sir , yours . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a55723-e240 declaration of the 17th . of june , 1681. art. 1. pa●…tic . ann. 1599 , p. 285 , and 286 , edit . amsterdam , 1664. p. 156 , & 157 , of the lions edition . see statutes at large . 1 elizab. 1. 5 eliz. 1. 13 eliz. 1. 23 eliz. 1. 27 eliz. 2. 35 eliz. 2. 1 jacob. 4. 3 jac. 4 , 5 , &c. printed for henry brome , 1674. art. 1. par . mr. god. hermant , doctor of the sorbon . tom. 1. book 2 p. 204. and notes of the same chapt . p. 625. surl ' an . 1572 edit . amsterd . p. 30. printed at paris cum privilegio chaz leonard , imprimear du roy. 1680. omahon s. th. mag. disputatio apologetica de jure regni hiberniae pro catholicis , n. 20. an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : to which is added, the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg, containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict : as also, a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion ... : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg ... / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. 1686 approx. 95 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49223) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101095) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 794:5) an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : to which is added, the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg, containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict : as also, a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion ... : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg ... / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, 1620-1688. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. the second edition corrected, 40 p. printed by g.m., [london] : 1686. revocation of the edict of nantes, dated october 22, 1685. place of publication from bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -iv, -king of france, 1553-1610. france. -edit de nantes. protestants -france -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -france -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an edict of the french king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . wherein he recalls , and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv. his grandfather , given at nantes ; full of most gracious concessions to protestants . to which is added , the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg , containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict . as also , a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion , for to make them abjure and apostatize . together , with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg , in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . translated out of french. the second edition corrected , with additions . printed by g. m. anno dom. 1686. an edict of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grand-father of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and foreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings , his predecessors ; had , by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , 1598. regulated the conduct which was to be observed , with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges , to administer justice to them : and lastly , also , by several distinct articles , provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion : and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to re-unite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had with-drawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grand-father , could not be effected , by reason of his suddain and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the fore-said edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honoured lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprizes of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages , which had been granted to them , by the afore-said edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , 1629. by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grand-father was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution ; but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year 1635. to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in 1684. the kingdom having been only for some short intervals , altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mixt chambers of judicature , which were composed of an equal number of papists and protestants ; the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore , at length , it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves enirely to the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been * our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see , at present , ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves , forasmuch as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , have already embraced the catholick ; and since , by means thereof , the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is become useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles , confusions , and mischief , which the progress of that false religion hath been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since , in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons us thereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annulled , do suppress and annull the edict of the king , our said grand father , given at nantes , in april 1598 in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified the second of may , next following , and letters patent granted thereupon ; as likewise , the edict given at nismes , in july 1629. declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted ; together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forthwith demolished . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion , to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion in any place or house , under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiefs , of what quality soever the said fiefs may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , 15. days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widows after their decease , as long as they continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover , we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives , a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree ; and that , after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues , which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion ; and in general , all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession , of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that hence forward they be babtized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of 500. livres or more , as it shall happen . furthermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries , and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof , they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done , in case they had always continued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the 20th . of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and of confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declaration made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. morever , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them , as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion ; upon condition nevertheless , as forementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly , we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually , without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau , in the month of october , in the year of grace 1685 , and of of our reign the xliii . signed lewes . visa . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . le tellier . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the kings attorney general requiring it ; in order to their being executed according to form and tenor ; and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each district , to be there entred and registred in like manner ; and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed , and put in force ; and to certifie the court thereof . at paris , in the court of vacations , t he 22th . of octob. 1685. signed de la baune . a letter of the french king to the elector of brandenburg , sept. 6. 1666. brother , i would not have discoursed the matter you write to me about , on the behalf of my subjects of the pretended reformed religion , with any other prince , besides your self : but to shew you the particular esteem i have for you , i shall begin with telling you , that some persons , disaffected to my service , have spread seditious pamphlets among strangers ; as if the acts and edicts that were pass'd in favour of my said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , by the kings my predecessors , and confirmed by my self , were not kept and executed in my dominions ; which would have been contrary to my intentions : for i take care that they be maintained in all the priviledges , which have been granted them , and be as kindly us'd as my other subjects . to this i am engaged both by my royal word , and in acknowledgment of the proofs they have given me of their loyalty , during the late troubles , in which they took up arms for my service , and did vigorously oppose , and successfully overthrow the ill designs which a rebellious party were contriving within my own dominions , against my authority royal. i pray god , &c. brother , &c. a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard-of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practice in other places , against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the 8 / 18th . of august , 1685. the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , represented unto them , that they could not be ignorant , that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion ; and therefore , wished them readily to comply with the same : and in order thereto , advised them to . assemble themselves , and consider what resolution they would take . to this proposal some answer'd , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account ; forasmuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be always in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town-house , which , he ordered , should be left free for them from noon , till six of the clock in the evening : where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved , as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion : which resolution of theirs , there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainied , how we are menaced with the greatest violence : — hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us , — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and dye in their religion . the day after , the battallion of la fere , consisting of 16. companies , entred the city , and were followed by many more . the protestants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates , and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse , for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering ; and were come to a resolution to possess what they had , in common : but , alas ! how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city ; but withal , appointed several corp de guards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers , souldiers , and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities , and cruelties , where-with the devil can inspire the most inhumane and reprobate minds : they marr'd and defac'd their houshold-stuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments ; they let the wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoyl'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparrel , plate , and things of the like nature ; these they carried to the market-place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged the roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such , who were most resolute and constant in their profession . it is supposed , according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five days , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers , who demanded four hundred crowns apiece of their hosts for spending-money ; and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier ; upon the same account . in the mean time , the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous ; i shall only here set down some few , of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois , was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de guard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with monsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at 10000 livres , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . monsieur d'alliez , one of the prime gentlemen of montauban , being a venerable old man , sound so ill treatment at their hands , as it 's thought he will scarcely escape with life . monsieur de garrison , who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of his souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience ; adding , that in recompence of the favour he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livres ; but by all his entreaties and proffers , he could not in the least prevail with the intendant ; who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts , or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three days and nights together , without meat , drink , or sleep : when they were so wearied , and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time , when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearled out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vigour and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of , with success , in bearn and other places ) many went distracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape , were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations , to the mercy of these barbarous , and more than savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban ; where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place , was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night , by pinching and tearing off his flesh with pincers ; tho by all this they were not able to shake his constancy , in the least . the wife of one rouffion , a joyner , being violently dragg'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions , this was one : they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age ; who continually , with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , cryed , my god , help me ; and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper , guienne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guienne ; which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also : and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue , and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go ; if god , in pity and compassion to his people , do not restrain them . it is to be feared , ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution , in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to perswade protestants , that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but , alas ! this is not all ; for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also ; for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them , in order to the perfecting of their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt , but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last efforts and death struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain , that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the breasts of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark-naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex ; because in this case their shamefac'dness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight , without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger and thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender-hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have been ready to faint away and give the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go : they beat men and women outragiously ; they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took , was to give them no●est ; for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches , without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him , they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success ; who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done ; the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowry paths , by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object ; you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties , but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horror of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution , upon pretence of religion , carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been ; and therefore , of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can be compar'd with it , true indeed it is , that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks ; but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but , behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres ; but these were only violent tempests , and suddain hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or , at the most , a few days , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible , than a state of war ; but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly canibals entring their houses , battering , breaking , burning , and destroying whatever comes to hand ; swearing , cursing , and blaspheming like devils ; beating to excess ; offering all manner of indignities and violence ; diverting themselves , and striving to out-vie each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment ; not to be appeased with money , or good chear ; foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons ; and presenting death , at every moment ; and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and senseless stupidity , by those devilish inventions we have given you an instance of , in the relation of montauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more ; which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dioclesian ; which is , the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom , upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea-ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors , and common enemies : all the prisons of sea-port-towns are cramm'd with these miserable fugitives , men , women , boys , and girls ; who there are condemned to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves from this dreadful persecution , and deluging calamity . this is the thing which is unparallel'd , and of which we find no instance : this is thaat superlative excefs of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva : he massacred , he beheaded , he cutchered ; but at least , he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groan'd under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done . but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of ; for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only ; no armies were imploy'd , to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several ways of torment ; much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperour's councel , to shut up all the protestants in hungary ; in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion ; which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a foreign country ; being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies , behind them , for to lead a poor , miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most apparent , that those monsters , who have inspired the king with these designs , have refin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne do'st behold all the outrages done to thy people , haste thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolation ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our groans and supplications ; yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness , as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world ; behold , we perish , if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer : we do not place our confidence in any , but thee alone : let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . haste thee to our help ; make no long tarrying , o lord , our god , and our redeemer ! a letter sent from bourdeaux , giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , what you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion , in the land of bearne , guienne , and perigord , is but too true : and i can assure you ; that they who have given you that account , have been so far from amplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not much surprized at the difficulty you find to perswade your self , that the things of which your friends inform you , are true : in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us echo the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprize , or amazement , to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , at well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and ever-blessed jesus was ; and must , like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment , to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith ; and it is more than probable , that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves , will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that , in so doing they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble , in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it ; obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law ; which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say , all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calamities : insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but , alas ! our enemies were too ingenious , to be bauk'd so ; and had taken our ruine too much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring about their desires : they call'd to mind what prodigious success a new kind of persecution had had of late years in poctou , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of ; and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these , would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's , and marillacs , could be fit instruments for such like enterprizes ; neither could we ever have imagin'd , that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far , as to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self-same time they treated us in this manner , they would needs perswade us , that the king's councel had disapproved the design : and indeed , it seem'd very probable to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now , by experience , we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparallel'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was , to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permitting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by settling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was , to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendants had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour ; and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be lest for a prey ; and who , not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since they began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearne was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprize gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it : he told them , that great numbers of souldiers were at hand , to compel those that should rfuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and dye faithful to their lord and master , jesus chrst , with souldiers ; and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses , and outrages , these enraged brutals comitted in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful : it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhumane , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition sex or age ; they pull'd down and demolished their houses ; they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold stuff ; they bruised and beat to death venerable old men ; they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pitty or respect ; they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains ; they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost ; they took red hot fire-shovels , and held them close to their bare heads , and actually apply'd them to other parts of their bodies ; they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst : and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new ways of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch , that of all those many numerous assemblies , we had in that province , as that of pau , d'arthes , de novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number , who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for a prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to lose no time ; but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montauban ; where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , speaks them much of the same language , as was used to those of bearne ; whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders 4000. men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants ; with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhumane wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pittiless orders , that of 12 , or 15000. souls , of which that church did consist , not above 20 , or 30. families are escaped ; who , in a doleful and forlorn condition , wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruine of this important place , drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it : which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realment , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigord ; which this horrible deluge hath likewise overwhelm'd . monsieur bouflers , and the intendant , having shared the country between them ; monsieur de bouflers taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time , carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time 17. companies at saint foy , 15. at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts : so that , all places being fill'd with these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty ; having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerac was most signally famous for the long tryals it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be , to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever ; they accordingly fail'd not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy , than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already , for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments , and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than 18. troops of horse had their winter-quarters there ; who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return : the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither , to observe the inhabitants , and soon after 32 companies of foot enter the town : monsieur bouflers and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and some other persons of quality , render themselves there at the same time , and send for 200. of the chiefest citizens to appear before them ; telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass ; and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimously answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences ; and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately 32. companies more , of infantry and cavalry , enter the city ( which , together with the 34 companies beforementioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town house , and once more pressed to change their religion ; and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imaginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigour and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending 34. more companies into the city , which made up the full number of an hundred ; who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen ; and persons whose whole estate did not amount to 10000. livres , were taxed at the rate of 150. livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost 60 livres ; they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door , to hinder any from coming-in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep : on one hand the child cries , with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ' i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alas ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ! whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , wilt not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy , who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live or to dye , ( for when they see them fainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that , excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities ; nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable ; insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens and caves of the earth . furthermore , i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present ; the army , we hear is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation ; there being scarce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess , i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel ; for i know the gospel , in their accounts , passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdome , which , according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it ; and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith ; and who have so cowardly betray'd their religion and conscience , or with the outragious and barbarous persecuters of the religion , which they profess ? and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks ? and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will e're long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches , who have been deceived by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember , that they could not embrace the communion of rome , with absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed ; and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make , then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell ; and will make them endeavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have unhappily betray'd . and on the other side ; their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of the day ; and therefore will endeavour , through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable , when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and where-with they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once , by a general massacre , which many good souls have so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god , that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches ; and make the heart of our soveraign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those , who in their blindness think they do him service , by putting us to death ; that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice : finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may , with st. peter , go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , &c. an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous vsage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most , at this time ; there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow ; and that is , the cruel persecution , which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible ; and the heavenly courage , wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader , to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful : i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council , in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel ; which she boldly and manfully refusing , was commanded back again to prison ; where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities ; and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her through the streets of the city ; where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water ; where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and stuck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again ; and then had another ready , dipt in wine , to clap upon her : this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage , her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she , being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undaunted answer'd ; that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that , though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them ; but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover ; as knowing , that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel of their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture , with her head downwards , till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and still continue under the tormentor's hands , is an old man ; who having , for a great while , been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges , with vermin and snails crawling upon his mouldred garment ; who seeing him in that loathsom condition , said to him : how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your heresie ? to which he answer'd : as for heresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so , i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god , to dye in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : do'st thou not see , that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , fince thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsom place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart : to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi postquam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne mea me vissurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god. and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsom dark abode ; where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious , in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants ; yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd of ; which take as follows : some dragoons , who were quartered with a person , who they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion ; upon a time , when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank ; and so fill'd the floor , where they were , with the fragments ; and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser pieces and fractions : and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance ; and told their host , that he must be one of the company ; but withal , that he must first pull off his stockings and shoes , that he might move the more nimbly : in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed , upon the sharp points of glass ; which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed ; and a while after stript him stark naked , and rolled his body from one end of the room to the other , upon the sharp glass , as beforementioned ; which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chyrurgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body ; which , you may easily conceive , could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcome company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion ; one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself , with letting his beard grow so long : but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber : the dragoon reply'd i can do that for you as well as the barber ; and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him : and so fell to work ; but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face . one of his companions coming-in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bunglar ; and then to his host , come , your hair wants cutting too ; and you shall see , i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins , in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin , and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhumane , and more than barbarous means it is , that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire ; and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance ; for the names of martyrs , and rebels , are equally odious to their enemies ; who tell them , that the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels ; and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon , for having so long entertain'd you with these more than tragical passages ; and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear : which is the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. since the first publishing of this , some further particulars ( representing the horror of this persecution ) are come to hand ; which take as follow : they have put persons into monasteries , in little narrow holes , where thy could not stretch their bodies at length ; there feeding them with bread and water , and whipping them every day , till they did recant : they plunged others into wells , and there kept them till they promised to do what was desired of them : they stript some naked , and stuck their bodies full of pins : they tyed fathers and husbands to the bed-posts , forcing their wives and daughters before their eyes : in some places the ravishing of women was openly and generally permitted : they pluck'd off the nails and toes of others : they burnt their feet , and blew up men and women with bellows , till they were ready to burst . in a word , they exercised all manner of cruelties they could invent , and in so doing , spared neither sex , age nor quality . the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed , which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner , i receive the scriptures , but in the same sence as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same ; for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures : and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise , than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess , that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho' not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream unction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated , without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received and approved by the catholick church , in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing , and things , which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of whole substance of the wine into his blood , which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ , and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory ; and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgence was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner , i own and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly profess , by gods assistance , to keep entirely and inviolably , unto death , this self-same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god , and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting is to leave with the priest , when he makes his abjuration . i n. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it may concern , that having acknowledged the falseness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption — a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants , who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william , by the grace of god , marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania ; of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia ; of crosne , and jagerndorff ; burg-grave of noremberg ; prince of halberstadt , minde , and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come : that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and foreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer , to the said protestants , a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion ; and withal , to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them , in some measure , of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end , that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extraordinary with the states-general of the vnited provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families , from holland to the city of hamburg : where then our councellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur baerick , shall furnish them with all conveniencies they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon , for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city of frankfort upon maine ; and there address themselves to sieur merain , our councellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely , our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark : or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address , and conveniencies , for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniencies , and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce , and trade by sea , and by land ; those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please , in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive , that in our electoral marquisate , the cities of stendel , werbe , ka●kenow , brandenburg , and frankfort ; and in the country of magdeburg , the cities of magdenburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of konigsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates , as for the convenience of trade and traffick ; we have given charge , that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received and agreed with about all those things , which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious , and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandize , and commodities , which they shall bring along with them , shall not be liable to any custom of impost ; but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions , of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages , where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heirs forever ; and shall content the present proprietors , according to the value of the said houses ; and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand engaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick lime , stones , bricks , and other materials they may stand in need of , for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses ; which shall , for six years , be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free quarter , and all other charges whatsoever : neither shall the said french , during the said time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chargeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges , with which the said places , or their dependance may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said places , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry , in every city , for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned to them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade or profession they belong to ; and shall enjoy the self-same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedome , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those whose are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloth , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges , patents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to country-men and others , who are willing to settle themselves in the countrey , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistence , at the beginning of their settlement ; in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss-families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion , we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french-families shall be settled , they be authorized to choose one from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and incase any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose , from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accommodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in every city , where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custome , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france , who , heretofore , have put themselves under our protection , and entred into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the countrey ; and that there are many found amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces ; we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges , honours and dignities , they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess the same with all the rights , prerogatives , and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion , who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their settling there ) after the date of this declaration ; but also to those , who before the date hereof , have settled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse , and address themselves upon all occasions of need ; and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall from time to time issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aide and assistance . given at postdam , octob. 26. 1685. signed , frederick william . kind reader , forasmuch as in the edict of the french king , the perpetual and irrevocable edict of nantes is recall'd and abolished ; i thought fit ( because the whole edict would be too long to be inserted here ) to give you some passages of the prefatory part of it , whereby it may appear what stress was laid on it by henry the iv. ( called the great ) grandfather to the present french king , and how much he judged the exact maintaining of it would conduce to the settlement , peace , and prosperity of his kingdom . — now it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think , we cannot employ our selves better , than to apply to that which may tend to the service and glory of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed to by all our subjects ; and if 〈…〉 at h not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules , that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults ; and that we and this kingdom may always conserve the glorious title of most christian , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion , to assemble themselves by deputies for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances , and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , we have upon the whole judged it necessary , to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , plain , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences , which have heretofore risen among them , or which may rise hereafter , and wherewith both the one and the other may be contented ; having had no other regard in this deliberation , than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward grant to all our subjects a durable and established peace : and we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour he hath always bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , & that he would give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance , consisteth ( next to their duty toward god and us ) the principal foundation of their vnion concord , tranquility , rest , & the re-establishment of this state in its first splendor . opulency & strength ; as on our p●●● we promise that all the parts of it shall be exactly observed , without suffering any contravention . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute , perpetual and irrevocable , said , declared , & ordained , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49223-e240 ☞ ☜ a letter from the arch-bishop of paris, to the late king james harlay de champvallon, françois de, 1625-1695. 1694 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a87116 wing h776a estc r42520 36282219 ocm 36282219 150082 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87116) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150082) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2229:4) a letter from the arch-bishop of paris, to the late king james harlay de champvallon, françois de, 1625-1695. 1 sheet (2 p.). printed and are to be sold by rich. baldwin ..., london : 1694. caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library, university of california, los angeles. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701. great britain -foreign relations -france -17th century. france -foreign relations -great britain -17th century. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the arch-bishop of paris , to the late king james . great sir , as the king is truly sensible of your majesty's firm adherence to his interest , even with the loss of your three kingdoms , so he has redoubled his care , and has left no stone unturned to restore your majesty to the said kingdoms again ; not only by endeavoering to reduce them , but by making war also against all the consederates who opposed him in this his undertaking . and although the king beyond hopes has not been successful in the first , though there was a very good prospect of it , yet he succeeded in the other , in having enlarged his dominions very much , and by encreasing the same still by the great conquests he makes every year , by the great and continual victories he obtains over his enemies from time to time ; but all this is not such a satisfaction to his generous mind , as that would be , if he could restore your majesty to your throne again . this grieves the king , and sticks so much to his heart , that he does not value the smiles of fortune , so long as it frowns upon your majesty . and as good offices claim gratitude , so the king not only royally received your majesty into his kingdom , but maintained and cherished you too in that grandeur to this very hour , besides his kindness he shewed to that great number of your subjects which he maintained , and employed . no less was expected from the holy see , whom your majesty so highly obliged when reigning , who instead of out-doing the king's kindness towards your majesty , stands now marked with ingratitude . but now the king seeing his kingdom exhausted of money , by the immense charges he has been at , and his own subjects croaning under the miseries that attend a war , and then considering the effusion of blood of so many thousands of christians , and that a prince who will reap the benefit of his arms , must make peace when he is the most victorious . therefore the king amidst his great victories stretches out the scepter of peace , to all his enemies ; which as he has done at first , in particular to the duke of savoy , out of compassion to withdraw him from his ruine : so he does now in general to all the confederate princes . but these , as well as he , being pufft up with great hopes , and expecting the turn of fortune , refuse the king 's fair offers , and stand upon so high terms , which amount even to the pyrenean treaty ! a thing not to be expected from so victorious a prince , as our king is . yet , the king being desirous to see the peace of europe established , for the reasons above mentioned , is willing to grant them more ample proposals ; such as he does not doubt but would he accepted of by the confederates ; and he meets with no other difficulty , than the re-inthroning of your majesty . which as it is the thing the king takes the most to heart , so he has laboured for it , more than for any other thing : but it seems heav'n is against it , and will have it otherwise . it lyes therefore in your majesty's power to remove that obstacle and to further that so much wished-for peace ; by following the laudable examples of that great emperour charles the fifth , and casimire king of poland ; who quitting their empire and kingdoms , chose rather to live a religious , and retired life , a life which the king was a commending much t'other day : a life , i presume to tell your majesty the advantages of , by mentioning the dangers of t'other . your majesty was seated upon a precipice , and the more you are elevated , the more dangerous will prove the fall. in that retirement you will be safe as it were upon a plain , from whence you may look back upon the dangerous rocks behind you . descending from the throne , you mount to the repose of a private life . and as there is nothing to be esteemed a pleasure , or a happy state without a perfect safety ; so your your majesty will find , that you will then be more contented , more happy , and consequently more high than you was before . there you may secure your self from the dangers of a troublesome kingdom , and bewail the perilous condition of worldlings , and purchase an eternity of joys . no other earthly condition can equal that : 't is a heaven upon earth , separating us from the rest of the world , and contented with its own tranquility , and delights . such a one it will be to your majesty , if you embrace it voluntarily , and withdraw your heart from all worldly cares and creatures , and contemn a worldly diadem . which that you may do , the author of all good grant that your majesty's affections , actious , thoughts and desires may be ordered by him to that end , that they may begin and end in him , who is the abyss of happiness . paris the 22d . of june 1694. great sir , your majesties most humble , and most obedient servant , francis , arch-bishop of paris . superscribed thus , to his most excellent majesty james the second , k. of great britain , &c. licens'd , july 12. 1694. london , printed , and are to be sold by rich , baldwin in warwick-lane , 1694. an account of monsieur de quesne's late expedition at chio together with the negotiation of monsieur guilleragues, the french ambassadour at the port / in a letter written by an officer of the grand vizir's to a pacha ; translated into english. officer of the grand vizir. 1683 approx. 116 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69440 wing a211 estc r6119 12904393 ocm 12904393 95291 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69440) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95291) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2:24 or 444:2) an account of monsieur de quesne's late expedition at chio together with the negotiation of monsieur guilleragues, the french ambassadour at the port / in a letter written by an officer of the grand vizir's to a pacha ; translated into english. officer of the grand vizir. defoe, daniel, 1661?-1731. [7], 50 p. printed for richard tonson ... and jacob tonson ..., london : 1683. translation attributed to daniel defoe (in manuscript on t.p.). probably a translation of: substance d'une lettre écrite par un officier du grand vizir un pacha, touchant l'expedition de monsr du quesne à chio et la négotiation de monsr de guilleragues avec la port. [paris?] : 1683. cf. bm. copy at reel 444:2 incorrectly identified in reel guide as a212 (second ed.). reproduction of original in yale university library and national library of scotland (advocates') created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng duquesne, abraham, 1610-1688. guilleragues, gabriel joseph de lavergne, -vicomte de, 1628-1685. france -foreign relations -turkey. turkey -foreign relations -france. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of monsieur de quesne's late expedition at chio ; together with the negotiation of monsieur guilleragues the french ambassadour at the port . in a letter written by an officer of the grand vizir's to a pacha . translated into english london , printed for richard tonson at grays-inn-gate in grays-inn-lane : and jacob tonson at the judge's-head in chancery-lane near fleet-street , 1683. to the right honourable george lord marquess of hallifax lord privy-seal , &c. my lord , it is not that this little piece is thought to deserve so great a patron , that it presumes to wear your lordships livery : but as epicurus neither worship'd the gods for any good he expected from them , nor feared them for any harm they could do him , but ador'd them for the excellency of their natures : so for the same reason is your lordship chosen the object of this dedication . it is a novelty , so may be indur'd ; short , therefore cannot be extremely troublesom : and relating to affairs of state , knows not where so naturally to apply it self , as to your lordship , whose steddy maxims , and direct counsels , have in a short time put out of breath , a head-strong , pamper'd , and unruly faction , more then all the doublings , windings and turnings of some apish politicians could have done in an age. your services to the crown , and merits from the nation are so great , that time and the memory of them must be of equal durance : and but to mention them here , would appear gross flattery ; a crime , which could the dedicator be guilty of , it must be meerly for guilt sake ; since fortune has placed him below hope , and his small philosophy beyond fear : but your lordship's admirers being no fewer then all those who wish well to their king and country ; he presumes in that huge crowd to place himself , being your lordships devoted servant . to the reader . it seems to be a kind of law of our natures , that our minds should be often busied about things , which do not immediately , or perhaps not at all , relate to our own proper happiness , which is an extravagancy we find nothing but man infected with ; other creatures desires , and indeavours being confin'd to their necessities or pleasures : but this afflicting quality of ours , never appears so much a disease amongst us , as when it is imployed unseasonably in matters of government ; nor never , i believe , was more infectious in one nation , then it hath been lately in ours . to search for the cause , or prescribe a remedy , would in a man of my station only prove it epidemical , and my self full of the tokens : but however being one of these thinking things , i have followed the dictates of my being . and meeting with this letter in french , have made the sense of it english , i had no purpose in doing so , but that being retir'd and indispos'd , i had nothing else to do ; i publish it , as well to shew the pride and insolence of humane nature , when ignorance is possest of absolute power , as the dissimulation , fraud , and corruption of any sect , who pretend to be god's elect , or only chosen people , which the mumelans do : such ever claim , by the title of gods children , a right to every thing ; and consequently think nothing unjust that puts them in possession of their own . there may too by this piece ( as the french translator saith ) be seen , the perfect manner of negotiating with the turks ; their pride and good fortune ; and the judgment of god upon the christians , who contribute so unreasonably to the increase of a power which tends to nothing so much as to their own destruction . the government of that people , though arbitrary , shall not be censured by me , since i never read they imployed the terrible mute and bow-string on any man , who like my self , pretended to no power amongst them . nor indeed can i discern the difference of being nooz'd without noise or with it : for if i am unjustly to be put to death , twelve mutes or twelve sworn enemies to me or my principles , who can talk me to a hangman , are all one . and i have cause to believe some wretches we have heard of , might have been making silver bullets , and charging guns without powder there till dooms-day , before their names had been registred amongst unfortunate statesmen : but it is no miracle in england , that poor crawling creatures should be rankt amongst politicians , and busie their no brains about turning of states and kingdoms ; since it is to such , under the notion of the people , that all our half-witted republicans appeal , in their whims of reformation : but that pestilence being a little stopt at present , i hope will never in my time so rage again , as to be the most devouring of plagues , which it prov'd to be within these last fourty years . so farewell . a letter from one of the principal officers of the grand vizir , written to a pacha , concerning the business of monsieur guilleragues . having prostrated my face to the ground , and being rub'd with the dust of the feet of my very good and happy lord ; to whom god will grant a prosperous end : i shall give him an account of what hath arrived to the glory of our most invincible emperour , king of kings , mehemet khan ; to whom the divine bounty will subject all the countries of infidels , to place him at last in paradice , with his glorious ancestors . you know , my most fortunate lord , that the french infidels , whom god will extirpate ; a restless people , being never quiet , came to chio , under the command of an old captain , in a brave gallion , guarded by five or six others , where they fired during four or five hours on the vessels of tripoly in barbary : they also damaged the fortress and the mosques ; nor had they then ceased , but that the cannon of the faithful ( with bodies of brass , and wings of draggons vomiting flames and bullets ) accomplish't upon them this expression of the noble scriptures ; he threw fear into their hearts . terror having in this manner seized on these accursed ; to whom hell must be the last stage ; they were no longer able to use open force ; yet ceased not however to keep their station before the port of chio , stopping all merchant ships that brought assistance to the tripolines ; there sayling up and down like mad-men , making mighty threats . but their brains seemed to be more settled , when the capoudan pacha , absolute lieutenant to the emperor of the seven climates , over the seas of this vast world , had honoured the rode of chio , by bringing thither the galleys of the emperour of the earth , whose glory shall be perpetual . this soveraign of the seas , whom god will always favour with winds and happiness ; for the propagation of muslemanisme , and the grandure of the invincible rewarder our master , had no sooner stopt his conquering and formidable course , by casting anchor , but the french admiral ( that the end of his days which are not far off might be happy ) sent one of his principal and most trusty captains , to deliver his submissions and respects , as well as to discourse him of some important affairs ; and to assure him , of his desires to do nothing that might make the least breach of their amity , which had for more then one age been establish'd , between the great and sovereign emperor of the habitable world ; and the greatest emperor of all the potentates of the belief of the messia ; to whom be salvation . this ambassador , an able man , and worthy so fair an imployment , having rub'd his face on the vest of the lieutenant sovereign of the sea ; and well acquitted himself of his commission , appeared not at all astonish'd , when after the welcome of the safa gueldy , pronounced with that gravity and decency , peculiar to him , and which makes him be obeyed by sea ; he heard these words : what sign of amity dost thou bring us , to have rashly affronted the mosques , where we adore the great god of heaven and earth , without giving him companions , or defacing his worship by idolatry : and where is the proofs of that respect you boast ? is it to have fired on the fortress of the emperor , refuge to the princes of the world ? you may perhaps be able to batter down a corner or two ; but god by the faith of abraham , which we defend , and from whom we draw our original , can from those tumbling stones raise many thousand invincible defenders . tell thy commander , i advise him as a friend to have recourse to the imperial clemency , by procuring the french ambassador to supplicate for him at the port of felicity . the christian captain accused the tripolines of all the misfortune , who being enemies to the french , violated on their merchants the surety of the capitulations . then promising to consider of the advice had been given him , he intreated the capoudan pacha to negotiate at the port , as well concerning those of barbary , and the damage at chio , as about the audience of monsieur guilleragues ; desiring him besides , to dispose the tripolines to make peace . during this , the grand vizir ( who is the rule and order of the world , and who can fully finish all causes , to whom god perpetuate his grandure , and redouble his power ) was in dispute with the french ambassador about the sofa ; it being the grand dowanier that conducted that affair , who likewise serv'd himself of other persons therein , which were the french interpreters : it being below the dignity of the emperour of the world , that one of his considerable officers should go to an ambassador , unless it were to conclude a business . it was a long time , that this mediator had amused the ambassador , by sending him discourses , that the second generally destroyed the first ; repairing those again , perhaps by a third , which just signified nothing : sometimes the interpreters would tell him , that the dowanier saluted him , and said , he had good hopes : the next time they would bring him word , that he appeared shagrin , thô he failed not to salute him ; and perhaps might have some particular affair of his own that disquieted him ; but that he had too insinuated , that the ambassador did himself no good office by being so obstinate in the point of the sofa ; for that kieupruli the father proceeded as the vizir pretends : and though kieupruli the son did give the sofa during his latter time , it was at constantinople , where he was in a manner incognito ; and not at adrianople , where indeed there is no sofa in the chamber of audience : another day would bring him news , that the dowanier appeared very merry , and did not cease his indeavours , but returned him thanks too for the wine he sent him daily . he likewise sent his interpreters to the * kaihaia of the vizir and the lord of the clerks , who bid them salute the ambassador on their parts , and assure him , they took pains for him ; saying too , that the dowanier was his sure friend , as well as themselves . the interpreters coming another time from these officers , would tell the ambassador , that they could not yet find a proper time to speak to the vizir , because that minister is ever busied about the great affairs of the world ; which tumble in upon him every moment of the day ; sometimes like the waves of the sea , assaulting him with fury ; but are by him resisted , and drove back , as by an unshaken rock , surmounting all difficulties by his grand genius , which penetrates and resolves , with ease , the most mysterious and doubtful matters : that it was necessary , great affairs should precede small ones , and that this of the ambassadors , would have its time ; for which he should not be impatient . the ambassadour knock't too at other doors , as at that of the chief gardiners ; who likewise amused him , and found his account in this negotiation : he attempted the mediation of the most illustrious * kaimmakam , formerly kahaia or chief secretary to the sovereign vizir , who appeared with a frowning countenance to the interpreters , with difficulty permitting them the honor to kiss the bottom of his vest , and deliver the complement of their master ; which when he heard , appearing astonish't , though he knew all the business before : how ! saith he , have you not yet finish't this matter ? on what can you think , that you make not your ambassador resolve ? he cannot of himself be so obstinate ; it must be you that give him ill counsel , contrary to your own proper knowledge ; for you cannot be ignorant , how things have past , at former audiences : beware of your heads . they excus'd themselves by saying , their master was resolved rather to dye , then be wanting to the orders of the emperor of france : and that for themselves , they were only poor interpreters , always ready to receive the high commands of the sublime port ; and to report back , the most humble reasons of their ambassador ; to whom they would most faithfully relate what it pleased the most illustrious kaimmakam to command them , who stroking his beard brought it together ; then pulling it a little , and casting down his eyes , as if he were thinking , very well , says he , salute the lord ambassador on my part ; bid him be obstinate no longer , for it is not his best way of serving the emperor of france . they were forced to return to the kehaia of the vizir and the * reiseffend , who told them they had spoken to their master in favour of the ambassador , ( god knows in what manner , ) and that his answer was , he would speak to the sultan emperor of the world ; the issue whereof they expected with good hopes . the interpreter of the port of felicity was moved in it too , who imployed all his eloquence to ingage the prudence of the ambassador , to take the best course ; assuring him there was no better then to yield ; for in giving satisfaction to the vizir in this , he would oblidge a lord , able to return it a hundred times double in other occasions . one could make the ambassie of monsieur guilleragues glorious , so as to deface the memory of all his predecessors : in fine , this was no longer the business of the grand vizir , but the sultans . the return again to the kehaia and reiseffend , who told them their master had not yet spoke to his highness ; the clerks too sent some complements to the ambassador ; from whom one of his interpreters came one day to tell him , as a thing had been communicated in good will : that if he would relax his pretence to the sofa in all other things , he would have more honour then he could desire . sometimes the interpreters told the ambassador , that having been delivering the petitions to the grand vizir , concerning the ordinary affairs , they had been well received by him , who had asked news of their master , and made some advances , which seem'd demonstrations of plain dealing : so that if things were not ended before his going to adrianople , all would be agreed at his return . in fine , my most honoured lord , whilst this affair remained in t he clouds of retardment , even after the vizir's return , we had the news of what had past at chio. the grand vizir was in a rage , but as his great soul never yields to the extreamest difficulties , so it submitted not at all to this , which was but of the middle ones : he expos'd it at the foot of the throne , of the soveraign master of the world , where having prostrated himself , and received his orders , he returned to his house , and sent for the grand dowanier , commanding him to let the french ambassador be told , that it was no longer his business ( at least at present ) to dispute the sofa , but to repair the mischiefs done at chio , as well to the mosques , as fortress ; and to try by all manner of submissions to obtain a pardon from the king of kings , for that action : and that in the first place he should begin by a letter to the french admiral concerning what he had done ; and to command him to do no more , nor come nearer constantinople , till they tryed to obtain his pardon : for if not , the sultan would let loose his just indignation , and stop his ears to mercy , to the utter destruction of him the ambassador and the whole french nation : that they knew he had exceeded his orders ; the emperor of france being too great an emperor , too just , and too good a friend to command an enterprise so contrary to the antient amity . the dowanier replyed , that the head of our invincible master , and yours , may be at repose ; i dare answer for the embassador in this : i can oblige him to submit to any thing you please : if he make some seeming resistance , it will only be for form-sake . he hath no desire to ingage himself in any thing may put him out of his imployment : he is for getting of money , as his profession , and manner of living demonstrate ; and has been here too small a time , to desire to be gone so fast . these words were not given in vain , for the embassador writ divers times to the admiral , who thereupon remained without doing any thing , like a lyon bound in chains ; these letters were full of real fear , and perfect terror lest his doing more , might displease the sultan in the least . but to hasten things the embassador went himself to the kehaia of the grand vizir , who made him thoroughly sensible of the mighty crime the french admiral had committed , able to overturn the whole negotiation , and reduce into captivity all the french within the ottoman empire ; was there not some reason to hope that he as a prudent ambassador , would procure mercy , and forgiveness from the most happy and most invincible emperor of the earth . the ambassador would have defended himself , by pretending that nothing past at chio , could in the least be interpreted to intend a breach of the antient amity : that if they had fired on the fortress , and hurt some houses , it was but by accident , and in a just defence : since those from thence , had first fired on the ships , belonging to the emperor of france . that this storm of the just indignation of his master , had been restrained for a long time by his natural moderation ; but must at last , by gods permission , fall upon the heads of those thieves , rebels to the grand seignior himself ; the trippolins unworthy to injoy the protection of his highness ; they who had taken the merchants goods and vessels of the french , entring the ports of the ottoman empire ; nay , in the very ports themselves , and under the command of the sultans forts . that these pirates only were responsible for all pretended damage , since only they were true occasions of it . but the kehaia made answer to the ambassador , let us seperate the tripolins from the injury done to the sultan , they are your enemies i allow : but the emperor of the world , is he your enemy ? doth he not give you daily convincing proofs of the contrary , by his imperial benefits ? you are you say , carried on by the force and heat of a just vengeance to persue your enemies : but on the other side , could not the respect due to the king of kings , our invincible master , who had protected the tripolins under his forts , stop it ? was there no middle way to be found , as well to preserve the submissions due to the soveraign of the world , who has the universe in his guard ; as likewise to prevent the escape of your enemies ? there appears to me one , very easy , persues the kehaia , which is to have kept the tripolins besieged , till you had sent to the port of felicity , to implore the high and sublime justice against them : then had that been refused , there had been some pretence of reason perhaps , for coming to that extremity you have done . the ambassador strove to support himself by many weak reasons ; and tho' he often protested he had something essential to offer : all he could say appeared meer amusements , which obliged the kehaia , to stop his mouth , with these words . the emperor of france , which we distinguish infinitely beyond other potontates , as the most powerful , best born , and ancienest friend to the port of felicity , the end of whose days be happy , who surpasses all his ancestors in strength , wisdom , and every sort of merit ; and who is formidable to all christendom : would he take it well , if we should do to him , as his admiral hath done , to the true kalisé , or successor , to the greatest of all the prophets : the sultan elbarrein , and khaijan , and bahrein , king of the two continents , and emperor of the two seas , the cayzar cezar , the distributer of the crowns of cozroes . to whom god perpetuate his grandure , to the very day of judgement . if one of our invincible armies ( as numerous as the sands in the sea ) should attaque our enemies , under one of your masters forts , what would he say ? what complaints had he not reason to make ? is it not known , that the commander of our galleyes , let escape from his fury , the ships of the enemies of cheincha , king of kings , because they took sanctuary , under the standard of padicha , emperor of france ? and was it not done as it should be ? could i , lord ambassador , produce a more pertinent example ? but yet take another , that may guide you to take right measures , in seriously thinking , how to conclude this , and to bring your self out of the present danger : we have heard by certain confus'd reports , that some souldiers , belonging to a spanish garrison in flanders ( a land of vices ) incouraged by the strength of the place , which they thought impregnable , had grown so insolently foolish , as to go forth like furies , meriting hell , to attaque and rob some french souldiers , immediately retiring with their booty , into that center of their cowardice ; much mistaken in thinking they were there safe : for the emperor of france , resolving that this injury , which hurt the peace should be repaired : reserved the conquest of the place , whence it was done , to another time ; it being not yet predestinated to be his : therefore remaining embarrast in the clouds of certain delays , he contented himself , that they should make amends for the rashness of these madmen , undoubted limbs of the devil , by money . we know , continued the kehaia , that the governors of this country , by order of their master , thinking themselves happy , in not seeing roll in upon them , the mighty forces of the emperor of france , whose very shadows make them tremble ; delivered hostage , and sent the money agreed upon , with solemn presents : which he was pleased to accept , not for their value , but as proofs of their homage , submissions , and reparation they were forced to make : he made this little sacrifice considerable by his acceptance , and imperial clemency : here was nothing but a few french plundered to contest about , but we have the faithful kill'd and wounded , who call for revenge , and the holy stones that demand it , which are rent from some of our mosques : there must be blood , or repentance , by submissions , exposed to the view of the publick , or your person must answer all , and be lyable to great extremities : therefore think well of all these circumstances . thus ended the discourse of the kehaia to the ambassador , who pretended , that the last example , was not truly reported : he affirmed that the emperor of france , always invincible , never amused himself about trifling presents : and that he knew how to make his enemies , render true homage , and ever punish't those , that violated his amity without a cause , by fire and sword ; not forgeting neither a generous clemency , truly noble , and dissinterested , when he thought it convenient to suppress his anger . in fine , the ambassador concluded , that he had no fear for his person , sufficiently protected by the power of his master , and the right of nations : saying , he had nothing to give . the kehaia told him , he had time to think , because the soveraign vizir , stayed for the answer of the capoudan pacha , admiral of the seas , to know truly how all things past at chio ; whereupon he would receive the orders , given at the fleet of the soveraign , who pronounces the destiny of the universe : there upon the ambassador retired to his house at pera. the most serene and illustrious vizir , who knows how to make use of his prudence , and his force , as is most proper , contented himself not to hasten the matter . his faithful councellor the grand dowanier negotiated constantly by the usual persons with the ambassador , who gave him positive assurances of his yielding ; and that he would oblige him to submit , assuring him , he had made the ambassador sufficiently apprehend a rupture , as a thing would be of little advantage to the affairs of france in general , or his own in particular . but during these delays , the capoudon pacha , obedient to the orders of the soveraign vizir , had entred the port of chio , the better to understand the cause of the disorder ; and fully to inform himself of every particular , that he might the sooner contribute to the peace he intended : there he was informed the that cursed old admiral of the french , who surely knows how to live by air , and takes pleasure to dance on the most inraged waves of a tempestuous sea ; living on them as on the most firm ground ; and like a perfect fish values neither winter nor summer . this man who ceases not to live , tho' a hundred years old ; and four score of them hath made good provision in the market , where they sell cheats , tricks , and fourberies cheap : took advantage of the narrow entrance into the port of chio. and after having made so many compliments and civilities to the capoudan pacha , did now intreat him , not to think of stirring out till he had surrendred the tripolins , or obliged them to submit . nay more , this daring old man , who seems to forget death , and yet remains in life , by the permission of god , meerly to augment his crimes , the more to burn in hell , had the presumption to search several turkish galleys . the capoudan pacha had not fail'd to go out to punish his insupportable insolence , had not the sea and season inconvenient for galleys prevented it ; so he could do no more then give advice of all , to that high tribunal whose foundations are unmovable . the grand vizir whose angellick understanding knows a perfect remedy for every thing , had no sooner notice of the vain glory , presumption and ill-built pride of this old commander of the french galliens , in presuming to keep ( as it were imprisoned ) the admiral and galleys of the emperor of the world ; but he sent for the grand dowanier to debate the business , between whom it was thought convenient , that the ambassador should be frighted ; they both being confident he would yield , rather then expose himself to the affronts to which revenge too much ingaged their master ; and that all the pride of which he made so great appearance , was only to save his honour , and preserve a profitable imployment . we now ended the moon worthy of blessing , which is that of our fast of ramazan ; it being the eve of the feast of bairan , which is begun by rendring thanks to god for giving us the grace to fast thirty days compleat : the grand vizir indefatigable in the obedience he pays , as well to the great master of nature , who has no companions , as to his lieutenant on earth , his most perfect image ; the emperor of the mussulmans , revenger of the divine unity : this grand vizir having kept so long a fast , was come to the thirtieth day , which he had past , without eating or drinking , from the rising of the sun to its going down : ceased not however to preserve his full strength and prudence , of which he gave convincing proofs to the french ambassador . he sent for him in the evening before the feast of bairan , just as the canons ending their fast , denounced the next days solemnity ; so that he who doth not too well understand our customs arrived at the grand vizir's in the midst of that thunder , sufficient to terrifie him , as being the presage of that rage and threats , was going to fall upon him . they made him attend above an hour in a chamber , whilst the grand vizir was doing his devotions ; where some mov'd him to accrept his audience below the sofa , which he absoutely refused , proposing to remain where he was , or in some other room , from whence he would answer the vizir by message . but this lieutenant to the emperor of the world was resolved to discourse him face to face ; that he might dart at him , glances like lightning from that majestick presence , adorn'd with eagles eyes . he placed himself on a seat prepared on the sofa , having first gravely returned , by an almost imperceptible declining of his head , the submissive reverence the ambassador made him : you must know this christian had but few with him , many not deserving to enter that place : he was invited to sit below ; but having generously resisted several motions , something violent , by which they attempted to constrain him ; and seeming as if he would revenge by blows the force , they desisted : by which he had liberty to deliver a letter from the emperor of france , to the vizir , concerning the sofa ; it was considered too , that remaining standing as he was , it seem'd to be in a posture more respectfull , and readier to obey the orders he was about to receive : it was then agreed , that the interpreter of the port should explain for the vizir , and the ambassadors for him . the discourse of the vizir touched the grandeur of the emperor of the mussulmans , of the respect due to him , of the danger to offend him ; of the necessity readily to make satisfaction for such a crime : and lastly , of the goodness and clemency of the master of the world , willing always to pardon those that humble themselves , and repair the injuries done to his slaves : adding these words , it is for thee therefore * estchibeig , as the surety of the * gadicha of france , thy master ; and hostage residing at the soveraign port of felicity , for confirmation of the peace , to repair all that weaknes it , during the embassie . it is for thee then to pay the damage at chio , for the death of some faithful : the breaches in the mosques , and the mischief done to the cittadel ; i demand of thee for this , three hundred and fifty thousand crowns : and a due submission to such an emperor as my master , who is protector of the true belief . this thou must perform or go to the seven towers , i tell thee as a friend , thou must obey the inevitable doom of the great master of the world , pronounced to me , when prostrated as his slave at the foot of his throne , the perfect and bright resemblance of the celestial one . the ambassador by amusements sought to alter the vizir's resolution , alledging the necessity of obeying the emperor of france , who had commanded his admiral to persue to death , the thieving tripolins , enemies to france , and rebels to the port ; a people unworthy the protection of his highness , having seized the merchants under the forts of the ottoman empire : and taken the consul of cyprus out of his house , where he ought by the capitulations of peace to have been safe : he then alledged , that if he was to be consider'd as a hostage to answer for what should happen on the emperor of frances part ; it could only be intended to relate to things ordinary , and not to those that were out of his power , as the business of chio was : the circumstances too of which , he say'd , were aggravated : he professed himself troubled , that chance and a lawful defence against the fort , which had first fired on the standard of his master , should produce some disorder ; but protested too that he cou'd promise nothing was demanded for it , and had only power write to france the true state of things , and wait his answer thence . that as to the seven towers , it was easy to send him thither , but it was the way to make a rupture : he then declared he would medle no more in any thing , for a prisoner contrary to the laws of nations , was no longer capable of negotiating : the vizir having declared he knew nothing of the business of cyprus , said , they might have besieged the tripolins in the port of chio without fyring into it ; and that during his imprisonment , the commerce should continue , provided there arrived no other acts of hostility ; telling him too , that other french ambassadors had been imprisoned , which the emperor of france had not taken ill . the ambassador reply'd , that his master had not foreseen this accident , which was indeed morally impossible he should ; that if the same usage had been to some of his predecessors , it was not totally without cause , as in the case of monsieur la haye , who was imprisoned , as a spye for the venetians : but for himself he had prerogatives above other ambassadors , and had been ever faithful to the port : that , in fine , he was ambassador of france , and it behov'd them to consider well , before they did any thing might wrong that character . the grand vizir demanded proofs of this great fidelity he boasted ; doth it , saith he , consist in consederating with the french admiral ? to demean himself as enemy to the grand sultan of the osmans : and how shall we discern this mighty prerogative above other ambassadors , in one who can meerly complain concerning trifles , with which the port hath such constant troubles ; and pretends no power to treat about an affair of importance , wherein they had just cause to complain . the ambassador urged , that the business of cyprus , and many others , concerning which he had delivered memorials to the vizirs officers , were no trifling matters ; and that he had no knowledge of the orders which the french admiral had , more then what he had received from him , by letters . but the vizir remained firm to his resolution , repeating to him , pay or thou goest to prison : what i say to thee , is nothing but an effect of my friendship ; take time to consider of it , and do thy best , before there happens to thee some great affront . but the ambassador persisting in the same useless reasoning ; was by the grand vizir thus admonished . it becomes a servant like thee , who mediates affairs , between a mighty and invincible emperor , and thy master the king of france , whom we distinguish much before all other christian kings , to behave himself with all care and wisdom , having ever before his eyes the danger of suffering any thing to slip between them , might occasion enmity or coldness ; to the end that the subjects of two such great monarchies may be free from trouble : think therefore of submitting , and speedily paying , or thou goest to the seven towers . the ambassadour having no more to say , retired ; but instead of sending him to the seven towers , they convey'd him to the little lobby of the chamber belonging to the chiaoux barhy : so he stirred not out of the vizir's house , but there remained prisoner , soon comforting himself , as we may think in that consinement , since he boasted , that he had prevented being sent to the seven towers : one may indeed rationally conclude , that he thought of nothing but the prison , with which he was threatned ; and therefore seemed not to resent the other , in which he was kept . he seem'd to be pleas'd , and studied to appear free , refusing all was sent him from the vizir's kitchin , and eating nothing but what came from his own . he shew'd too a kind of false resolution , to be steddy , against all the overtures were made him , to accommodate the matter , declaring by reiterated protestations , that he neither could nor would give any thing , except some curiosities he had by him : whereupon the vizir sent him this message , the amity i bear thee , and my most earnest solicitations , have almost prevailed to make acceptible thy most humble discourses , before the foot of the imperial throne ; an object worthy all the submissions and respect of mortals : thou shalt therefore within six months of this time , cause to be brought hither some curiosities of france , worthy the acceptance of the sublime majesty of the emperor of the believers ; with a letter from the padicha of france , by which he shall declare to the sultan his ignorance of the fact that hath 〈◊〉 committed ; and that he did never intend his ships should have done any thing , could alter the ancient friendship : and that if by chance something had happen'd at chio , contrary to his intention , he was troubled at it . the ambassador explain'd himself on the message , not allowing any crime , but said he would procure such a letter as was proper in the case : and that for the presents , they should be in his own name , and not in that of his masters . things being thus prepared , they brought the ambassador , the fourth day of his imprisonment , to a chamber of liberty , which was that of the kehaia , to which the interpreter of the port conducted him : there he met the kehaia and the chiaux barhy , who first magnified the kindness of the vizir , and his dexterity in appeasing the rage of the sultan ; and then mutually fell to commending their own , as well as the endeavours of the dowanier . they seem'd to approve too , the conduct of the ambassador , but would not confide in his word , saying , it was necessary to be cautious in things relating to the great emperor of the osmans : and therefore the promise of the ambassador must be in writing under his hand and seal . there hap'ned some dispute in forming it , but at last it was agreed , that the satisfaction should be exprest , to intend a reparation for the mischief done by the emperor of france's ships at chio : they would have ascertain'd the presents , but the ambassadour would only promise they should be honest or proper ; and undertook too , for a letter from the emperor of france , in which consisted the matter of the writing he gave for his liberty ; whereupon he departed to his own house ; however protesting before he went , that he would perform nothing , except the sofa were granted him : and that the tripolins were obliged to make a peace : they bid him be contented , and not doubt of satisfaction . there was , indeed , effectual orders sent to the capoudon pacha , to conclude the treaty with the tripolins , since the ambassador had promised to repair the damage at chio ; the treaty was concluded at the foot of the throne of heroes who have the world in wardship ; and ended to the satisfaction of the old admiral of the french fleet ; whom it had been well to have sent dead into his country ; for instead of retiring thereupon as was expected , he demonstrated a resolution of making a longer stay , and of keeping in the gallys , covering however his actions with a pretence of civility and fair dealing ; sending word to the capoudan pacha , that after so sure a proof of his great genius , in reconciling him and the tripolines , it was unjust he should be stayed longer there , desiring him therefore to procure satisfaction might be given to the ambassador , or that he might have leave to return , declaring he was bound to stay till one or the other was granted . the vizir consider'd , as he ought , the resolution and boundless obstinacy , of this old captain ; who though he had many causes hourly to fear death ; yet acted as if death were afraid of him ; negotiating like one of thirty or fourty , that had hopes of many years to live . the grand vizir making just reflexions on the steddy obstinacy , meriting hell of this old seaman , sent for the domanier , who as a secret , i must needs say , my most honor'd lord , is a true devil incarnate ; to whom this illustrious and fortunate lieutenant to the emperor of the world thus expressed himself : if all the french were as resolute as this old admiral , we should be hard put to 't to find the moments of their wavering , and ordinary inconstancy . but if on the one side , the great god gives us this proof of their steddiness ; he shews us too on the other their natural genius , in the facility of changing the ambassador . should we imploy the invincible naval forces of the king of kings , the success would be doubtful , for the french lye too far from us ; but easily approach our fortresses , having the christians harbours for their succours : this makes me think my self predestinated for another conduct , which will be more to the purpose then hazard , or to say better , the assistance of god , which is never wanting to the faithful , will divide the french councils , and make them combat one another , as they did at candia : do you therefore to this purpose negotiate with the ambassador , who believes you his friend , serve your self with all your understanding , upon his credulous temper , to divide him from this other french-man , who is a thorough-pac'd infidel , covetous of blood and slaughter , and one who seems to have forgot his country , so jealousie between the two infidels . the dowanier is one full of the slights and tricks , natural to those of his race , being by birth a chinquene , who has improv'd his subtleties and fourberies by his imployment in the customs ; so he received the orders of the sovereign vizir , with great submission , promising , at the peril of his head , to execute them . he made it be told the ambassador , that now things were in a good way , this old mad admiral would spoil all ; and it was to be feared by his restless temper , produce an absolute rupture : that he was an ambitious , and aspiring kind of genius , that could not be contented to have ended the affair of the tripolines which only concerned him , to his own hearts desire , but must now be medling too with that of the embassie , that the glory of gaining all points might seem to be his ; and that since all things were adjusted , only that point of the sofa , which the vizir was resolved to grant too , it was necessary to remove this busie obstacle , to a perfect reconciliation . the ambassador gave credit to this man , whom the musulman's themselves believe but by force ; he therefore writ to the french admiral to depart to milo , on pretence of refitting , and to return again , if things were not accommodated as he expected : this letter made him separate from the sea of chio , which he seem'd before to have espoused ; first sending his humble request to the capoudan pacha , that he would mediate at the foot of the sublime throne , that satisfaction might be given to the french ambassador . the most fortunate vizir , whom god will always prosper , was not a little pleas'd , to see enter into constantinople the fleet which had been so long detain'd at chio : and was extremely well satisfied with the conduct of the dowanier , whom he ordered to continue his usual amusements to the ambassador ; who for four or five months was perpetually imbarrast with delays : he boasted mightily of his fidelity to the sublime port , in having put a stop to the violent resolutions of the french admiral ( though before he had pretended to have no power over him ) he therefore continually urged their keeping promise with him about the sofa ; sometimes it would be promised him , and then again made doubtful : then it would he suggested as designed in a chamber without sofa , to be purposely dedicated to the audiences of the french ambassador : but at last he was plainly told , nothing at all could be done in it , till he had performed his promise concerning the presents ; and that then they would think of contenting him . the french admiral , during these delays , was returned again , near to chio , being at the isles of ourlar , on the coast of smyrna : where the wise vizir by the help of the grand dowanier found means a long time to amuse him . but the ambassador beginning to discover , that he was deluded , writ to this old madman , to approach to the cape of janissaries , near smyrna : but commanded him too not to come nearer the dardanelloes , those keys of the world , assuring him if he did , it would prove the destruction of all the french fleet ; and then these would be no quarter for the merchants , nor ambassador himself we knew these circumstances by reason the dowanier , at the beginning , whilest the matter of chio depended , had so possest the french ambassador with the assurance of that danger ; that , that terror still possest him , which had prevented the french admiral coming nearer them before : and was now again the cause that he only came to an anchor , as i said before , at the cape of janissaries , which is the entrance of that gulf which conducts one by a space of seven or eight miles to these castles , which are the first keys of this vast and strong city : the desire of kings , the splendid and proud town of constantinople . the dowanier had likewise receiv'd intelligence from smyrna , that the french admiral was troubled , he had obey'd the ambassador , declaring he knew that was not the way to do themselves good . you must know too , my most honoured lord , that the grand vizir was assured that this french admiral , had received orders to make a speedy return home , to go against algier . the theater of war and foyle of a mighty d' gachar of germany who now burns in hell. but be it as it will , as a secret i assure you , the most serene and illuminated vizir resented the whole matter with great satisfactions , in having it conducted so that he hazarded not the reputations of these two castles , which are the jaws of this great giant of constantines : but that they appeared formidable to the very french , the most powerful of all infidels ; who seem to fear neither storms , famine , fire nor water . their admiral being thus as it were chain'd from passing the cape of janissaries , was certainly as we are inform'd all fury for being forced to return so soon ; and that he must be reduced to prayers for having been obedient to an embassy . he therefore against his will writ a most submissive letter to the supreme vizir , intreating him that satisfaction might be given to the ambassador by having audience on the sofa , or that he might take his leave ; he being obliged to stay to carry him back . the messenger who brought the letter was one of the captains of the gallions , and one we knew to be a most particular friend to the ambassador . this envoy came to constantinople well perpar'd with many good reasons to have offer'd to the supream arbitrator of the affairs of mankind , the lieutenant to the emperor of the world. but being unworthy to appear in his presence , that honor was refused him , and he was referred to the chief steward of the houshold of this councellor , full of the glory of the king of kings . the grand vizir who knows well how to preserve the honor of his supream dignity , refused to receive the letter from the french admiral , declaring he would have no business with him . and as to two sent him by the ambassador of france , wherein he desires leave to depart except he might have audience on the sofa , alledging it was the order of his master : he made no other answer but commanded him to send him those orders of the emperor of france . but the most illuminated vizir having made them to be interpreted to him , returned them without saying one word ; which obliged the ambassador to a third : wherein with counterfeit earnestness he desires leave to retire , pretending that the french admiral was bound to stay for him . this useless refinement caused the grand vizir to smile , who knew that general was immediately to depart , and that the envoy from him hourly pressed the ambassador to dispatch him away . the wise vizir perceiving the subtile design of the ambassador , who made not the least mention of discharging the obligation he had given in writing , sent him this answer . the most happy port , which is the sanctuary of the empires of the age , is ever open to all those who desire the glory to enter : and those that would have the shame to depart , we never detain by force , except they be debtors . thou mayest then be gone ; but first think of paying thy debts , comply with thy obligation ; make thy money and presents to the value of three hundred and fifty thousand crowns be laid at the feet of the emperor of the osmans . and with this attonement , for the business of chio ( unworthy our master , but which he is pleased to accept as a mark of thy humility ) thou shalt have leave to be gone . the ambassador , who it seems , had not before , well consider'd the consequence of his promise , not dreaming perhaps it extended so far ; protested he had nothing came near those demands . they told him he was bound by his writing to make honest presents to the grand seignior ; demanding of him , what that word honest imply'd : declaring to him in fine , that since the six months time agreed upon was past , he was obliged to perform his promise . he declared that those curiosities he had provided were rare and rich , worthy the acceptance of the invincible emperor . it was then required that they might be view'd ; to which purpose some persons were sent by the soveraign vizir : but upon their description contain'd in a catalogue upon the first sight of them , the value the ambassador set upon them , and his offer of some small summ to augment them , were both rejected . but there being no other way to conclude : the envoy of the french admiral was forced to be gone without taking with him the ambassador , whom he was constrained to leave as a debtor at the port of felicity . the grand vizir whom nothing escapes , understanding the hasty departure of the french captain , to joyn his admiral to sail with him for france : was then confirm'd in the advice had been given him of the speedy departure of the french fleet ; and though he knew well enough that the embassador did not intend to fly stript away , yet he counterfeited a care to prevent it , as a thing unjust that he should go without paying . the time came on which makes it necessary that the naval force of the emperor of the world should go forth ; of which the grand vizir took particular care ; going himself divers times to the arsinal about it : so when it was ready to sail and salute with all its cannon and artillery , the soveraign of the earth sitting upon his throne of felicity , the admiral went to prostrate himself before the invincible emperor , and to receive his orders . he was commanded to shape his course for the archipellagues , and to receive the submissions of the french admiral as he past : who would not as the ambassador promised , ( fail to do his duty : ) after which he was to proceed as occasions required . all was performed as was order'd . the capoudan pacha doubled the point of the seraglio with his fleet : and having past the jaws or old castles , came to an anchor at the mouth of the gulf , where having received the respects of the old french admiral , he weighed and continued his way : it seem'd as if this french admiral only waited for that happy moment , for it was no sooner past but he hoysted sail for his own countrey : very joyful no doubt to escape that just punishment his rashness had merited . the most honor'd vizir well satisfied so to have mortified the old man , applied all his thoughts in contriving the reparation was in publick and solemn pomp , to be made in the presence of the august monarch of the universe : to which purpose he sent for the grand dowanier , merrily asking him , when he would make an end of his very good friends business ; adding , though with authority , that it must now be dispatcht . they both were of opinion there would be little difficulty in bringing it about , being certain the ambassador would not be sorry to get forth of the trouble ; especially now , when the admiral was gone : but they thought some arguments would be necessary to persuade him ; as first , that he was obliged by his promise , made as ambassador , to repair the damage done by his master's ships : that there was an appearance too of orders come from france , which left it to his discretion , as things should occur upon the place ; upon which , and other arguments , they both concluded , that if he was prest and threat'ned he would yield . but the dowanier went on with the discourse to the vizir in these terms : i can assure you , my most happy master , that the ambassador demurs not but only for appearances ; he disputes of the quality of the presents and quantity of money , that it may not be supposed in france he yields too easily ; give him a little time to please his fancy with feigned resistance , and he will make the less reflection on the manner he is to make his submissions ; he desires to have it thought , that he gives no money , and desires extremely to have that remitted or conceal'd ; but how can that be , when it must be borrowed of the english and hollanders ? he would have it likewise thought , that he augments not his presents , when already they are increas'd , and trust to me shall be more yet ; i know besides , says the dowanier , that there is a letter come from the emperor of france , containing excuses for the business of chio ; therefore there will be no more to do but to hasten him : they then consulted the manner of proceeding ; first , he had been told beforehand , that it was a custom to send to debtors , even ambassadors themselves , a chiaux to mind them of what was expected from them , that they might comply : but to amuse the ambassador , they concluded to give him occasion to feed his vanity , by the quality of the messenger was sent unto him , which would be a little comfort to him , for what he was to suffer . they sent therefore an officer , that is , him who is judge of the chiauxes ; which indeed was contriv'd to make the business more publick : when he came to the ambassador , accompanied by the interpreter of the port , and had communicated to him the imperial orders for payment , and the necessity of appeasing the sultan's wrath , by publick submissions and satisfactions , capable to procure the effects of his clemency : he again flew back to his former allegations and imaginations , desiring to defer the business , protesting he would not in the least increase his presents . but they being sensible of his dissimulation , advis'd him as soon as might be , to get out of the difficulty : which done the judge of the ushers , and the interpreter of the port left him : his interpreters too , received daily the same advice , with frequent threats of the seven towers : yet still the ambassadour seem'd both by discourse , and a letter he writ to the kehaia , to be ready to suffer every thing , even death it self , rather then give ready money , or indeed any other presents , then what he had offer'd . but the dowanier assuring the contrary , made it be judged a fit time for conclusion , which it was necessary should be made with solemnity . and because it was judged to be too much honour for the ambassador to agree it with the vizir , it was resolved it should be with the prime secretary to this lieutenant to the emperor of the world. your lordship is to consider , that the ambassadors of france did not use to attend the kehaia , but incognito , and clothed in turkish habit , with few followers , pretending it to be a condescention below them , only comply'd with to expedite business . but now it was judged necessary to change that custom , and oblige the ambassadour to come in his own habit , with his interpreters , secretaries , merchants , and foot-men ; that all the town might know it was the french ambassador , who came publickly to attend the secretary of the vizir , to end the business about the pardon for the attempt at chio , and to agree the reparations for the damage done there . he made no difficulty to come publickly as was desir'd , though perhaps he might be ignorant of the cause . the kehaia propos'd to him the augmentation of his presents , which he pretended to refuse ; they seemed earnestly to press him , and he as earnestly to resist ; but all his seeming obstinacy , and their reiterated instances to perswade him , was no more but a meer comedy , for the sum to be presented the sultan was adjusted before : and the dowanier had undertaken for the augmentation of the presents . so the ambassador went back with an imaginary satisfaction of a mock-bravery : he had caused a rumor to be spread , that he was to be sent to the seven towers ; that coming back to his house , it might be thought his conduct had preserved him , which would make both that , and his courage be admir'd at by strangers : to which vapour of vain-glory for his comfort we may quietly leave him ; whilst the most prudent vizir thought of nothing more then the manner to make most visible , most submissive , and most acceptible , his sacrifice of expiation for the attempt at chio : it was first resolved to take the opportunity to reduce the french ambassador , by this occasion , to a custom refused by all his predecessors , and to which none of them would ever submit ; which was , to have their presents seen and valued before they were offer'd : it was supposed the ambassador would hardly refuse it , if his interpreters did but tell him it was the custom ; and we were very desirous he should yield to it at this time , the more because the people would the sooner think he was ready to augment his presents , in case the sultan should not in his clemency agree to accept those he had prepar'd : he yielded the point , and now nothing was in dispute but the place where the presents , the money , and the french emperors letter should be receiv'd , who should receive them , who should carry them , and in what manner they should be presented . the great divan was thought one , as the place where ambassadors are receiv'd , the army paid , and justice distributed : but this proposition was rejected , as not publick enough ; and because that things , which were to pass in the submission , might be confounded with the ceremonies of the ambassadors audience , which he ought not to receive till some time after he had expiated that disorder at chio , the only thing able to render him worthy the presence of the emperor of the world. there were divers other places propos'd , but after full consideration , that the injury for which reparation was to be made , had been done on the sea , in the port of chio , in the sight of many nations , and in a manner at the very gates of constantinople ; it was by all agreed , that no place was more proper to receive satisfaction in , then the palace of cara mustapha , most advantageously situated on the sea side , at the entrance of the safest and largest port in the known world ; a port which is the theatre of the maritine strength of the great sultan of the osmans , and the refuge of the french , english , holland , and venetian merchant ships ; a port , which is at least a third part of it , incompast about by the incomparable city of constantinople , standing in manner of an amphitheatre for five miles together on its banks ; on the other side being seen many cities and towns fit for capital cities to great realms : on the waters whereof may be constantly seen an infinite number of vessels fill'd with people from every nation of the world. all these reasons made the dome of cara mustapha favoured with so advantageous a situation , and expos'd to the view of most of the ambassadors , ministers , residents , and agents of the christian princes , be thought most proper ; that they as well as all the people and grandees of the empire might see , that none could with impunity offend the sovereign majesty of the emperor of the world. they likewise the sooner agreed on the choice of that place , as being a sumptuous palace , including the maritine throne of the emperor of the two seas ; where the musick that diverts him , is that of trumpets , kettle-drums , and cannons ; which , with the noise of oars , and continual hurry of ships and galleys , fills the air with an agreeable confusion : it is in this place too the admirals pay their homage , bringing thither the proofs of their victories , in the spoils of the enemies of the faith. so there being no place more proper for the design of the supreme vizir , it was agreed , that if the sultan did not chuse it of himself , it should be proposed to him . it was then debated , who should receive the submissions of the french ambassador ; and some propos'd either the kehaia or intendant of the grand vizir : but because the enterprise , for which pardon was to be demanded , regarded directly the person of the sultan ; and that it belong'd to none but him , to sit upon the throne of the sea , the vizir resolved to take the time when this sovereign of the world was come ( as he often did ) to this dome of cara mustapha : that he would know in the mean time , if his highness were ready to receive the most humble repentance of the french ambassador , who till then should be kept in suspence of that happy moment : it rested then to determine , how the ambassador should perform his duty : about which some were of opinion he should do it in person ; but because he had not yet receiv'd publick audience from the vizir , it was concluded he should send his principal officer , that was his secretary , to make satisfaction , by carrying and exposing the presents , and money , and to deliver the letter from the emperor of france . they had a president of the like nature with the * bailo of venice , about the vallone , where the venetians had attack't those of barbary . as likewise the yearly practice of the secretary of that republick , when he brings the tribute of five thousand chiquins . in fine , they promis'd , the vizir so to conduct all things , that it should appear a perfect submission , or publick penance for what had past at chio. the grand dowanier , who had charged himself with every thing , congratulated the soveraign vizir that the business was so well adjusted : you have , saith he , my lord , part of what you desire , and shall have the rest ; whilest we leave the ambassador the vain satisfaction to repent and say , that his condescentions are only personal , and his negotiation as a private man , that it was for his own proper account he made his presents ; that the money is for another occasion , and that he hath writ nothing to france of all this bustle , all these pretences are but bad colours , and worse shadows , agreeing ill with the quality of him they are designed to serve : for if he be not ambassador , can he be worthy to rub his face with the dust of the feet of the invincible sultan , whose grandeur god will increase to the very day of judgment ? is it not certain , it was not the ambassador who fired the cannons against chio , but the emperor of france's general , pursued the dorwanier ? and is it not as plain , that he for this , as ambassador must submit ? he is obliged to it by writing , in which he engages to procure his masters letter of excuse , and in six months time to have presents brought from france ? these are here and not intended for his audience : he has too procur'd the summ of money agreed upon . i know he boasts that all has been done is agreeable to the emperor of france : from whence may be concluded that his imprisonment , his promise of presents , and of a letter of excuse to the sultan , are agreeable to the emperor of france : and that it is time therefore to come to a conclusion . let the ambassador then , say what he pleases , and form to himself pleasant chymera's : provided the reality of his submissions conformable to our customs and manners , which ought to be a law to the world ; clears away the shadow from the true throne which is the sanctuary to the emperors of the age ; surrounded by those mountains on which stands the capital city , from whence the noise and reputation of the action will fly to the rest of the earth . this was very near the discourse of the dowanier , who said too that he would go and send for the french interpreters , and command them to insinuate to their master ; that all things were contriv'd for his honor , as would appear to the astonishments of all strangers ; that the presents and respects would be receiv'd by the great emperor of the osmans , and that perhaps he would come for that purpose to a place where he only goeth for extraordinary ceremonies , they shall advise him too , that for his greater glory he must intreat as a signal favour , to have his presents carried by his own people , as his secretary and some merchants . the dowanier having said this kist the vest of the soveraign vizir , and retir'd . he performed all . the interpreters found the ambassador ready to put in action every thing he advis'd him , and extreamly earnest quickly to receive the imaginary glory was promis'd him . there were some days past since the visit of the ambassador to the kehara of the vizir : that he might not therefore be in doubt , word was sent him that his affairs were in so good a posture , and so near a conclusion , that he would soon see a glorious end of them : it was then insinuated to him that the grand dowanier was one of the most considerable officers of the empire ; that he commanded all the seas , from the basphore to smyrna and chio : that all merchandizes and every slave of the world , as well male as female paid him tribute : that he had the honor to provide for the pleasures of the sultan , by whom he was sometimes visited , being lookt upon as one of his favourites . this was suggested to make the ambassdor know , that if the dowanier visited him , it was a particular favour , and a prerogative with which the p●rt would honour him : and that though the merchandize and wealth of all the world found legs to attend this officer to obtain leave to be sold , or the honour to be detain'd for the sultan : he himself would come to the ambassador to see and examin his presents , and to contribute all he could to make them in some measure worthy the acceptance and clemency of the invincible emperor : the conclusion was , that he was not only to receive the grand dowanier with demonstrations of acknowledgment and friendship ; but with all kind of honor , being to be attended by his principal officers , turks and jews ; that is to say , those of his tribunal , proper for the business he was sent about . the interpreters that were instructed in the main circumstances , were the first that by order of their master , put them in execution : one of them went to fetch the dowanier from his house ; bringing with him a horse of the ambassadors . he was receiv'd at the gate of the french palace by the secretary , chief interpreter , and other domesticks ; the ambassador met him in the hall , and led him upon the sofa , where being placed in a seat of honor , the first interpreter having kist his vest , said to him : that the ambassador considering him as one of his best friends , bid him heartily welcom , that he was extreamly pleas'd to see him , after all the trouble he had given him , that he might personally return him thanks , which he did sincerely ; that he had often , and would continue to inform the emperor of france of all the good offices he daily did his subjects , in point of commerce : that all the factory as well as the ambassador himself , were indebted to him for the conclusion of a business , had made so much noise . to which the dowanier made answer ; i boast , saith he , nothing , but am a friend at need ; god knows what i have done , and shall do : you have many enemies , those of your own religion , and francs , as you are , do not much love you , nor are they much troubled to see the french ill us'd , some of them gave continual intelligence of things might have anger'd the vizir , if his moderation and prudence had not retain'd him : he has not long since had assurances , that the padicha of france sent to the emperor of germany ; offering him assistance , in case our master the invincible sultan , broke with that prince , or to make him if he could declare war by way of advance against us : others on the contrary side would perswade us , that the french would suddenly be at war , both with the germans , and most part of christendom : but the grand vizir confider'd all these reports as the meer effects of base envy , and sordid jealousie , being resolved ( pursued the dowanier ) to give you proofs of his friendship ; i come therefore to tell you , he as presented the offer of your submissions to the imperial estrier ; and conjectures they may be near acceptance , that is , of being acceptible . the ambassador denied all those things which seem'd to wound the reputation of his master : and the dowanier seeming to believe him , changed the discourse , saying , come let 's to work , i have brought hither my officers that value the customs , to make estimation of your presents according to usage ; and offer you my advice , as a friend , wherein to augment them , that they may in some degree be worthy to be offer'd the emperor , supporter of the world ; and that we may the better prevail with him to accept them . they thereupon brought the dowanier into the fairest chamber of the french seraglio , where he was much surprised not to see the principal wall garnish'd with looking-glasses : but applying himself to the observation of the presents , and advising with the praisers , he told the ambassador that these he brought with him , but he must add to them those he had since sent for from france , besides some jewels : these last the ambassador desired him to buy for him , which he promised to do : he mention'd too the ready money , but the ambassador protested he had none , and intreated him to lend him some ; which he consented to do : but the ambassador desiring that the money might be delivered secretly , could obtain only a doubtful answer from the dowanier ; though to comfort him he readily granted him another request , which was , that his presents might be carried to the sultan by his own people . this , though the surest proof of his submission , was by the dowanier magnified to him as an exceeding favour , who told him , it must be done then by his kehaia , clerks , and some merchants ; who must be well instructed , to comply with all the ceremonies would be taught them ; and to behave themselves with modesty , silence , and gravity . he then mention'd the letter from the emperor of france , which the ambassador would have excused , but at last promised to deliver . this whole intertainment , and great negotiation , was mingled with those ordinary ones of cahu , sherbet , and sweet-water , and more then one collation of fruit. the ambassador often reiterated his protestations of friendship and acknowledgment to the dowanier ; the praisers neither were not forgotten : so when it was time to part , the dowanier bid him fear nothing , for he would go to the grand vizir , to know whether he had received orders from the invincible emperor , for ending the business : the same honours were done him going , as when he came , with repeated intreaties for a speedy conclusion : he came immediately to the sovereign vizir , and gave him a pleasant account of all had past ; but above all , they were pleas'd at the ambassadors hast , whom therefore they agreed should be made solicite some days ; which he did to the dawanier earnestly for the three following , receiving only dilatory answers : but then the dowanier went to his house again , and carried with him the jewels he had bought with the ready money , receiving the same honours , as at first , but could not appoint a positive day for a conclusion ; pretending the sultan had not yet appointed one ; but he perswaded the ambassador not to be discouraged , but in the mean time send the letter and presents to the grand vizir's , that the manner of carrying them might be regulated , which was immediately done : they brought too the ready money , having in some manner agreed it should be received privately . there was in the mean time a certain memorial presented to the emperor of the world , sent him by the grand vizir in this form : my most magnanimous , most valiant , and most happy emperor , be pleased to behold what is brought before you by the greatest of your slaves ; it is that your slave the ambassador of france makes continual supplications , to implore pardon for what past at chio : he hath never since that misfortune ceased to use his utmost endeavours , to escape the terrible grief of chastisement , so great a rashness merited ; and to preserve the whole french nation from the extirpating furious sword of the monarch of the world : to which purpose he is fled to the cittadel of submission , and there humbly waits for the happy moment , wherein he may be admitted to rub his face with the dust of the feet of your invincible , and ever triumphant highness : he begs you would be pleased to cast an eye tending towards acceptance , both on the letter of the emperor his master ; and on the money and presents he ( according to the orders he hath received ) is ready to expose at the foot of your sublime throne : and which at present are in the possession of me , who has the honour to be your slave : he confesses them to be mean , if consider'd with the majesty of the person they are designed to , but hopes they may become of value by the acceptance , being sure proofs of his vassalage , and testimonies of his most submissive and respectful repentance , for the disorder at chio. it remains in the breast of your highness to command any other thing you please , which your slave the ambassador is ready to perform . the wise emperor , who penetrates into the most secret and difficult things , to whom the almighty god grant for ever a happy and glorious reign , commanded the grand vizir to appear at his foot ; of whom he inquired , whether all he writ was sincere ; and whether there was no trick , by which those infidels might shelter themselves in the valley of treachery and insolence . the grand vizir assured him he had reason to believe , that the ambassador was in earnest : whereupon this sovereign , who is the delight and glory of the world , spoke thus : the french , though obstinate in error , are nevertheless protected by our high and imperial power , in hopes we may one day reduce them to receive the true faith : their emperour boasts to be our most ancient friend , yet have they acted like traytors , and enemies at chio : but because they readily humble themselves , i submit to the most high and absolute commands of the holy prophet , which saith , when you have power over your enemy , pay me the tithes of the victory , by the pardon you shall give him . i am therefore disposed to pardon and forget the ingratitude of these infidels , whom i have loaded with my sublime favours ; having granted to their last ambassadour , with considerable advantages , the renovation of the capitulations denied to so many of his predecessors . the emperor paused a little , and then addressing it to the grand vizir , who durst not yet speak , pursued thus : let the ambassador be well instructed in the glory he is going to receive by his submissions , humility , and publick repentance ; whereby he not only disarms our rage ; but procures to his master the confirmation of a friendship , and alliance , to him so glorious , that it will render him terrible to his enemies . the grand vizir with a most submissive bow , intreated the mighty sultan of the osmans to appoint the place , where he would have his slave the ambassador make publick to the world , his repentance and most submissive respects , with the proofs of a fidelity , should be no more subject to a change the emperor replied , he would send his pleasure in writing ; which came in this form : i shall god willing , to morrow , and next day divert my self with the noise of the waves of the sea ; to reflect my grandure in that liquid crystal miroir ; and to delight my ears with the artificial thunder and confusion of voices , which reigns usually on that element . i go to seat my self at the entrance of the port on my maritime throne , in the kieusk of mustapha pasha ; where the sea seems to be summon'd into a long and large court , only to do homage to my imperial seat , the vast city of constantinople . it is there , its natural inconstancy cannot hinder it from rendring me perpetual homage , in the name of other seas : and to glory in bringing me tributes and submissions constantly , from all the princes of the world. there i inspire my officers , with power of gaining victories with ease , in granting them the glory at setting forth , to prostrate themselves at my feet : and there at their return i receive the proofs of those victories they have gain'd in my name . it may be truly called the abridgment of the world ; being the refuge of all the nations of the seven climates , who think themselves happy in bringing thither their most precious merchandizes , for the use of me and my slaves . nature alone contriv'd this royal port , which is constantly cover'd with vast numbers of ships and galleys , and beautified by those mountains cloath'd with mosques , towns and forrests which encompass it about ; whilest i there divert my self , true emperor of the world , and make reflections of what i owe to god , the unchangeable lord ; for giving me so beautiful a residence in this perishing world ; as an earnest of that he hath prepar'd for me in the other , which shall never end : you may cause to be brought before me , the submissions of the french ambassador ; in a manner , as much proportion'd as can be to our grandure , and ●he quality of protector of the true faith , a title we more esteem than that of all our dominions : this is what we ordain ; and thou who art our grand vizir , and counsellor , full of glory , must give odedience to this . the most discerning and prudent vizir , was extreamly pleas'd , that a soul like his , so much inferior to that of our most invincible master ; should enter into sentiments so agreeable to the clear thoughts of that incomparable emperor . he sent presently for the dowanier , and communicated those orders to him , which none must disobey without the danger of being lost : he assured the grand vizir , that he was continually sollicited for a dispatch by the french interpreters , who were scarcely ever from him . so it was concerted that the next day but one all should be finisht ; of which the principal officers of the port had notice : and things were so order'd that the common people might not be ignorant neither . the emperor of the two seas , being accordingly come to the kieusk of mustapha pasha , there took for some time the pleasure of a true emperor ; and being set at dinner , they caused the french ambassadors presents to be brought from the grand vizir's ; where , as i before told your happy lordship , they had been deposited three or four days ; and placed them in a house near the palace , under the conduct of an officer of the port ; and over against the kendi , were expos'd to publick view the ambassadors people , his secretary and chief clerk , a merchant and three interpreters , who were the principal together with ten or twelve footmen : these had waited with great impatience from day break , expecting this happy moment ; then by order of the principal usher , and master of the caftans , the six first had each of them a castau or vest of honour delivered them ; thus with the interpreter of the port , and a turkish officer , in caftans at the head of them , they marched followed by the footmen . these eight in robes with the rest of the ambassadors people , took each of them a part of the present , and fyled one after the other , with all the gravity , modesty and silence , becoming a business of that nature : they were made stop at one of the corners of the pallace : and being drawn into a rank , with their backs towards the seraglio , and faces to the sea , eyes cast down , their feet streight and closed to one another , each man held his part of the present , elevated with both his hands , as high , and as much expos'd to the publick as might be ; in which humble posture having stood a sufficient time for the people to view and distinguish every thing , they were discharged from that honour by the officers of the emperor , supporter of the world. it is not certainly known , how many purses of money were amongst the presents , but some there were , and these carried to his highness , by him who had order'd the whole ceremony , which is the telkedgi . the emperor of the world cast one corner of his eye upon them , which communicated to them all their value and esteem they ought to have : this corifee and master of the kings of the world , this mighty emperor of the osmanli ; had the pleasure to read the excuses of the emperor of france , in his letter deliver'd him by the grand vizir ; in which he assures him , he had given no orders to his admiral to disturb the antient alliance , but on the contrary to strengthen it ; but if in pursuing and fighting the tripolins his enemies there had happened any wrong to his highness's territories , he was troubled at it , and desired him not to take it ill ; but consider that those thieves had before set upon the french merchants in his highness's ports : that though he had great reason to complain that the fort of chio had fired upon his flag , yet he freely forgot it , to shew to what degree he would be a friend to the most invincible emperor of the musulmans . whilest his highness was accepting these protestations of fidelity , which he believed sincere ; to prove them so , the telkedgi and interpreter of the port appeared , followed by the three interpreters of france ; who being come to a certain distance stayed , and had the honour to touch the ground of the field , before the sultans throne with their faces ; there holding them as long a time as is required to boyl an egg : in this manner , without being held , they saluted the emperor ; being by birth slaves to the grand seignior : but the kahaia , and clerk to the ambassador , with the french merchant , who are only to be reckoned slaves by force , and representers of their master ; were held by two ushers , each in vests of ceremonies , who extended their arms with one hand , and carried in the other silver staves which they often rub'd on the ground with great noise , and a certain motion of grandure and ostentation . these conductors who led their slaves like victimes in seeming hast , made them stop as suddenly ; saying to them in a rude tone * dour . when the telkedgi , and interpreter of the port , with the three french interpreters had done prostrating ; then might be seen these chief porters or ushers , like maskers of ceremonies , so well instruct their french-men , that without quitting their shoulders or prejudicing the extension of their arms , they all kneeled softly down , and imprinted their faces in the dust , in the open view of the sun , remaining in that posture so long as it pleased the emperor of the world ; who being well satisfyed with so full a reparation , made a sign almost imperceptible for taking them away . the capidges are so perfectly instructed in these ceremonies , that the least motion of the field is to them enough , so they rais'd hastily these prostrated slaves , and made them return back without giving them time to behold the sublime majesty of the emperor of the world , who was seated at a great disttance . thus the french-men performed their commission in representing the true submissions of their ambassador . the august and terrible sultan of the osmanli , was seated on his throne at the entrance of the open gallery , which ranges on that side of the kieusk , which is towards the sea : the * chesade was by him ; for tho the emperor his father doth not yet admit him to his councels or divan , but keeps him in a plain equipage , having him only often with him at hunting , walking , riding , and other diversions ; yet his highness would have him with him , to be a witness of the respects , submission and publick repentance of the french ambassador ; to make this young prince sensible how much the name of osman , which he must one day support , was rever'd through the whole world , since the emperor of france , the greatest monarch of the belief of the messia , and terror to the rest of those infidel princes , whose armies and garrisons are innumerable , and treasures inexhaustible , did permit this ambassador to make such full satisfaction for what past at chio : there was beside ranged about the throne in respectful posture the principal * itheoglans : the grand vizir attended too on oneside near a corner of the gallery , with his hands clos'd , his feet streight and joyn'd , and his eyes cast down : there was neither * kalibulick , noise , croud or confusion , but an awful silence , which exprest that it belonged to none but the master to speak or give leave to them that should . thus my most honoured lord , you see the particulars of this most remarkable affair : the chief circumstances whereof are recorded in the registers of the empire . the great ones , nay the very people talk of it with delight in constantinople , and the news of it is gone to persia , armenia , and the indies ; the * droguemans of our friends allies , and tributaries of the law of messia , are well instructed in all particulars , to the end they may inform their several masters ; many of the secretaries and clerks of the imperial register ▪ have writ exactly to the pachas and beglarbeigs of this vast empire , preserved by god , concerning it . and i think my self happy to have been chosen to communicate all these glorious circumstances to my most honoured lord. the matter is in it self so splendid , that it needs no more but the pure and simple relation to make it be admir'd ; and eloquence would but serve to hide some part of the luster : i have therefore used no disguises , nor indeed hesitated to mix some particulars in my relation which deserve to be kept secret ; so that i have made this rather a little book then a letter , nor have i yet fully done , having forgot to relate to you the satisfaction of the ambassador in having got out of so difficult an employment : he magnifies his own conduct , and has writ about it to his countrey , as well as given an account thereof to the ministers residing from other princes , at the happy port. and he is so strongly perswaded that he hath done his master considerable service ; that he hath sent proofs of his acknowledgment to all those he thought instrumental in procuring so mighty an advantage as the pardon of the most invincible emperor of the musulmans . the most discerning vizir , so conducted this whole affair , to the sole glory of our invincible suitan ; that there is not the least circumstance , or most minute passage can be interpreted to the contrary , except by men of shatter'd understandings ; we are therefore confirmed by it , in that esteem which is due to his merit : and may avow with justice the most submissive acknowledgments and thanks given him by the ambassador , which were accompanied with presents that testified the gratitude due to this minister , for so well re-establishing the negotiation , trade and alliance with the french , which without his mediation to his highness , was in hazard to have broke : the effects whereof could not have been otherways then bloody . the ambassador believ'd himself much honoured by certain words of gratitude , which lookt a little like thanks from the grand vizir : nor has he wanted to acknowledge the pains and endeavours of the most illustrious kehaia , the resefendi lord of the clerks of the two * teskeredgis , chaoux pacha , principal usher of the interpreter of the port , and many others of whose friendships he makes sure account . the dowanier who mediated all , did not labour for nothing : his reward was not forgotten , nor will be wanting hereafter for the proofs he will daily give the french , merchants of his friendship to them , or rather that he bears to himself . i must , my lord , say one word or two concerning the many mercies which god pours forth , on the mighty sultan of the osmanli ; of which , though we have a thousand examples , in my opinion none are more visible or stronger proofs , then the jealousie he is pleased to sow amongst christian princes : we know some of the effects this passion produces in the countries of those infidels : but if our grandure and power , which is arriv'd to so great a height , makes us not neglect to enter into the thoughts of this subject , in certain particulars , which we have now before us , and which will instruct us in many things ; we shall easily perceive it to be the perfect hand of god , which in mercy to us so blinds the christians , that most of their princes are reduced to the necessity of seeking the friendship of the port , to divert from them the fury of those armies which command victory . and there may be discerned amongst the christian ambassadors a most particular application for the destruction of one another . they seem indeed only so many spyes , not upon our government , but of what passes in the countreys of their neighbours : and above all of any weakness amongst them , of which they think themselves so happy to inform us , that they even make us deaf with their news ; and so the glory of our master , which permits not that we should have ambassadors rende in their courts , doth not the least prejudice to his affairs . this curse of god upon the christians has gained us many victories , and gives us easie conquests : and you may discern a part of their conduct , by what i have said about the business of chio ; and i may add truly , that there never appear'd so much zeal amongst the christian ministers against those of france as then . they would come and tell us . that the emperor of france is an ambitious and restless prince , very powerful and fortunate , who disturbs all his neighbours , and gives them great trouble by his victories and money , that he would seem to be a friend to the port , whilst he gives great succours in all places against it ; that he values himself to the pope by the great designs he hath against the turks ; that we ought to consider him as a dangerous enemy , and the greatest politician of the world ; that all the rest of christendom was confederating against him ; and that the king of germany expected but the renewing of the truce with us , to put himself in the head of the league against him . the venetians , though for their particular interest they should desire a war between us and the germans , yet nevertheless have not ceased to excite as much as possible , the hatred of his highness to the french ; and it is certain the hollanders and others did the same : they would all have ingaged us in a rupture with france ; but the most discerning vizir , who knows how to make his advantage of every thing , is very well pleased with the reparation of the french ambassador . he can likewise , when he pleases , sell very dear to the german minister , the renewing the truce ; and in appearance preferrs doing so to that of the war , notwithstanding the interests of those would perswade the contrary : he will attaque the venetians sooner then they dream of , and not fail to draw money from the others : he hears when he pleases , and sometimes lends an ear to a business of which he will seem to understand nothing : he will cast out hopes , when necessary , the more easily to deceive believing that most of those negotiate with him , do but watch for opportunities to cozen him ; so it is very difficult to please him with any thing : delays , spinning out time ; a hastiness like anger , and haughty fierceness are to him natural , and of great advantage : he never treats directly , in the beginning of a negotiation , but leaves it to be managed by his most experienced creatures , the better to take his measures , for its conclusion : if he loves money it is to augment the treasures of his master ; as his reason is infinite , and capable of discerning what is in his power , and what not , so he governs with an absolute authority , and cuts off the heads of any dare oppose him ; and this way cannot chuse but be good , and pleasing to god , since it is for the preservation and propagation of the true faith , and for increasing the glory , and prosperity of the emperor , who is the protector and defender of the divine unity ; and the most worthy successor of the greatest of the prophets , mouhamet moustafa : i have thus weakly mention'd a few of those qualities , which recommend our grand vizir ; and i is may safely add , that it impossible but he should be a very able man ; having been educated under the conduct and authority of the blessed kedgia mhammed pacha , and of his son ahmet deceased , which were the two kieupruli's ; he acted and govern'd under these two great men : but to compleat his character , we need only say , he is the choice of the emperor of the two continents and two seas ; the possessor of the two most august cities , our master ; the kalise of the age , who has conquer'd the realm of candia ; and the most impregnable fortress of cameniek , whose grandure god will increase , and give him a blessed end : see my most honor'd lord all i have to write to you : i beseech the most high god to fill you with his grace , and to grant me that of ever serving you. an observation by way of continuation of the former letter , concerning the negotiation of monsieur guilleragues . the affairs of the port may justly occasion very serious reflections , since it is very visible , that the motions of the sultan , and his grand vizir , do hold all the christian part of europe in suspence : we have seen on the one side the emperor hope with a little too much confidence the renewing the truce ; but he had certainly obtained it without all those pains he hath taken , if he had not so long given ear to those politicks , which advis'd him not to draw the forces of the ottoman emperor too hastily upon him : his imperial majesty without this fear , had vigorously opposed the progress of the male-contents in hungary : a resolution so necessary had subdued those rebels , and made the infidels know he was ready to receive them : but whilst that court became ballanced with a desire of carrying the war another way , they delayed both ; and through an untimely fear of the most remote danger , stood still in an unactive speculation , which perhaps may draw upon them enemies from all sides . sultan mehemet the fourth is in warlike pomp set forth from his capital city , followed by count alberte caprara , whose negotiation appears to be brought to extremity : but because there is often seen strange changes in great affairs ; he flatters himself with hopes that some remedy prepared upon the frontiers , may work effectually , even when the disease appears most desperate : the grand seignior in the mean time , has remained certain days in the camp of davont pacha ; and notwithstanding his obstinacy of remaining in his tents , in defiance of eighteen hours violent rain , he was at last forced to quit them , and the danger he ran of being drown'd , fell upon three or four of his people , who were lost at a passage through certain waters , where the bridge was broken down : there was also lost several rich things , both of his highness and other great ones , who accompanied him ; but this emperor after a little rest , to give time to the waters to fall , continued his march to adrianople . the grand vizir , who has been in his tents ever since the march of the emperor from constantinople , began to follow on the nineteenth of october very early in the morning , to joyn his highness ; carrying with him the satisfaction of having deluded monsieur guillerdgues to the very last : but may not one think that this minister deceives himself in that pleasure , since it is apparent , that ambassador hath contributed more then he to his being cheated by him . he negotiates no longer about the firing at chio , that business was determined sufficiently to his glory , if you will credit the paris gazette ; or as it is well explain'd by another , it is the business of the sofa continues . we must remember that whilst monsieur de quesne , besieged the galleys in the port of chio , to oblige the vizir to grant the sofa ; that minister being much astonish'd discours'd as if he was resolved to give that honour , as soon as the galleys were returned to constantinople : monsieur guilleragues , who believ'd him , procured them liberty to come ; but the promise , which was the foundation of all , remained unperform'd . see then how this minister deceived himself in letting escape a sure way of obtaining his desires ; and in believing the turks capable of fair dealing in a nice rancounter . it is known how long the time was delay'd before they came to an end of the business of the presents , that is to say , the reparation for the attempt upon chio : but the more we perceive the turkish ministers to have a desire to finish it , the more , it is evident , he should have refused to put an end to that fine business , without having first the sofa : but monsieur guilleragues is content with the words they gave him on this subject , and post pones the matter , till after delivery of the presents , which was executed ; he remaining still without the sofa : there we see him cozen himself the second time . there has past a long time since the glorious victory on the 21st of may , the day on which they triumph over the grand seignior , in forcing him to come himself to receive their trifles , even to the sea side ; and since the fifth of june , the happy day on which monsieur gilleragues's promise in writing was restored ; and the 29th of the same month when the presents were sent by him to the grand vizir ; to the 19th of october , the day whereon this minister began his march for adrianople . all this time of five or six months was vainly imployed to soften this minister in the point of the sofa : monsieur guilleragues the more prest it , to the end he might obtain it before the departure of the vizir : and being necessitated to use all peaceful ways , having let slip those of force , which struck at the interest and glory of the turks : he hath not hesitated to hazard a second letter of his king 's , which remains as well without effect as answer : he delivered the first himself , and had a verbal answer to this purpose , that he ought to be contented with the great honor the sultan had done him in receiving his presents , and not to pretend to a thing so extraordinary as that of the sofa ; and that it was not usual with the port to grant so many advantages at one time . it is true , he insinuated that his masters fleet would return to fetch him back ; but he that had sent it away before , and render'd it useless when there , where it might have procured his pleasure , had not his bravadoes much valued ; but at the same time there was a certain rumor spread , as if he was to repair the subjects losses at chio , pretending that was distinct from the satisfaction made the grand seignior . all this was not able to discourage him ; he applies again to his incomparable friend the dowanier , who as readily undertakes to cheat him ; so his interpreters must make many useless journeys to the vizir's camp , in the last of which they presented a request from the ambassador , wherein he remonstrates to that minister the necessity of his retiring , for which purpose the king's fleet would come to the dardanelloes to fetch him ; he therefore intreats order might be given to the kaimmakam of constantinople , not to hinder his departure , grounded upon so indispensible necessity , it being not just , that the ambassador from the greatest , and most powerful monarch of christendom , and the antientest friend of the port , should stay longer without those distinctions of honour and prerogatives , which were his due ; that in all things besides the vizir might use his pleasure . the grand vizir took this as a conclusion for all requests , and thereupon plainly declared his pleasure , that he would neither grant the sofa , nor should the ambassador go till the grand seignior pleased ; and in case he continued obstinate , they should take good order about him . the interpreters hearing these angry menaces , found a way to soften them by the kehaia , who , as was pretended , had moderated the vizir , so that he declared himself willing to give him audience in his pavillion upon equal place , to let it be seen , that he understood well the grandure and power of the emperor of france , above other christian princes : but for granting audience , on the sofa , it was not in his power ; the grand seignior , having order'd that ambassadors should receive it , below , even all , not excepting that of france . they pretend too , that the grand vizir after his avowing , this indeed wilful want of power ; should say he would try to alter his highnesse's resolution , as soon as he came to adrianople ; where he was going to find that emperor : and that in the mean time he intreated monsieur guilleragues , that as he had not come to the port without leave of his highness , so he would not go without it : finishing all this fine discourse with many offers of service to the ambassador ; as well relating to his own particular , as to that of trade . monsieur guilleragues , came not of his embassy by leave of the grand seignior , nor is the vizir accustomed to intreat this ambassador ; such discourses are not common with that haughty minister , no more than his offers of service : and promise of audience on equal seats : nor can we unriddle the mystery of saying , the french ships should come to the dardanelloes ; since why not to constantinople ? but in fine we may conclude , that if monsieur guilleragues expects the vizir should intercede for the sofa , he is cheated the third time . for it is certain , the depriving him so long of it can justly be imputed to none but himself , who in that is master . therefore his best excuse will be to say that his interpreters surpriz'd him : but all these cheats would appear but trifles , so he be not cheated too by the renewing the truce with the emperor . and should there be a war , it would advantage him but little ; and it is plain , nothing would be of more use to him , then the playing again , the cannon of his king ; it must not be forgotten that the ambassador would have it believ'd , that he had ended the great business at chio , for baubles , even just nothing : and that he had in a manner forc't the grand seignior to give audience to his servants . this ridiculous report , and groundless vanity , is come to the ears of the grand vizir , to whom they interpreted the paris gazets , that are fill'd with the glory of monsieur guilleragues ; and seem to insinuate a low condescension in the port : but since this infidel minister knows the folly of these brags ; which he sees destroy'd by the relations printed in other countries : they serve only , for a subject to augment his pride ; and gives him a pleasure , the mor to chagrine and mortifie the french ambassador . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69440-e390 turkish admiral . chief customer . two last gand vizirs . chief secretary . * governor of constantinople . * or lord of the clerks . * l. embassador . * emperor chief usher . emperor . gipsie , or fortune-teller . caesar charles the fifth . or ambassador . so the turks call all western christiars . pallace . master of the robes . master of kequests . * stand. porter● . his eldest son. * boys of the court. * whispering . * interpr●ters . * registers . delenda carthago, or, the true interest of england in relation to france and holland leslie, charles, 1650-1722. 1695 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59469 wing s2890 estc r12938 12426568 ocm 12426568 61883 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59469) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61883) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 297:11) delenda carthago, or, the true interest of england in relation to france and holland leslie, charles, 1650-1722. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1695] caption title. attributed to charles leslie. cf. bm. "authorship falsely assigned to anthony ashley cooper, the first earl of shaftesbury"--nuc pre-1956 (supplement). reproduction of original in columbia university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign economic relations -france. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. france -foreign economic relations -great britain. netherlands -foreign economic relations -great britain. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion delenda carthago . or , the true interest of england , in relation to france and holland . as the happiness of our scituation secures us from the invasion of any , who are not our masters at sea : the same reason makes it altogether against the interest of england , to seek to enlarge her dominions by conquest , upon the continent : for the charge of transporting , besides the accidents of the sea , is such odds , as she can never wage an equal war. the truth of this will appear to any who shall read the wars of england in france , the vast expence of blood and treasure , the many hinderances and disappointments in sending our reliefs by sea ; and , after the most prosperous successes , the little effect and final loss of all . which indeed prov'd our greatest benefit , by sending us to live at home . and i think it very plain that the loss of callice , and ridding our hands of all the seeds of war , the garrisons we had in france , was exceedingly for the advantage of england : we call'd them bridles upon france , but they prov'd sponges to us , and drain'd more money from us ( and sometimes men ) than , if employ'd upon the fleet , would have enabled us to bridle france , and the seas , and to have extended the privilege of the flag to both worlds . the fleet are the walls of england . to command at sea , not to make conquests by land , is the true interest of england . and the same reason makes it the interest of france , not to meddle with us . he can extend his conquests with fifty times less expence and hazard upon the continent . nor does he desire more of england than not to hurt him . accordingly we find that france has always endeavoured to live well with england ; and indeed they have courted us , and always shewed a more particular kindness to the english gentry , than to any other nations , who travelled thither for their education . and when we were lately obliged to declare war against them ( for we began with them ) yet it was not for any injury they had done to us , nor had we one to instance . and by the issue of all the wars that england ever yet had against france , it plainly appears to be the interest of england to have no war with france ; at least never to carry our arms into france . for suppose the best , the utmost you can propose , even to conquer france , as we did once before : how shall we keep it ; what armies of english must we always have there to prevent their rebelling ? would transplanting of all england serve the turn ? sure such a conquest would drain and ruine england , as the indies have spain . but suppose we had it and could keep it : our king would make his residence in france , and england would become a province like flanders , when their earls came to be kings of spain ; or as scotland is now to england , which was wisely foreseen by hen. 7. when he , for that very reason , married his eldest daughter to scotland , and his younger to france ; thinking it much more the advantage of england to have the accession to scotland than of france ; the greater always swallowing up the less , as rivers are lost in the sea. what then is the interest of england as to france ? surely , to grow great at sea , and command the trade , which is our greatness ; but , by all means , to let alone their continent ; where a conquest would prove our own destruction . let us now look how our interest stands as to holland . it is interest that governs kingdoms . nations do not fall in love with one another , as particular persons do for their beauty . the publick still moves by interest , and that will never lye . the interest and life of holland , all the world knows is trade . it is advantageous to others ; but it is n●c●ss●ry to them . their continent cannot make them live : therefore whoever rivals their trade must be irreconcilable to them ; nor can they ever be true and hearty to such . england has been their only mighty rival for the trade of the vvorld : vvhence that wise chanc●llor of england , the earl of shaftsbury , in his speech to the parliament , 5. feb. 1672. lays it down as a maxim never to be forgot in england . let this be remembred ( saith he ) the states of holland are england's eternal enemy , both by interest and inclination : and he gives the reason , because we are their only competitor for trade and power at sea , and who only stand in their way to an universal empire , as great as rome . then he shews how true they have been to their interests , in working all the miscief they could to england , not only by violent , but false and treacherous ways : and he instances in their breach of treaties , both in the surinam and east-india business ; and their heighth of insolence , to deny us the honour and right of the flag ; and that , though it had been owned by them in the treaty of breda , yet they disputed the king's title to it in all the courts of christendom , and made great offers to the french king , if he would stand by them against us . lastly , he compares them to carthage ; and us to rome , that is , that it was impossible both should stand upon a ballance ; that if we do not master their trade , they will ours . they or we must truckle . one must and will give the law to the other . there 's no compounding , where the contest is for the t●ade of the whole world. no treaties , no alliances will , or ever did bind them to us , longer than till they could make an advantage by us . after a firm treaty in 1619 , ensued the murder of the engl●sh at amboyna in november 1624 , and other depredations in the east indies . you may see a whole history of their breach of treaties , and most barbarous and perfidious cruelties upon the english , by dr. stubbe , printed in 1673. since k. james the first ( says he ) reigned in great britain , they have neither kept any league in reference to trade and commerce : that rich trade we had into the east indies , at japan , amboyna , banda and the moluccoes , is totally ruined : our islands of poleran , palaway , lantere unjustly seiz'd into their hands ; and the damages we suffered there are computed in 1653 , at 1656233 l. 15 s. and we are now totally excluded those seas by these hollanders — their usurpations there have been accompanied with barbarities and outrages — besides the cruelties of amboyna , they exercised innumerable others , as appears by the depositions from 1616 to 1620 : printed at london a. d. 1622. the english ships being taken and their goods confiscated , the captains , souldiers , factors and mariners were made prisoners , clogg'd with irons , kept in stocks , bound hand and foot , tied to stakes , haling and pulling them with ropes about their necks , spurning them like dogs , throwing them headlong down rocks and clifts , murthering some , and starving others to death : some were landed among the indians , where they found better usage among the paynims , than the protestants of holland : some were so lodged , that they were forced to tumble in their own excrements , not being permitted to go forth to ease themselves . lawrence ryall , the dutch general caused grates and cages to be made , and carried the english therein fettered , and shewed them triumphantly to the indians , at every port , saying , behold and see , here is the people of that nation , whose king you care so much for ; no● you may see ho● kindly we use his subjects . they have robbed the indians under english colours , thereby to incense them against us , and to destroy our trade there . they have counterfeited the coin of other nations , and then def●med the english for it . the tr●fftick of ch●na and p●rfi●● &c was ruined by their seizing and destroying the ●●p● of sir wm. court●●n and his partners . we did by our ambassador s 〈…〉 . johns , dem●nd ●atisfaction for all these damages , and charged them with the bloud of the english that had ●een slaughtered by them in the k●tharin● and dragon , in these words . though ●e cannot p●si●●vely prove , yet by good circumstances , we can make it appear , that you did d●stroy the ships dragon and katherine , though the ships and m●n were never heard of , yet the guns and goods of those ships have been found in your countrey , which does give us some confidence to believe you did destroy the men and ships . and we are informed that some of your own countreymen when they lay on their death beds , did make confession of the cruel murthers and seisures : how that they met them going to the cape of good hope , and and after a friendly salutation , the dutch invited the english commanders aboard ; and after they had been feasted , they told them , that it was sitting they should drink lustick , as well as eat lustick , and causing them to be tied back to back , they were cast into the sea. and in the evening when the english expected the return of their commanders and their crews , the dutch with their own and english boats , went aboard the english ships , and served every man in the same manner : and having taken out what goods and guns they thought fit , the ships were sunk by them ; the which were worth according to the invoice , had they come to the port of london , 170000 l. in guiney and brasile we have been treated with the same usage : and the dutch have been always either acting open hostilities , or , which is worse , destroying the honour and renown of our nation in spain , italy , russia , and all places whither a dutch-man trades therefore we were then convinced , that the true way to advance the english trade , was to reduce the hollanders to greater moderation . much more to the same purpose you will find in the abovesaid author , and in many others of the english nation . but above all things the most astonishing and down right diabolical , exceeding even the treacherous and bloudy massacre of the english at ambiyna , being done in time of peace , and the chief actors thereof justified and preferred by the states , when complaint was made against them , and justice demanded : but it exceeds all this , and all that ever was heard of any nation which bore the name of christian ; the wickedness of all nations is exceeded by what the dutch did and still continue to do at japan . they incensed th● government there against the christians who traded thither , representing them as people of dangerous principles , as to ●overnment , and plotting of insurrections : whereby they procured the miserable slaughter , with horrible tortures and torments , of above 400000 christians in that kingdom , and denying themselves to be christians ( wherein some think they told no lie ) they , by that means , ingross the trade of that wealthy island to themselves . and if they can dispense even with their christianity , to promote their trade ; what obligations can we but upon them that will make them false to their supream god , interest ? but we need not go so far as the indies to find instances of the designs of holland to ruine england . there is a surprising passage in the london-gaz●tte , 30 th of april 1666 , which is verbatim as follows . at the sessions in the old baily . john rathbone , an old army collonel , william saunders , h●nry youcker , thomas flint , thomas evans , john myls , william wascot and john colé , formerly officers and souldiers in the late rebellion , were indicted for conspiring the death of his majesty , and the overthrow of the government ; having laid their plot and contrivance , for the surprisal of the tower , the killing of his grace the ld. general , sir john robinson lieutenant of his majesty's tower of london , and sir richard brown , and then to have declared for an equal division of lands , &c. the better to ●ffect this hellish design , the city was to have been fired , and the portcullis to have been let down , to keep out all the assist●nce , the horse-guards to have been surprised in the inns where they were quartered ; several others having been gained for that purpose . the tower was accordingly viewed , and its surprise ordered by boats over the moat , and from thence to scale the wall ; one alexander , who is not yet taken , had likewise distributed sums of money to these conspirators , and for the carrying on of the design more effectually , they were told of a council of the great ones , that far frequently in london , from whom issued all orders ; which council received their directions from another in holland , who fate with the states ; and that the 3 d of september was pitched on for the attempt , as being found by lilly's almanack , and a scheme erected for that purpose , to be a lucky day , a planet then ruling which prognosticated the downfal of monarchy . the evidence against these persons was very full and clear , and they accordingly found guilty of high treason . these are the words of that gazette ; and let me only mind the reader , that the city was fired the very day which was there mentioned ; that is , the fire began about 12 at night , the 2 d of september 66 , or early on the 3 d , which was the first day of the fire this makes it a demonstration , that the dutsh plot , mentioned in that gazette , could be no contrivance of the government , in odium to the dutch ; if that could be so much as suggested , or so base an imputation laid , not only upon the court but the city it self , which , in her sessions , should take away the lives of men for any such sham plot : i say nothing of this can be possible , unless you will suppose , that the government and the city both designed the burning of the city upon that day ( and if so they would not have told it ) ; or otherwise that they had the spirit of prophesy , to foretel the burning of the city five months before it came to pass . but these conspirators had laid their design , and would not slip that lucky day , the 3d of september , on which oliver conquered first scotland , at the battle of dunbar , and after the loyal party in england , at worcester fight ; both which happened to be upon the 3d of september , which oliver reckoned to be his lucky day ; and it held so to him to the end : for on that day he brought the greatest blessing to england that ever subject did : on that day only he verified what he had so often promised , to relieve england from tyranny and arbitrary power , and to open the way to a glorious reformation , all this he performed , for on that day , on his own lucky day , he died , or , as his enthusiast banditi boasted , was carried , like elijah , to heaven in a whirlwind ; whither that carried him , or whence it was sent , we will not examin ; only we may take notice , that he who raised rebellion to cure superstition , observ'd his lucky days ; and these conspirators of whom we are speaking , were some of his godly army . these gain'd with dutch reformers , not only observe days , but cast schemes and go to fortune-tellers , any thing — go to the devil himself , for the good old cause ! the end sanctifies the means . how far the devil's chain may reach , i cannot tell . but if there be such a thing as spells , to cause men love or hate ; most certainly the dutch h●ve made us drunk with it : not only to love and dote upon them , who , at this very day , use all our men like doggs , who go over thither to fight for their countrey ( which they will not do themselves ) and clip our money publickly , which , when they have done , they pay to the english only ( for no other nation will take it from them ) by the coyn , and will receive it from them only by the weight ; which is proclaiming us for fools to our faces : and as such , they have begg'd us . to fall in love with these dutch , who use us ten times worse , when we fight for them , and take less care of our sick and wounded , than the french against whom we fight ! and yet to hate and abhor the french , the more they court us ! as if it were the nature as it is the character somewhere given of an englishman , to be won by injuries , and provok'd by civilities , comparing them to their own countrey mastiffs . what is it else can make us have such an unaccountable hatred to the french , for which we can give no reason , they having never done us any hurt , but when we began , and forc'd them to it , as at present ? and yet , to doat , as unaccountably , upon the dutch , who never yet did us any good , or neglected doing us all the mischief they could , when it was in their power ? if the like evidence could be produc'd against the french for the burning of london , as what is here brought against the dutch ? — but whether it were french or dutch , london is now fill'd with them both , and there have been more fires of late in london than usually has been known . there were no less than five fires in it upon sunday 18 feb 94. and if there be false play , it must be english , french , or dutch. but the dutch will never do us hurt , as surely as they never did ; we must not suspect them : there is some witch-craft in this ! is it for their religion that we love the dutch ? i wish religion , of any sort had so much power in england ! but can they be true to religion , who are content , as in japan , to renounce their christianity , to promote their trade ! or , which is near the same , to license all religions , for the same reason , as in holland ! to give mammon the upper hand of god! it is their mammon , their interest ( and they have ever been true to it ) to ruine england . it is neither the interest of england or france to invade or conquer one another ; and they are not the aggressors . yet we are irreconcileable to france , and unalterable from holland ! as men blind to their interest , and bent upon their ruine ! like the jews against the romans , obstinate , though un-equal to the war ! it prov'd their destruction ; and , if we will not open our eyes , it must , without a miracle , be ours too . we are trying the experiment how many losses will ruine us . and extol the super-abundance of our riches , but not of our wisdom , in bearing up against a continued series of ill-success , without any other rational prospect , but of its growing worse and worse , 'till there be no remedy . i think i have been a true reasoner : i wish , in this , i may be a false prophet , loup skellum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59469-e10 〈…〉 s. speech of mr. st. j●●●s . see also the printed acc●unt o● joh● d●v●ll , a. d. 1665. the remonstrance of g. carew , esq printed 1662. the association of the princes of france with the protestations and declarations of their allegeance to the king. also a discourse vpon the surrendry of the seales into the kings hands by m. du vaiz [sic]. 1617 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01144 stc 11258 estc s102558 99838330 99838330 2705 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01144) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2705) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1574:02) the association of the princes of france with the protestations and declarations of their allegeance to the king. also a discourse vpon the surrendry of the seales into the kings hands by m. du vaiz [sic]. du vair, guillaume, 1556-1621. concini, concino, maréchal d'ancre, ca. 1575-1617. mayenne, henri de lorraine, duc de, 1578-1621. bouillon, henri de la tour-d'auvergne, duc de, 1555-1623. vendôme, césar de bourbon, duc de, 1594-1665. [40] p. printed [by william stansby] for william barret, london : 1617. m. du vaiz = guillaume du vair. "a remonstrance of the princes, to the french king", d1r-e3r, is signed: cæsar de vendosme. henry de lorraine, duke of mayenne. henry de la tour, duke of bouillon. printer's name from stc. cf. folger catalogue, which gives signatures: a-e⁴. quire d is signed c and paginated 13-20. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643 -sources. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 association of the princes of france , with the protestations and declarations of their allegeance to the king . also a discovrse vpon the svrrendry of the seales into the kings hands by m. du vaiz . london printed for william barret . 1617. the association of the princes of france . wee vnder-written , weighing the miserable estate whereto this kingdome is now reduced , with the confusion which threatneth an ineuitable separation , and iustly dreading that the enemies of the same , aswell domestique , as strangers , will make their vse by preuayling through the ruine thereof , if good and speedy order be not taken , haue thought , that during the kings minority , and the keeping prisoner of the first prince of the bloud , there was no remedy more proper , to preuent , and stop so great an euill , then to vnite our selues most strictly together , vnder these articles which follow . first , we protest to continue constant , and neuer to depart from that loyall obedience , and most humble submission which we owe as true and naturall subiects of this crowne , to the king our prince & soueraigne lord. and because it is well knowne , that strangers and such as fauour them , haue seized on the sacred person of the king , and on the whole administration and absolute gouernement of the kingdome , which they doe most vniustly vsurpe , and exercise , with great tyrannie and oppression , and doe violently detayne the prince of conde prisoner , for no offence or lawfull cause , against the publique faith of the treatie of loudun , it is most apparant that they haue no other end , then to destroy the house of bourbon , which now only remayneth of all the royall houses , and doe ayme at the death of our princes , and in it , the change and subuersion of the state : for these causes wee doe faithfully promise to employ with one mind all our power , goods , and liues for the conseruation thereof , and to hinder the miserable effects of so pernicious dessignes ; and to take the publique authority from them who vsurpe the same , to restore the king vnto the dignity of his crowne , to keepe and maintayne it in all sincerity , and integrity ; to withdraw his maiesty from their wicked purposes , and to keep him out of their hands ; to set the prince of conde at liberty , to repaire the wrong done him , by punishing the authors of this violence , to reuoke all those offices and dignities which haue been bestowed since the with-holding of them from those to whom of right they belong : and to reduce the state into a due forme , to establish vnder the soueraigne authority of the king , the lawfull counsell of the princes of his bloud , of other princes , and officers of his crowne , and of those ancient counsellers of state , who haue gone through many great and important charges , and such likewise as are descended from noble houses , and families of great antiquity , who by naturall affection and particular interest do affect the preseruation of the state , to whom during the minority of our kings , or by reason of their indisposition , the administration , gouernement , and direction of publique affaires ought to be referred , by the ancient and fundamentall lawes of the kingdome , by which , both women and strangers are debarred from it . and if it should so happen ( from which god in his mercy keepe vs ) that the king should depart this life , we doe by these declare , that wee acknowledge after his decease for our king and soueraigne lord , my lord the duke of aniou , which is the true and lawful heire and successor of this crowne , and during his minority , my lord the prince of conde to be lawfull regent and gardian of the kingdom , to whom as first prince of the bloud this preeminence doth belong , with the councell before mentioned for the common direction and administration of the affaires of the kingdome , and not to suffer any other to be admitted vnto the regency , no not the kings mother , to the preiudice of the lawes of this state. and if it should so happen that these vsurpers , who are most expert in limitting the terme of life , and in plotting the death of those who serue for obstacles to their dessignes , and enterprizes , who ordinarily in such cases do vse kniues , and poyson , to hasten their deuillish ends , should attempt ( by these most detestable meanes ) to take away the kings life , or the prince of conde's , we protest before the almighty , both to seeke , and prosequute the iust vengeance thereof , by all lawfull meanes to the vttermost of our powers , not only vpon themselues who are the chiefe actors , but vpon their adherents also , domestique seruants , and strangers , that in their persons we may leaue a memorable example vnto succeeding ages , as well of the fidelity and affection of true subiects , as of the iust punishment of so abominable disloyaltie and impietie . and to this purpose we will employ both our reuenues , and liues , euen as long as one drop of bloud remayneth in our bodies , and will aduise our posterity to doe the like after vs. and that we may prouide for such an accident , and for the safety of the kingdome against the plots of strangers , and for the gouernement , and administration of the same ; in case we want a prince of the bloud , we will call a parliament to be assembled in a free place , whither we may haue sure accesse , to the end we may proceede with that order which is conuenient and necessary . we doe faithfully promise to execute exactly , and obserue inuiolably the lawes of this kingdome ; and in particular the treatie of loudun , for the common good of all the orders of the state , and for the security of all the good and faithfull subiects of the king. we will maintayne , and continue the ancient alliances , treaties , and confederations , renewed by the deceased king , with forraine princes , potentates , & cōmon-wealths , friends , allies , and confederates , who are in the protection of the crowne , that we may reestablish in the conduct of the affaires of state the ancient maximes of the late king , which he so happily vsed during his raigne , for the security of his state , and the publique peace of christendom , the which many men haue left since his death . we doe further promise , that we will oppose vnder the kings authority , by all meanes possible , and namely by our iust armes , and with the succours of all the allies , and confederates of this crowne , all those who would hinder the effect of this our vnion , wherin we haue no further end , then to preserue the kings royall authority , and the dignity of his crown , to establish his scepter in his hand , and in the hands of his lawfull successors ; and to maintayne vnder the common liberty of french-men , our liues , goods , honors , and dignities , against the disloyaltie , and perfidiousnesse of those who haue conspired not only our ruine , but the ruine of the kings house , and of the whole kingdome . and that we may with the more security prosequute so laudable and necessary a dessigne , for the common defence of the state , the obseruation of the publique , and priuate lawes thereof . and for the destruction of those who are enemies both to the king and kingdome , and by a firme connexion entertayne a true and perpetual concord , and liue together as true members of one , and the same body , vnder the head which shall be elected by vs ; and following the rules which by vs hereafter shall be made , we doe all of vs promise , and each of vs giue his hand one to other , whereof god is a witnesse betweene vs , to keepe this vnion faithfully , and to performe all those things which shall thereon depend , by common counsell , and agreement , and by a mutuall correspondency , and cōmunication , to maintayne , support , and succour each other , against all men . and to this purpose , we doe renounce all particular interests , respects , dangers , and considerations , which may be propounded to vs to the contrary , that we may ioyntly hasten to assist him or them who shall be assaulted , or encountred in hatred of the said vnion , or in consequence thereof directly , or indirectly , by what way , or by whomsoeuer , to doe our parts , and faithfully to contribute our defence in common , and of euery of vs in particular al the power wherewith god shall enable vs , without excuse , delayes , or other shifts , and not to leaue the present vnion and association , nor lay aside our armes , vntill the things before mentioned be prouided for , nor hearken vnto any accord , or treaty of peace , vnlesse it be by common consent . this vnion and association shall be both for vs & our children , whom we meane to be comprised herein , and vnto whom , if any of vs should chance to depart this life , or that for any necessary cause he were allieged , to goe out of this kingdome : we promise in this case to giue the same succours and assistance , as it already said . and to auoide all diuisions , and discontents which may happen amongst vs for any occasion whatsoeuer , we doe submit our selues to the iudgement of our associates , or to the greater part of them in an equall number : to whose determination we will be lyable to conforme our selues , and not take pretext to waxe cold in that which concernes this association . this present writing shall be kept secret amongst vs , and not manifested , vnlesse at such time as by cōmon aduice it shall be iudged profitable . and for conclusion , protesting before god to keepe inuiolably the articles already set downe , we beseech the same god to indue vs with his grace , and to be pleased to blesse vs in al our good intentions , to guide them and cause them to succeed , to the establishment of the crowne , and the good , and conseruation of our countrey . a discovrse vpon the svrrendry of the seales into the kings hands by m. du vaiz . sir , i willingly render into your hands , the charge which it pleased your maiestie to honour mee withall ; and with the same countenance that i receiued it without demanding , i redeliuer without any griefe at all . the lawes had sufficiently instructed mee , what obedience i owe to your maiestie ; so that you needed not send the captaines of your guard with twenty archers to fetch me . violence ought to be vsed but against such as resist , and not against mee that know how to obey my prince , and haue euer thought this honour rather to bee an heauy burthen , then a dignity , which neuerthelesse i did accept for the good of your seruice , because euery vertuous man doth owe his care and time to the publique good , and it had beene a shame to haue refused to die with the sterne in my hand , being able either to hinder , or at the least to keepe off awhile the storme that threatens vs. god grant , sir , that i be the man that suffereth most by this disfauour , and that your maiestie and the state be least interessed . i am not taken at vnawares in this accident , hauing euer foreseene , that as my best endeuours were stil emploied , to follow so neere as possible i could , the integritie and vertue of monsieur de villeroy , and the president monsieur iaunin , so ought i also to expect a fortune like to theirs . your maiesties commandement agreeth in that with the choice my selfe should haue made , if i had beene at mine owne disposing ; desiring , rather to be a companion of their disgrace , if i may so terme freedome from troublesome employments , then to be vsed in the gouernment of the state , with those who now remaine , being subiect in time , by conuersing with them , to haue to touch of their bad tincture , whose prosperity i enuy not , nor the augmentation of their authoritie , which is giuen vnto them at my cost . for i haue neuer beene accustomed , to giue an account euery morning by stealth , neither will i suffer any man to prescribe me what i ought to doe , if the good of the state and reason doe not aduise me vnto it . it is more honorable for me , then the sealing of a bill of eight hundred thousand pounds , in this great penuriousnesse of th' exchecquer , to furnish his turne that blusheth not at it : nay , who besides this , is not ashamed to demand the duchie of alançon for a pawne , which is the portion of a sonne of france , and to pretend the office of constable , which the deceased king would expressely haue suppressed , after the death of the late monsieur de montmorency . beleeue not , sir , that because i would not consent to these things , i would oppose your maiesties authoritie . i know , it hath no other limit then your owne will. yet you are obliged to gouerne your selfe according to reason , and follow the counsell of those , that are entred into the managing of the state , by the choice of the deceased king , as being more capable to giue it vnto you then new-commers , drawn from the dregs of businesse and of the people . this exchange which is made from vs to them , is as woolues vse sheepe , when the dogges are absent . doth not your maiestie perceiue it ? dare you not remedy it for feare of disobedience ? sir , by nature you owe it to them that preach it vnto you , but they owe the same to you , both by diuine and humane lawes . when you shew them the least obedience , they haue giuen you but too much example . remember if you please , that you are past fifteene yeres of age , and kings are maiors at fourteene , isaac did follow his father abraham willingly to be sacrificed , because he was not of yeres to feare any thing . i beleeue , that had he beene a perfect man , and had foreseene the danger , hee would not haue carried the wood on his shoulders . these are but deceitfull sacrifices , i pray god keep your maiestie in these occasions from the effect . for when i see that the authority of the court is made to moue when they will , that they create and dispose of the officers of the crowne , and none seeke to hinder them ; the princes of the bloud , some being imprisoned , and others retired for the securitie of their persons ; when i see that amongst the lords those that are shewed but the shaddow of some better fortune , lend their hands to their owne seruitude . those that haue attained to any establishment in this strangenesse , doe maintaine it for feare to returne to the misery of their first condition ; so that it seemeth , the people and prouinces doe suffer together in this exchange , by the example of the great ones , seeing that the helpe of lawes are vnprofitable , all being in disorder , through bribes , through violences , and through corruption . the louure it selfe hath taken a new face , as the officers haue done . there is nought of the old court remaining but the wals , the vse whereof is also changed , for they were wont to serue for the assurance of princes , but now they serue for their prison , and ( it may be ) for yours , if i may freely say so . it is not without some plot , that they giue you when you goe forth , a company of light-horse-men chosen by a suspect hand . these are your gards , after the manner of the bastille : this distrust counselleth you sufficiently what you ought to doe , and there needs no other aduice . they hisse at me , they mock me and my discourse : so was cassandra serued in homer , when she fore-told the destruction of troy. sir , i haue nothing remaining to serue your maiesty but my tongue . if i were so happy as to draw your maiestie out of the errour wherein you are nourished , i would a thousand times blesse my disgrace , which had giuen me the boldnesse to speake freely , yea in a time when words themselues are punished . the falshood of the alcoran is no otherwise authorised , then because it is forbidden to be spoken of on paine of death . their vsurpation vpon your maiesties authoritie hath no other footing , then the danger of telling you freely of it . consider if you please , sir , that those who vsurpe this power ouer your maiestie , are of that countrey , where euery one will raigne , neither is there any towne on that side the alpes that hath not his republique or petty king : and if your maiestie had somewhat yeerely looked into your historie , you would haue learned , that the bloudiest tragedies that euer haue been in france , came from those parts , the last furies are the subiect of a little booke that i published , of constancie and the consolation of publique calamities . i feare , that contrary to my intent , it wil be a worke for your reigne , if god in his goodnes haue not mercy vpon vs. thinke not , sir , that sorrow to see my selfe depriued of emploiments , induced me to speake so boldly . if i had beene grieued for it , it is like married people , that weepe when they must go from their parents power , to enter into the equalitie of marriage : neuerthelesse it is true , that owing my seruice vnto your maiesty , i should haue receiued greater content to haue employed it in your councell of state then in your parliament , where matters are of lesse importance . for i suppose , that if the carpenter who made the caruing worke for the admirall , where don iohn of austria commanded at the battell of lepanto , had knowne that it should haue serued for so important an occasion , whereon depended the safety of the rest of europe , he would haue taken more delight in making of it , then if it had been a vessell ordained for commers . notwithstanding seeing your maiesty commandeth me to retire , in a good houre be it . the lesser starres are part of the perfection of the world , although they do contribute lesse then doth the sunne and moone . in what condition soeuer i liue , i will alwaies to the vttermost of my power , maintaine the good of your maiesties seruice . but if there be any of those who are neere you , that lament my remoue , for my sake : i will tell them freely , weepe for your children of ierusalem , that for want of courage suffered your master to be betrayed , and not for me , that haue not offended , vnlesse , in being an honest man. wherefore i take my leaue of you , sir , praying god that he will haue pittie of your state , and care of your education . a remonstrance of the princes , to the french king . dated the fourth of febrvary . sir , your most humble and most faithfull subiects and seruants , the dukes , peeres , ancient officers of your crown , and principal lords of your kingdome ; seeing the dangers which inviron you , and the euills which threaten your state with an inevitable subuersion , if speedy order be not taken , and that they are denied all accesse vnto your person , wherewith they might freely , and securely , discouer the causes , and propound the remedies thereof ; doe in all humilitie beseech your maiestie to take in good part , this their most humble remonstrance , which cannot but well befit their mouthes , sithence it doth testifie nothing but fidelitie and affection vnto your seruice , to the conseruation of your sacred person , and the good of your states . and it is by so much the more conuenient , because they are thereunto obliged , both by diuine and humane lawes , by the oath which they haue taken , and the dutie which they owe vnto your crowne . we are not ignorant , that the euill is disguised by those who doe it , and who labour by all possible meanes to couer it , as well as commit it , still indeuouring to make those distastfull vnto your maiestie , who complaine thereof . and the vnhappinesse of france is such , that they hauing all the power of your estate in their hands , they cause you to hold your faithfullest seruants for enemies . but the violence of their tyrannicall carriage is growne to that excesse , that it cannot longer be indured ; the complaints of it are generall ; euery one seeth it , and feeles the miserable effects ; and their artifices can no longer hinder the cryes , and publique griefe from striking your maiesties eares , and from mouing your compassion to releeue your people ; and your iustice against the authours of so great miseries ; which euery one knoweth , and openly detesteth ; and by a common vow of your faithfull subiects are destined to iust punishment , according to their demerits . the insatiable ambition , and auarice , of the marquesse of anchre , and his wife is the only cause of the euils we are sensible of ; of the disorders we see , and of that wee feare most . this is the vlcer which hath festered , yea , spoyled the whole body of your state. it is of him only that men doe complaine , and of the ministers and executors of his violent and raging passions , and no other . this is the complaint of the greatest part of your subiects , who as yet haue true french hearts : who seeing themselues compassed about with feare and apprehensions , and exposed to all manner of dangers , by the intestine conspiracies which ayme at the ruine of your state , doe implore your iustice , to protect them from the oppression and seruitude , vnto which those persons would make them subiect ; and for to free your crowne from the many disasters , which now increase to the ouerthrow of the same . the remedy ( sir ) is in your own hands , and in your power , which if you doe not make vse of , the disease will shortly grow incurable : and therefore to shunne it , the cause must be taken away , which being knowne vnto you , there needeth now no other thing then your word only ; to giue order that the marquesse of anchre , with his wife and adherents , be chased from your sacred person , and from the queene your mother : and to giue way vnto iustice , that it may duly punish them for those crymes whereof they are culpable touching your state. euery man well knoweth what deceit hee hath vsed , since the death of the last king of most happy memory , to draw vnto himselfe th' entire and absolute administration of your kingdome ; to make himselfe master of your councels , of your treasure , of your armes , and of your fortresses , to dispose of your publique offices , and charges , your fauours , and pardons ; because hee would bee the sole iudge of honours , and dignities , and dispose of the life and death of your subiects . the courses hee hath taken to banish the princes of the bloud from the court , and to breed discord betweene them , are not vnknowne ; and likewise of the rest of the princes , officers of your crowne , and principall lords of the kingdome : the practizes and corruptions which he hath vsed to weaken and depresse the authoritie of your parliaments , and violently to choke the lawfull freedome of their remoustrances , imprison your chiefe officers , and make a diuision through all the orders of your kingdome ; that hee might haue the whole disposing of them , and raigne alone within the state , as he doth now with an insupportable presumption and insolency , supposing that nothing can resist his ambitious dessignes , seeing that , through extreme wrong and iniustice , hee hath imprisoned the first prince of your bloud ; and by this audacious action violated the publike faith of the treatie of loudun ; vpon the obseruation of which did depend the repose and tranquillity of your state , which he had rather plunge into the calamities of a warre , then to haue the maske of your royall authority taken from him ; whereof hee makes his benefit , and vseth it as an instrument , for the destruction of your most faithful subiects . these things are so manifest , & his proiects & guile so plainly discouer'd , that no doubt can bee made hereof . and the strange proceedings , and violence , which he vseth euery day vnder your maiesties name , against the duke of neuers , vpon so notorious pretexts , and forged imputations , that euen the voice of the people serueth for proofe enough to refute them ; do witnes sufficiently , that the conspiracy is generall , against all the princes and nobles of your kingdome ; who will not stoupe to his tyranny , and can resist his plots , which he continually puts in execution , thereby to subuert the state. for what offence is the same dukes , sauing only , that he is a prince of the most renowned houses of your kingdomes , one that loues his countrey , seekes the peace of it , and who hath alwaies testified his zeale vnto your seruice , and acknowledgeth no other authority lawfull then your maiesty ? hee complaineth of some iniurie done him by one of his tenants ; and that in contempt of the dignity of his office , he cannot freely exercise his charge in his gouernment . he hath prosecuted an execution of some feodal rights within his owne possessions , by the ordinary means of iustice , as vnwilling to lose that which his predecessors left him : perceiuing some secret enterprises , ready to bee executed vpon his houses , he prouided , as indeed he ought , for the securing , defence and keeping of them vnder your authority , and for your seruice . these lawfull and necessary causes are wrested to his rebuke ; nay , are imputed to him as a haynous crime and rebellion . we haue seen the declaration that hath bin published against him , vnder your maiesties name , and the reasonable conditions vnto which hee doth submit himselfe for his triall , and make his innocencie appeare , which being knowne vnto vs , we most humbly beseech your maiesty to be pleased to protect the same , and not to suffer it to be oppressed & violēced by the marquesse of anchre , whose outrages and offences we can no longer dissemble , because our long patience hath not hitherto serued for ought else , then for to render it more audacious , and insolent ; that we be no more vpbraided , that our affection is so small vnto your maiesty , that we are so ingratefull to our country , so disloyal and vnprofitable vnto our selues and to our posterity , as to be silent , when we behold the prodigious fauour of this stranger , trampling thus insolently on the throate of your state , holding prisoner in his hands the first prince of your bloud , treading vnder foot both lawes and magistrates , emptying your coffers by his profusions , consuming , your people with excessiue charges , and causing your subiects to be trecherously murthered , without any punishment at all . and for recompence of such trechery and disloyalty , conferring vpon them the gouernments of your places ; deposing and discharging the chief officers of your councels and parlements , bereauing them of those titles & honors , which their age , their vertue , and their deserts haue purchased them ; for to establish in their places his creatures , who are persons altogether vnworthy , and vnexperienced for the manageing of your state , being men borne in bondage , and therefore enemies to all honest men , and most proper to execute his passions , what detriment soeuer may ensue thereby to your seruice , holding nothing vnlawful which may aduance his passionate dessignes . this is that which hath induced vs , thus humbly to beseech your maiesty to consider the miserable estate wherinto your kingdome is now brought , and to apply , by your wisdome and authority , the necessary remedy , which dependeth vpon your own wil , and not to suffer either your name , or your armes to be employed to the effusion of your subiects bloud , and oppression of your domesticall seruants , for the maintaining of strangers to their preiudice , but to banish them for euer from you : and by the chastisement and due punishment of the guiltie , reestablish confidence and security in your kingdom , repaire the publike faith , which hath bin broken , and set the prince of condé at liberty . and to the end that order may be taken by conuenient meanes , against the disorders of your state ; to cause the treaty of loudun to be obserued ; call againe vnto you , and into your councels , the princes of your bloud , with the rest of the princes , dukes , peeres , and the ancient officers of your crowne , and counsellers of state , whom the deceased king vsed during his raigne , who also by naturall affection , and as being particularly interessed , as strictly oblieged to the conseruation of your state. and then we shall haue the happinesse to render you in all securitie , euery 〈◊〉 according to his ranke , dignitie , and place , that most humble seruice , and faithfull obedience which wee owe you , and which whilest we liue we will yeeld you , as being your most humble , most loyall , and most obedient subiects and seruants , signed , caesar de vendosme . henry de lorraine , duke of mayenne . henry de la tour , duke of bouillon . the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre on one part, and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the united-provinces of the low-countries on the other concluded and signed at paris the 27 april, 1662. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1662 apr. 27 france. 1662 approx. 68 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40376 wing f2052a estc r28244 10456164 ocm 10456164 45120 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40376) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45120) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1384:44) the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre on one part, and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the united-provinces of the low-countries on the other concluded and signed at paris the 27 april, 1662. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1662 apr. 27 france. france. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1662 april 27. 36 p. [s.n.], london printed : 1662. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre , on one part , and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the vnited-provinces of the low-countries on the other . concluded and signed at paris the 27. april 1662. london , printed in the year . 1662. the treaty and alliance , &c. the affection , which the most christian king hath alwaies had for the good and prosperity of the state of the united provinces of the low countries , following the example of the kings his predecessors ; and the passion ; which the lords the states general of the said provinces have alwayes preserved for the grandeur of france , together with the sentiments of acknowledgment for the considerable obligations and advantages , they have received from thence , have in such a manner maintained the good understanding between his majesty and the said lords states , and such a free and perfect correspondence between their subjects for many years passed , that it might be hoped , that the same would be continued by it self , without need of confirming the precedent confederations by any new treaty : yet notwithstanding , since his majesty will omit nothing of what may strengthen and perpetuate the ancient bond , and the said lords the states general wish to make it straighter , having for that end besought his said majesty by their extraordinary ambassadors for a renovation of alliance , to the maintaining of the peace , which his majesty and the said lords states have at present with all potentates and states of europe , and to the regulating the interests of particular subjects of the one and the other , as to commerce , navigation and sea affairs , by such laws and conventions , as are most proper to prevent all inconveniences , that might alter the good correspondence ; the lords , john baron of gent , lord of osterweed , lieutenant of the fiefs and primat of the country of foquement ; conrard of buningen , counsellour of the city of amsterdam , justus huybert counsellour and pensionary of the city of zricksee , and william borreel baron of vrenhove , vrendie , lord of ●tel and , duinb●ke and ●ere●●m , &c ▪ extraordinary ambassadors of the said lords states of the united provinces of the low countries , have to this effect exhibited to the ministers of his majesty their powers , whereof a copy is here beneath inserted , for the negotiation and conclusion of the said alliance ; whereupon his majesty having been pleased to nominate my lord peter seguier count of gien , duke of villemur , peer and chancellor of france , and the lords , nicholas of neufville , duke of villeroy , peer and marshall of france , knight of his majesties orders , and chief of the counsel royal of the exchequer , henry august of lomenie , count of brienne and montbrun , and michel tellier marquess of louvoy , lord of chavigny , both counsellors , ministers and secretaries of state and of his majesties commands , and commanders of his orders ; huge of lionne marquess of fresne , lord of berny , and also counsellor and minister of state , and commander of the said orders , and louys henry of lomenie , count of brienne , and baron of pongy , counsellor also and secretary of state and of his majesties commands , and john baptista colbert , counsellor of his majestie in all his counsels , and intendant of his treasury , for commissioners on his part , with power . ( whereof they have presented the original , and whereof a copy is here beneath transcribed ) to confer and treat concerning the said alliance , and to conclude it with the said ambassadors : it hath been agreed upon between the said lords commissioners in the name of his majesty on one part , and the said lords plempotentiaries of the lords the states general on the other , as follows : i. there shall henceforth be between the king and his successors kings of france and navarre and his kingdoms on one part , and the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , and their states and lands appertaining and their subjects on the other , reciprocally a sincere , firm and perpetual amity and good correspondence , as well by sea as by land , in all things , and every where , as well without as within europe . ii. moreover , there shall be between his majesty and his successors kings of france , and his kingdoms , and the said lords states general and their states and lands appertaining , a straight alliance and faithfull confederation , to maintain and preserve mutually one another in the tranquillity , peace , amity and neutrality by sea and land , and in the possession of all the rights , franchises and liberties , which they enjoy or have right to enjoy , whether they are acquired to them , or may be acquired by them , by the treaties of peace , amity and neutrality , that have been formerly made , and that may be hereafter made joyntly and by a common concert of the other kings , republicks , princes and towns , yet all within the extent of europe only . iii. and so they promise and oblige themselves to warrant to one another not only all the treaties , which his majesty , and the said lords the states general have already made with other kings , republicks , princes and states , which are to be exhibited from both sides before the exchange of the ratifications ; but also all those , they may hereafter make joyntly and with common endeavours ; and to defend , assist and keep one another reciprocally in the possession of the lands and places , that belong at the present , and that hereafter shall belong as well to his majesty and his successors kings of france , as to the said lords the states general , by the said treaties , or within which the said states general have their garrisons , in what part of europe soever the said lands , towns and places be situated , in case that in all , what hath been before mentioned , his majesty and the said lords the states general come to be troubled or attackt by any hostility or open war. iv. the reciprocal obligation of mutual assistance and defence is also understood for the preserving and maintaining his said majesty , and the lords states general , their countries and subjects , in all their rights , possessions , immunities and liberties , as well of navigation , as of trade and fishing , and others whatsoever , by sea and by land , which shall be found to appertain unto them by common right , or to be acquired by treaties made or to be made in the manner abovementioned , towards and against all kings , princes , republicks or other soveraign states , in this sort , that if to the prejudice of the said tranquility , peace , amity and neutrality , present or future , his majesty or the said lords the states general , come to be hereafter attackt , or in any other way whatsoever troubled in the possession and enjoyment of the states , lands , towns , places , rights , immunities and liberties of trade , navigation , fishing , or others whatsoever , which his majesty or the said lords the states general do at the present enjoy or shall have right to enjoy , either by common right , or by the treaties already made or that may be made , as above , his majesty and the said lords the states general , being advertised of it and required one of the other , shall joyntly do what possibly they can , to make the trouble and hostility cease , and to repair the wrongs or injuries , that may have been done to either of the allies . v. and in case the said attacking or trouble be followed by an open rupture , he of the two allies , that shall not be attackt , shall be obliged to break , four moneths after the first requiring made by him , who shall be in a rupture already : during which time he shall use all endeavours by his ambassadors or other ministers to mediate an equitable accommodation between the assaylant or disturber , and the assailed or troubled ; and yet notwithstanding shall give , during the said time , a puissant succour to his ally , such as shall be agreed upon by separate articles between his majesty and the said lords the states general , which , though no mention be made of them in the present treaty , shall be kept and observed , as if they were there inserted or written ; it remaining notwithstanding , after the said time of four moneths expired , at the choice of him of the allies , that shall be in rupture , to continue to enjoy of the fruit of the same succours , in case the conjuncture of the time and the constitntion of his affairs might make him to prefer the effect thereof before the open rupture of his ally . vi. the reciprocal warranties being in this manner established and promised , when one of the allies shall be attackt or troubled , if the state of the united provinces should come so to be , and should find themselves obliged to enter into open war , his majesty shall likewise be obliged to break with the aggressour or troubler , and to employ all his power and all his forces , when it shall be judged fit , to reduce the common enemy to an honest safe and equitable accommodation with france and the said united provinces . vii . and in this case , the forces of his most-christian majesty and of the said lords the states general , shall act joyntly or separately according to what shall be then more particularly agreed upon between his said majesty , and the said lords the states general , who are to advise and resolve together about the most proper means to discommode the common enemy , by way of diversion or otherwise , to the end , as hath been said , the sooner to reduce him to an accommodation . viii . the like to what is contained in the two immediately preceding articles , shall be done by the said lords the states , in case france be attackt or troubled in the manner above mentioned . ix . when once open war shall be found with the two allyes , according to the present treaty , there may not afterwards , by either of the two allyes , be made any suspension of arms with him , that shall have been declared and owned a common enemy , but joyntly and with common consent . x. but if it fall out , that a negotiation be entred upon , for the treating of peace or truce of some years , the same shall not be begun by one of the allyes without the participation of the other , and without procuring for him and at the same time , when for himself , the power and security required and necessary to send his ministers to the place of the said treaty ; and without giving successively from time to time a communication of all that shall pass in the said negotiation , and neither one nor the other shall pass to the conclusion of the said peace or truce , without comprehending his ally and making him to be restored , if he so desire it , into the possession of the countries , lands and places , and enjoyments of the rights and immunities , which he held and enjoyed before the war ; and without stipulating from the common enemy for the ally the same immunities , exemptions and other prerogatives , as for himself , unlesse the allyes agree about it otherwise . xi . it shall be permitted to him of the allyes , that shall be attackt , to leavy all sorts of soldiers and marriners , within the state of the other alley , yet so that it be done in due form , and that it may be done without a considerable prejudice of him , in whose state the said leavies shall be made . xii . if there should fall out by inadvertency , or otherwise , some non-observations or contraventions to the present treaty from his said majesty , or the said lords the states general , and their successors , or others , that shall also hereafter have entred into this alliance , it shall nevertheless subsist in its whole force , without coming for that cause to a rupture of the confederation , amity and good correspondence , but the said contreventions are presently to be repaired , and if they proceed from the fault of some particular subjects , they alone shall be punished and chastised for it . xiii . and the better to assure for the future the commerce and friendship between the subjects of the said king , and the said lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , it hath been accorded and agreed upon , that in case hereafter there fall out an interruption of amity or a rupture between the crown of france and the said lords the states of the united provinces of the low countries ( which god forbid ) there shall alwayes be six moneths time , after the said rupture , given to the subjects of either side to withdraw themselves with their estates , and to transport them where they shall think fit : which shall be permitted them to do ; as also to sell and transport their goods and moveables with all freedom , without any bodies power to give them any hindrance , or to proceed , during that time of six moneths , to the making of any seizure of their estates , and less to the arresting of their persons . xiv . and forasmuch as his majesty and the said lords the states are at the present in peace and good correspondence with all the kings , republicks , princes and states of europe , they have thought fit expresly to declare , that they understand not , that this allyance obliges them to break at the present or to enter into war with any of the said kings , republicks , princes and states . xv. in vertue of the present alliance , as well his majesty , as the lords the states general , shall faithfully procure and advance the good and prosperity of one another , by all support , aid , counsels and real assistances , upon all occasions , and at all times , and they shall not consent to any treaties or negotiations , that may bring dammage to one or the other , but shall break and divert them , and give reciprocally with care and sincerity notice of them as soon as they shall know of it . xvi . the subjects of his said majesty , and those of the said lords the states general , shall not exercise any kind of hostility , nor violence , for the time to come , one against the other , as well at sea as land , or upon the rivers , roads and sweet waters , under what name or pretence soever . and so likewise the subjects of his majesty shall not have power to take any commissions for being private men of war , or letters of mart , from princes or states , that are enemies of the said lords the states general , much less to trouble or any way annoy them by vertue of such commissions , or letters of mart , nor so much as go out with them , under pain to be pursued and punished like pyrats . which shall reciprocally be observed by the subjects of the united provinces in reference to the subjects of his majesty : and to this end , as often as it shall be required , by either part , there shall be in the territories under his majesties obedience , and in the united provinces , most express and most strict ● prohibitions published and renewed , by no means to use such commissions or letters of mart , under the before-mentioned pain , which shall be severely executed against all offenders herein , besides the entire restitution and reparation , to which they shall be obliged towards those , to whom they have caused any damage . xvii . all letters of mart , that heretofore may have been granted for what cause soever , are delared null , and there shall hereafter none of them be given by either of the said allies to the prejudice of the subjects of the other , unless it only be in case of manifest denyal of justice , which shall not be counted to be verified , if the request of him that demands the said letters of mart , be not communicated to the minister , that shall be found upon the place of that state , against whose subjects they should be given , to the end that within the terme of four moneths , or sooner , if possible , he may inform of the contrary , or procure the fulfilling of justice , that shall be due . xviii . neither shall the particular subjects of his majesty be sued or arrested in their persons and goods for any thing , that his majesty may owe ; nor the particular subjects of the said lords the states general , for the publick debts of the said states . xix . the subjects and inhabitants of the countries under the obedience of his majesty , and the said lords the states general , shall live , converse and frequent one with the others in all good amity and correspondence , and shall enjoy amongst them the liberty of commerce and of navigation in europe , in all the limits of the states of either , of all sorts of merchandises and commodities , whereof the trading and transportation is not generally and universally prohibited to all , as well subjects as strangers , by the laws and ordinances of the states of either . xx. and to this effect , the subjects of his majesty and those of the said lords the states general may freely frequent with their commodities and ships , the countries , territories , towns , ports , places and rivers , of either state , to carry and to sell there to all persons indifferently , to buy , traffick , and transport all sorts of wares and commodities , whereof the coming in or going out and transporting shall not be forbidden to all subjects of his majesty or of the said lords the states general , without that this reciprocal freedom shall be limited and restrained by any priviledge , grant , or other particular concession ; excepting only oyls of whales , which the subjects of the said lords the states general shall not carry and sell in france , to the prejudice of the priviledge granted to the company established for the catching of whales and the selling of the said oyls , as long the time , expressed in the said priviledge , by the king already given , shall last : in the mean-while , the subjects of either shall notwithstanding pay all what is due by custome , and other impositions , that may be laid on by his majesty and his successors , or by the said lords the states general , within the countries under their obedience in europe , without that the said subjects of either side shall be obliged to pay greater or other dues , charges , customs or impositions whatsoever upon their persons , goods , commodities , ships or fraights thereof , directly or indirectly , under what name , title or pretext whatsoever , than those , that shall be paid by the proper and natural subjects of either . xxi . the ships of war of either , shall alwayes find the roads , rivers , ports and havens , free and open to enter , go out , and ride at ancher as long as they shall need it , without being visited ; yet with this condition , that they shall with discretion cease to do so , and shall not give any cause of jealousie by a too long and affected stay , nor otherwise , to the governors of the said places and ports , to whom the captains of the said ships shall give notice of the cause of their arrival and of their stay . xxii . the ships of war of his majesty , and of the said lords the states general and those of their subjects , that shall have been armed as men of war , shall with all freedom carry the prises , they shall have taken from their enemies , whither they shall think good , without being obliged to any dues either by the admirals , or the admiralty , or any others : without also that the said ships or the said prises , entring into the havens or ports of his majesty , or of the said lords the states general , may be arrested or seised upon , nor that the officers of the places shall take notice of what the prises are worth , which may go out and be most freely brought to the places expressed in the commissions , which the captains of the said ships of war shall be obliged to shew : and , on the contrary , there shall not be given any refuge or retreat in their havens or ports to th●se , that shall have taken prises from the said subjects of his majesty , or from the said lords the states general ; but being therein entred by necessity of storm or danger at sea , they are to be sent away as soon as it shall be possible . xxiii . the subjects of the said lords the states general shall not be reputed aubains in france , and shall be exempt from the law of aubaine , and have power to dispose of their goods by testament , donation or otherwise , and their heirs , subjects of the said states , being in france as well as elsewhere , shall obtain their successions , even ab intestato , though they have not got any letters of naturalization , without that the effect of this graunt shall be contested with them , or they hindred therein under the pretence of any right or prerogative of provinces , towns or private persons : and the subjects of the said lords the states may likewise , without the said letters of naturalization settle themselves with all liberty , in all the towns of the kingdom , there to drive their commerce and traffick , yet without having power , there to acquire the right of free denizons , unlesse they have obtained letters of naturalization from his majesty in good form : and those of the united provinces shall generally be treated as his own and natural subjects , and not be counted strangers . and all what is contained in the present article shall be observed , in respect of the kings subjects , in the countries under the obedience of the said lords the states . xxiv . the ships laden by one of the allies , passing before the coasts of the other , and staying in the roads or ports by storm or otherwise , shall not be constrained there to unload , or to sell their commodities , or a parcel thereof ; nor obliged to pay any customs , unlesse they there discharge any of their commodities voluntarily and of their own accord . xxv . the masters of ships , their pilots , officers , souldiers , marriners , and other seamen , the ships themselves or the commodities and wares , they may be loaden with , shall not be seised nor arrested by vertue of any general or particular order of whomsoever , or for what cause or occasion soever , nor even under the pretence of the conservation and defence of the state : and generally nothing shall be taken from the subjects of either side , but by the consent of those , to whom it shall belong , and by paying ready mony for the things , that shall be desired of them : wherein notwithstanding it is not understood to comprehend the seisures and arrests , made by order and authority of justice , and by the ordinary wayes and course thereof , and for legal debts , contracts and other legitime causes , for the sake whereof it shall be proceeded according to law and the formes of justice . xxvi . all the subjects and inhabitants of france shall with all safety and liberty exercise their navigation and traffick in all the kingdomes , countries and states , that are and shall be in peace , amity or neutrality with france , without that they shall be troubled or disquieted in this liberty by the ships , galleyes , frigots , boats or other sea-vessels , belonging to the said lords the states or to any of their subjects , upon occassion of the hostilities , which hereafter might fall out between the said lords the states general and the said kingdoms , countries and states , or any of them , that are or shall be in peace , amity , or neutrality with france . xxvii this transport and this traffick is to be extended to all sorts of commodities , except those of contrebande . xxviii . by this kind of commodities of contrebande is only understood to be comprehended all kinds of firing arms and other assortments thereof , as canons , carriages , musquets , mortars , petards , bombes , granado's , saucidges , forks , bandiliers , pouder , match , saltpetre , balles , piques , swords , morions , casques , curasses , hallebards , javelins , horses , horse-saddles , pistols , pistol-cases , belts , and other assortments serving for the use of war. xxix . there shall not be comprehended in this kind of commodities of contrebande , corn , or other grains , all manner of pulse , oyles , lents , salt , nor generally all what belongs to the food and sustentation of a town ; but they shall remain free as all wares and commodities , not comprehended in the precedent article , and the transportation of them shall be permitted , even to the places , that are enemies to the said lords the states , except to the towns and places that are besieged , blocked up or surrounded . xxx . for the execution of what is abovesaid , it hath been agreed , that it shall be done in manner following : that the ships and boats with the wares of the subjects of his majesty , being entred into some havens of the said lords the states , and willing to pass to those of the said enemies , shall be obliged only to shew to the officers of the haven of the said lords the states , whence they shall depart , their pastports , containing the specification of the charge of their ships , attested and marked with the ordinary sign and seal , and acknowledged by the officers of the admiralty of the place , whence they go first , with a declaration of the place , whether they are bound ; all in the ordinary and accustomed forme ; after which exhibition of their passports in the form aforesaid , they shall not be molested , searched , detained nor retarded in their voyages , under what pretence soever . xxxi the same shall be observed in respect of the french ships and boats , that shall go into any roads of the lands under the obedience of the said lords the states , without being willing to enter into the havens , or in case they enter there , without being willing to disembarque or to break their charges ; which shall not be obliged to give account of their carga , but in case there be a suspition , that they carry to the enemies of the said lords the states , commodities of contrebande , ashath been said above . xxxii . and in case of apparent suspition , the said subjects of his majesty shall be obliged to shew in the ports their passeports , in the forme above specified . xxxiii . that if they were entred into the roads , or were met at sea by some ships of the said lords the states , or by private men of war , their subjects ; the said ships of the united provinces , to avoid all disorder , are not to approach nearer to the french , then at the distance of a canon shot , and they are to send their little boat or chalupe aboard of the french ships or boats , and to cause only two or three men to enter , to whom the pass-ports and sea-letters are to be shown by the master or patron of the french vessel in the manner before specified , according to the formul of the said sea-letters , which shall be inserted at the end of this treaty : by which pass-ports and sea-letters it may appear , not only what is his lading , but also the place of his abode and residence , and the name as well of the master and patron , as the ship it self ; to the end that by these two means it may be known , whether they carry commodities of contrebande , and it may sufficiently appear , what is as well the quality of the said ship , as that of the master and patron : to which pass-ports and sea-letters entire faith and credit is to be given ; and to know the better their validity , and that they may not in any way be falsified and conterfeited , there are to be given certain marks and contre-seals of his majesty and the said lords the states general . xxxiv . and in case the said french vessels and boats , bound for the havens of the enemies of the said lords the states , there be found by the forementioned means some wares and commodities of those , that are above declared to be of contrebande , and prohibited , they are to be unloaden , denounced , and confiscated before the judges of the admiralty of the united provinces , or other competent judges , yet without seizing or confiscating in any manner the ship and boat , or other goods , wares and commodities , that are free and permitted , found in the same vessel . xxxv . it hath further been accorded and agreed upon that whatsoever shall be found laden by the subjects of his majesty in a ship of the enemies of the said lords the states , although they be not wares of contrebande , shall be confiscated with all that shall be found in the said ships without exception or reserve ; but on the other side also , all shall be free , what shall be , and be found in the ships appartaining to the subjects of the most christian king , though the loading or part thereof belong to the enemies of the said lords the states , except the wares of contrebande , in reference to which , it is to be regulated according to what hath been ordered in the precedent articles . xxxvi . all the subjects and inhabitants of the said united provinces shall reciprocally enjoy the same rights , liberties and exemptions in their traffick and commerce , in the ports , roads , seas and states of his said majesty , what hath just now been said , shall be enjoyed by the subjects of his majesty in those of the said lords the states , and in the open sea : it being to be understood , that the equality shall be every way reciprocal on either side ; and even in case , that hereafter the said lords the states should be in peace , amity and neutrality with any kings , princes and states , that should become enemies to his majesty ; each of the two parties being reciprocally to use the same conditions and restrictions , expressed in the articles of the present treaty , that regard traffick and commerce . xxxvii . and the more to assure the subjects of the said lords the states , that no violence shall be done to them by the said vessels of war , prohibition shall be made to all captains of the vessels of the king , and to other subjects of his majesty , not to molest nor to annoy them in any thing whatsoever , under pain of being punished and engaged in their persons and goods for the dammages and interests , suffered and to be suffered , to the last restitution and reparation . xxxviii . and for this cause , shall hereafter all captains and armed men be obliged , every one of them , before their depart , to give good and solvable caution , before competent judges , of the sum of fifteen thousand livers tournois , to answer every one of them in solidum of the ill deportments , which they may commit in their courses , and for the breaches made by their captains and officers , of the present treaty , and of the ordinances and edicts of his majesty , that are to be published by vertue and conformably to the disposition of the same , under pain of a forfeiture and nullity of the said commissions and leaves : which shall likewise be practised by the subjects of the lords the states general . xxxix . if it should fall out , that any of the said french captains should take a vessel laden with the said commodities of countreband , as is said , the said captains shall not cause to be opened or broken , the trunks , mails , balls , budgets , tonns , or chests , or to be transported , sold or changed , or otherwise alienated ; but that first , they shall be set on shoar in the presence of the judges of the admiralty , and an inventary be made by them of the said commodities , found in the said vessels , unless that the goods of countrebande making but a part of the carga , the master or patron of the ship should think good and agree to deliver the said countreband-goods to the said captain , and to pursue his voyage ; in which case the said master or patron shall in no wise be hindred from persuing his course and the design of his voyage . xl. his majesty desiring , that the subjects of the said lords the states general may be treated , in all the countries under his obedience , as favourably as his own subjects , shall give all the orders necessary to make all judgments and decrees , that are to be given upon the prises , that shall have been taken at sea , to be rendred with all justice and equity , by persons un-suspected and dis-interest in the matter in question ; and his majesty is to give precise and effectual orders , that all the decrees , judgments and orders of justice already given or to be given , may speedily and duly be executed according to their forms . xli . and when the ambassadors of the said lords the states general , or any other of their publick ministers , that shall be at the court of his majesty , shall make complaints of the said judgments , that shall have been given , his majesty shall cause a review to be made of the said judgments in his counsel , to examine , whether the orders and precautions , contained in the present treaty , shall have been followed and observed , and to provide for it according to reason : which is to be done within the space of three moneths at most ; and yet notwithstanding , neither before the first judgment , nor after that of the revision , shall the goods and commodities , that shall be reclaimed , be sold or unladen , unless it be by the consent of the interessed parties to avoid the spoiling of the said commodities . xlii . when a process shall be made in the first and second instance , between those , that shall have taken prises at sea , and those that are interessed therein , and that the said interessed persons shall come to obtain a judgment or decree favourable , the said judgment or decree is to have its execution under caution , notwithstanding the appeal of him that shall have taken the prise , but not on the contrary . and what is said in the present and precedent articles to cause good and speedy justice to be rendred to the subjects of the united provinces concerning the prises taken at sea by the subjects of his majesty , is to be understood and practised by the lords the states general in respect of the prises made by their subjects upon those of his majesty . xliii . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall have power at all times to cause to be built or fraighted , within the countries of one and the other , such number of ships , whether for war or trade , as they shall think good ; as also to buy such quantity of ammunition of war , as they shall need ; and they are to employ their authority , that the said bargains of ships and buyings of ammunition be made bonâ fide and at a reasonable rate : but neither his majesty nor the said lords the states general are to give the same permission to the enemies of one another , in case the said enemies be attacking or invading . xliv . it happening that the ships of war , or of merchants , be east away by storm or other accident upon the coasts of either of the allyes , the said ships , tacklings , goods and wares , and what shall be saved , or come of it , if the said things , being perishable , have been sold , all of it being reclaimed by the proprietors , or others , charged and impowred by them , within a year and a day , shall be restored without form of process , paying only the reasonable charges , and what shall be ordered between the said allyes for the duties of saving ; and in case of contervention to the present article , his majesty and the said lords the states general promise , effectually to employ their authority to cause with all severity to be chastised those of their subjects , that shall be found guilty of the inhumanities , that have been sometimes committed , to their great regret , in the like rancontres . xlv . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall not receive nor suffer their subjects to receive , within any of the countries under their obedience , any pirats or such as go with one or more false commissions , whosoever they may be , but they shall cause them to be pursued , and punished , or driven out of their ports : and the ships robbed , as the goods taken by the said pyrats and false-commissionated men , that shall be in being , are to be presently and without forme of process freely restored to the proprietors that shall reclaim them . xlvi . the inhabitants and subjects of one and the other part , shall have power , every where within the lands under the obedience of the said king and of the said lords the states , to cause themselves to be served by such advocates , procters , notaries , and sollicitors , as shall seem good to them : unto which also they shall be commisionated by the ordinary judges , when need shall be , and when the said judges shall be demanded it . and it shall be permitted to the said subjects and inhabitants on either side , to keep in the places where they shall make their aboade , books of their traffick and correspondence , in that language which they shall think good , without being , for this cause , disquieted or searched . xlvii . the said lord king , as also the said lords the states general , shall have power to establish , for the conveniency of their subjects , trafficking in the kingdomes and states of one another , consuls of the nation of their said subjects , which shall enjoy the rights , liberties and franchises , that appartain to them , for the exercise of their employment : and the establishment thereof shall be made in such places , where by common consent it shall be judged necessary . xlviii . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall not permit , that any vessel of warr , nor any other , set out by the commission and for the service of any prince , republick or town whatsoever , come to make any prise within the ports , havens , or any rivers belonging to them , upon the subject of either . and in case this happen , his majesty and the said lords the states general , shall employ their authority and their forces to cause restitution or reparation to be made according to reason . xlix . one of the allyes shall not assist the attacking enemies of the other , present or future , neither by sea nor by land , neither with men , nor money , victuals , ammunition , ships , or other things , that might strengthen them , conserving notwithstanding the free course of trade and navigation between the subjects of one allie with the enemy of the other , conformably to the precedent articles . l. and to the end , that as well his said majesty , as the said lords the states general , may be wholly assured of the effect , and real and vigorous execution of the present confederation , they declare , that they have no treaty nor agreement contrary to this confederation , that may hinder them in any wise from a sincere executing the present treaty in all its points and articles . li. the present treaty of alliance as well , as of commerce , navigation and sea affairs , shall last twenty and five years , beginning from the day of the signature : yet so to be understood , that if peradventure an entry were made into an actual performance of the warranty , by rupture or assistance in favour of one's ally , by vertue of this treaty , before the expiration of the said twenty and five years ; the treaty shall continue and subsist in its force and vigour in all its points , until an end be made of the war in the manner above specifi'd . lii . the ratifications of this treaty are to be given in good form , and exchanged by one and the other part , within the space of three moneths , to reckon from the day of the signature . caesar duke of vandosme , mercaeur , beaufort , pentbieure and estampes , prince of anet & martigues , peer and great master , chief and surintendant general of the navigation and traffick of france and the countries reconquered : to all those , that shall see the present letters , greeting : we give notice , that we have given leave and permission to ............ master and conductor of the ship , called .......... of the town of ........... of the burthen of ........ tonnes or thereabout , being at present in the port and haven ........... , to go to ......... laden with ............ who , after that visitation shall have been made of his ship , before his departure shall take oath before the officers , that exercise the jurisdiction of maritime causes , how that the said vessel belongs to one or more subjects of his majesty , whereof the formul shall be set down here beneath ; as also , that he will keep , and cause to be kept , by those of his equipage , the orders and rules of sea-affairs , and cause record to be made , signed and certified , containing the names and sirnames , the birth and aboade of the men of his equipage , and of all those , that shall embarque themselves , which he shall not take on board without the knowledge and permission of the officers of marine affairs : and that in every port and haven , where he shall enter with his ship , he will shew to the officers and judges of the sea affairs the present leave , and give them a faithful report of what shall have been done and passed during his voyage : and that he will carry the flaggs , armes and colours of the king , and ours , during his voyage . in witness wherof we have set down our signe and seal to these present , and cause them to be countersigned by the secretary of marine affairs .......... act ......... the day ...... one thousand six hundred ...... it was signed caesar de vandosme ; and lower , by my lord ; signed matarel , and sealed with the seal of the armes of the said lord admiral . a formul of the act concerning the oath . morice ........ of the admiralty of ...... we certify that ....... master of the ship named in the pasport above mentioned , hath taken the oath therein expressed . act ....... the ......... day of ...... a formul of the letters , that are to be given , in the sea townes and ports of the vnited provinces , to the ships and boats , that will go out to sea , following the above-mentioned article . to the most serene , most illustrious , illustrious , most potent , most noble , noble , honourable and prudent lords , emperours , kings , republicks , princes , dukes , counts , barons , lords , consuls and sherieffs , counsellors , judges , officers , justiciaries and regents of all good towns and places , as well ecclesiasticks as seculars , who shall see or read these patents ; we the consuls and regents of the town ......... give notice that ........... master of the ship ........... appearing before us , hath declared by a solemn oath , that the ship named ......... big of about ............... tonnes , of which he is at the present master , belongs to the inhabitants of the united provinces , as god should help him , and as we should gladly see the said master of the ship assisted in his just affairs , so we beseech you all in general and in particular , where the said master with his ship and commodities shall arrive , that you would please to receive him beningly , and to treat him as it ought to be , suffering him , upon the usuall rights of customes and expences , in , through , and neer your ports , rivers and domaines , letting him sail , passe , frequent and traffick there , and where he shall find it for his purpose ; the which we shall willingly acknowledge . in witness whereof we have here set to it the seal of our town . ls the copy of the letters of plenipotence of the most christian king for the lords commissioners of his majesty for this treaty . louys , by the grace of god king of france and navarre , to all , that shall see these present , greeting . the affection and respects , which our dear and great friends , allies and confederates , the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , testifie unto us upon all occasions , having made them resolve to depute to us the lords , jean baron of gent , lord of osterwede , lieutenant of the fiefs , and primate of the country of fauquement , conrard de buningen , counsellour of the city of amsterdam , justus de huybert , counsellour and pensionary of the town of ziricksee , all deputies in their assembly from the provinces of gueldres , holland and zeland , their ambassadors extraordinary , for joyntly with the lord william borreel knight , baron of vrenhove , vrendie , lord of steeland , duinbeke , peer-boom , &c. their ambassador ordinary , upon the occasion of the conclusion of the peace between us , and our dear and most beloved brother and uncle the king of spain , and of our marriage , to give us , by their congratulations and civilities , marks of the sence they have what concerns us ; they have also given them order , to make overtures to us of uniting themselves with us anew , by treaties of amity and confederation and commerce , suitable to the constitution of the time and of affairs , that may assure the lastingness of the peace , by a good and firm union between our states and theirs , and establish a mutual correspondence between our subjects , to make them taste the fruits thereof with advantage . whereof the said ambassadors having made declaration , we are very willing to hearken thereunto , and desirous to bring to it , what can be expected from us in this occurrence , we have thought fit , for the negotiating of these treaties to commit it to persons recommendable for their dignities , their sufficiencies and their own merits , and for this end , we have believed , we could not make a better and more worthy choice , then of the persons of our dearly-beloved and trusty , the lord seguier count of gien , knight , chancellour of france ; of our dear and well-beloved cousin the marshal duke of villeroy , and of our beloved and trusty counsellors in our counsels the lords counts of brienne and tellier , ministers and secretaries of state ; and of the lord marquess of lyonne , minister also of state , all commanders of our orders , and of the lord count of brienne the son , secretary also of state and of our commands ; and of the lord colbert counsellor in all our counsels and intendant of our treasury , of whom the experience and dexterity in the management of the most important affairs , and the fidelity and affection to our service , are equally known to us. to them , for these causes and others moving us thereunto , by the advice of our counsel , where were the queen our most honoured lady and mother , our dear and most beloved only brother the duke of orleans , and other princes of our blood , great and considerable personages of our counsel ; and by our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , have given , and by these present , signed with our hand , do give full power , order and commission to hear , confer , negotiate , and treat in our name with the said lords ambassadors extraordinary and ordinary of the said lords the states general , instructed with powers sufficient for the same , of the conditions of a treaty of alliance and confederation , commerce , navigation , and marine affairs ; such as they shall judge to be most beneficial and sutable to the common good of our states and affairs , to agree about them , to resolve , decree and conclude them , and to sign the articles of them ; promising upon the faith and word of a king , to hold for agreeable , firm and stable all , what by the said lords seguier knight , chancellor of france , and by our said cousin the duke of villeroy , and by the said lords the counts of brienne , tellier , lyonne , brienne the son , and colbert , all together , or by the greatest part , in case of absence , and sickness or lawfull impediment , of any of them , shall have been agreed upon and signed , and to ratifie it in the best forme , that may be , and to deliver of it the letters of ratification , in the terms and the manner , that shall have been prescribed and regulated by the said treaty . for , such is our pleasure : in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be annexed to these present : given at paris the tenth day of april , in the year of grace , one thousand six hundred and sixty one , and of our reign the eighteenth . signed , louys , and lower upon the turning in of the paper , by the king , philippeaux , and sealed upon the double fringe of the great seal of yellow wax . the copy of the letters of plenipotence of the lords the states general of the vnited provinces of the low countries , for their ambassadors extraordinary for this treaty . the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , to all that shall see these present , greeting . having given proof of the affection , we have for the tranquility of christendom , in the peace , that hath been lately concluded in the north , we think we ought to make it firm , by treating with the most-christian king a streight , good , sincere , lasting and mutual amity , union and alliance , for the reciprocal defence and conservation of the states and subjects of one another , of their liberties , and franchises , particularly in the matter of sea-affairs , navigation and traffick , and generally of all their common interests against all those , that would trouble or hinder them in it , by sea or land. to which being willing to bring all what can be expected from us , we have resolved to send into france an extraordinary ambassy , composed of persons of quality , to treat in our name with the said king , or with the commissioners , which his majesty shall please to name for this purpose . and knowing , that for this end we can make no better choyce , then of the lords jean baron of gent lieutenant of the fiefs , and primate of the country of fauquemont , conrard de beuningen counsellor of the city of amsterdam , and justus de huybert counsellor and pensionary of the town of ziricksee , all deputies in our assembly from the provinces of gueldres , holland and zeeland , as well for the great knowledge , they have of publick affairs , as of that , which we have of their sufficiency , prudence and fidelity , we , for these reasons and others moving us thereto , have given and do give by these presents , full power , authority , commission and special command , to the said lord of gent , beuningen , and huybert , and to every one of them in particular , in case by reason of sickness or other impediment they could not all be present at the treaty , for , from us and in our name , in the quality of ambassadors extraordinary , joyntly with the lord william borreel , lord of duinbeke , &c. our ambassadour in ordinary at the court of france , to make and conclude the said treaty of defensive allyance , marine affairs , navigation and commerce with the said most christian majesty , separately , or joyntly with the king of great brittain , and for that effect to conferre with his majesty , or with the commissioners , which he shall please to name ; as also to agree , promise , resolve , conclude and decree together all what shall be thought fit and necessary for the common good of france and this republick , yea and to compose and signe a treaty of it , to make and pass such instruments , acts and promises in good and due forme ; and generally to do all what we should do , if we were there present , even when a more special command should be necessary : promising sincerely and bona fide , to hold for good and to keep firme and stable all what the said lords ambassadors shall promise , agree upon , act , resolve and signe in the said treaty , to observe , accomplish and execute it inviolably , and never , whether directly or indirectly , in any wise whatsoever , to go against it ; but to cause our letters and ratifications of it to be expedited in the most authentick forme that can be , and when it shall be necessary . given at the hague in our assembly under our great seal , of our secretary of state , the fifth of october , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred and sixty . signed p. swanenburg , and lower upon the turning in of the paper , by order of the said lords the states generall mr. ruysch , and sealed upon the double fringe of the great seal of yellow waxe . in faith whereof , we , the commissioners and ambassadours above said , in vertue of our respective powers , have in the said names signed these presents with our ordinary seals , and have caused the seals of our armes to be put to it . at paris the 27 of april 1661. l s sequier . l s villeroy . l s de lomenie . l s tellier . l s de lionne . l s de lomenie . l s colbert . l s j. van gent. l s c. van beuningen l s j. van huybert . l s w. borreel . articles agreed upon , between the most christian king of france and navarre , and the lords the states general of the united provinces , serving for explication of the fifth article , as also of the third and fourth of the treaty of alliance of his majesty with the said lords the states general , concluded and decreed this day . i. the case of the above said fifth article hapning , the said lord king and his successors , shall be obliged to assist the said lords the states general of the united provinces , all and every time they shall be attackt or troubled , as it is more largely expressed in the said treaty , with a succours of twelve thousand foot , well armed , under such regiments , companies , colonels and other officers , as his said majesty shall think fit , and judge most proper for such an assistance , and he is to deliver and entertain the said succours at his own charge , for the service of the said lords the states general , all the time that he shall not be obliged to enter into rupture , according to the treaty and the said article of the same . also the lords the s●●●●s general shall be obliged reciprocally to assist the said lord king every time he shall be attackt or troubled in manner aforesaid , with a succours of six thousand foot , well armed , under such regiments , companies , collonels and other officers , as the said lords the states general shall think fit , and judge most proper for such an assistance , and they are to deliver and entertain them at their own charge , for the service of said lord king , all the time that they shall not be obliged to enter into rupture , according to the treaty and the said article of the same . ii. he that shall openly be attackt in manner abovesaid , shall have the liberty to take the succours either wholly in souldiers , or wholly in money , or a part of it in souldiers , and a part in ships , armes , ammunitions of warr , money , or other things proper for the use of war ; so that a thousand souldiers shall be rated at ten thousand livers a moneth , according to the course of the bank of amsterdam , counting twelve moneths in a year : and the payment thereof shall be made in the beginning of every moneth by equal portions ; in this manner , that in case the payment be made partly or wholly in money , the money is to be delivered at paris or amsterdam respectively : but in case the performance be made partly or wholly in ammunitions of warr , ships or other things proper for the use of war , the assisted shall be obliged to go himself and demand and receive the said ammunitions of war , or ships in the country of him , that is to assist or to furnish the succours . iii. when the succours shall be delivered in souldies , they are altogether to be submitted to the command and order of him to whom they shall be sent , to serve himself of them and to transport them to the places , he shall think good , by water and land , into the field , to seiges , to the guarding of places , and wherever either necessity or advantage shall require it . with this reserve notwithstanding , that these companies shall not be altogether separated from one another , but that they shall remain together under their ensignes ; at the least to the number of two or three hundred souldiers of every regiment . iv. after that the formed succours of souldiers shall be sent by the assistant , and received by the assisted , it shall be in the power of the assisted to supply the vacant offices , unto that of ensignes inclusively , beginning from the chief ; provided that the persons , upon whom the vacant offices shall be conferred , be chosen out of the troupes of the succours . v. when the necessity of affairs shall make it to be judged and known that the promised and accorded succours ought to be augmented , the said lord king and the lords the states general shall labour to agree together concerning it . vi. though in the treaty of the defensive allyance , accorded and concluded this day , between the commissioners of the most christian king , and the ambassadors extraordinary and ordinary of the states general of the united provinces , it be agreed upon , that the warranty , stipulated in the third and fourth article , shall extend it self to the whole state of the said united provinces , and to all the places , where they have their garrison , his majesty notwithstanding , in confideration of the alliance , which he hath with the lords , the elector of collen , and the duke of newbury , understands not to be obliged to the said warranty , in case that the said elector or duke , each a part and separately come to attack first the town of rhynburg , and the other the town of ravestein , with his own forces only : but , in case he there make use of the aid or assistance of any other potentat , prince , or state , whether in men , mony , or other manner whatsoever , directly or indirectly , or in case they act both joyntly , that in that case of assistance or conjunction the aforesaid warranty shall be obligatory in respect of the said princes , as it is against all others , without that the present exception shall be understood to extend it self to any case not expressed therein , to the prejudice of what is agreed upon in the said treaty . vii . forasmuch as the treaty of peace made between the king of portugal and the lords the states general of the united provinces is not yet ratified , and the warranty is not to be extended but to such treaties , as are passed in good and due form , it hath been agreed upon , that his majesty shall not be obliged to any warranty towards the said king of portugal , but after the said treaty made , or other , that may be made to finish the war , which they are at the present engaged in , be ratified as the other treaties , according as it is agreed . which articles shall have the same force and vigour , as if they were in serted in the body of the said general treaty passed this day . given at paris the 27. of april 1662. signed . l s seguier . l s villeroy . l s de lomenie . l s tellier . l s de lyonne . l s de lomenie . l s colbert . l s j. van gent. l s c. van buningen . l s j. van huybert . l s w. borreel . an article a part , touching the imposition of fifty sols per tonn upon the strangers-ships going out of the ports of france . it hath been stipulated on the part of the most christian king , and consented unto , by the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , that the equality , that is to be precisely observed in regard of the subjects of either ally with the natives , in matter of customs , charges , impositions , according to the 20 th . article of the treaty of allyance , this day concluded , shall not derogate from the imposition of fifty sols per tonn , established in france upon stranges-ships ; and that the subjects of the lords the states of the united provinces shall be obliged to pay the same , as all other strangers , unless his majesty , upon the remonstrances , which hereafter may be made unto him from the said lords the states , in examining them with that great affection , wherewith his majesty is pleased to honour them , dispose otherwise thereof : but from this time forth necessary orders are to be by his majesty issued , to this end that the said imposition of fifty sols shall not be exacted from the ships of the subjects of the said united provinces but once for every voyage , in going out of the ports of his kingdom , and not in entring into it ; and that the said ships laden with salt , shall not pay but the half of the said fifty sols , on condition , that the said lords the states , thinking it fit to put the like imposition upon the ships of strangers in their country ( which shall remain free unto them ) are not to exceed , ●● regard of the subjects of his said majesty , the tax of what their subjects pay in france : the said 20 th ▪ article remaining as to all other customs , charges , and impositions present or to come , in its entire force and vigour , without its being to be limited or exceeded by any other exception or restriction , but what is here above expressed . which article apart , is to have the same force and vigour , as if it were inserted in the body of the said treaty general passed this day . given at paris the 27. of april . 1662. signed . sequier . villeroy . de lomeny . tellier . de lyonne . de lomeny . colbert . j. van gent. c. van beuningen . j. van huybert . w. borreel . finis . the entrance of mazzarini, continued through the first years regency, of anna maria of austria, qu. dowager of france, and mother of the present monarch. louis xiv. wherein the principall causes of those revolutions, that have since happened in that kingdome, may be discovered entrance of mazzarini. part 2 tanner, thomas, 1630-1682. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62724 of text r208969 in the english short title catalog (wing t141). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 138 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62724 wing t141 estc r208969 99825422 99825422 29804 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62724) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29804) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2155:6) the entrance of mazzarini, continued through the first years regency, of anna maria of austria, qu. dowager of france, and mother of the present monarch. louis xiv. wherein the principall causes of those revolutions, that have since happened in that kingdome, may be discovered entrance of mazzarini. part 2 tanner, thomas, 1630-1682. [10], 80, 69-141, [3] p. printed by ann lichfield, printer to the vniversity, oxford : 1658. by thomas tanner. gatherings b & c are in 8's, and the rest in 12's. the preliminaries include the dedication to the lord protector, and "to the reader". errata on final page. stained and tightly bound; print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng mazarin, jules, 1602-1661 -early works to 1800. france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643 -early works to 1800. france -politics and government, 1610-1643 -early works to 1800. a62724 r208969 (wing t141). civilwar no the entrance of mazzarini, continued through the first years regency, of anna maria of austria, qu. dowager of france, and mother of the pre tanner, thomas 1658 23879 443 0 0 0 1 0 190 f the rate of 190 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-02 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the entrance of mazzarini , continued through the first years regency , of anna maria of austria , qu. dowager of france , and mother of the present monarch . lovis xiv . wherein the principall causes of those revolutions , that have since happened in that kingdome , may be discovered . oxford printed by ann lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1658. to the reader . once , since i exposed a former part of these relations , i thought rather , to have letten that go out of it selfe , which had gotten out into the light ; then by adding more fuell to warme my selfe any longer at the censures of my owne kindling . but leisure and a long winter , joyn'd with the other incentives of my friends , made me light at last this end too ; i doubt to wast before the sun , and burne day-light , being only a divulger of things , that were before publick in other languages . and so , my only wisdome might have been , to have hidden my head in obscurity , while i left my body so obnoxious : but i love not to complement so far , as to furnish any one , with a reall argument against myselfe . i had rather have it thought , as it is in truth , that i am not meerely a collectour out of any others , that have written in the same fashion , which no other has done hitherto : but i myselfe have made my own subject , and squar'd my designe out of whole quarries ' without any injury to another man's wall . though , i must confesse , i have not yet deserv'd to challenge so much credit to my self , without any other recommendation . but as the first is above my merit ; so the second is too ●verse to my proper inclination : and therefore , i appeale rather , to the favour of my fortune , which lies in the candor of my readers , and so take a long adieu of them , and of any the like adventures for the future . the second part of the entrance of mazzarini . the death of lewis , surnamed the iust , was no lesse to be counted immature in respect of his age , which was but of two and forty years ; then of that of his successor , which was but of foure and eight months : and of the interests of his crowne , which , on other more accounts , were to look for most apparent and sure concussions . for his grand enemy the spaniard , who before had beaten many waies to get a suspension of hostility , on expectation of this accident , and the consequences likely to ensue , did now confound the sent , and utterly refuse to be found again in the same tracks : but rather bent his whole sagacity and power to drive it to extremity . the dependents on the crowne for it wonted powerfull aides particularly the swedes and catalonians were grievously stricken with the sense of the same thing : and a● its allies became the colder i● their treaties , by how much the affaires were more important especially the states of holla●● would needs let the cord sli● which so lately held them in the strictest league . within the kingdome , the houses of vendosm● guise , espernon , boüillon , and others of the more potent , pretended to high satisfactions , for the injuries that the late government had left upon them . nay , the queen herselfe and duke of orleans , had matter of high displeasure against the creatures and alliances of the late cardinall ( which yet held the chiefe places of authority & dignity in france ) from whom they had each endured a long persecution . the severall high officers of state and warre , that had been at pleasure deprived , exiled , confined . the courts of parliament , whose power had been in a great part exauctorated : and the people that had suffered so long ▪ and miserable impositions to the maintenance of sundry great armies , and payment of vast pensions to forraine states and princes might now combine severally to make a new settlement very tachy and untractable . what , that the kin● left an empty exchequer , and necessity for the same charges , i● not greater , to be still continued while the same occasions still remained in open and vast dominions , that were inviron'd on al● sides with potent enemies , and had no other walls , then armies to defend them ? what , that thi● defence was vaine without offen● ding , and this offending was either subject to great losses ; or a● best , encreased those scattere● acquisitions , which drew the blood from the heart to the extremities ? this was the outwar● face of things , besides the mo●● impenetrable difficulties , whic● a multitude of pretenders migh● occasion in the working of thei● interests . let us therefore pursu● the winding of these torrents , and see how they may loose their eddinesse in the current of events . on the day after the late kings death , the qu. regent , accompanied by the young king , the dukes of anjou and orleans , with the guards of foot and horse , and a numerous throng of people came from st germans into paris , and went strait to dismount at the louure : from whence the young king dispatched forthwith his letters to the parlement , wherein he imparted to them the death of the king his father , commanding them to continue in the exercise of their charges , and that he expected when they should come to make a new oath of fealty to him , without making any mention of the queen regent , who thereupon ( if we may believe that such an action should be done without her cognisance , expressed her selfe to be dissatisfied as well as the parlement , for that a new oath was required of them against custome : but the fault was all laid upon the ministers : and in particular the secretary de . guenegaud bore some check for it , which , it may be thought , he did not feele much , as being not alone in it . the parlement expected when the queen should come to their court , to take possession of the regency . the ministers of the court when the parliament should come thither in their body , and scarlet robes , as they use when they march in ceremony , or assemble themselves about the publick affaire● in the kings presence ) to doe obeisance to the king and queen● but now ( if ever ) was a time t● stand on priviledge . wherefor● the parlement considering anoient customes , agreed only to send their deputies thither in their blacks , the rather to elude the new oath pretended to be offer'd them . these addressed themselves to their majesties , assuring them of their allegeance , and beseeching the king to come and sit on his bed of justice ( as the royall throne in the parlement is there stiled . ) in fine these offices are accepted in the forme as they are rendred , and their request is granted . but ere these deputies part , the duke of orleans has other busines with them , which neither any scruple within his spirit , or gout within his shoe can hinder him from bringing . he acquaints them therefore that in the time of the king his brother , he had brought to the parlement a declaration , and made semblance of approving it , that he might not be taxed with disobedience : but in truth that he judged that declaratiō to be defective , & not observable : especially in that part which restraines the authority of the qu. regent , to whose prudence he intended to be the first that should remit the sum of the government , without whateever limitations : and tells them further , that the prince of condè was also of the same mind . indeed they both knew how intimately the queene might be grieved , that , contrary to former precedents , her regency was so restrained and hamper'd by the king deceased , and therefore sought by the freeing of her interests to clear their own : for the same prescript forme of government did equallize them ( the first princes of the blood , notwithstanding their prerogatives in the custome of that kingdome ) with the other councellors , and , it may be when accounts were cast , render them much inferiour : for if all results were to passe by plurality of votes , t' was easy to be ghessed , that the card. mazzarin , the secretary de chauigny , and the chancellour se●uier might joyne together for their common interest and sway all affaires at their owne pleasure . this was a notable stroke of the princes , that looked like a generous action , and was received with good applause as most agreeable to the government of france , which had ever been a pure monarchy : but there was another fate in it , then they expected , though at first it seemed to run luckily . on the monday following , which was the 18th of may and fourth from the kings death , the qu. brought her royall pupill to place him in the throne of justice , and herselfe at his right-hand ; accompanied with the duke of orleans , the princes of condè and conti , the duke of vendosme , and other the principall peeres and officers of the kingdome , where the yong king first broke up silence with these words messicurs , i am come to see you to testify my affections to you . my chancellor will tell you the rest . but first the queen and princes of the blood tooke their turnes , which may deserve some recitall . she exprest hersel●e thus ; my lords and gentlemen , the death of my lord the late king , although it has not at all surprised me , by reason of his long weaknesse , yet has it fild me with so much griefe , that hitherto i have been uncapable of comfort , or of councell : and although the affaires of the kingdome should require a continuall application to suffice to all occasions both at home and abroad ; my affliction has been so great , that it has put me beside the thinking what j were to doe , till to'ther day that your deputies came to salute the king my son and bring their protestations of loyalty and obedience to him , beseeching him to come and sit on his throne of justice , and take the place of his ancestors , which act is considered as a marke of royalty , which i were willing to doe this day to testify to this company , that on all occasions i shall be well contented to serve my selfe of your councells , praying you to give unto the king my son and unto me such as you shall judge in your consciences to be most conducible to the good of the state . then the duke of orleans , resuming the speech , addressed it to the queen , remonstrating to her . the satisfaction which all the kingdome ought to have of her actions , as he had sufficiently signified to the deputies of parlement the last saturday , when he told them that the whole honour of the government was due not only to her condition as mother of the king ; but also to her merit and virtue : and that the regency being conferred on her by the order of the late king , and afterwards verified in parlement in his presence , he did not desire any other part in affaires then what should please her to impart to him , not pretending to any vantage from whatsoever particular clause contained in the foresaid declaration . the prince of condè applauded the generosity of the duke , adding withall , that it was not only profitable , but also necessary to the good government of the state , that the cheife authority should not be divided . then succeeded the lord chancellor , and after him monsieur talon , the king's advocate , whose formall speeches cannot be brought into our lists , without breaking them . at last , the chancellor , rising from his seat goes to the royall throne , and kneeling there expects the kings opinion from the mouth of the queen , who excused her selfe , alledging that she had no other then the sense of the parlement . whereupon returning to hisseat , and asking the opinion of the rest , the duke of orleans added , that the ●auses inserted in the last declaration did always seem extraordinary unto him , and without example : nor had he eve● subscribed to them , but for obedience , & not to contradict the king's will , though he ever thougt they could not be put in execution ; and as he had , for his owne particular , quitted all pretensions in it ; so now it was his judgment , that the whole authority should be committed to the queen . the pr. of condè ; and all the other nobles , officers , and councellours concurred in this vote : and so the chancellor ( howsoever , one may conclude , against his mind ) pronounced the arrest following . the king sitting on his throne of justice in the presence and with the councell of the duke of orleans his , vncle of his cosins the princes of condè and of conti , and of other princes , prelates , peeres and officers of the crowne hath declared & doth declare the queen his mother , regent of france , according to the will of the deceased king , his most honored lord and father , to have care of the education and nourture of his person , and the absolute , full , and entire administration of the affaires of his kingdom during his minority . his aforesaid majesty doth also will and intend , that the duke of orleans his vncle shall be lieutenant generall in all the provinces of the said kingdome under the authority of the said regent ; and that under the same authority his foresaid vncle shall be chiefe of his councill , and in his absence his cosin , the prince of condè , it resting in the will of the queen to make choice of persons of worth and experience in such as she shall think fit , to debate in the said councills , without being otherwise obliged to follow the plurality of voices , then she her selfe pleaseth . his aforesaid majesty ordaines that this present arrest be read , published and registred in all baily-wicks &c. the queen felt her selfe now well established ; and the card. mazzarini with the secretary de chavigny expecting nothing lesse then to be licenced , or fall into worse disgraces were ready to demand retirement ; when the queen , pretending only as she expressed her selfe , not to depend on her ministers , but the● on her , confirmed in the councill all that had been nominated by the king her husband : and in particular ( though the scope of the parlement seemed to winde another way ) treated the cardinall with demonstrations of a singular estimation : whereby t' was soon left to be gathered , that she was no lesse jealous of saving her own power , by taking caution against the only sway of the princes of the blood ; then lewis himselfe had been of his childrens interest on that supposall . yet besides these sheadded to her council the bishop of beauvais , her grand almoner , sending to rome to get the red hat for him : and joyned himwith the card. mazzarin , and one f. vincent gen. of the missionaries in the council of conscience for the distribution of benefices . the season of the year was now advanced to a high cam●●gne ; for the furthering whereof ●owards italy , we have heard already what overtures were made to those of venice : but to ●nforce this towards flanders , 't is now time to examine what issue the other treatyes with those of holland might produce . it came to a signing of articles by ambassadors , and commissioners on either part , dated march 30 1643. the tenor of which imported thus much . that the king , & lords-state shall set on foot an army of 18 or 20000 , foot , and 4500 , o● 5000 , horse , which shall ente into flanders the next may , if he that is commander in cheife fo● the king of spain doe not issu● sooner but in that case the king and the said states shall be ob●liged to set out their armies bot● at the same time , on what soeve● side the enemy shall turne : that that of the lords states shall atta● que some strong fortresse on the● side , and his majesty on his : o● else give such diversion to the enemy , by striking into his country , that may divide his forces and leave the prince of orange , by that meanes , the greater facility in gaining of his enterprise . yet , that if his majesty intend but a simple diversion , that then he put himselfe into the field a fortnight before the said prince . but if both resolve to attaque someplace that then they shall precisely issue on the same day . the said lords-states doe oblige themselves , by the 8th of aprill , to equippe at their owne charges a fleet of 30 vessells of warre provided with two , three , four , and five hundred boats to ply about the coast of calais to hinder the enemys passage into flanders by sea , and in case the kings army does attaque any place on the coast of flanders , the said 30 vessells shall remaine on the same coast , during the enterprise , to besiege it by sea and helpe to the transportation of such victuall to the kings army , as shall be sent from france , or bought of them at a reasonable rate . moreover the said states do● faithfully promise to suffer the kings forces to passe to and fro , upon the rhine to wesel , & upon the meuse , to maestrich , when they shall be requested , so it may not tend to the prejudice of their states . they shall also keep their army on foot , as long as the good of the common cause shal require , and the season of the year permit . on these conditions his majesty was to ayde the lords-state for this year with , a summe of one million , and two hundred thousand livers to be faithfully expended by the said lords , in the leuying and maintaining of such forces extraordinary , as were agreed on for this purpose , which payment should be made punctually at 3 termes , ( viz ) foure hundred thousand livers at the ratifying of this treaty , four hundred thousand more , next iuly , and the rest in october following . only the said lords-states doe consent , that upon the said summe of one million , and two hundred thousand livers received , the pensions of the french officers should be taken out , and paid according to the treaty of iune 1630 , and of aprill 1634 , whereby a summe of fifty thousand livers , was rereserved to be distributed by the french ambassadour to the french officers . lastly , that this treaty shall no ways derogate from any former ; but rather confirme them all in full force and vigor . the stone was not rolled thus farre without great travell , but it soone recoiled , and got thereby a crosse-byas , wedg'd in with such reasons , as will discover thēselves hereafter : but if ever t' were worth the cost of such pensions , so many yeares continued , to purchase the slowfooted aides of the h●ll●nd●rs , besides the proffers of afaire pa●●tage , let them account ( for me ) whom it more concernes , what a●● fit conditions for the english . but in the interim the spanish forces , that are left hovering about the frontires of picardie , are are no way negligent to gaine their advantages : to wch purpose they had sent before some part o● their army , which they still augmented with new recruites ( th●french corresponding with the● in the same manner ) till do● francesco di melo a portughese at that time governor of the low countryes for the king of spain , arrived with the maine succours drawne from luxenburg and the neigbouring provinces making up in all an army of ●ive and twenty thousand men effective . this party was so highly satisfy'd with such a trust reposed in him , and so desirous to recommend himselfe by a brave discharge of it ( so as they are commonly affected , that have no great pretensions besides their own merits ) that he had multiplyed letters to the court , and councill of warre at madrid , communicating his intentions about the ordering of this campagne , which were , not to attaque an● place , least he should endanger the crumbling of his majestys forces in those parts against some rugged siege , but only to appear on the frontires of france , and be in a readines , when any alterations should happen there by the kings death , to follow his advantage : or siding with some party , that should have recourse to him , make his entrancewithin the heart of that kingdome , which might exceedingly enhance conditions at the opening of the treaty for a generall peace , that had been now some time in agitation , and plenipotentiary's furnished on both sides . a designe , wherein he met with much applause , as ●itted to the juncture of affaires then current . but he incurred the ordinary fate of such ambitions ▪ as covet to overdoe their actions , though he had raised in himselfe , no lesse then others , a great expectation of his conduct in this expedition , by his successe the yeare before at the battell of honcourt . on the ninth of may he musters his troupes about quesnoy , distributing among them some pay , and then leaves the count of fuensaldagn● , governor of ●ambray with foure thousand foot , and two thousand horse , about those quarters to advance , as occasion should require ; he himselfe marching with twelue thousand foot , and seven thousand horse towards la capelle , where he made a shew of sitting downe : but rising on a sudden entred into tei●asche , a province that lies `twixt picardie and champagne , harrassing and burning the country thereabouts ( as if indeed his stroke pointed to the heart of france ) while he sent the count of ●sembourg with a party of sixe thousand ▪ foot , and two thousand horse to sit downe before rocroy , a place so little , that one may thinke , it was not much suspected , being also so slenderly provided of a garrison , that it had not above threee hundred foot in it , without horse : yet o● great importance , because from thence there is a ready way to paris without the passing of any river , whereupon the rest of the army soon arrived , and se●ting themselves to storm the fortresse , which was but of five bulwark● not enskonced , but only warded by some halfe moones , within 3 days they carried four of these , the governour ●ussreville for scarcenesse of people being glad to draw his souldiers to secure the body of the place ▪ yet in gaining one of them , the cavalier vis●o●●ti a noble milarese in this service , lost about one hundred and fifty of his tertia , on which the cannon from the towne charged with bagg's of small shot did great execution . some accuse the generall in this place of too much confidence in his own forces with undue contempt of his enemy because , they say , he neither sufficiently intercepted all the advenues , whereby reliefe might come to the city nor yet tooke care to intrench himselfe , which had he beene a true spaniard , he would not have omitted . it may be , he did it to be punctuall to his engaged designe of not besieging any place , nor thought this deserved the delaying of his army : but might be forthwith carried , and otherwise not so fit to be left upon his backe , when he should sweepe his way before him into fran●e , which , as he thought had no army in a readynesse to counterpoise him , or once appear before the place distressed in any season to relieue it : but , if i may be as free to descant as other men peradventure melo intended to reserue some masterpeece till he might shew it in the effect it selfe ▪ if fortune had beene so favourable to his designes , as commonly those that have an ambition of glory mix'd with the love of their master's service ( as if they thought themselves in effect to be free , and not in reason ●o be gaged , like meere instruments , to the solitary ends of any other ) doe affect to retayne always somwhat in their owne power , and discretion , by which they may upon occasion , shew themselves apart in some sufficiency of their own but these are not the least subject to miscarriages , whether for having too faire an hope in contingencies , they aime at great things overhastily , and sauing their activity for such periods , become too perfunctory in the intermediate actions , whereby they should secure their progresse ; whereas neither hope , nor proofe of fortune should make one sleight the least moments in the balance , and some successe should rather take us up from oscitancy , because the reason of all events is so variable : or else , for being inwardly puffed up , they are apt to bound over those occurrents , which they may leave to be stumbling blocks another time . yet to bring this siege to the better issue , and hinder any aides from that side , he sends order to generall bek to hold himselfe with a thousand foot , and two thousand horse on the frontires of luxenborg , in assaulting a little castle there , upon the meuse , which might also secure any conuoyes from the towne of namur for the serving of his own campe , and keep those forces in a readinesse to joine with him whensoever notice should be given . the newes of this enterprise●ing brought to the duke of eng●en , a captaine of two and twent● years old , the thē flower of frenc● galantrie , inspir'd his soule wi●● no lesse joy in the hope of a ba●●tell , then it would some other the certainty of a triumph rea● drest , and set before them : as the only heroick love were t●● of glory , and the only cour●sh● this of danger . he was then quartered wi●● fourteene thousand men abo●●encre , a faire towne on the utmo●● frontires towards ar●ois , which was the directest way from 〈◊〉 midst of ●●france to the midst flanders : incontinent he bea●s●● rendevous to those troopes the he had in a readynesse , and se●● his march towards the enemy , di●patching present orders to oth●● two brigades commanded by the marquis of géures and monsieur d' espenan to joyne with him upon the way : which accordingly put in punctuall execution , he aduanced with an army twenty thousand strong to deliver the place besieged , using diligence in his march , because he was resolu'd to engage the first that should impeach his proceeding . but when he was come within four leagues of the city , he had intelligence that it was invested by all the spanish forces , hard pressed , and driven from their outer fortifications , circumstances that would have turn'd , or whe● his blade beyond the edge , if it had not been good mettall , but being now brought almost to the point of ingagement , he foin'd with some suspence , to make thereby the better judgment of a passe which was to reach the heart of h●s enemy . the ardor of this prince was happy in the symbolizing of his cheife officers , but especially of the mareschal de gassion , whose pareil inclinations , heighth'ned with a lively industry , and long experience , ( gotten in the discipline of the cheifest master of the modern age , the great gustavus ) prompted his genius to the same affectations , and gained therewithall the heart of his generall . whereupon he sends him before with a thousand horse , to cast in some recruits into the place , and to discover the state of the spanish army , whether it were intrenched , or whether it advanced to meet the succours : having well considered the fashion of the leagure , for want of foote , he dismounted two hundred caracarabines and firelocks committed to the guidance of the sieur de s. martin , and left them lurking in the hedges with an hundred horse to assist them , while he with the rest went to beat up the enemy's quarters , & fell on the guard of cavalry which belonged unto bucquoy : wherein though he found himselfe so unhappily encumbred in a marish ground , that he could not make so strong an impression as he intended ; yet he did not faile of his whole designe ▪ for this so sudden , and furious an alarme to that quarter of the enemy made them run thither and leave an open field for the succours to enter into the city ; which immediately infused such a new courage into the breasts of those defendants , that the fire which grew intense before , by being ●traitned , did now enforce its passage sage with the more violence : 〈◊〉 these considering the danger●● approaches of the enemy , that 〈◊〉 shouldered themselves under so● earth within a narrow ma●● of their towne ditch , and the their sally● port being too r●● mote , did leave them roome the●● to dispose themselves at large , a● so to prepare an assault witho● difficulty , tooke an hardy , and 〈◊〉 pricious resolution to slide dow● by a rampire ' , with their musk● betwixt their leggs , & their bac● staied on them ; which as read●● done , they hastned to storme the approach , and met so good succ●● in it , that they presently clee●● all that trench , and out in pe●● those that guarded it . the tempered discourse 〈◊〉 gassion when he came to gi●● the generall an account of 〈◊〉 delegacy on this affaire , joyn● with so faire a proofe at the first commencement of the action , did secretly transport his mind with such a passion , as , you may thinke , one cannot describ or imagine , that cannot have the happinesse to feele somwhat like it : but t' was as the quintessence of some rich spirits , drop by drop , infused into his flames , which at first , with a kind of unsatiable covetize of hearing , drew the matter to the center , restraining his soule by excesse of pleasure to a narrow compasse so full of vigor , that it could not long containe its selfe from impatiency : and yet for fear , least betraying such a passion he might encounter some ungratefull contestation of his end with those by whom he was to atchieue it , he matures the calling of a councill of war , before which , with the continency of a well-weigh'd generall , h● puts the question to the board● what might be fit to doe in thi● juncture . and first the lieut. general 〈◊〉 l' hospital ( if i may here use a priviledge by prescription , which i my selfe allow not in a profest historian ) deliver'd his mind in this manner . were it now a time to raise the first repute of the french nation , whose courage and prowesse is the most renowned of any other ; or vindicate our own valor , which is not th●● of new men , or of fresh soldiers , from the obloquy of the world ; 〈◊〉 if we had to do with rude and barbarous enemies , as we have with those that are competito●● with us in military force and discipline , i should not utterly refuse this time for engagement , though under many disadvantages . but since our end is rather to uphold a reputation already gotten with the acquists that have attended it ▪ & this may be done with honour , by a bare waiting on the enemie to straiten & incommodate him ( which will be look't upon at this time as a mating and outbraving of him ) and a battell can't be offer'd without apparent difficulties and most unequall hazzards , i thinke it may deserve some serious pondering , if not a plaine suspense of any further action at the present ; unlesse such as i hinted before , or casting in some more succours , if need require , within the place , which if it serve but to defend it , and so defeat the spaniards of their designe , it may suffice by it self to overthrow their army without any notable losse or hazzard ; and this is as noble a way of overcomming , as the gaining of a field , and more gaesarean : for he though he never refused to stand th●●ury of our untrained ancestor● yet when he was to fight with afra●nius or pompey , men of the lik● expertnesse with himselfe , he studie● still to gaine by his conduct , & shif● a battell to extremities . and if 〈◊〉 can earne the victory , it matters no● so much whether it be by the strok● of fortune or the sithe of time ; for it will be weighed rather by its consequence , then the first bruit of it● but if we venture a battell nowwithout necessity , in my opinion we shall but lay great oddes on an even wager ; if ( at least ) i may call it even ▪ while our enemies are more in number ; and our superiours in artillery and ammunition : and what thoug● the issue of the battell should favo●● our audacitie ? what should we gai● besides the field ? whereas if 〈◊〉 should fall to loose it , as what endeavours of man can hinder the possibltities of the war ? ) we must inevitably expose our countrey and ●azzard the embroiling of it in all manner of confusions : for if his majesty should now shortly yeeld to his languishing , wch is genarally feared , & this army , which othewise might serve to balance the peace of france , and keep the war without it should be overthrowen , i dare not imagine what might follow . wherefore my advice at present is to temporize , rather thē engage further then we may draw our army off at our owne discretion . thus he spake and there were others of his opinion . but the glory , hope , and courage , which now had lighted a fire of emulation in the generous heart of gassion were so incented by the sprinklings of these more cooler deliberations ( as the most heroicke spirits feele the influence of the sun upon their hearts , mor● then that other of the moon upo● their brains ) that the difficulti● objected in this enterprise , mad● his vertue glow the more intensel● knowing that the merit would b● more precious by how much the present exigency of the state wa● more sensible , the renoun mor● cleer & evident by the puissanc● of the enemy , & the victory not u●● certain with that resolution , whic● he did not seem to himself to hav● put upon him , like an harnes , 〈◊〉 to have inspir'd in him by the ge●nius of successe . which drew a reply from him to this effect . the succours , which have alread● been cast into this place , may we● serve to rouse the industry of our e●nemies , but not to secure it : and i● we will decline the battell , we mus● incurre the hazzard of seeing it forced to our beards ; or if we cast i● more supplies , divide our strength , and neither leave our selves in state to offer or refuse it . but in my opinion , since the enemie has 〈◊〉 rich country of his own behind him , & is now set down without a curtain before this hold , there is no other way remaining either to in●ommodate or oppose him , but offering combat , and obliging him to accept it ; which now he sh●ws a freedome to : but if wee once let the occasion slip , will scarce be found so much at open guard again . for my part , i cannot count it safe to delay any time of impeaching the enemies design , nor agreeing with the reputation of our armes , being thus near to forbeare of fronting him . nor yet that more courage should be added to his present insolency , or any despondence to our own men , which the pride of the spaniards , and our own diffidence must needs create in them . and therefore this is my advice and de●s●re , that we make all haste possibl●●o ciment with them . so he left abruptly , thinking that in short speech there are quicker stings , a●d prompter resentmēts left in the hearers ; which he found true with others ; but especially with the duke , whose native ardor arising from a french , a youthfull , and a royal blood , sent such spirits to croud that passage unto reason which disswaded fighting , and opened the files to the contrary ; that hardly any argument could gain access , which did not come with the sound of trumpet , and beat of drum to salute the general with hope of victory . but as great spirits have many wayes to palliate their designes accordi●g to others mens reasons , which of themselves would not serve them above the half way , so he , to shew himselfe the fitter moderator , propounds a seeming middle way , but indeed a certain one , to engage de l' hospital , and his other field-officers in a necessity of encountring . he tels them , hee would march the army as farre as the wood ( for rocroy stands upon a green , environ'd on all sides with a wooddy place of tenne miles diameter ) and there that they might be under shelter , and have it in their power to fight , or to doe otherwise , as they should see reason . which being the issue of that consultation , gassion is againe dispatched to clear the way before their army , and feize himself of such posts as he should find convenient for disposing of the maine body which was to follow after . whereupon hee pusheth through few of the enemies guards , and enters into a plain of a mile and halfs extent , that lyes between i● and the city , without any other opposition , or shew of being taken notice of , although the spaniard● might easily have prevented him , if they had marshalled there first , and guarded onely two passes , which were so straight that neither hee , nor the rest of the army could have advanced through them in any order : or if they had faln on them while they were encumbred , have gotten a great victory . but this omission was imputed afterwards ( as men are ingenious to find out faults for the unfortunate , and virtues for the prosperous ) to an over weening fancy , which made them either ignorant , or negligent of the french motions , perswading themselves , that they du●st not bide a battel , but onely assay the casting in some more reliefe ; and it may be therefore fear'd to draw off at any distance from the place , lest the french cavalry should find means to effectuate that design . gassion , being thus advanc'd to amuse the enemy , and by accosting nearer to inure his own men to be more confident , and more familiar with danger , marches on with twelve troops of horse to goe and view the huts of the enemy , and what extent they occupyed , whereby hee soon perceiv'd , that general melo , as if he sleighted this shew as a meer bravery , did but slowly rouse to put his people in battalia , and therefore , as a safe time , dispatcheth notice to the duke to hasten his advancement with the rest of the army ; who no lesse impatient of all delayes , was gone afore with a small party of horse to pry and learn the site of the places thereabouts ; but immediately upon this advice inorders the marquis of géures to march afore diligently with the vantguard , to secure yet further the passage to the rest : but it was so troublesome , that afore the french army could get well through , the spanish was come up in set squadrons ready to charge them , which made the duke push his van the more forward to get room , obliging the spaniards to quit a certain eminency which they had first gotten . the captains that had been met in melo's praetorium to advise about the battel were diversly inclined , particularly the camp-master general , the count of fontaines , a souldier of fifty years experience , delivered this as his sence : that it would be the best way to guard their station onely til general bek should arrive with his supplies of four thousand men more , but a few houres then distant , and at night to entrench themselves , that so the enemy might not venture to come on till they were ready for them without apparent hazzard . but the governour general , reputing himself to have already the over-powering of his adversary , and the taking of opportunity by the forehand to be necessary to his proceedings , disposed himselfe rather to prepare for the battel . the two armies being come within musket-shot , saluted one another with loud out-cryes , casting their hats in the air , and their montiers in one anothers faces : and as if the manner of managing each army had been debated in the same council , and fortune resolved to put them on even termes before the combat , they both deferred the decision of the quarrel till the next day , beating as it were an alta by mutual agreement , and that ( which the oldest souldier did admire ) with so much quiet on both sides ( except that their cannon began to parley before the evening , to the greater damage of the french , that were the worser furnished of artillery ) that a false allarm did not passe all night between them . the duke though he would faine anticipate bek , yet could not come up to engage , because his left wing had yet but a dangerous station among the marshes . the same respect to bek made the governour entertain the same resolution , being herein , it may be , the more unhappy , that he neither entirely followed his owne inclination of buckling sooner while the french were encumber'd , nor yet the counsel of fontaines , to entrench himself : but being still tenacious of his first conceipt , lest the french should get more succours to pass into the town , he by night withdrew his army nearer to it , and brought himselfe to want such roome as before he had commodious for him . the marshal de gassion made a better use of the darknesse , to enlarge his right wing ( a stratagem which hee said hee had learned from his master gustav●● ) with which hee intended to assayl tha● of the spaniards in the flank , and 't was observed , that hee did not herein fail of his judgement , but rather that it was a main stroke to the victory . in the meane time the duke of anguien , to shew how capable 〈◊〉 young spirit may be of commanding virtues , rides about all nigh● with some of his ●h●ef officers to animate his troops with his own life and presence ; to acquaint them with the true reason why he did not leade them on to fight the day before ; not for any shadow of fear , or diffidence , unlesse in the untrustinesse of the ground , and promising to conduct them the next day to the head of their enemyes . a thing that assured his souldiers to him ; endearing his courage to their affection , and their endeavours to his utmost service . but when the armyes met again the next morning , that of the spanish houted to the french with opprobrious language , the tydings of their king's death , which indeed the french generals had received over night , with order ( as 't was reported ) not to venture on a battel ; but they so prudently dissembled it , that this stratagem was deaded ( like a cannon shot in wool-packs ) by the incredulity of the souldiers ; and so now nothing else remained but the chocque it self . the french cavalry ( in all six thousand , were dispos'd to either wing , and interlaced with choice musketiers to protect them ; and the whole army ( except a body of reserve commanded by the baron de sirot , of about twelve hundred horse ) made a great front , and so advanced with a just and steady pace against the spanish army , which had drawn it self up within an halfe miles distance nearer to the town , in a readiness to receive them . but these in the marshalling of their army were much disgusted by the setting of the duke of albuq●●●que , a young gallant , privileged by his birth to bee a grand 〈◊〉 spain , to command the horse 〈◊〉 prejudice of the count of 〈◊〉 quoy , an approved captain , wh● was hereupon licensed to retire to his government of mons , leaving this charge to his competitor . the left wing of the frenc● army being led by the duke himself , who appeared all in iron , except his head , whereon he ●hose rather to wear his hat and plum● of white feathers , begunne a terrible and furious charge , which not availing to break the ranks o● the spaniards right wing , began to slake its first vigour , and being hardly prest to give back , not without disorder ; the lievetenant general de l' hospital , and the mareschal de la fertè seneterre being both wounded , and this latter taken prisoner , though after rescued ; the spaniards gaining on this side all their cannon , which were some eight peeces , disposed in the front of this wing ; and the two swisse regiments with another of picardy , placed in the spaces of these squadrons , went to utter havock . but what the french lost in one place , they gained in another ; for their right wing under gassion , comming to charge the left of the austrians , being weak and not sustained by any infantry , after a first and second violent recharging overbore them , the greatest part being cut in pieces , which struck such a terrour in a fresh body of the spanish cavalry , that were advancing to their succour , that without one pistol shot , or daring once fac● them ( which some impute one●ly to their disgust ) they retired in good order to their own infan●try , but that could not save eithe● of them : for gassion's men al● already flesh'd in carnage , pursue● so furiously , that after some ob●stinacy at last they overthre● them , making further lavish o● two foot squadrons , commanded by don antonio di vellanda , and the count di vivalda , with the death of these , and slaughter o● more than twenty captains , and a thousand souldiers . this gave him leisure to attend their left wing , that reste● yet victorious : so that turning o● them in the rear while the baro● of sirot aduanced with his reserv● and the rallied fugitives , to charg● them in the front , they oblige● them to cease their pursuit , and look to their owne safety : bu● soon found themselves overpowred and put to flight , leaving the cannon which they had taken to be reprised by the conquerour . besides a few shattered regiments , which melo hardly drew off ( being forced to cast away his generalls baston to save himselfe ) there remained nothing but 5 regiments of the veteran spanish , infantry , in the head whereof the count of fontaines made himselfe be placed in a chaire , because he was in fetters of the gout , resolving to sacrifice their lives together for the expiating of their owne honour , and cancelling the disgrace of the rest of their army . they maintained their ground above 2 houres , having sustained 5 or 6 charges , as if they meant to hold it out till the whole dispute might be re-cōmenced , and force their fortune yet to step into the lighter balance , wherein the noble count shew'd the excellency of his direction , and these their admirable addresse in the performance , till the eagernesse of an army just ready to touch the goal of victory , and importunely remora'd , especially the switzers ( raging for the losse they had sustained that day ) bore so rudely on their pikes , that at last they forced the remainders of them to crie forquarter . but their ground shew'd like the skeleton of a battell , and the carkasses lay so exactly in rank & file , wth such a captain in the head of them , as might have kindled emulation in the generall , that he had not found the same bed of honour to lay himselfe in , but must returne to his government to be shortly after outed ; and in the mean while to hear him a native 〈◊〉 most bitterly lamen●ted by the flamands , and himselfe accused of al these disastres by his in-capacitie ( which they objected ) of such a charge as he sustained . and althoug he published severall writings ( being yet a little more unhappy that none of these could fall into my hands to be inserted here in his favor ) full of arguments , excusing his owne cond●ct ; yet it could availe nothing to stop the common vogue , which becomes deafe to all reason , where the event answers not their needs or passions . the battel lasted 6 houres , & cost the conquerors , as some account 2500 of their men ; others but 1400. among which none of gre●t quality save the count of noailles , the spaniards losse was reckoned at least 4000 , some say 5000 , among which above these b●fore mentioned was the count of is●mborg , and 7000 taken prisoners , with 20 peeces of cannon , 170 ensignes , 14 cornets , 2 banners and all their baggage and ammunition . nor was the staffe of melo a small embellishment to the other trophies , which ( if you can but phancie it ) was presented to the duke of anguien with this heroicke elogy . once , when the faire charlotte did salute the chast lucina for her tender fruit , a shooting-starre did through the cup conveigh that part of heaven it had unto the boy : and then how it had found it told to fame another center to revive its flame . then let not fame now higher soaring doubt to sound what wonders in anguien sprou●n ; whose youthfull courage● , like a lambent fire preyes o're those spirits which the world admire in elder chiefes : the lightning of his rage dissolves their swords before they dare engage . and while their tropheys , like an ivy-bind climbing by some old wall , at last do wind in scan●y ●wigges about their frosty eaves ( the goodly guerdon that their age receives ) his laurell on his temples over spredde doth in one triumph shew another budde . then take , brave son of beauty and of warre these glittring spoises , the beamings of thy star , and let this staffe , if it be placed so , as that at tralles , to a palme-tree grow . the newes of any victory is ever welcome , especially at paris , where they are observed to be the greatest sympathizers with their fortunes of any others : but this was not only a flourish to take with vulgar spirits , but a stroke that made an exquisite harmony at the louure , it being an early crisis to the regency , and a symptome of convalescency : for it allay'd the boiling of discontented spirits , with drawing the fewell of their presumption , and giving them leisure to settle and evaporate : it raised the allies and confederats of the crowne , that now desponding of the wonted vigor of the french conjunctions , were about to treat apart their interests with the house of austria . nor was it now a time to derogate from this exploit by questioning how advised , since anhigh valour & a like successe had approved it . but at the court of spain , the same messenger , which brought the newes of the death of louis , by which they promised themselves so great advantages , brought also this of the ruine at rocroy , wch quash'd all and made their hopes as jarringly recoile upon them , as curious wires that burst in over-winding and ravell upon their springs . yet neither these distasters , nor this hostilitie did abate any point of ceremony at that court in solemnizing the exequialls of his m●j●stie● brother in-law of france in his owne chappell , where the king and queen and cheife nobilitie then present put themselves in ample traines of mourning , and had three solemne masses sung , the first celibrated by a bishop , the second by an arch-bishop , and the third by the pope's nuntio : and after that hard a patheticall oration deliver'd by the confessor of the late card , infanta in the praise of louis and his most christian vertues , with the circumstances of his death , which mollified the hearts and drew tears from s●me of the auditory , while he p●udently omitted and covered such passages , as might have turn'd the minds of the spaniards . but let us take our ●ongie here , and back again to the court of france , where the king's council employ their accurate deliberations about some orders to be issued for the best improvement of the victory : but the cardinal's advice ( which he presented in an excellent discourse on that subject ) to set presently on thionuille ( a strong place in luxenborg , which might protect the towne of mets and the adjacent territory , assure the mozelle with the communication betwixt france and the elector of triers , intercept the spaniards commerce that way from the lower palati●●●e , where they then ruled , ) prevailed with the qu. as a great enterprise , represented hopefull , and in case it should succeed , full of glory to her government as what would shew it self an ent●●e fruit of the present guidance o● affaires , without reference to any provision whatsoever , made in the former reigne . where upon a speedy order is dispatched to the duke of anguien ( who was then in prosecution of his victory , ravaging the enemies countrey , and sacking all places that were but weakly guarded ) to hasten towards the siege of that place : but first to give the enemie a strong diversion by forcing them towards brusselles , and so leave them to suspect any other thing , rather then this of thionville : and another order was dispatched , at the same time , to the marquis of gévres to go forth-with with that body that he commanded in champagne , to sit downe before it , which on his part was so well executed , and the city so surprised , that he secured all the advenues till the dukes arrivall . the unfortunate melo , was using his utmost diligence to recruit an armie , wherewithall to oppose the french progresse , & draining some of his more remote garrisons , whereof this was one , being then 2000 strong and 80 leagues distant from the french armie , to make up a strong body of infantry , which were most endammaged in the late battell ▪ but being again amused by the dubiousnesse of the enemies marching , he sends command to general beck to flank them with 6000 men , and wait upon their motions : who now ghessing at the true designe , crossed the meuse at namur cutting thereby a nearer way to thionville , and so had intercepted the dukes march , but that the french had sent a flying army without baggage to clear the coast before them , while the rest followed with the grosse artillery and ammunition : yet he so accosted them that before they could defend it , he put in a supplie of 800 men into the garrison . the siege was oppos'd vigorously by frequent shots and sallies almost two moneths . the marquis of gévres lost his life in it , the duke at once had all his attendants wounded when he went to oversee a battery that was raising . mons . d' espenan was lightly wounded in the head , and gasslon so grieuously , that the queen despeeded the count of rantzau to supply his place , and the card. presented him on that occasion with a paire of barbes , and sixe other coach-horses with a purse of a thousand sterlings : & there wanted no diligence to supply that army in this service . some foot regiments were sent to recruit them out of burgundy , of which one italian of the card ▪ mazzarini's & three other were raised a new to augment them under the names of the queen and the duke of orleans , 500000 franks were sent to the generall-duke , besides a sum●● from his father , the pr. of con●●● for his private expences . the besieged sustained the springi●● of two mines , repulsed more assaults , made great slaughter , an● at last when they saw no hope 〈◊〉 succour capitulated hard : but the duke , to make a shorter work● with them , & let them know wha● favour , he was ready to grant to their valour caused his other mine● to be shew'd to their commissioners , & after gave them honorable articles , dated the 8th of aug. 1643. the hollanders whose conjunction , according to the late treaty , was hitherto in vaine expected ( and when there was most need of seconding the designes of their confederates by some diversion , whether indeed they were jealous of the french successes , or nillingly induc't to comport with the prince of orange's desires , while they thought their owne interests not much ingaged ) began now to be drawn by a sense of som advantage , and the prince's indisposition of health ( which as yet served for their excuse ) being now well amended , he imbarqued his army on certain vessells to attempt the prise of hulst : but finding the spaniard● there too well provided , he had order from the states to attempt sass van gant , but herein also melo prevented him , being ready with a good army to wait upon him , and so oblig'd him to retire to assenden , where he found leisure to think of some stratagem to defray the honour and charges of his expedition , since 't was now too late to acquit himselfe of either by force of armes . whereupon he sends his whole cavalry with 3000 foot to surpris● the quarters of don andrea cantel● in the houses about antwerp ▪ an● the next morning puts a quantit● of his men in the habit of boor● comming early to the marke● to seize themselves of a gate 〈◊〉 the city : but the spaniards haveing smelt the plot pelted the first comers with their musket● which giving warning to the other guards and notice to the enemy of their unsuspected discovery ▪ they hastned their retrea● thoug not so fast , but the spani●ards with cantelmo● , taking the alarme , overtook some of them and encouraged thereby pursued with such eagernesse , that at last some of them fell on an ambush of the hollanders , where don giovan●● borgia lieut. generall of the horse , with other officers , remained pris●ners , and don andrea was forced to returne with losse to his owne quarters . this exploit suffic'd the hollanders for this campagne , & the lords states found themselves so much aggrieved at the charges occasioned by the barkes that were at first imployed , that all the applications of the french ambassador de la tuillerie , could scarce prevaile with them from unseasonable reclaiming of their army to winter quarters , a thing which strangely disgusted the french ministers , to see how little their confederates esteemed the common cause , while they loved so well their money , that sometimes they would receive it in nothing else but franks of weight , which they might returne with most advantage in the species of their owne countrey , and when they had received it against the common enemy , employ'd it rather to counter-balance their friends prosperity , as if they more desired to gage their progresse , through jealousy of the future , then advance their owne interest with present acquisitions . and these misprisions were the more augmented by their starting back from the articles already made with france , alleadging that the queen being to pay them certain summes according to the treaty , which she could not doe but by authoritie of the young king , it should be necessary to renew the overtures of agreement , wherein though they did not shew themselves obstinate , but at last complyed with the french ambassador in confirming the last treaty ; yet they gave the spaniards to observe their coldnesse , and thereby to move with them the more instantly , to sever themselves from the french interests , and treat apart their owne conditions of peace with the king of spain : wherein they promised them the more fairely , to defeat the french designes towards the munster treaty , as well as to divide their strength ; nor failed of being well listned to , notwithstanding the great renitency of these their allies . and the swedes in germany , that ere while had been but ill satisfied of the french addresses on their side , to counter-batter the house of austria ( since both had agreed to distract the emperor's forces by the sound and eccho of their mutuall diversions , so promoting one anothers pretentions to be urged in the treaty before mentioned ) and being more diffident of any further vigor in th●● designe to be expected from that crowne , since the late cardinall , and the king , in whose perso●● the totall correspondency in this affaire seemed to be involved ▪ were unseasonably taken off , and a new government to succeed , whose abilitie , at such a juncture ▪ they were no lesse to suspect , then their affection , and indeed t' was thought the queen's conscience would have laboured hard with this doubt , join'd with a passion towards her owne house ( if a church●man had not stood by her chaire of state with a ready hand to assist her ) began now to think apart of their owne interests , and what conditions to make for themselves without regard to their late confederacy : but assoone as the cardinals letters were imparted to them by the chancellor oxenstiern , assuring them of the constant applications of that crowne to prosecute , as much as ever , their common designes till the generall peace : it quite restored their former confidence with resolution to persist in this issue , as was before agreed . nor had they any reason or affection to manage their alliance so leiger-handedly as the hollanders ( to whom the cardinal's letters of the like importance were yet so acceptable , that they sent copies of them to every good towne & house throughout their states : and no lesse , though it may be not expressed in the same fashion , were his others to the prince of orange , the dutchesse of savoy , the lady lantgrave van hessen , the king of portugal , and the catalonians ) but to wish as well as might be to the french progresse in weakning the house of austri● , while they themselves were there by enabled , together with the be●nefit of their pay and the germ● booty , to exact their owne adva●●tages . but as the blood comes of●ner to the heart before it ma●● an entire circulation ; so the cur●rent of our discourse must back● againe to paris , to consider the in●ner state of france , before it ca● arrive in italy , or in catalonia . we remember what graceswe●● before granted by the late king● and how the new governmen● did enlarge them ; insomuch tha● the queens bounty did almost amount to a generall indemnity ▪ yet with obligation to come and justify themselves in parlement , which occasioned some difficulty in stating the greater cases . and first the duke of esper●o● ▪ having fled into england in his fathers life time ( where the king conferred the garter on him ) to avoide the persecutions of the late card. imputing the losse at fontarabie to his account , presented , with his petition , a protestation of nullitie to the sentence denounc'd against him without any legall processe , and with out much difficulty was re-admitted to enjoy his estate with the government of guie●ne , wherewithall the count of harcourt , a noble cient of the guisards , had been gratifi'd in his absence , and in lieu thereof is now recompenced with the charge of gran escuyer ( or mr. of the horse ) & a pension of 10000 crownes a year from the king's exchequer . the duke of guise ( who before his elder brother died at florence ) was destined to the , church , and invested with the archbishopricke of reims , the abbacy of s. de●●● and 500000 liures rent in bene●●ces , whereof he was deprived , the late card. ( because engaged 〈◊〉 a promise of marriage ) fou●● more favour yet in the proe●● of his restitution : for whereas 〈◊〉 council were ready to grant 〈◊〉 reparation by the usuall forme 〈◊〉 abolition , the card. mazzar●● represented to her majesty 〈◊〉 great aversation the old dutche● had conceived against that for●●● desiring only a simple declaratio● innocency ( wherein her aime 〈◊〉 at recovering the ecclesiastic●● promotions , and all in one act●● which though her majesty grac●●ously condescended to ; yet it 〈◊〉 with many difficulties in the par●lement , which , pleading their le●gall sentence given against 〈◊〉 duke , pronounced an arrest , ob●liging him to take an abolit●o●●hich at last the duke , to avoide 〈◊〉 further tediousnesse was will●●g to accept ; and so had it rati●●●d in parlement , while the instan●● of the pr. of conde & card. maz●●ri●i sufficed towards the queen 〈◊〉 council to remit also his form 〈◊〉 benefices to his dispoall . yet the ●●ke was now married to an other ●●dy at brusselles ( where he retired 〈◊〉 richelieu's displeasure , & dealt ●ith the spaniards there for the ●ount of soissons ) then her that be●●re he had promised , though at his ●●turne into france he left her too , 〈◊〉 sued afterwards for a divorce . the duke of boüillon's case ●ust be driven somewhat higher 〈◊〉 get a true intelligence of it . ●is name is frederick maurice de lae 〈◊〉 , son of henry de la tour 〈◊〉 of boüillon , prince of sedan , ●●count of turenne &c. and of ●lisabeth of nassau daughter of william prince of orange , and 〈◊〉 the marshall de turenne for his on● brother . his ancestors were und●● the clientele of france , and 〈◊〉 father premier mareschal when 〈◊〉 died : but the present duke , ha●ving made himselfe a catholick● some time before ; joyn'd in leag●●●irst with the count of soisso●● and after that with the marq●● of cinq marcs against the crowne● ( though he then commanded 〈◊〉 forces of france in italy ) an● being in both oppressed , he 〈◊〉 constrained to purchase his 〈◊〉 and liberty by putting his sove●rainty of sedan with the adjace● domaine in the king of france 〈◊〉 power . but now he hoped if 〈◊〉 to re-enter on his estates by th●● interest of the house of orange , 〈◊〉 favour of the duke of orlean● whom formerly he had engaged ▪ or his alliance with the princ● 〈◊〉 cond● , ( which was somewhat 〈◊〉 , by marriage of one of his ●●●ters to the duke of trimoüille 〈◊〉 prince's cosin germain ) where●● the reason of state made strong ●●ainst him : yet , at least , as a sove●●igne prince by birth and title , 〈◊〉 obtain a worthy recompense , ●nd an high ranke in france , with the title of prince and princesse 〈◊〉 himselfe and dutchesse , where●● he made much instance , and ●ound the other dukes and peers of france no lesse averse to it . whereupon he chose rather , then 〈◊〉 hearken to other recompences ●ropounded to him , to retire to his ●state of turenne in the province of gascony , which giving jealousy 〈◊〉 the qu. she sent again to him 〈◊〉 come and finish the affaire a●out sedan , which he pretended 〈◊〉 satisfy ; but insted thereof with●●ew privately into italy , where he sojourned 3 years , and at last was glad to returne into france , accepting the same recompence that was before proffer'd to him , whic● was the dutchy of auuergne ( with a summe of money ) the duke of vendos●●e , a naturall son of henry the 4 by the dutchesse of beaufort , having mar●ried frances , only daughter of philip emanuel of lorraine duke o●mercoeur , by whom he had two sons , the eldest bearing title o● duke of mercoeur , and the younger of beaufort , was with these hi● sons , the principall of those th●● were ingratiated and freed from the imputation of mons. le grands conspiracie , which as readily made way for him to all his forme● rights and privileges besides the government of bretagne , whereunto because he had some pretence of property by the said marage , the late card , tooke advantage to dispossess him : as he had dealt with the former duke of guise , who claiming some right to the county of provence , as descended from renè of aniou , king of sicilie , and count of provence ( who left this estate to lewis xi . in prejudice of the princes of the house lorrain , whereof himselfe was the next to the first , that now enjoye'd the absolute right and title to that soverainty ) and herewithall the admiralty of the levant sea , he first disseizeth him of this government , and then procures from the king a declaration to suppresse the charge of admiral , and instead thereof to erect that of grand-master , chiefe , and sur-intendant generall of the navigation , and commerce of france , which he got to be invested in his owne person , and left by his will to his nephew the duke of fron●sac . and because in the duke's absence , the mareschal de la meilleraye , by the favour of richelie● ( whose mother being the marshall's fathers sister made them cousin germains ) and of the government of brest in bretag●● ( which accruing to him by the duke of brissac's daughter , render'd it convenient to entrust the lieutenancy of the whole province to his charge ) did supply insted of governour , the duke employes his utmost interest to recover that dignity wherein beaufo●● casting an evill eye on meilleraye , affected so much passion , th●● it drew the court almost into parties . this occasion'd some overtures to compremize this differe●ce with a profer to the duke of ven●●sme of the governmen● of champagne in lieu of the other , and the charge of grand escuyer ( then not disposed ) to the duke of beaufort to quiet him : but nothing would satisfie at that time but a restitution , which dash'd all further treating , and left disturbed spirits , to agitate the animosities of beaufort , as it soone appeared . but in the mean while an accident that befell the secretary de chavigny somwhat like that other which broke over noyers , if the cardinall mazzarini had not lent an hand at last to alleviate it , may entertain our contemplation with some other variety . monsieur bouthiller having had a faire time of offices and employments , was now willing to abate somewhat in the use of his fortunes and quit the charge which he enjoyed , of sur-intendant of the finances to the queens disposall , hoping that this action might reflect the more favour upon his son , the count of chavigny , but she immediately conferred it on mousieur le bailleul , and mons . d' avaux to exercise it joyntly ; and whether indeed the queen resenting that unpala●able forme of message , which the count brought with the kings declaration ( according to which , notwithstanding , she had confirmed him in her council ) intended to chastise him with the veirges of royall eyes , or he having priviledge to sit in council covered , did frie ( as we say ) in his own grease by the dayly kindlingof his conceipt , that he was not had in answerable regard or estimation : in ●ine , he was so much perplexed , that he could not refrain to ease his mind in the breast of his confessor ; who thereupon preaching to him of the vanitie of all wordly happinesse , or court●favour , concluded with an exhortation to him to think of another way of employing his devoirs , for the good of christendome , by promoting of the generall peace , and insted of that office of secretary of the king's commandments , to apply himself to become a plenipotentiary of the crowne , at the munster treaty . which done , this father ( amelot of the order of the orators ) informes the countesse of brienne , what thoughts and resolutions were working in the mind of the secretary de chavigny , who being a lady of high descent , & of a present and subtle spirit , applauded these his purposes , advising the father to keep him still intent upon them . and a while after this , she sends in hast for the priest again , and then delivers to him , under the seale of secrecy , this intelligence , which she said she had heard herselfe in the queens cabinet , from her owne mouth , that the qu. intended to remove the secretary de chavigny frō his place , & therefore out of good affection , to prevent any such unhandsome accident , she had took that care to get a timely meeting with him ( the said father ) that by his meanes some notice of it might be conveighed to the count to make his best advantage of it . nor were these tidings any sooner trilled in his eare , but they found a ready credence , and as soone imported his passion with the fear of such a slurre , the doubt of removal from all other publick managements , and loosing the emolument ( which they use in france with royall priviledge ) of his decession , so that hastening to the cardinal , he importunes the favour of him , to obtaine a licence for him from the queen , to deposit his charge of secretary , and he omitted no argument to diswade him : yet ( not prevailing ) would not faile to satisfie his desires , but accordingly procures a liberty for him to transferre his office to the count of brienne , re-imbursing himself of the charges , that he pretended . but afore this businesse was well ac●complished , chavigny had bethought himselfe better , and altering his resolution , employed his principall friends , and in particular the duke of bellegarde towards the duke of orleans , to help restore him to his former station . but the queen answered , that she could not so disparage herselfe and government by admitting an imputation of feminine inconstancy , that he demised his charge , although to the count of brien●e , against her will , and now that he had the grant of it , she would not hear of any retractation , yet she condescended , at the instance of the cardinall , to salve his honour , in the nominating of him for one of her plenipotentiaryes for the generall peace , which did a little palliate the reputation of his discretion , from the piercing aire of court-talke , that being a person of spirit & policie , he should be so trepan'd between a priest & a woman . a sleighter cause then , this did almost occasion a great embroilement ; for one night when the dutchesse of montbazon had revells at her house , she caused one of her waiting gentlewomen to take up two love-letters , that fell from the marquis of coligny , a cosin & a confident of the duke of anguyen , and so consequently of his sister the dutchesse of longueville , and thence conveighing them to her owne chamber ▪ had them read before many gentlemen perswading them , that that lady had directed them to the marquis ( which was thought to be of envy , because she had a picque at this ( which was the ●d ) mar●iage of the duke of longueville . ) the princesse of condè having newes of this , is presently shod with mercury , and away she hastens to the queen , to require justice for this injury , while the dutches demands the producing of these supposed letters ▪ to be confronted with others of ●her own , only the husband shewes to sleight these passages ; but the rest of the house of condè gave to know , if the queen did not right them , that they would fasten some affront on that dutchesse , whose husband the duke of montbazon ▪ ● ( having some ailiance by the marriage of one of his daughters , by a former venter , to the duke of chevre●se ) with the family of the guisardes , had these engaged therefore to protect his house from any disgrace whatsoever , and among these , beaufort would needs be the principall . the queen commits the cementing of this rupture to the cardinall's politenesse , and he , as the best means to procure it , perswades the q●● to invite both parties with their relations , and some persons of high quality , to her owne appartment , and there with the traine and the intruders , were about 500 persons attending on this occasion ▪ the princesse of conde exprest herselfe ●irst . that since her majesty had signified her pleasure to her , that for the benefit of the crowne and her proper satisfaction , she desired to see the differences composed betwixt her house and the dutchesse of montbazon , she was most willing to condescend thereunto , since for her majestyes pleasure and the welfare of the kingdome she was to sacrifice her life and honour . but the dutchesse of montbazon , ( having laid aside her mourning for that day , and richly cloa●h'd herselfe with her hair , her eyes & her black patches , set to her gallant humour ) came close up to the princesse , and after mutuall salutations began to read a billet tied to her fan in these precise termes . i come to protest to ye , that i am — where the princesse interrupted her , saying to the cardinall — see , s●ee knowes not whom she speakes to , but the dutchesse not at all moved proceeds , madam , i am come hitherto protest to you , that i am most innocent of the basenesse , wherewithall i am charged , there being no person of h●●nour , that can affirme such a calumny : and if i had committed any fault in this sort , i should submit readily to any penalty , that her majesty should appoint me , nor should i ever appear in the sight of the world , without having askt you pardon . and i beseech you to beleeve , that i shall not at any time faile in that respect which i owe , and that conceipt which i have of the virtue and merit of madam de longueville . to which again the princesse answered , madam , i axcept readily of the assurance , which you give me of having no share in the slander divulged , referring all to the command which the queen has herein laid upon me . which thus ended , the lady of montbazon turned to the princesse and after a short discourse , tooke her leave , with the like haughtines , as she shewed at her first entrance . and it soone appeared , that these greifes were but sleightly skinned ; for a while after when the queen was invited by the dutchesse of chevreuse to a banquet , in her garden , she would have had the princesse to have gone in with her ; but she refusing to come where the dutchesse of montbazon was , her majesty sent courteously to the said dutchesse , to desire her , that she would be pleased to withdraw herselfe , wherin when she discover'd a great reluctancy , the queen herselfe withdrew , much altered , and gave order forthwith to the secretary de guenega ud , to intimate to her in her name , that she abstain from court : and she indeed expecting nothing lesse , prevented that order ; retiring to her place at rochefort , about some 30 miles from paris : but thither 't is sent after her , that she doe not stirre from thence without precise order from her majesty . this gave pretences to the duke of beaufort to get some blades about him : especially since 't was commonly said in paris , that the marquis of coligny being now on his returne from the campe at thionville , intended to retort some iujuryon of madam montbazon for the blemish wherewithall she had asperst him . nor was that common rumour of a vaine surmise● for as soone as the marquis was arrived , he sent a challenge to the duke of guise , as the chiefe of all that justifi'd that ladyes quarrel , wherein he fell twice wounded to the ground and was permitted by the like generosity of the duke , which scorn'd at first to serve it self of the prerogative of his title and quality , to rise again . but yet at last , though the duke had received a sleight wound in his right shoulder , he buckled a gain so strictly with his defier , that he forc't him to part with his sword , and aske his life of him , though it could not much availe him , for ( god not being so intreated ) he died shortly after of the hurts received in this encounter . the count of chavigny was now providing for his journey , & whether it were for a faire diversion , or for curiosity to see some of his choicer utensills , especially a couple of stately court-cupboards of white and gilt plate , or rather intended by the queen and card. as an honour to him , her majesty came to entertain herself with the said count at the castle of boisde vincennes , whereof he was the governour ; but in the middle of this treatment arrives beaufort , discovering ( as 't was surmised ) a notable alteration in his countenance , when he mist the cardinal there , to whom he was become diffident , and towards whom he had an ill eye , as the obstacle of his designes , while certain cavaliers , suspected to be set by him to kill his eminency , scouted in little parties about the wood , leaving strange apprehensions of their designe . and this notice was brough● to the cardinall , with such an eccho , as if the duke , having failed to to find him there , was coming to surprise him in his owne palace : whereupon he hasted to recover himselfe in the louure , where the principall of the court came to congratulate with him , for the danger that he had escaped , and next day the duke was arrested in the queens name , by the captaine of her guards , and sent to the same castle as a prisoner , and the cardinall had the like guard allowed for his person , as his predecessor had before . but this perswaded him to procure the detaining of chavigny , as a necessary friend to have about him , and in his stead to send monsieur de servient with instructions for the treaty . the discovery of a plot gives great advantage , and just plea to any potentate , that was the object of it , to secure himselfe more and root deeper ; mazzarin found occasion by this meanes to move the queen to prevent all dissentions , that might be fomented in her council , that so she might become the better fortified about her heart , to resist those qualmes , which might annoy her in civill broiles such as alwayes use to infest the minority of the french kings , and such as did already discover some sad prognosticks to he●regency . which so prevailed with her majesty , that she dismissed the bishops of beauvais ( of whom we have before made mention ) and of lisieux from sitting any longer in her councils ▪ bringing in , in their steads , the lord chancellor and the pen●tentiary of nostredame in paris , consenting likewise to bid som● withdrawing to those that we●● suspected of disaffection , or had 〈◊〉 ill character in the former reign● ▪ the duke of vendosuse with hi● son , the duke of mercoeur , were also set a distance from the court o● city of paris , and the former by some rumours that were spred becoming more suspicious , was cited to his defence , and soldien sent to arrest him , but he made ●●cape first to geneva , and thence into italy ; from whence how he since returned , and had the go●ernment of provence , with the of●●ce of grand master &c. that is 〈◊〉 lieu of high admirall , and the survivall of this charge to his son the duke of beaufort , given to con●●ent him , cannot fall within mycir●●●t , any more then the following honours of the duke of mercoeur and his marriage to one of the cardinau's nieces , it being a great 〈◊〉 in policie towards a friendship to be a potent enemy , and their amitie being commonly more de●ired that have power , and will , to doe us mischiefe , then those that have both to do us good . the stroke , which imminent danger can inflict , was no where else so green and tender as in catatalonia , since the enemies , that the feared were more potent neighbours , which had lately been the● masters , and the aide of france , that they now relyed on , was more on a nominall subjection then any reall dependance ( these not having any bridle put into their hands , whereby to hinder the catalonians , at their pleasure to reconcile themselves with spain , and help to drive out them their adopted guardians ) therefore the more care was requisite , to exhib● tokens of good affection to these people , since it was by this only correspondence , that the interest of the one could be preserved , and the hearts of the other surmount their owne despondences . nor did the spaniards pretermit any due application of their designes to the catalans : for whilest the imminent death of the late king was under expectation , the king of spain in person , which since the time of charles the fift has been somewhat rare , advanced to saragoça to foment some revolting from his enemies and adde the more vigor to his forces that way , as well as to encourage those of arragon and valencia , who being next neigbours , & sometimes dangerously touched by the nearnesse of the fire , had shewed themselves very forward in raising men for his majestie's service , without pleading of their priviledges , as they us'd too scrupulouslyon other occasions : but finding these efforts of theirs the worse seconded , by how much they did their part the better , began now to speak out their discontentments . yet neither the newes of that king's approaching , or of this kings death , the writings scattered in barcelon● , exhorting them to returne to the open armes of their true and naturall lord , while they were now freed , before any new allegeance should come to be tenderd them ; nor the downefall of olivarez , who served for a former pretence to their defectiō , could any way alter the aversion of these people from the yoke of castile , as they shewed openly by practising the same ceremonies , at the death of the french king , which before they used for that of the spanish , 〈◊〉 some exceedings in the sumpt●ousnesse , which was interpreted as an owning of his successor to be their lord . the french ministers were no lesse diligent to support their hopes of wonted succour , and qualifie their other jealousies , and because they could not dissemble their suspected unprovidednesle to issue in campagne by reason of these accidents , they endeavour●d to shew the more courage with those they had ; and sent a strong partie to wast the county of rivagerça ( a vale sprinkled with good ●ownes within the kingdome of ●rragon ) which therewithall took and pillaged the towne and castle of estadiglia , a place of 1000 houses , and within 3 leagues of monçon , which it might well serve to protect in the french hands , and so defend the ground which they had gained within that kingdome . but his majesty of spain forth● with issues orders from saragoca to d. filippo di silva , to goe and beset that place , quitting the designe of balaguer , as too too hazzardous , it being hard to get any ill disaster recruited there a little good successe at first promising fairely to accumulate in its progresse . whereupon , according to appointment , the marquesse of mortara issues out of fraga , with a body of 2500 horse towards lerida , a place whereof the french were most jealous , to carry their sollicitude that way , and otherwise to pay themselves by surprising some of their enemys in the quarters thereabouts , which taking effect , as it was designed , among the rest some 50 catalans were taken prisoners , which expecting no other but the punishment of rebells , were freely dismissed by the marquis , saying , that his king did not make warre against his subjects , but against his enemeies . this allarme sounded high at barcelona , where the vice-roy , for want of expected supplies out of france , not being ready to put himselfe into the field with forces able to wage his enemie , was fain to hear his amorous pastimes objected to him , while the countrey was in imminent danger : and they again from him , their backwardnesse at such a time , to lend their assistance towards the paying of his armie , whereby he got from them a summe of 50000 crownes , and then put himselfe on the way to lerida , to provide for its securitie and that of flix , which two he most feared . and once , when he went out with a party to cleer the coast , he fell foule on a greater number of the enemy : and , being by nature bold and froward was trap't in the middle of them , his followers routed , and himself a prisoner for an hour or two , till at last espying where a few of his guard were coming to relieve him having been by good fortune unknown that while , he spurred towards them , and by the fleetnesse of his horse recover'd liberty . silva had by this time cover'd his back before monçon , not having above 5000 foot , and 600 horse with him , because there was not forrage to be had for a greater number ; but he had quartered near at hand other 3000 , and 1500 more to dispatch on any necessary expedition , whensoever the french should attempt to succour it , while the king himself did valiantly appoint , at sarogoça , an hundred masses to be celebrated every day , for the happy successe of his armes abroad . the vice-roy was sufficiently rous'd with this newes : but what should he do ? he sends to barcelona for 500 musketiers , and they send 1000 and order the posse principatûs , the whole militia of the country to attend him , wherein those of his dutchy of cardona vied to be the forwardest , and with these directly marches to the trenches of the spaniards , provoking them to battle : but he returnes answer , that first he would have monçon , and after not refuse the combat . wherefore finding that he could not force them , he retired with his forces backe to lerida , and shortly after to barcelona , to their great disgust there , and the governour of monçon was left to make his owne conditions , as he did very honorably : and this exploit ( which made way for that of lerida the next year ) sufficed the spaniards for this campagne , returning to their winter quarters , and the king with this trophy to his court at madrid . in our way from hence to italy we meet with an insurrection of certain peasants against the exacters of the taxes ▪ whereof one or two ringleaders being taken and carried to villa franca , they were presently followed to the gates of the city , by about 10000 of them , with apeece of ordnance , demanding , with their fellowes , the intendent of justice , who had caused them to be arrested : but the mareschal de schomberg with a few troopes out of languedoc did soone suppresse these , as the marquis of aumont did some others , more menacing , in poictou and xantongne , with a few regiments which he had in a readynesse there . the state of milan having now a new governor sent them out of flanders , the marquisse of vellada , ( the rather for having been an in timate friend of prince thomas , when they served the king of spain together there , he might be the more proper to reduce him to his old devotion ) might have hoped for some new favour from their fortune , as usually happens at such junctures , if before he saw himselfe duely placed in his charge , he had not seen his enemie successefull in the field by the taking of villanuova d' asti ( a place which bridled asti , the only prise which the french had made the last campagne in lieu of the tortona ) and now at liberty to employ their entire forces with the savoyards on some other enterprise . and first they attempted alessandria , securing all the advenues about the place with about 8000 foot , and 4000 horse excepting only one quarter reserved for the marquis of ville , who was now ready to returne thither from villanuoua , with 2000 foot more : but the spaniards took that nicke of time to reinforce that garrison , though before well enough provided ( but that the prince trusted somewhat to his intelligence with in it ) with 1000 more both horse and foot , which obliged them to give over that designe , as not feasible . so that now it returned to the council what exploit to try next , valenza was most in their eye , but their forces scarce sufficient , because to straiten that they should be held to maintaine their siege in two quarters on the opposite banks of po ; and breme , though a noble prize , was too strongly fortified . wherefore the result fell on trino , a place that might be more commodiously invested a and being neare their friends , might better subsist there with their armie , and free them from the ordinary annoiances , which the spaniards turned on them from that hold : yet neither could they now wind their march with such traines though they divided and went about ; as to seduce their enemy : or prevent his putting in 200 dragoones , and cuirassiers the same night that they came to blocke it , making up in all a garrison of 1500 foot , and 300 horse , under the command of the baron of vatteville their governour . while the prince , with his brother maurice of savoy , and the vicount ( now marshal ) of turenne , employed themselves in this siege , they appointed monsieur de couunges , governour of casale , with a part of that garrison , and other levies made about the country adjacent to take in camin a little castle which might serve to secure any convoys of victuall from casale to the campe , which happily ensued , giving commodity to the siegers to ply it close abouea moneths , ( when those within having stoutly maintain'd themselves so long , & now no longer able to repaire or man their breaches ) were forced to capitulate . the new governor was advanced with a part of his army between novara and oleggio , to cut off the french designes of seizing any post besides the river tesin : but they , having wel refresh't their soldiers , wheele about to pontestura , a fortresse lying upon the po betwixt casale and trino , where the marquis ( since also marshal ) of plessi●-praslin form'd the siege ( pr. thomas and turenne being both out of health ) while the marquis of ville lay on t' other side of the river to hinder any succours . the garrison had 800 foot in it without horse , and were not waning to their owne defence , till they themselves did accidentally set fire to a mine of their enemies which blew up the miner and two other workmen : but made such abreach upon themselves , as forced them also to accept of conditions . the governour had no remedy but to secure the places that were yet in danger , wherein he used great diligence ; such as great regret and hope in the future would excite in him : & he french accounting themselves well appaied for this campagne , retir'd to their winter quarters . but while the feud of eitheir nation employes its force of armes on the skirts of italy , it holds their reciprocall art and interest in no lesse exercise to gain authority in the heart of it , by bearing away the honour of mediation betwixt the pope , and the league above-mentioned . and however among the infinite revolutions that every age produceth , there remaines but little record to posterity ; save only where a lavish sword does engrave its owne tracke in indelible characters ; yet in those emergents , which have gnaw'd their passage by the teeth of time , and travell through the joints of severall coalescent fortunes , there are left ( though in lighter mould ) more curious signatures of humane passions to be observed . when this quarrell first began , and the french to intercede in it , the cardinall of richeli●u was at the helme , and he in a bad opinion with the pope : so that after the breach of the treaty at castel-g● orgio , the french & ecclesiasticks did recriminate one another , and the pope charged richelieu and his instrument de lionne , to study rather to imbroile all things , then to pacify : and he every where declaimed against the barberini , and wrote in his owne defence against the cardinall spada , who had been the popes plenipotentialy at that treaty . but when the cardinall mazzarini was come to the goverment : the pope and the barberini consider'd him as a great confident obliged to them for his advancement , and bore a better eye to any overtures that afterwards 〈◊〉 from that crowne . and he , that had not so much quick-silver in his humour , as his predecessor applied himselfe the more seriously to gaine this honour , as a notable point to illustrate the reputation of that crown and accredit himselfe in his owne country . wherefore considering that although the marquis of fontenay's returne , did somewhat reduce the french interposition into new request ; yet mons de lionne , by reason of disgusts that had passed , could no more continue a gracious person in the way of mediating , he procures the sending of cardinall bichi , then in france , in a noble way , and full commission to be the plenipotentiary of that crowne , and its mediator between the parties : which by reason of the quality and qualities of the person , an italian , a cardinall , the most accort and full of gentilesse of any other , was generally accepted with these princes , and all proceedings towards a peace , left in suspense till his arrivall , though de lionne , and the other french ministers , did nothing slacke their wonted diligence to promote them . and this was a quick in centive to the spaniard , to thrust in between this juncture , and get the standard of his auhority erected first on the temple of peace ; ( especially in that countrey where his awe had formerly borne so high , that the princes of it durst not dispose of their subjects , of their children , or of their own persons without consent of his council : & the french , that were his competitors , had not a foot of land in it , besides their late acquists , that yet were under contestation ) but many circumstances did still create him new impediments . and first , that through the whole pontificate of this pope , which nowhad lasted 20 years and upwards , there had been perpe●uae simultates betwixt him and the spaniards , these declaring him adverse to their interests , as in effect his nephews were constant partisans of the other side . then , that the spanish ambassador and the cardinalls , that were dependants of that crown , had divers moneths since ( and before fontenay ) retir'd in disgust from rome ( because the portugall ambassador ( lamego ) pretending to be so received , and by assistance of the french , repulsing the spaniard's violence , and endangering his person in a street encounter , were countenanced more then he ) whereby there rested a certain strangenesse on all their interposalls , with such a distance , that every overture tooke wind before it tooke effect : whereas the french were still at hand to manage all their instances with life and presence towards the pope , towards the republick , and towards the respective princes . add to these , that it was so long before any resolutions or patents could come from spain ; that those which at last arrived to the viceroy of naples , to the governor of milan , to their ambassador at venice , to the cardinalls monti , cueua , and albernoz were all stale and importune : and so accordingly were their ministers treated by the cardinall barberino , imparting nothing else but good words to them , and old rejected propositions , which had first been in the french hands , and could not be adjusted . and when they complain'd to the league of their non-admission to be mediators ; not withstanding their masters good will , and right of neighbourhood , to interpose in all good offices , they receive in answer : that it was not their part to offer ; but accept conditions from the part of rome , and that they were ready to hear any , that should bring the fairest termes of peace , which they had had before in ampler manner from the french ambassador : and therefore gaind no more but complement , and to be made acquainted civillyas they proceeded . besides these , there were two other obstalces , close : but more insuperable : the first , that the king of spain sent not any minister on that purpose , whereas the french had first recalled the marshal d' extrée from rome , because he had incurred disgusts there , and sent the marquis of fontenay in his sted , on this very errand : and when he also was disgusted , and gone from rome , they soon procured his re-calling ; and the better to promote his applications , dispatched first de lionne , and then bichi , to accommodate them with the other parties : which were otherwise accepted , then the agents or ambassadors of the vice-roy of naples , and governor of milan , whose power in any emergent difficulty should referre to the council at madrid . the other , that when the pope would have joined with the spaniards to chastise the french , when their ambassador had retir'd and left him hardly pressed by the league , there were no aides or compliances to be got from them ( as the duke of parma did also find , notwithstanding promises to keep him from accepting the french proffers , who as readily suppy'd him both with men and money ) whether for want of confidence , or because reduc't to extream frugality to make both the ends of naples and milan hold together , and lend besides an helping hand to flanders , whereas they saw , to their great jealousy , a power of french both in popes and leagues service , not knowing how they might be bestowed either in the warres , or after a peace concluded . bichi arrived in iune to execute his commission , and first takes a passe of the duke of florence , to conduct himself from genoua to parma , where that duke being then absent , the duke of modena took occasion to invite him thither to complement , and prepare him for certain private interests , which he desired to have comprehended in the treaty of peace ; but thought it not then time to discover himself freely , nor the other to take any cognisance , onely to sound his intentions , & take the altitude of his aims , which were at other pretensions that he had with the holy see about comucchio and ferrar●● : thence he takes his way to bondeno , a town of the state ecclesiastical , where the d. of parma was , having taken it in the war , and treats with him about the propositions which had already been sent from rome to him , by the marquis of fontenay ; but he found him most determined , now the terme assigned at castel-georgio was expired , to hearken to no depositing ; but effectual restitution : wherein having well inform'd himself of his disposition , he goes to corraro , the venetian proveditor at finale , from whom he could onely get thus much in general terms , that the colleagues did desire a firme and durable peace , and that the late treaty at castel-georgio did admonish them to proceed with circumspection . whereupon he addresseth himself next to the cardinal antonio barberino , the popes nephew at bologna , where he had the charge of his forces , acquainting him with the good disposition that he found towards a peace , and presseth the nomination of a plenipotentiary on the popes part to promote a treaty ; which the cardinal answered , assuring him of his holinesses intention to that purpose already designed in the person of cardinal donghi . and with this he returnes again to corraro , and general pesaro , urging them to move their republique to the same correspondence , and writes to the french ambassadour at venice to apply himself effectually in the colledge to that end , and withall sends a writing to him , which had almost spoiled all in the first beginning . for when the cardinal bi●hi●ound that no good was to be ●one on the old propositions ; but ●hat from him a new mediatour , ●ew overtures were expected : he ●ramed a new draught at bol●na●ut of the old , compared with the ●etters from rome of the french ambassadour , expressing the cardinal francesco barberino's sense about the manner of according , which he communicated to the cardinal antonio and secretary ferragalo , and obtaining their approbation imparted them first to the venetian generals , and then to the french ambassadour resident there , to be communicated to the senate , whereupon he obtained from them the nomination of their plenipotentiary , the procurator nani . but when this draught was sent to rome by the secretary ferragalo , the card. francesco forthwith displaces him utters raish speeches concerning bichi , and in a congregation 〈◊〉 state , procures the disallowing of them with marginall exceptions , to severall clauses in them : and is highly dissatisfied , that such a thing should be sent from bologna , ( from whence the ecclesiastical c●probation might be presumed ) before it were exhibited at rome : wth was not all ; for something was to be understood , which it grieved the cardinall barb. to have unwarily been expressed : for whereas the restitution of castro was before exhibited , the card. ( who had hither to framed a 1000 collusions to evade this restitution ) thought in some measure to have satisfied his passion against the duke , by hindring him at rome in some emolument of grain , issuing out of that state , to the duke's banke by severall patents granted by former popes in favour of that house : but his secret drift in this businesse not being comprehended by his brother an●onio , or their secretary , when the termes of the draught came to be altered , it alter'd the case with it , and bichi's proffers became thereby more ample then was intended . but he surmiseth nothing yet of what is poaching at the court of rome : in the mean time he takes his way towards florence to comply also with that prin●e , as one of the chief of the league , and learn what satisfaction t' was that he pretended , where he found a faire reception and nothing in effect more ; but that he held it not convenient to admit any negotiation apart , but that the plenipotentiaries of the colleagues should agree together of of what points to be insisted o● and with that answer returnes to lombardy to resume the further management of the treaty , wher● he hears , that by the instances 〈◊〉 the marquis of fontenay , the cardinall doughi was upon his way , but with order by no means to admit of his folio : but onely of that exhibited formerly by the marquis , and sent to the other resident at venice . but all this while the many pleas of bichi to procure a suspension of hostility , could availe little with the parties , especially with the league , who followed their armes the more vigorously , because they being to receive conditions would be sure to bea● them downe to reason , while they had their adversary at the advantage , having lately beaten them at mongiovino , and shortly after with a greater stroke at pittigliano , where the grand dukes forces proved the heaviest to them . yet the duke of modena was so much overpowred in his estates by the church forces , and found the venetians so much startled at the taking of lagoscuro ( a strong place on their ●ide of the river p● , which exposed all their palaces , and country houses to plunder & utter ruine ) by the papalins , that he could get no aides from them ( they being all so poli●quely ligued , that they lov'd their ●eighbours rather , for themselves then as themselves ) that he was contented to hearken , without standing on termes , forren to the plea in hand , to a faire agreement , as well as the venetians , for the reason specified : and the grand duke , because nothing was to be gotten by the war : for one neighbour will not permit any augmentation in italy to another ; but all are all against him that removes the landmarke● and plucking up the floodgates 〈◊〉 a sure lefting in some forren in u● dation , wherewithall that countrey has been so often plagued . and especially , that which is gotten of the church , being not any private patrimony ; but s. peter● must be rendred back to the next successor , or else all christendome engaged in the quartell : so that though the chu●● usurpe on other temporalities , ye● her owne are sacred and not to be touched . and this was the reason why the war was so temperat●● and in so long a time's continuance ( above 2 years ) so little do●● not that the state ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 match enough for so many neigh●bours ( though of extent much larger within italy , then any one of the ligued princes : or so much richer ; for it has but little benefit of the sea , and was so much exhausted , that no way was left to get money ; the wealth of that state being in few hands , the peasans , miserable , and the publick poore , unlesse the church ●tensills be reckon'd in the summe which would inflame it to a vastness : so that one million was taken out of the castel s. angelo , which was one of the five put in ●y sixtus 5. on that condition that 〈◊〉 should not be taken out but in case of extremity , when the city of rome was in utmost danger : a●d 15. cardinals made at once to raise mony ) but because of the remissenesse of the league , as be●ng defensive rather than offensive and against the barberini , as they would have it stiled , rather than against the church . nor was the d. of parma so scrupulous on this occasion , when excommunicated but he expelled all the religions in his dominions , that were of the state-ecclesiastial , and all that would not continue in the exercise of their charges , and promise loyalty to him : and he himselfe frequented masses more than before . nor did his neighbours feare to joyn with him , notwithstanding that enchantment , set upon his doores . but now , that all parties 〈◊〉 peace , there is nothing more ●●noyant to it , then the point of reputation , the remora ( the truest remora ) of puntilioes : to remove which , the card. bichi would omit no expedient : but what can be do , while the most remorsive of any other , stuck upon himselfe , when he hears how his writing had been censured ? wherefore , being on his way , from bondeno towards ferrara , and accompany'd thither by de lionne , the cardinall donhgi came at some good distance to receive him , and en●●ing all into one coach , there passed some resentive discourse between thē : which de lionne gave the first occasion to , complaining of the vanity of any negotiation , by what was seen in the past treaty of castel-geo●gio , land taxing the artifice of the ecclesiasticks , with aversion to the peace : which led the card. to speak , in like manner , of the bad requitall of his endeavours , by the censuring of his proposalls , although he had thereby with-held the duke of parma from assaulting the fort of lagofcuro , at the same time with the ve●●etians ; stopped the pretensions of the duke of modena ; ballanced the duke of florence ; obliged the benevolence of france towards the church , and obtained the nominating of plenipotentiaries for the treaty ; that his writing contain'd nothing but what he had other writings to justifie it by , and in 〈◊〉 nothing different from the former , sent from rome . that it should be as if it never were , for that he wold demand the original of the vene●ian generalls and burne it in the card ▪ presence at rome , where he was resolued to conduct himselfe next in his owne vindication , though he had reason to fear that that action would cast all things farther from agreement , then ever they were before , and bring the league more powerfully arm'd and combin'd on the state ecclesiasticall , then ever to that time . donghi answered , that he came as a new plenipotentiary on a new negotiation , that the pope did embrace his eminency's endeavours towards the peace , and that the cardinall barberino's desire did only tend to that scope , that these proposalls might passe only as an ●●t of the same , as he was media●or ; and not as yet allow'd at rome ( for donghi abstained as yet to expresse himselfe fully to his commission in this particular ) and for his eminency's intention of going to the court of rome , commended and advised it , as a thing proper for him to do , as a cardinal and mediatour , to passe the like offic●s with his holinesse , as he had already done with the other princes , assuring him , that his arrival there had been erewhile expected . but when the two cardinals were come to ferrara , they retired without d● lionne's intervention , to debate more effectually about the meanes to purchase this glory to themsevles , and benefit to all italy , to compremise this difference with the re-establishment of peace betwixt all parties , and first consider'd of the place of meeting for the plenipotentiaries . bichi urged , that such a ground of confidence might be laid in the ligued princes , as to leave it to their election , doughi , that that respect and reverence might be done to his holiness and the church , to have it within the ecclesiastical state : which was the summe of their dispute , at that meeting , and so they part both , to returne to rome by several wayes . bichi takes the way of florence , and to salve his reputation of ha●ing exceeded his commission , ●nd being disapprov'd at rome , ●ives out that , that writing of his ●as not disallowed , but onely disavowed by the cardinal barberino to be none of his , to content the spaniards , complaining that overtutes of more importance were communicated to the french ministers , then to those of his catholick majesty . the imperial ambassadour , being moved by the spanish , doth yet persist at the senate , in declaring the pope's willingnesse to deposite castro in the emperour's hands , & acquaints them that his imperial majesty had licenced the duke of savelli from his service ( because he was a roman subject , and at this time lieutenant general of their armes ) lest his partiality should be a prejudice to his majesties mediation . the senate knew this to be a delusion of the barberini ( effectual restitution having been before proffer'd to the french ministers ) yet they answer with good respect referring to the meeting of the several plenipotentiaries ▪ but when the ambassadour pressed further , than an imperial deputy might be present at it , they put it off on purpose , to stop any such pretension . it does not so directly belong to this scene to follow the cardinal bichi in the infinite windings through which he was train'd ●t rome , nor to consider the jealousie of the colleagues on his delaying so long there without any issue : and much longer he might have been , notwithstanding his dexterity , if the last chocque at pitigli●no had not forced them to some conclusion : suffice it to say , that at the latter end of november he returnes with his propositions well adjusted and power to treat of any neutrall place , being void of garrison , within the mantouan but cōsidering on the way , what obstructions were likely to accrue with this designed congresse , both in respect of the formalities of precedure which might occasion some distgusts : & the counter-working of so many divers heads and interests , but especially by the spleen of the austrians , which would not cease to deale by him and the peace here , as they had done at rome , casting all imaginable rubbs against the course of it , he thought it better to treat with the interessed princes themselves at their owne places , and so passing from one to another to prepare them for the sealing of articles interchangably . which once before induc't him to delay at florence t●l he had cōmunicated this design & found an approbation of it frō all side● , then he offers by the french resident at venice , to transport himselfe thither to finish this affaire , which they accept the gladlier , that the grand duke might not rest arbiter of the league , by drawing all the management that way ; and when he arrived there , his entertainment was extraordinary . when he came to their confines , they ordered the podestà of chiozza , to receive him at the polesella , and discharge him , with sumptuous treatment , through all their dominion . i omit the noble way of meeting and receiving him into their city ▪ but when he came to his publick audience , the doge met him at the top of the staires with the whole signory ; where he tooke off his crowne to salute him , and putting himself on the left hand , walkes uncover'd to the gran sala , & so to the steps of the throne ▪ where they mounted both together , but yet the cardinall a little befoe , and was the first placed in the ducall seat , enlarged on purpose for this occasion , to receive a persons . being thus sate at the dukes right hand , he presented his majesty's credentiall letters , which were read by a secretarie , before a numerous throng of people . after which the cardinall deliver'd his publick complement , and the doge made answer , which ended that ceremony , and prepared so well for following negotiations , that within a while after , when he tooke his leave to meet again with donghi , the whole treaty had been finished ; but that a dangerous sicknes of the pope had almost reversed all : but as soone as he recover'd it , donghi transferres himself to ferrara to subcribe the articles , the other plenipotentiaries waiting at venice to subscribe them in like manner , and date them the same day , the import whereof amounted to thus much . that the pope and leagu● should plight their faith to the k. of france , that all things should be restored to the state wherein they were before the wars , whereof the said king should take hostages to be deliuer'd at casale till the execution , and the said king should promise and engage to turn his arms on the non-observer of this accord , and should crave absolution in due manner , on behalfe of the duke of parma , which was accordingly subscribed march 31. 1644. by donghi the popes plenipotentiary at ferrara , by bichi for the king of france ( who also stipulated for the duke of prama ) and the other 3 commissioners at venice , the same day : which was the ending at present of this turmoile , to the great content and reputation of the french ministers . but although the treaty were punctually put in execution , within the terme of 60 dayes after signing : yet it did not long availe the duke of parma : for the next pope innocent the 10. on a sudden reprised and razed castro to the ground , erecting only in the middle of it ( as i have been told at rome ) a stone with this inscription , qu● stava castro . and the present pope , alex. 7. has re-entred on these estates , and the emoluments of them , as confiscations to the church ( which was the dukes undertaker towards the montists ) notwithstanding the remonstrances of his ambassador , pretending that the sicknesse was only the cause why the duke had not satisfied his obligations within the terme indented : but the duke at present is young , and under too great ingagements ( besides his love of pleasure ) to recover these estates : nor shall ever , in any probability , be able to find the like assistance , as his father did . and here i may have a faire outlet , which i would gladly have burst through , to have found sooner . we have now survey'd the whole campagne of this yeare , excepting only one encroachment unluckily jutting into germany ▪ where the count of guebriant , being straitned and overpowered by the duke of bavaria in his quarters , between brisaoh and strasburg , and his corres●ondents , the swedes , diverted then into denmark ( with almost as great su●cesse , as at this instant ) sollicites earnestly at the court for new recruits : which accordingly sends order to the duke of anguien , to dispatch some of his squadrons from thionville thither , it being but a few dayes march distant , wherein when the said duke had observed orders , he came himselfe to paris , to see his lady , and the little son , which she had lately brought him , to the great content of the kindred of the late cardinall , whose niece she was . the same night he went to reverence the queen , who received him with tokens , answerable to that esteeme which she made of his valour , and the signal services , that he had render'd to the crowne in that campagne . but he had not rested long , before he is again designed to conduct other aides into germany , which either the blandishments of the court , or an opinion that such a service might be as well discharged by any ordinary marshal of the campe , as by himselfe , or else that he had some other recompense in his eye , then yet he had obtained ; made him frame excuses to the great disgust of the ministers of state , who therupon perswaded with her majesty to commit that charge to the duke of ango●lesmo , who being nigh upon the place might assume it the more readily : but upon the first receipt of this commission , he immediately dispatches a gentleman to the court to excuse himsel● that from expedition , being hindred by the gou● from exposing himself to any other paines : which unexpected answer would have troubled the queen and her council , if at the same time the duke of angnien , being promppted with an ardor after new triumphs , had not offer'd to resume that trust to the great contentment of the queen , and all the kingdom , as the confluence of soldiers proved . and while the rest are providing the count of ranzàu is dispatch'd afore with about 8000 choice men , drawne out of the queens regiments , with the scotch and french guards to joyne with guebriant , and so to force the bavarians out of wirtemberg and seize themselves of their quarters : that so they might not onely subsist themselves ; but returne the burden of those soldiers on the estates of their own elector , and so oblige him to hearken to a peace , and raise themselves to the higher reputation , within germany , at the opening of the munster congress . the arrivall of the count of ranzaù ( making the army up some 14000 men ) was very troublesome to the thoughts of the marshall of guebrian , least he , being a great favorite of the cardinal's , should be sent as his controller , and if any disgrace should happen , to be his successour , which apprehension became disastrous to his conduct : for although he were more sensible , then any other , of the danger of passing too hastily to the other side of the rhine : yet the sense of ranzau , being followed by the officers under him , imposed a neeessity on the marshal to put it in execution : so that on the first day of novemb. they began to advance by a bad token ; for the sky , that was clear before , mantled on a sudden , and fell in continued folds of snow for a moneth together , which made the ways so deep that the cannon was not dragged without great dificulty : and generall ro●a , whom the marshal sent before to discover and cleer the coast , though he had been , at other times , a vigilant & a valiant captain , was at night surprised in his quarter , by one coll. sporch , a captain before of no note ; and his men , which were the double number , routed by 600 of this sporch's , with the prise of 800 horse . which news being brought to guebrian did so amuse him , that he said publickly : that such a capt. that had given so signall proofes of his valour , in 30 severall occasions and above , which he could reckon , should be so surprised and beaten by one coll. sporch , did confirme in him his former doubts that , what had been prognosticated in the councill , would not answer in the event , and with that he went to hear masse . the squadrons of ranzau were but ill provided for the warfare of a german winter : and many got away from the army . nor was the scarcity of bread a small disaster to it , which the beaten soldiers put among the baggage ; but the rest that carried it in their knapsacks spoil'd by the weather ; so that once again , guebrian devised to assigne them to their quarters : but rantzau again prevailed with him to assault rotweil , a place fortified with towers and a dry trench without bulwarks : and the snow continuing the cannon was not yet arrived at the campe ; so that the defendants repulsed all assaults with great slaughter , and prolong'd the time till the bavarians had united all their forces to come and succor it : so that once again the gen. mov'd with the count of ranzau to withdraw their army : but with the like successe as he had done before . wherefore applying his utmost diligence to prosecute the storme , and direct the mines with one of the ordnance ( that were since com in ) he was stricken by a cannon shot in the right arme , which proved mortall to him , and griveous to the soldiery ( he being reputed one of the prime captains of the age ) who notwithstanding , after 14 dayes spent in this siege , constrained the delivery of this place . but least the death of guebrian should seeme to contibute to the glory of ranzàu , while he leads the army further to tutlinghen , the bavarians come upon him on the sudden , by the benefit of a wood near at hand , and having surprised the artillery , unexpectedly turned it against the city , and then blockt it up , holding all the souldiers within it , prisoners . on which noise , generall rosa hastens with his cavalry to the head-quarter : but finding his attempt too late , and the bavarians set in battel , he went to return to rotweil : but before he could recover it , he finds it reprised by his enemies . the other quarters of the french army were overpowr'd in the like manner : onely ▪ ten regiments of horse tooke flight , which the italian reg●●ment of cardinal mazzarin coming to joyn withall , and to maintain their ground , remained for the most part dead ( after brave resistance ) upon the place . ra●zàu himselfe remained prisoner , with his chief officers , above five thousand more , and two and fifty cornets and ensigns , with all the baggage and the cannon : yet ▪ 〈…〉 jealousie to these their confederates , about any under-hand compliances , relating to their common interests , now to be de●at●d ▪ his business here , is , onely to attend the motions of the fre●ch plenipotentiaries , and to be sure ( at least ) to keep as much state , as they should doe , about his ap●pearance , and advancement towards the place . but these we shall finde in holland , employing all their art , to engage that people to an adequate concurren●e with them at the treaty ; so that both their satisfactions should run in one line , and neither of them admit of either peace , or truce , without the issue of the other : and in case , the peace should not be concluded ( as it hapned ) before the next campagne , to prepare some overtures , which afterwards took effect , of joyning their united forces , by sea and land● to thrust the spaniards out of ●raveling and dunkerk . the success of which , as then glorious to the cardinal's direction , and now revived by another ( i hope ) yet more vigorous and noble conjunction , will ( no doubt ) dispense with my hand , and engage sublimer pens to glory in the subject . 〈◊〉 sat eru●t qui dicere laudes , galle , tuas cupiant & tristia condere 〈◊〉 bella . pos●scrip● . 〈…〉 kind of pedantry ) then they themselves have done those others , whose credits they usurp , which would impose upon the reader with too●much impertinency . yet i doe not envy a faire acknowledgement , ( though i am beholden to more than twenty more ) to him that has done me the greatest courtesie , for the matter of so poor a webbe ; and to let the world know , that it is mercurio di siri , ● writer so voluminous , that we need not either of us suspect a translation . though i have rambled in such a fashion through him , and so confounded him with oothers , and abounded in my own liberty , that i could wish it ; either for the publick benefit , or my own vindication . but in the interim , i do not think the end can deserve so much paius , or the poorness of my reputation provoke any free spirit , to under go the trouble of comparing them : so that all my security is the smallnes of my own merit , and the assurance of my good intention , which having done no wrong , is ●●t lyable to much exception : especially , if you be pleased first , to correct these few errata , and think , if you find any more of lighter consequence , that i either oversaw , or on purpose did neglect them . errata . finis . the present state of christendom consider'd in nine dialogues between i. the present pope alexander the viii. and lewis the xiv. ii. the great duke of tuscany, and the duke of savoy. iii. king james the second, and the marescal de la feuillade. iv. the duke of lorrain, and the duke of schomberg. v. the duke of lorrain, and the elector palatine. vi. louis the xiv. and the marquis de louvois. vii. the advoyer of berne, and the chief syndic of geneva. viii. cardinal ottoboni, and the duke de chaulnes. ix. the young prince abafti, and count teckely. done out of french. 1691 approx. 181 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55712 wing p3259a estc r203184 99825222 99825222 29599 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55712) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29599) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2053:29) the present state of christendom consider'd in nine dialogues between i. the present pope alexander the viii. and lewis the xiv. ii. the great duke of tuscany, and the duke of savoy. iii. king james the second, and the marescal de la feuillade. iv. the duke of lorrain, and the duke of schomberg. v. the duke of lorrain, and the elector palatine. vi. louis the xiv. and the marquis de louvois. vii. the advoyer of berne, and the chief syndic of geneva. viii. cardinal ottoboni, and the duke de chaulnes. ix. the young prince abafti, and count teckely. done out of french. alexander viii, pope, 1610-1691. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. [4], 95, [1] p. printed for r. baldwin near the oxford arms in warwick-lane, london : 1691. numerous errors in pagination. imaginary dialogues. french original not traced. reproduction of the original in the lambeth palace library, london, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng imaginary conversations -early works to 1800. france -history -17th century -early works to 1800. france -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of christendom consider'd , in nine dialogues between i. the present pope alexander the viii . and lewis the xiv . ii. the great duke of tuscany , and the duke of savoy . iii. king james the second , and the marescal de la feuillade . iv. the duke of lorrain , and the duke of schomberg . v. the duke of lorrain , and the elector palatine . vi. louis the xiv . and the marquis de louvois . vii . the advoyer of berne , and the chief syndic of geneva . viii . cardinal ottoboni , and the duke de chaulnes . ix . the young prince abafti , and count teckely . done out of french. london , printed for r. baldwin near the oxford arms in warwick-lane . 1691. the translator to the reader . i must acquaint the reader that the following dialogues , having met with so vniversal an approbation beyond sea , and so few of the french copies being come over into england , i thought it would not be amiss , if i endeavoured at leisure hours to translate , and so to communicate that book to the world , which gave me so much diversion and entertainment in the reading . the design of these dialogues is principally to offer incense to our heroick william the third , who has with so happy an augury begun to deliver europe out of her chains , and to check the pride of that ambitious monarch , whose vanity and injustice has thrown him upon no less a design than of subjugating all the western world. in every dialogue almost he takes occasion to expose the intrigues of the french , the illegality of their acquisitions , their rapines and violences , which were scarcely practised amongst the goths and vandals , but i am sure were never carried to that height and refinedness as we see them in modern france . he advises the allies all along to neglect no opportunities , to fall into no different parties or factions , to espouse the common quarrel of the empire cordially and vigorously , to procure the same common interest , and not by entertaining any contemptible thoughts of their enemy , or by thinking him weaker than really he is , to slacken their endeavours , and lessen their preparations against him . i only foresee one objection to the book , and that is , because the author , whenever his argument carries him into the territories of satyr , his efforts that way are too feeble and ineffectual . in england 't is only good , thorough paced , substantial scandal that pleases us ; we don't love to do things by halves ; and if we must write satyr , 't is expected we make our thrusts home , and push freely . on the contrary , the french rally always with a great deal of decorum , they are too intent upon the punity of their language , to have any great regard to the justness of their thoughts , and they forbear to speak severe bitter things , lest it spoil the evenness of their style , as some women in the world refuse to oblige their gallants for no other reason , than for fear it should russle or tumble their clothes . and now whether what we have been speaking of is an effect of french civility , or french weakness , i leave it to the determination of the reader . dialogues between several great men upon the present affairs . dialogue i. alexander the viii . and lewis the xiv . alexander . i am over-joy'd to see you , my dear son. since you have quitted versailles to come to rome , i make no question but that you are now inclined to grant me , what you have for so long a time refused both me and my predecessor : and that being so , you may be assured on my part , that i shall be ready to expedite those bulls which you have all along so impatiently desired . lewis . to be free with you , most holy father , i am not come hither at this time to negotiate . had that been my design , i should not have made such a long journey ; besid●● that the high rank which i claim in the world , would have obliged me to demand of you the meeting of me half way . you are not ignorant , that when leo the x. and francis the i. desired an interview , how the pope met him at bologna . i believe you to be as good as leo the x. but i believe my self withal to be full as good a man as francis the i. alexand. you speak in a strange dialect to me . what is then your design ? have you committed any mortal sin , and so are come in pilgrimage to visit the churches of rome , in order to obtain absolution ? lewis . nothing less than that . bigottry is the least fault i have , though some will have me guilty of it . i see you can't divine my intentions ; and therefore give me leave briefly to unfold them to your holiness . the part which princes are to act upon the stage of this world , has always very much perplexed me : for that same thing which ye call policy , engages them never to shew themselves what they are ; their words are never the faithful interpreters of their thoughts . they talk and act all their life time in cipher , as i may so say ; and he is counted the most politick and cunning , that can best unlock the cipher of other princes , and who has a cipher of his own , which others can never find out the way to unfold . i must acknowledge that i have oft been mightily pleas'd with my self with an imagination , that i could get incognito into the court of any prince , though as great as my self ; that it would not be impossible for me to oblige him to tell me the very bottom of his heart , as i have a design to do the same for him ; and in regard this pleasure is so great in it self , and has withal the charm of being a novelty , i am apt to think that i shall taste a felicity , more perfect , than any i have hitherto enjoyed . i have made choice of your court , as believing that , next to my self , there is not a greater prince than you in europe : and for that dissimulation is much deeper , and more at rome than versailles , it must be in my opinion an extraordinary pleasure , to hear a pope discover his mind sincerely , unfold his sentiments clearly , and call every thing ingenuously by its own name . alexand. your design is very surprizing ; and i can scarce imagine that you your self should conceive such a thing . how ! for a pope to utter his mind plainly , and which is more , for a venetian pope too ! what a prodigy would that be ! assure your self , my dear son , that this is the greatest design that ever you set on foot ; and to make a judgment of it by the rules of good policy , it will be an easier task for you to subdue all the princes of europe , and to set the imperial crown upon the dauphin's head , then to oblige a pope to tell ye his mind freely and sincerely , and by that means to despoil himself of the character of the pontificate , to put on that of humanity . lewis . the design is great , i must acknowledge ; but i have been told a hundred times , that there is nothing impossible to me ; and i have some inclination to believe it . besides , you well know , that since the death of the cardinals richlieu and mazarine , my court has been no less impenetrable than yours . and therefore since that in despite of all politicks , i am resolved to open my mind freely to you , why cannot you resolve to deal with me after the same manner ? i am apt to think by your last words , that you are half won already . what say ye , holy father , am i deceived in my conjecture or no ? alexand. you may assure your self , i am altogether gained . for as you have ordered your business , how can any man refuse you ? but upon condition , if you please , that you shall not say a word to the cardinals . for i make no doubt , but that if they should know that i were able to lay aside but for a moment that profound dissimulation , which is the proprium quarto modo , the property in the fourth degree of a soveraign pontiff , they would degrade me , and put another in my room . for my part , i will not say a word about this intreague to your prime minister , for fear you should have some small reprimand : for how submissive soever he may carry himself to you , i pretty well know , that you have given him leave to rebuke you sometimes , when you act against your own real interests . lewis . i accept your conditions . and to begin , let us lay aside , i beseech you , the titles of holy father , and eldest son of the church , which were invented only to amuse the vulgar , and to impose upon fools . my name is lewis of bourbon , and yours peter ottoboni . this is sufficient for us at present , there needs no more ceremony between us . now then , since you have begun to talk to me of the bulls which i demanded of you some years since , you must give me leave to tell you , that i have bought dear enough in all conscience a few sheets of parchment , only with a woollen twist , and about half a pound of lead to them . alexand. and what would you have more ? do you reckon nothing for the matter , and the writing ? you have a great many words to your bargain . lewis . the writing indeed is something . but when the secretary of the briefs is well paid , one would think that should suffice , alexand. do you reckon nothing for the installations which those bulls give to your bishops , without which all their functions would be look'd upon as so many sacriledges ? lewis . this looks very fair at first sight ; but at the bottom it signifies nothing . you know that those bulls are not always necessary . formerly they were little regarded , and 't were not a straw matter whether they were minded now , or no. alexand. this nothing scares me . i must confess they are not very necessary ; but the bishops are not of the same opinion , and that is sufficient for me . lewis . the bishops of my kingdom are no more too accompted gulls than you or i. this was good in former ages , when their ignorance was so very gross , that there were some prelates that could not write their names : now knowledge is not so scarce . and i 'le hold you a wager , there is not a bishop in my kingdom , who does not very well understand , that if bulls are desired of you , 't is only out of formality . and therefore believe me for your own good , never be so shie in granting them , exchange your parchment for my louydores while the time is , for fear least at length they grow weary of your refusals . you have done enough to save the honour of the holy see , and it may prove dangerous to push on your severity too far . alexand. if the bishops fail , i have one string more to my bowe , the people are for me ; and the people are the greater number . the bishops may tell them , that they value not the bulls that come from rome , but they 'l never believe a tittle they say : nor will they ever look upon them as lawful pastors , that are not provided of such a letter of credence . lewis . the people are on your side , i do not deny it ; but is it impossible to open their eyes , and make them apprehensive that there is no necessity at this day for what was formerly so little regarded ? alexand. is it because the people understand any thing ? certainly you do not mean as you say . it is apparent that you have not been very familiar with that many headed beast , and that you have only formed an idea of mankind by what you have observed in your ministers and favourites . believe me , lewis , if the people should once begin to reason , neither you nor i should be what we are . they would understand their rights and priviledges , and assume them into their own hands , and we should be reduced within a narrow compass ; but by good luck for us both , the definition of animal rationale was never made for the people . they never make use of reason , and we take the advantage of it . lewis . do not you deceive your self : my people are not the people you talk of : i dare be bold to say , that i could bring the most brutish of all my subjects to a rational examination of things . alexand. i defie you for that . but suppose it was true ; have a care you do not teach them to reason to my prejudice , least it should cost you more than you are aware of . the consequence that would be drawn from thence against me , is this , that i should have no authority over them ; and that what i assume to my self is altogether usurped ; and then that which they would say against you , would be this , that all the authority which you arrogate to your self is arbitrary and illegal . i refer you to the sighs of france , where you are set out in your colours . lewis . very good ! the author of that pamphlet raves ; he pretends that my crown is elective . alexand if he raves in that part , he does not rave quite through his book ; and therefore 't is well for you that the people are such beasts ; and for me too , to speak my mind freely . but should the people fail me , i have still another support . so many convents as you have in france , are as good as so many speaking trumpets continually bestowing out bulls , bulls . they have there almost as much interest as my self ; so that if it go ill there with my affairs , it can never go well with theirs . lewis . i must confess , that your greatest strength lies there , as that there also lies my greatest weakness . those sort of people are more your subjects than mine ; and as it is from you that they have their main support , so it is from them that you derive all your authority . but what reason have you to think that the monks will cry out so zealously for bulls . those sort of cattle , you know , have nothing to do with them . on the other side , they are glad that there is such a way to mortifie the bishops pride . for , as you well know , they have no kindness for them ; and if there were no bishops in the world , they would not care a farthing . alexand. what you say is very true ; but it concludes nothing to my prejudice . if i say the monks desire bulls , 't is not that they are glad for the satisfaction which the bishops receives in that point . a man could not be said to know them , who had such an opinion of them . i must tell you , that you cannot despise my bulls , and openly testifie your dislike , without contemning my authority ; and this is that which the monks would oppose to the utmost of their power . now as you know they are masters of the people , and so long as they shall tell the people , that there is nothing to be done without my lead and my parchment , it would be a point too delicate to be removed out of their minds . lewis . i understand you . there is something in it indeed . bat this is not the most considerable thing : so that if there were nothing more , i would be your bondslave , if e're my ministers should have orders to press so hard upon this article . alexand. pray , sir , explain your meaning to me ; under a promise not to take any advantage of it , but after i depart from hence , to go and drink two or three good draughts of lethe water , to make me forget all that we shall say together . lewis . i am resolved upon a perfect reconciliation with you , for fear my enemies should take advantage of our quarrels , and inveagle you to take their part ; and therefore 't is necessary for some time to put an end to this business of bulls . after i have well fastened you to my interests , it will be no difficult thing for me to oblige the venetian to a particular peace with the turk , either by making them sensible of their real interests , or by your credit in the senate . moreover , to incline them more powerfully thereto , i can prevail with the grand master of maltha , who is my creature , to call home his galleys which are in the venetian service , under pretence that he has occasion for them to defend himself against the turk , who has a design'd revenge upon him , for all the losses he has received in the morea . alexand. is that all ? lewis . i am also in further hopes , that having made a league with you , you will remit no more money to vienna , nor to poland , to carry on the war against the turk ; and that you will no longer give the king of spain leave to levy subsidies upon the ecclesiasticks of his kingdom . and i desire that you by your emissaries , will make all the catholick princes of christendom sensible , that this is a war for religion ; and that if they will not unite with me against the hereticks , yet they might so order their business , that while they make a semblance of continuing the war against me , they may throw all the burden upon the protestants shoulders . by this means they will insensibly be undermined ; and when they shall be at a bay , 't will be no difficult thing to ruine them quite . alexand. this is most excellently contrived : but i do not find that this will be altogether for my profit , as good a catholick as you are . for i have no less reason to be afraid of you , then of the most formidable among the hereticks ; and i know your humour so well , that i am no less jealous of your authority , then of the power of william the third . lewis . to tell you my mind plainly , i have no less a design to bring down your grandeur , then that of others . and though i make less noise than philip the fourth , one of my predecessors , yet my intentions are as bad as his . 't is without contradiction , that if i prosper your turn will come ; nor will i suffer st. peter's successor to continue that authority which he has so long usurp'd over all the potentates of europe . but alas ! i fear 't will never be in my power to execute these illustrious designs . i grow old , death will surprize me ; face of affairs will change , and perhaps one night will overturn the structure which i have been rearing these fifty years . however , i shall leave good directions with my successor , if he know how to follow them . alexand. i wish that all your designs may prove abortive for my own repose and the good of the holy church . but what do you intend to do with the duke of savoy ? soft and fair , sir — do you believe that all other princes of italy , as well as my self , will ever suffer you to despoil him of his territories ? do you think we do not visibly perceive it , that if we let you go on and prosper , you will not stop in so fair a way ; but that after you have swallowed the duke of savoy , you will also endeavour to devour the dukes of mantua , modena , and tuscany , and so all the rest . lewis . and would you think me too blame in so doing ? alexand. perhaps not so much : but let it be as it will , no more shall we be to blame neither if we oppose your projects . lewis . you would do much more prudently to go halves with me : you take one end of italy , and i the other . all your predecessors have had an aking tooth for the kingdom of naples , and mine of the dutchy of millain , two kingdoms that lye incomparably much better for us than for the king of spain . do you begin at one end , and i 'le begin at the other ; and let us never stop till we meet in the middle . alexand. find out some other merchant , lewis of bourbon , find out some other merchant . i have but two days to live , and you would have me undertake a war to ruin my self ; and when i am gone , what will it signifie to me , whether the kingdom of naples be joyned to st. peter's patrimony , or no ? shall my nephews or i be a whit the farter for it ? is it not better for me to get them a good settlement in the world ? and are not they dearer to me then st. peter's chair ? lewis . and what shall hinder you then from giving the kingdom of naples to your nephew ottoboni , after you have once made your self master of it ? there 's never a prince in italy , i dare answer for them , that would not have more satisfaction to see that kingdom in the hands of a person , whom they have no reason to dread , then in the hands of the king of spain , who they know has for a long while designed to bring the two ends of italy together , which he now possesses , by making himself master of the middle . besides , i would have you consider , how easie a thing it is to put this project in execution . as for my self , i will take care to employ my brother of spain in catalonia and flanders ; and if he sends six thousand men to defend that which he possesses in italy , 't is as much as he will be able to do . to be short , i here promise you , that as soon as i have on my side dispatched the business which i intend to perform with all the expedition imaginable , i will assist you with my own troops , if you should have any occasion to make use of them . alexand. but hold a little ; what plausible pretence shall we conjure up , to colour this attempt upon the spaniard . lewis . very good . and did you ever hear of an ambitious prince that was unfurnished of pretences ? come , you shall see me here on the sudden offer you a hundred , rather than fail . in the first place , you may if you please , renew the rights of the old roman emperours , whom you have succeeded , and to whom , as every body knows , the kingdom of naples formerly belonged . or if you have no mind to go so far , you may then order your nuncio to pick some quarrel or other with the viceroy , upon the score of ecclesiastical immunites , and so revive those differences afresh that were so unluckily laid asleep . but if you don't think it proper to urge that expedient , why then while the king of spain is alive , take into your hands the rights which the holy see pretends to have to that kingdom after his decease . you know that all the popes have asserted that the kingdom of naples ought to return to st. peter's demain , whenever the heirs-male of spain chance to fail . you likewise know that the spaniards are not at all ignorant of these pretensions ; and as they are sensible of the justice of them , it may be they will employ all their efforts to sacrifice all such persons in that kingdom , whom they suspect to be devoted to the papal interest . alexan. lord , how fertile you are in expedients ! but i don't demand of you how i shall be able to justifie my self as to this particular , i mean , for usurping those rights during the king of spain's life , which are allowed to be of no efficacy till after his death . for methinks you intend to say , that the indisposition of that prince , has out of a principle of just precaution , obliged me to seize those rights before-hand , for fear least you should pretend to them your self , in the name of the dauphin , the presumptive heir of the crown of spain , in case that king should die on the sudden ; but withal , that i am to restore this kingdom back again to its true owner , if the king of spain should , contrary to the expectation of the whole world , chance to leave an heir behind him . lewis . right to a hair . i could not have explain'd my own thoughts clearer , i can assure you . alexand. but under favour , methinks you speak now against your own proper interests ? for pray who has told you , that if the holy see has once taken possession of the kingdom of naples , you 'l be able to wrest it easily out of their hands ? don't you know , 't is commonly said of us ecclesiasticks , that we are like the lyon's den in the fable , every thing enters there , but nothing comes out ? besides , is it not a most infallible truth , that if ever the states of spain come to acknowledge the dauphin your son , that you 'l have as just a title to naples as to madrid ? and therefore how will it advantage me , i beseech you , to take it out of the hands of the catholick king , if i must afterwards restore it to you . lewis . to say the truth , i have spoken a little against my self . but if you remember , i told you at first , that i was not come hither to negotiate with you , but only to discover to you the sentiments of my heart , upon promise that you would not draw any advantage from any thing which might be said . and now i would have you consider , that if the king of spain ever comes to be missing , you know my meaning , i cannot be every where . 't is very probable , that while i am reducing of spain , you will have done your business in naples . and thus , either sooner or later , no matter whether , i shall certainly come to be re-possessed of all my rights . nevertheless , take my word for 't , there may happen an infinite number of accidents in the interim , that may wholly change the face of affairs : 't is ever good to hold what one can , and to speak my mind freely , if i were in your case , i would immediately seize naples , and afterwards dispute that game with me . alexand. i am of your opinion : but there 's one thing , i confess , which does somewhat perplex me . 't is not necessary to inform you , since all the world already knows it , that i love my nephews ten times more than i do the church : and not to conceal any thing from you , if i should ever chance to make a conquest , it should not be with a design to enlarge st. peter's patrimony . that honest apostle has no occasion for such kind of services ; but 't is not so with my nephews , and therefore they should be the only persons who should reap the benefit of what we have been talking about . now i am mightily afraid that this same business would but sound ill in the ears of the world , and that the princes of italy would not be well pleas'd to see the kingdom of naples possessed by a race of upstarts : for , not to mince the matter with you , my predecessors were never descended from jupiter's thigh , and the family of the ottoboni was not well known in the world , before i brought it out of its primitive obscurity . besides , i fear that after my death , the same fate would attend my nephews , which formerly happened to the famous caesar borgia . i have read somewhere in machiavel , ( for i turn over that author oftner than my breviary ) that alexander the sixth having settled a considerable principality upon his natural son caesar borgia , who was stiled duke of valentia , no sooner was that pope dead , but he was immediately turned out of all that he had by julius the second , who thought it convenient to revenge himself of those injuries which he formerly received from him , when he was cardinal under the title of sancti petro ad vincula . lewis . 't is not at all difficult to answer every thing you have offered , if you will but give your attention for a while . i don 't in the least blame you for the tenderness which you express for your nephews , for i would willingly know why any man is made a pope , if it were not to raise the fortune of his relations and friends ? in my opinion , few people would think it worth the while for a man to employ all his life , in order to arrive to the pontificate at last in a feeble decrepit age , to sacrifice his repose and pleasures to gain him the reputation of sanctity , to pass his days and nights in the management of long tedious intreagues , and to consume the vigour of his youth in the mortifying fatigues of refined policy , if he were to suffer all this purely for the good of holy church , and must leave his family behind him in their old obscurity and misery . such a consideration as this never entred into the heart of an italian ; the church is already rich enough , and what serves a pope for , but to make his best market of her spoils . as for what relates to the italian princes , let them not give you any occasion of fear : do but give a comedy to one , a mistress and a set of b — to another ; suffer the third to fill his coffers peaceably , and take my word for it , you 'l have no reason to torment your self upon that score . 't is true , your family is none of the most illustrious , but what of that ? is it the only family in the world that raised it self from a mean condition to a higher dignity ? pray tell me what were the sforza's at first , who were dukes of millain , or the medici , who have possessed themselves of the soveraignty of florence . and then , as for what concerns the example of caesar borgia , who lost immediately after his father's death , all that he had acquired during his life ; let me tell you , 't is no good consequence . there happens an ill-favour'd accident to day , which perhaps may never arrive any more . caesar borgio was sick to the last extremity , when alexander the sixth died : he was not prepared for that sudden blow ; and when he found himself better , 't was then too late , the opportunity was slipt . but very certain it is , that if he had not been so unluckily indisposed at that time , he had not only preserved what he had gotten in his father's life , but had also extended the bounds of that estate which he gained by his prudence and incomparable dexterity . alexand. all this is not without a great appearance of truth . i will consider of it . in the mean time i must leave you by your self to dispatch a little business . if you have any advantage over the spaniard , you need not question put i 'le make good use of the favourable moment , and endeavour to chase him out of the kingdom of naples , provided at the same time , that i find you are in a condition to turn him out of the dutchy of millain . lewis . i am ravished to find you inspired with such good resolutions . but before you go , let me request you to expedite those bulls which i have demanded of you , with all the haste imaginable . i will on my side take care to oblige my bishops to dress up some odd fantastick expedient or other to give satisfaction to your pretended authority , without doing any injury at the same time ▪ either to my own rights , or to theirs . dialogue ii. between the great duke of tuscany , and the duke of savoy . duke of tuscany . well , i told you before , that in my judgment you had done much better to have complied with the king of france's desires , then to come to trouble all italy by your opiniatreté , and to consume us here with unprofitable expences , which 't is impossible for us to sustain . duke of savoy . how ! could you ever imagine it to be my interest to put turin and verceil into the hands of the french ? d. of tuscany . look you there ! what a mighty disadvantage it would have been for you to have had your two best places guarded by the troops of france ? you would rather have profited by it exceedingly , since those garrisons were to be paid at the charges of lewis the fourteenth , and must of course have spent their money in your country . d. of savoy . this is the true language of a prince who is only passionate to have his coffers full , but is not the inclination of one who has a greater regard to his glory than to his interest . perhaps you are of opinion too , that i must lend my troops to act against the millanese . d. of tuscany . very well ! as if that had been the design of his most christian majesty . don't you see that that prince had no resolution to make war in italy ? he knew very well that the spaniards armed with no other design , but only to support you , and that as soon as ever they had seen you reconciled to him , they would have changed their battery ; and as for himself , he would have turned his arms elsewhere . d. of savoy . i am willing to believe what you have said , though 't is to be feared he would have made his advantage of that occasion , and finding himself stronger than the spaniard , would have attempted the conquest of the millanese . but to come closer to you ? do you think it fit , that a prince who is a soveraign born , should quit the most important places of his dominion , and receive a stranger into his capital city , to whose laws he must be obliged to submit himself , and to whose rapines he must abandon his whole country ? d. of tuscany . the truth is , that condition is somewhat mortifying ; but you should have considered withal , that you had secured the peace of italy by that piece of conduct . the duke of mantua would have continued to go to balls , and comedies , according to his laudable custom . the princes of — and of — would have continued to solace themselves in the pleasures of love. the republick of venice had pursued their conquests without interruption ; and as for my own particular , i had not been obliged to bleed my self , as i may so say , to maintain the war which is ready to pour its fury upon us . for , in fine , if france is powerful enough to chase you out of your estate , 't is not to be supposed , that she will suffer the millanese to enjoy their repose long , to whom she has a quarrel for declaring themselves in your favour . who knows but the fire will spread further yet ? and if that happen , shall we not be mightily beholding to you for forcing us to take up arms to defend our respective estates , and to drive out the enemy from thence , who if he continue to make his advances as he has begun , will sooner or later enslave us all . d. of savoy . by your reckoning , i perceive i ought to have been the ass in the fable , who was to be sacrificed for the good of the common cause . but though i don 't altogether agree with you upon this point , yet i am very willing to be sacrificed for the publick benefit , since i lye the nearest to the enemy ; yet i desire withal , that this sacrifice may be done in such a manner , that it may tend to some advantage . now this is never likely to happen , untill you will cordially assist , and put me in a capacity to support the tempest of the war , which is just falling down upon me . if i had deliver'd up my strong places and troops , as you know who demanded of me , pray inform me what advantage had you drawn from thence ? had you not been exactly in the very same pain as you are at present ; and though you say , that it was not his most christian majesties design to push this point any further , who told you that he was possest with no such ambition ? especially since he knew very well , that as for your own part , you had rather resign your self , and all your grandeur , to your dearly beloved ease , than help to support the burthen of war , let it be never so just and necessary . it was therefore much better done , in my opinion , that i have pulled off his masque , and that i have once in my life put my self in a condition to be delivered from this servitude , and not be everlastingly tormented between slavery and liberty . if 't is my good fortune to be uppermost , i shall have the honour of chasing the common enemy out of italy ; and if i fall in the attempt , you must expect to meet with the same fate , and that you will not be in a much worse condition , than if i had mannaged my self , as france would have had me . d. of tuscany . be it so then , since you 'l have it so : and push on your point , for i will not oppose you any more . d. of savoy . that is not enough ; you must assist me , since you see i have not a sufficient power to resist the puissance of france : and i have reason to apprehend the greatest part of their forces will fall upon me , since 't is from the side of dauphiné , and provence that they fear the most . d. of tuscany . i acknowledge that the other princes of italy should assist you , and i promise you that i will sollicite them my self on your behalf ; though , to confess the truth , i don't see any great probability of succeeding . the venetians are altogether taken up in their war against the turk . the pope has enough to do to satisfie the rapacious devouring humour of his nephews , who at this present moment are at daggers drawing one with another , none of them being content with the portion that has been made them . the duke of modena has neither the will to succour you , since in his heart he is firmly devoted to the french interest ; nor the power , since all he can do is but just sufficient to sustain that rank which he holds in the world. the duke of mantua is so far from assisting his neighbours , that he 's upon the point to sell his capital city , all that money which he had for the surrender of casal being spent a long while ago . the republick of genoa wishes no better to you , than to france ; she could be content with all her heart that you would both ruine one another ; but she will never be perswaded to supply you with any thing . in short , i must needs tell you , that there is never a potentate in italy , that has either the power , or the inclination to assist you . d. of savoy . i could make a shift to play my game well enough without the aid of any of those princes you have mentioned to me , provided you would but heartily assist me . i don't demand any troops of you , for i know you are not able to furnish me with a great number ; nor indeed have i any great concern for that matter . germany and switzerland abound with souldiers , who desire nothing more than to enter into my service : but the misery on 't is , i want money , and there 's never a person in the world that is in a better condition to relieve me that way than your self . d. of tuscany . what! that i have money ! lord , who was it told you that i had any , d. of savoy . 't is the publick report , that makes you pass for the richest prince , in ready cash , that is in europe . d. of tuscany . i profess 't is all a meer calumny ; and i wonder in my heart where you had it first . god knows i have enough to defray the expences of my own court , although they are but very inconsiderable ; and then the cardinal de medecis there has beggar'd me to all intents and purposes , to appear at rome in a figure conformable to his condition . d. of savoy . nay , you have a great deal of reason , that i must needs own . 't is true , the expences of your court are but very ordinary ; but still that is an effect rather of your great frugality , then of the want of your ability . and as for the damage which the cardinal de medecis did you , when he was elevated to the purple , alas that is not as yet advanced to a million ; and what is that , i pray , to those prodigious sums of money which you have horded up in your coffers . d. of tuscany . once more i tell you , they are all meer calumnies . why certainly i ought to know my own strength better then any one else . i don't know where i can take up one single farthing to assist you ; and if you reckon'd upon that , when you first declared against france , i must desire you to unreckon it again , since you reckon'd without your host . for to deal plainly with you , your troops must dine somewhat of the latest , if they are to dine with the money which i shall give them . d. of savoy . is it for certain then , that i am to expect no manner of relief from the part of italy ? d. of tuscany . nothing can be more certain ; and if you 'd follow my advice , you 'd endeavour to get your self reconciled to france , though it were at the expence of losing one part of your principality . d. of savoy . very good counsel this , i profess : and which i am certain you would never have followed your self , had you been in my place , and for my own part i never design to be directed by it . well then , if the princes of italy fail me , i will make my recourse to those of germany , who will be sure to take the exigence of my affairs into their consideration . holland already stretches forth both her arms towards me . the king of england , who is always ready to declare himself in favour of the oppressed , espouses my part : and our posterity shall know that the protestants generously came from the remotest quarters of europe to settle the peace of italy , nay , to defend the pope , and rome it self , from the oppression of the french , at the same time when the italians gave themselves over to a dishonourable effeminacy and ease . their succours , it may be , will come somewhat late , but then they are sure and certain ; since the protestants , who are of a different principle from our italians , held themselves obliged to keep their word ; and when they give , 't is their peculiar glory to give more than they promis'd . d. of tuscany , well , do you look after that . we ought to lay hold of that which makes for our advantage , let it come from what quarter it will : and if the hugonots have offer'd you their assistance , i advise you to accept of it . d. of savoy . nay , you may be sure i will follow your advice as to to that purpose . dialogue iii. king james the second . the mareschal de la feuillade . la feuillade . i have often told you , that if you would but have been advised by me , your affairs had been in a better condition : nay , i dare engage that by this time you had been resettled in your throne . james ii. very right ; and what would you have done i pray you in such unhappy entangling circumstances ; take my word for 't , that man is like to be very sorrily advised that consults you for an oracle : and amongst all the surprizing revolutions that happen in the world , 't is the greatest methinks to see the duke de la feuillade turn'd a minister of state. la feuillade . say you so ? well sir , you may use your pleasure , but in my opinion , laughter is not very suitable for your party , and raillery looks at best but disagreeable from you , considering how the case stands with you ; unless you intend to claim your benefit of the proverb , and then indeed you may laugh on to the end of the chapter . you tell me no news , in acquainting me that i am not a man for counsel . pish , i was never disgusted at it in mylife ; i was never cut out for a minister of state. but to quit this digression , certain it is , that if my words had been believed , you had to this moment continued on your throne . james ii. well , and what was the advice you proposed at that time , for which you value your self so mightily now ? la feuillade . why , in short , 't was this ; that you might rest assured that all the great preparations for war , which were making in holland , were only designed against your self ; and the case being so , that it was your best way to hang up father petre , with some half a score or a dozen other jesuites out of the way , as the true authors of all those miscarriages which made so lamentable a noise amongst the people . you might have furnished your self with more of the tribe at any other opportunity or place ; for heaven be prais'd , we have no reason to complain for want of that sort of merchandize . james ii. and what effects do you think such a violent action would have produced ? la feuillade . what effects ? why , ten or a dozen jesuites hang'd up were honestly worth , between turk and jew , twenty thousand men . your people , whom it seems you had a design at that time to cajole with a few sugar-plums , would have been better perswaded of the sincerity of your heart by such a sacrifice , than by ten thousand other acts of royal indulgence . besides , i dare pawn my soul for 't , the prince of orange had died for fear , least you should have supplanted him in the affections even of his own party . james ii. and were not the other favours which i scatter'd at that time , enough to convince any subjects in the world , that my intentions were real , and that i was become a new man ? you remember without question , how i vacated and ruined in the space of one week all that i had been doing for the advancement of the catholick cause in three years before . now , was it possible for me then to do any thing more to satisfie the nation ? la feuillade . why , this is your peculiar talent . you always do either too little , or too much . all those solemn revocations of your former proceedings served only to acquaint the world that you were a prince , who had a great deal of fear in your constitution , but very little steadiness and bravery . your people , who were aware of your blind side , resolved that since you began to fear , they would make you afraid to some purpose , and this , as i take it , was the first step you made towards the precipice . for notwithstanding all you did , it was not sufficient to make the world believe that you had altogether thrown aside your design ; though it must be confessed , that for a time you had changed your conduct . it was no hard matter to perceive that you only gave way to the necessities of the present juncture , and that as soon as ever the tempest was blown over your head , you would re-assume your first resolutions . but now the hanging up of a dozen jesuites , and father petre in the first place , would have passed for a plain palpable demonstration of your thorough amendment , even to the most disaffected . nay , i am verily perswaded , that not a man in your three kingdoms , and i think we may comprehend the catholicks in the reckoning , but would have thought you had turned your coat , and effectually reconciled your self to the protestant party . james ii. but all this while the pope would never have forgiven me for it ? la feuillade . and why not ? since in doing of this , you only followed the example of a son of one of his predecessors . you see i am now speaking of the famous borgio , who having made use of remiro d'orco , a cruel and active man , to exercise a thousand cruelties in romaigne , which he had lately conquered , in order to establish his authority the better ; and fearing that so inhumane a conduct would render him odious to the people , resolved with himself to make a sacrifice of this remiro , and so having dispatched the villain , he exposed the pieces of his mangled body in the market-place of cesene , with a bloody knife by his side , to show the people that the cruelties which had been committed , did not proceed from him , but his minister . would you know what was the consequence of this affair ? the people were surprized at it , and all their discontents cured in a moment . a pretty example this for james the second to follow , if he had but consulted matchiavel . james ii. i begin to apprehend that you are in the right : but if the pope had said nothing to the matter , yet the jesuites would not have done the same . i am afraid they would not have failed to regale me with a dose of poison à l'italienne . la feuillade . pshaw , pshaw , what a surmise is here ? the society of the jesuites would have advised you to the same expedient , if you had but consulted them . they are a sort of men that are too zealously devoted to their own proper interests , not to see , that as the tide ran then , it was for their advantage to sacrifice ten or a dozen of their members for the good of the whole society . i dare engage for them , they would have voluntarily furnished you with a greater number for the peace-offering , if your occasions had required it , but with this salvo , to have made saints of them after their death , and so to have increased the company of their red-letter'd lunaries in the martyrology . james ii. but what would his most christian majesty have said ? what would all the catholicks of europe have said , or those subjects of mine who are of that religion ? la feuillade . why , not a syllable ; but have kept the secret to themselves , and approved of your conduct with all their hearts . james ii. be it so then . but what had become of the prince of wales ? la feuillade . the prince of wales ! that is a good jest i'faith . i wonder in my heart how you came to trump that card upon me . the death of these jesuites has been as good as so many letters of legitimation for him , and there had not been a single man in all your kingdom , who would not have believed that you were his true father , since you had made those worthy gentlemen dye , to whom we are obliged for his birth . but if after all , your subjects had continued still to murmur upon that occasion , why then if you would have been ruled by me , you should have dropt the royal infant , and utterly disowned him : for a person of your experience need not be told , that you could never fail of having such a prince of wales as that was at any time . james ii. ha! what is this you have said ? one would conclude from your words , that you doubt whether the prince of wales is my own proper son , or no ? la feuillade . to confess the truth , i make a question of it , and i think not without reason on my side . all the mysteries of his birth are evident proofs of his being an imposture ; and i wonder in my heart how such mighty politicians as you had about you , could be guilty of such unpardonable solecisms in the management of that affair . james ii. the little precaution that was used in the case , is in my opinion an undeniable argument for the truth of his birth : for if a man had designed to palm an infant upon the world , 't is to be supposed he would have been better precaution'd . la feuillade . that argument would not be amiss , if you had not known before hand that most of the people doubted of your queens being with child . but since you are well enough acquainted with the disposition of your subjects , if there had been no juggle in the case , you ought to have used all imaginable care to have cured them of their jealousie , especially in a business of this great importance . this conduct was observed by the emperour henry the sixth upon a like occasion ; and all princes who have any regard to their interests ought to follow it . the empress constance , the wife of henry the sixth , who was surnamed the severe , became big with child when she was about fifty years old . the emperour , to remove that suspicion which might probably have been entertained , and withal to satisfie the world that he designed to put no imposture upon them , ordered her lying in to be in the open field , under the tents , near palerme , and this in the presence of all the people . the empress in the midst of so jovial an assembly , on the twenty sixth of decemb. in the year 1196. was delivered of a prince , whose name was frederick , who was afterwards elected emperour . you were not ignorant of this remarkable story . you could not but be sensible of the suspicions of your own people , and therefore you ought to have observed the very same conduct , if you had not suffered your self to be ingaged in a cheat. but latebat anguit in herbâ . james ii. i know all you have told me , and was very well informed of the suspicions of my people , but however , i was not willing to follow the example of henry the sixth . but my design was to chalk out a way to glory , which was altogether new and surprizing . although the prince of wales was my own son , yet i would not condescend to remove those suspicions which my subjects had entertained about him , because , relying upon my own power , i pleased my self with the imagination , that all the world believed i had credit and authority enough over my subjects , to give them a successor , such as i pleased , and they not dare to disbelieve or mutter against it . perhaps i had not taken up these measures , if they had not been possessed with this unmannerly suspicion . and now you have the true cause of all the mystery ( as you call it ) which appear'd at that birth . la feuillade . if what you say be true , i can only conclude you are an unfortunate person , for i dare swear no body will believe you as to this point . few persons , i am sure , would hazard the wearing of a crown after this manner ; and we have all the reason in the world to entertain but a very ordinary opinion of your prudence , if you made no better use of it . 't is certain , that this reason was invented after the business was over ; and for my own part , i should be loth to dive any further into this secret , since i find you are not willing to make a confident of me . as i am a subject of the most christian king , and your most humble servant , and so forth , i am willing to believe that the prince of wales is your son : but as i am a rational creature , i hope you 'l allow me the liberty to think as i please ; for to deal freely with you , i cannot possibly bring my self over to believe a syllable of this matter , without passing at the same time the severest judgment in the world of your discretion . james ii. why then believe as you please , for it shall never trouble me . but since your hand is in at giving advice , i would willingly know what you would advise me to do at present . la feuillade . in troth , sir , you put me now to a very difficult point . your affairs are too disordered and perplexed , that in my opinion the most refined politicians upon earth , are not able to find out a remedy for them . james ii. they are not so much disorder'd as you imagine ; or if they were , it is not a sin to doubt of the puissence of your king ? don't you know that nothing is impossible for him to do ? and that my cause lying in his hands , cannot fail of success first or last . la feuillade . pray , sir , did you ever read moluri in your life ? james ii. yes , i have read him . but what relation has that to our present subject ? la feuillade . methinks now one finds two characters in that poet , that represent the king of france and james the second to the life : one of them always take true measures ; the other never fails by his imprudence to ruine all the designs that were contrived in favour of him . and now 't is no difficult matter to make an application . james ii. the application is very pretty , and worthy of the duke de la feuillade . that is to say in plain english , the king of france is the prudent mascarille , and i the dull lelie , the sir martin mar-all . la feuillade . we find the very same characters amongst all conditions ; and if we charge the names of the persons in moliere , the rest will not unsuitably agree to your self . james ii. in what particulars do you find that i have ruined the designs which his most christian majesty has set on foot , either to maintain me in my throne , or help me to re-ascend it since my abdication . le feuillade . not to descend to particulars in every thing . the great confidence you placed in your never to be forgotten army , made ●ou refuse those troops which the king of france would have sent over into england to your assistance , a little before the prince of orange landed with his army . 't was contrary to his advice that you were prevailed upon to revoke whatever you had done in favour of the catholick religion , and by that means gave your enemies an occasion to discover your weakness . you discovered such publick testimonies of your fear , when the prince of orange was in your kingdom , that you imprinted that passion in the heart of all your subjects . if you had taken the pains to have commanded in person at the siege of london-derry , that place had certainly been carried by assault , and your enemies had not found it so easie a matter to land in ireland . if instead of beholding the battel at a distance , you had hazarded your person at the passage of the boine , as well as your adversary did his , 't is ten to one but you had rendred the success of that battel doubtful . in a word , sir , give me leave to tell you , a kingdom deserves to have one hazard something for its sake ; and i can assure you , that if you keep at that distance from blows , as you have hitherto done , you are like to continue a dispossest king , though you live as long as a patriarch . our monarch does very well to employ all his efforts to re-establish you , but all his endeavours will be to no purpose , if you push them on no better than you have hitherto done ; nay , your own subjects , who are faithfully devoted to your service , will infallibly forbear to appear any more in your quarrel . james ii. it were no hard matter to answer all your reproaches , if i would but give my self the trouble to do it . but i find all my reasons will be incapable of perswading you . the unfortunate always meet with this entertainment , and the world is more accustomed to judge of enterprizes by their success , then by the reasons a man had to undertake them . i shall content my self to make only one reflexion , which comes first into my head , and that i believe will serve to justifie me . i am sensible i have all manner of obligations to his most christian majesty , because he is the only person who has assisted me , at the same time when all the other catholick princes of europe diverted themselves at the expence of my misfortunes ; and the pope himself , who was in honour bound to espouse my quarrel , could not endure to hear any thing offered on my behalf . nevertheless , i think i have reason to complain a little of the choice which was made of the count de lauzun , to command the troops which were sent over to me . 't is to him , possibly , that i may owe the miscarriage of the war in ireland , through the mistakes which were committed by him . not , that he has any want of courage , which i own he has signalized upon several occasions , but i charge them with want of experience . to give him his due , he 's a very good souldier , but a bad general . la feuillade . nay , never disquiet your self for that matter , for losers are never permitted to be choosers , you were obliged to take him who was offer'd to you . now , all our french generals had conceived such an invincible prejudice to your person ever since your retreat out of england , that not a man of them would go to serve under your orders , for fear of hazarding his reputation . james ii. i must needs own my self then to be a very unhappy man. but cannot your mighty king cause himself to be obeyed if he pleases ; or is there any of his generals that dare refuse him , if he orders them to cross the sea ? la feuillade . not a man , sir ▪ but the king is of so good a disposition , that he only will be obeyed freely and without constraint , and never gives a command to any person , until he knows before hand , that it will be agreeable to him who ought to accept it . james ii. is it possible then , that among so many celebrated generals which the king has in his service , there should not be found so much as one who had generosity enough , and affection for the catholick religion , to come and command the army of a prince , who had rendred himself unfortunate , only by the immoderate zeal which he had for the church ? la feuillade . no , i believe there 's not a man would do it . and as for my self , who am talking to you now , for all i am discarded and without employment , i would rather choose to pass away my time idely in paris , than go hazard my reputation by commanding under your orders . james ii. heaven be prais'd you have not much to hazard ; for i must tell you , with the same freedom as you have talked to me all this while , that this reputation , for which you pretend to be so much concern'd , is not so well established in the world as to deserve all this trouble and caution . la feuillade . 't is not such as you , sir , that have the disposal of my reputation . strangers are not usually acquainted with what passes in our kingdom , and therefore i am not in the least surprized , to see that you are not informed of my character , and who i am . james ii. that would but be so much the worse for you ; since i , who am but a stranger here , and not over well instructed in the affairs of france , yet know very well how little you are esteem'd here , and what an inconsiderable figure you make . come , come , to let you see i am not so unacquainted with your person , as you may believe , the only action for which you have made your self known to the world , was your erecting a statue to the king yonder in the place des victoires . la feuillade . that action , without dispute , was one of the prettiest , noblest , most ingenious things i ever did in my life . i was always of opinion , that the principal duty of a subject , is to advance , as far as in him lies , the glory of his soveraign . james ii. i agree with you in that point . but then a man ought at the very same time to endeavour to advance his own ; for when nothing else comes of such an undertaking but scandal and shame , 't is not so much for the subject's advantage . now you cannot possibly be ignorant to what abundance of railery this false step has exposed you ; and you have certainly read those two gascon verses that were one night affixed in your honour very near the king's statue . what does d' auvusson mean in a blanket to toss us ? ' cause he has rais'd to the king such a mighty colossus ? you have likewse seen , without question , that hexastick which was composed in praise of you , upon occasion of the same statue . while other commanders in battel and war to gather fresh wreaths for our monarch prepare , while they purchase him fame at th' expence of their blood , to bleed in the pocket feuillade thinks it good . one statue he thinks , of his own wise erection , will atone for his sins , and be still his protection . la feuillade . upon my word , sir , i did not believe you had known so many particulars that concern my story : and it may be , i had not discoursed to you with so much freedom , had i thought you had been acquainted with these matters ; was it not lauzun , i pray , who inform'd you of all these pretty passages ? it must certainly be so ; but i mightily admire at the goodness of your memory . surely you must have a great deal of leisure time in ireland , to learn all these foolish stories there . well , well , whatever calumnies we have given the world occasion to asperse us with , yet i think we have no reason to fall a reproaching one another . i am a mareschal of france without reputation , and you are a king of england without a crown . now pray tell me , who is the most unfortunate of us two ? dialogue iv. the duke of lorrain , and the duke of schomberg . lorrain . ha ! am i not deceived ? is it you that i behold , and is the king of france so happy as to lose in so short a time two of his most considerable enemies ? schomberg . you are not mistaken , i am the very same . to acquaint you then with somewhat of my history , you must understand that i commanded the king of england's army , till such time as he came to head them himself . i was at the joyning of the two armies , i was engaged in the fight , i assisted to set every thing in the most advantageous posture , when out of a fear to ravish any part of the glory out of that monarch's hands , to whom it is intirely due , i quitted my post to come to the shades below , and particularly to inform you , for your comfort , that king william iii. is still alive , who alone is in a capacity to reduce the common enemy , that has hitherto disturbed the peace of all europe , and whose restless ambition has thrown him on no less a design then making all the world wear his fetters . lorrain . i agree with you in all the elogies which you bestow upon so great a prince . 't is the greatest satisfaction imaginable for me to understand that he is still alive ; but for all that i cannot forbear the testifying my resentment upon the occasion of your death . without pretending to diminish the least part of his glory , i dare presume to say , that you were no inconsiderable help to him : and i am very well perswaded , that he is not altogether insensible of your loss . schomberg . 't is indeed very true , that several of the dead , who arrived here after me , have assured me , that he was pleased to honour me with a few tears ; but i am willing to attribute them rather to the kindness he had for me , than to the loss he has sustained by my death . lorrain . i perceive you are but newly arrived to these quarters , because you still retain some of the customs of the other world. i ought therefore to inform you , that here below we are altogether insensible to the praises which are given us , and that as we never receive any elogies but what are real and due , so they that receive them , don't make it a matter of ceremony to put them off , or disown them . this method you are to use with me , and all the illustrious dead with whom you are to converse hereafter . schomberg . i am willing to submit to this law , since it was not designed for me alone , but , as you tell me , obliges all of us equally . pursuant to this order you ought to assure me , that although our deaths is very advantageous to the king of france , since it has delivered him from two enemies that were not to be despised , yet it ought to be confess'd that the advantage is equal . lorrain . i don't altogether assent to what you have said . you had without comparison more experience than my self , and whatsoever advance i made in the management of the late war , yet i must own that i had the glory to go to your school , and there to be acquainted with abundance of things that were unknown to me before . lorrain . 't is true , i had somewhat more experience then you ; but you were in the flower of your age , your years did not hinder you from the pursuit of action and you were still learning more and more every day . on the other hand , it was high time for me to consider of a retreat , and the weaknesses of my age would not permit me to execute all those designs which i had formed before . lorrain . i don't know which of us two hated france the most . as for my self , i must own , that as i believed i had all the just occasions in the world to hate her , so i never failed to show it , as opportunity served . schomberg . 't is no wonder that your aversion to her was so great , since you suck'd it in with your milk. if you 'l pardon the expression , and received it by way of inheritance from your ancestors . besides , she barbarously despoiled you of your paternal inheritance , and that was too gross and insupportable an injury to be ever forgotten . but now to come to my own case , none of my family had the least reason to complain of the most christian king , and till the last persecution , i had all manner of obligations to thank lewis the fourteenth . if i served him faithfully and honestly , he took care to recompence all my services . my religion at last compelled him to enjoyn my retirement , and i presently obeyed him . notwithstanding all this i have entertained no particular hatred for the person of the king , for which i shall ever preserve a great esteem and respect . as i was left at liberty to dispose of my self so i believed it was lawful for me to engage in another service . the king put me out of a capacity of serving him any longer , but though this conduct appear'd somewhat rude and severe , yet it never prevailed upon me so far , as to extinguish the memory of all my former obligations . i was very glad that the late conjuncture did not carry me to make war directly against him , and if i had been obliged to have done it , by the duty of my charge , i had done it , i confess , but not without some little regret , and some particular concern . lorrain . behold a generous temper of mind , and which is to be parallel'd but by very few examples in the world. however , give me leave to use the freedom with you , as to tell you , that there was a particular circumstance in your case , which may abundantly justifie your aversion . the king of france never obliged me in all his life , and never received any manner of service from me , so i never expected any kind usage at his hands : but as for your self , you have all the reason in the world to imagine , that since you had done so much for him , he would never repay you with so black an ingratitude . you have declared that you were not influenced by any passion of hatred ; on the other hand , i freely own that it mingled it self in all my actions , and therefore upon that consideration i will agree with you , that the king of france had a more formidable enemy in me than in your self . and yet at the same time , i can never prevail with my self to own that my death was more advantageous to him than yours . since his majesty of great britain set himself at the head of his own troops , he knew not where to find a general in whom they reposed so much confidence , as in your self . the army could not believe you were capable of taking any false measures ; they assured themselves you forsaw all the contingencies of war , and therefore they slept with as much security in their camp , as if they had been in the best fortified place of europe . they were sensible that you never went upon uncertainties , that you never hazarded the main chance , or left things at random to the decision of fortune , and this made them march under your orders to the battle as to an assured victory . you must needs own , after all , that the french , who have a considerable number in the english army , and many of whom served under you formerly in france ; you must needs own , i say , that the french regarded you as a common father , that they were so well accustomed to your orders , that they understood you at half a word , and that they had a certain kind of emulation amongst them , which should execute your commands with the greatest readiness and vigour . i am afraid that though king william the third has placed himself at the head of them , they will never have a general who was more agreeable to them , and whom they obeyed with greater pleasure and submission . in fine , though they use to say that the dead never afflict themselves with the affairs of the other world , yet i cannot forbear to be sensibly concerned at seeing you here , considering what a loss the allies have sustain'd in you . schomberg . i am willing to confess that i was not altogether unuseful to the allies , but then there is a vast difference in this case between you and me . experience has sufficiently demonstrated to the world , that the loss is not equal . i am informed by several of the dead who are lately arrived here , that my death did not hinder the king from gaining the battle , that he rendred himself master of dublin afterwards , and of the better part of ireland ; so true it is that such a person as my self might be spared well enough . but now to come to you , one cannot compare the last years compaign with this , without seeing sensibly how necessary your presence was to the allies . you took mentz , where there were posted near ten thousand of the enemy , and afterwards marched to the city of bonne , which could not avoid surrendring herself to you . but since your death , the germans have done nothing at all , and i am told that the last campagn has past without taking the least spot of ground . and do you think now that matters had gone at this rate , if you had not been dead ? lorrain . can , what you say , be possibly true ? you are ill informed without question , and it must certainly be some frenchified ghost or other , who has acquainted you with this piece of news . schomberg . nay , what i have told you is true to a syllable . that was visibly the state of the german affairs when i left the world ; and the few dead germans we see arrive here , are a sufficient argument to prove the truth of it . lorrain . to say the truth , i was somewhat surprized to see them drop so one after another . what , thought i with my self , if they had given battle upon the banks of the rhine , or if they had been employed in the siege of any place , it were impossible but we should behold whole droves of them tumbling down every day . and yet all this while , we could see but a vew sad sorry souls , the lord knows , come down to us , poor vermine that dyed of diseases in their beds , to inform us of what passed in the campagn , and what other remarkable occurrences happen'd in the world. schomberg . you reason'd justly enough . ever since we had no more of the duke of lorrain's assistance , the emperour has made no further advances , and this may serve to prove how necessary you were to him . besides the general interest of the empire , which principally moved you to embarque in that affair , you had likewise a particular interest of your own to pursue , and that so powerfully influenced to make use of all opportunities against the common enemy . you hated all slow phlegmatick deliberations , or if they were taken , you gave your self no repose till they were put in execution . all the world obeyed your orders with joy . the prosperity of your arms gave occasion of envy but to a small number of disaffected men , over whom you triumphed at last in the emperour's council . he knew you went readily to work , and that you had no temptation upon you to protract his affairs by a dilatory conduct , so he was accustomed to follow your advice , and to submit himself to what you judged expedient . lorrain . but what has become all this while of the d. of bavaria ? who , in an age not so far advanced as mine was , has all the experience and prudence that is necessary to command the imperial forces . schomberg . 't is indeed very true , that the duke of bavaria is a gallant prince , that he is the honour , no less than the support of the empire , and that if his advice had been always exactly followed , the emperour's affairs had not been in so declining a condition . but the consideration of his being so young , has been the reason why his counsels have not been always hearkened unto , and why several of the princes of the empire have refused to serve under him there have been abundance of disputes upon this subject in the emperour's councel , and if some persons in the world might have had their wills , he had never received the command of the imperial army . lorrain . give me leave to tell you , that all this mischief did not come only from that quarter . i have often represented to the emperour , that it was high time to conclude a peace with the turk , and if my advice had been followed , it had been ratified these three years ago . it unfortunately happened , that the emperour's interest at that juncture seem'd to be linked with my own , so every body believed that what i spoke was out out of a regard to my own particular advantage , and this was sufficient to make my counsel be laid aside . i would have fain given them to understand , that it was not material to the question , whether that peace would be for my own advantage , or no , for i was willing to agree with them in that point ; but whether the interest of the whole empire and emperour did not require them to make a peace , and that was the thing i laboured to make appear . but 't was to no purpose ; they believed i only spoke for my self , and rejected every thing that seem'd favourable to my designs , and so they gave their opinion for continuing the war. at the same time , i desired them to inform me what advantage the emperour would draw from thence . suppose ( says i ) he chases the turk even to the walls of constantinople ; what will he be a farthing the better to make himself master of a desolate uninhabited country ? when at the same he has another enemy at his back , who , if he please , may ravage the whole empire , and ruine the better part of germany . schomberg . the original of all this mischief proceeds from their having too despicable an opinion of his most christian majesty . i have often said at the beginning of the war , that they would be deceived every man of them in this particular . i have served in france all my life time , i have almost passed through every degree of military preferment , and at last i had the honour of commanding in chief . i know very well now the army is composed , and i dare pretend to maintain , that there 's a necessity not only for all the forces of the empire , but of all the allies into the bargain , to reduce her into moderate bounds . she alone has as great an army as all the allies together , and an army that have shew'd upon all occasions , that there is not a better in europe . they are paid to the utmost exactness , and though their pay is not so very great , yet the regularity of it atones for the default . they are obliged to observe the military discipline to the highest severity , and whosoever violates the laws , is punished without any mercy . the generals and officers who command them , are men of courage , experience , and honour , and above all , they have an unconceivable affection and duty for their soveraign . the king very exactly recompenses all those who have deserved well of him , and punishes without distinction those that fail in their duty . one may say at the same time , that he does not weigh a man faults and services in the same scale ; for although you have perfectly acquitted your self in your duty all your life before , yet all this is accounted for nothing , if you have been guilty of one notorious transgression . people believe that the king of france is in want of mony , but i could wish with all my soul that the allies lay under no greater exigences . whatever he spends does not depart out of his own kingdom , his money only passes out of his hands to his subjects , and from them circulates into his own exchequer . in short , as a man may say , that the councel of france is properly composed of the king and monsieur de louvois , so 't is the most secret councel in europe , as well as the readiest . lorrain . i agree to every thing you say , but am very glad that none of the dead besides my self hears you . upon my word they would take you for a spy and creature of france , and bring you before one of the judges here in hell , or at least raise the mob against you . schomberg . i know very well that there are abundance of people in the world that wont allow you to speak a syllable of the puissance of the french king , and what is very surprizing , although they feel every day evident proofs of it , yet they would oblige a man to shut his eyes , that he may perceive nothing . these are the men that turn the most disadvantageous things to their own advantage and will pretend that the battle of fleurt , and the naval engagement were mighty blessings to the allies . according to their reckoning france is a very desolate place , void of men and money , and knows not to what saint to make her applications under the present extremity : after all , i wou'd willingly know what is the intent of all this discourse , and what they would be at . i could wish with all my heart that things were as they give out ; and if the publishing of them only would render them true , no man should employ his talent louder against france than my self . but all this idle stuff does not signifie a farthing , all our discourses don't alter the nature of things , and ten thousand words are not capable of diminishing the armies of lewis the fourteenth . i am willing to believe that there are some persons in the world that speak immoderate things of the power of that prince , but then the number of them is so inconsiderable , in respect of the other party , that they don't deserve a formal confutation . for my own part , if it were necessary for me to take one side or other , i would rather chose to be of the former than the latter . every one knows that nothing is so dangerous as to despise an enemy , on the other hand , 't is but reasonable to form the most advantageous idea of him . this will oblige us to neglect no opportunity of using our utmost efforts against him , and to take the truest and justest measures in order to reduce him . i am very well perswaded , that it had been better for the princes of europe if they had used their greatest efforts , and if some others , who pretend to pass for allies , had been of this opinion . one ought not to be accounted a pensioner of france for speaking after this rate ; and 't is the most horrid injustice in the world to draw so ill a consequence from it . lorrain . 't is indeed very true what you have said . i will only add , that if it should ever happen that france should come by the best on 't , those gentleman ought not hastily to judge the worst of those men who were of another opinion . there are two sorts of men in the world : one is full of fire and heat , their blood boils perpetually within them , and they are apt to imagine that every thing is for their advantage . the other is of a cold and fearful temperament , faith and hope have nothing to do in their constitution , i mean as to their best offices , for they always believe and fear the worst . 't is therefore but a piece of justice to attribute those great idea's which some perhaps have entertain'd about the puissance of the french , rather to this spirit of fear , and coldness of temperature , than to any desire to see the enemy triumph , and the allies be vanquished . but , my dear duke , 't is not reason which guides most people in the world , they are prejudiced by their passions , they are divided into several parties ; and few , very few are so happy as to behold things with disinteressed eyes , and with a clear and distinct view . when there appears an unknown man in company , who reasons upon the present affairs , we don't amuse our selves so far , as to examine his reasons , to see whether they are good or bad ; that discussion would be too troublesome , and few persons would think it worth their while . we only content our selves with considering , whether what this unknown person has said , agrees with our inclinations , or no ; if it does , he has reason on his side , and cannot deceive us ; but if it happen otherwise , he 's a pensioner and a spy without any further trouble . and now to conclude , 't is very well that none of the dead understands us , for perhaps we might meet with a great deal of vexation upon that score . schomberg . but cannot we be so happy then as to meet with some of the unprejudiced dead , who are convinced of the truth of what we have said ? lorrain . upon my word , it would be a very great trouble to find one of that character . you must know , that men carry along with them the very same passions which they entertained in the other world , into these territories , and as every one has engaged himself more or less in one party or another , so 't is a difficult matter to distinguish them and make them quit their beloved sentiments . schomberg . well then , since 't is so , let us e'en be silent , for i perceive we are in the enemies country . dialogue v. the duke of lorrain , and the elector palatine . lorrain . what , another yet ? sure 't is a clymaterick year for the enemies of france : i am just now come from the ghost of the duke of schomberg , and i fancy i perceive that of the elector palatine . elector . nay , you are not deceived . 't is the very same . but i think it is not necessary to run to the influence of the stars to give a reason for either of our deaths . i am threescore and five years old ; the duke of schomberg was older , and besides that at the head of an army . there was no occasion for the stars to be concern'd in our destiny , or to hasten our death at this age. 't is nothing but what is very natural ; and if lewis the fourteenth is obliged to any thing upon that score , 't is rather to the number of our years , than to the influences of the planets . lorrain . 't is very true what you say . it is no difficult matter to perceive that only nature is concern'd in these events , but still nature is too simple and obvious a thing for some men : they love mysteries dearly in every thing , as well as in religion ; and i dare engage , that though there was nothing but what was meerly natural in my death , that some people have not fail'd to assign it to a secret cause . elector . you need not question it . in short , you died of poison . france took care to give it you by corrupting some of your domesticks , or else by dispatching a jesuite to do you that kindness , for the world says , you had no over great esteem for that society . lorrain . well , but did not those who assisted at my death , attested that i died of a squinancy ? elector . yes : but people answer'd again , that 't was a report industriously spread to hinder that secret , and disguise the true cause of your death . others said , that there was store of all sorts of poison in the place where you were , that 't is the nature of some poison to suffocate those persons that take it ; and that 't was with a dose of the latter sort that you were regaled . lorrain . alas ! 't was the former . i ought to be believed upon my word , i really died of a squinancy ; and as for the latter , i leave it to the decision of those worthy gentlemen , the physicians . they are too ingenious a sort of men to be mistaken in so palpable a matter ; and methinks i hear them very gravely maintain , that the occasion of my death was for taking some suffocativum toxicum . elector . nay , let them look to what they say . we shall not dye the less for all that ; but nothing grieves me so much , as that france is like to be a gainer by our deaths . lorrain . likely enough . one may say that you and i were the two great wheels , upon which the whole affairs of germany turned , and especially all those measures that were formed against the crown of france . it was your province to concert matters , as it was mine to put them in execution . you know his most christian majesty in the manifesto which he published at the last siege of philipsburg , did not fail to acquaint the world , that you had incessantly sollicited all the princes of europe to associate against him . however , i am in good hopes , that the loss of you is not irreparable , and that his electoral highness , your son , as he has inherited your estate , has also inherited the hatred which you had so justly entertained against lewis the fourteenth , and the authority which you had so deservedly acquired in the imperial court. elector . as for his hatred , i have nothing more to say to it , but that i suppose he has enough for his occasion : but as for the authority of which you spoke , i am afraid whether he is so fortunate as to possess it . the quality of being the empresses father gave me a certain authority , which that of a brother does not invest one with . besides , i had been for a long while acquainted with the imperial court , i perfectly knew all the intreagues and methods of it : on the other hand , the electoral prince , my son , is but a novice there , and consequently is not in a capacity of taking the justest measures against the enemy of my family . lorrain . you have however this to comfort you , that after all , you lived long enough to see an honourable provision made for your family , though it was so numerous . 't is about a year ago , since you were in danger of quitting this world ; but as if death it self had a mind to favour you , it gave you leisure enough to marry one of your daughters to the prince of parma , another to the prince of poland , and to secure the crown of portugal to your house , by obtaining the infanta for his electoral highness your son. elector . for as much as i see , you have been but very ill informed . lorrain . what say you then ? is it not true ? these three marriages i thought were as good as concluded before i left the other world. elector . the first is consummated , the second is pretty well advanced , but the third is clearly broke off . lorrain . why , you mightily surprize me now . from whence i pray proceeded this sudden change ? did not the grand master of the teutonick order conduct the queen , your daughter , into spain , and was he not to touch at lisbon , in his way home , to conclude the marriage of the electoral prince with the infanta , and carry her along with him into germany ? elector . all this is very true . the grand master effectually dispatched his business in spain , and was just come to the frontiers of portugal , when an unexpected message he received upon the way obliged him to return back . they made a report be raised that the occasion of it was , because the grandees of portugal were not as yet resolved to assent to this business , but indeed there was another mystery in the case . lorrain . for god's sake deliver me of my pain , and tell me what it was ? elector . we were informed that the king of france had appear'd in the market before us , and play'd his cards so well with the king of portugal , as to obtain the infanta for the dauphin his son lorrain . and is the infanta then married to the dauphin ? elector . no , no. at the same time when she was ordered to prepare for her passage into france , there happened a strange unlooked for accident , that broke off the march. lorrain . see what rubs and disappointments now and then happen in the world. a man would be apt to conclude that this princess is destined never to be married . but pray tell me , what sort of accident this was . elector . why , upon the upshot of the matter , they found that the infanta had never been consulted , and that she had disposed of her heart elsewhere . lorrain . i fancy you are in a humour of raillery . for does not all the world know that the daughters of princes are but so many politick victims , which they use to sacrifice to the publick good , without ever consulting their inclinations in private ; and though we don't so much take advice of their hearts , as of a certain thing which is christen'd by the name of raison d'etat , when we dispose of them by way of marriage . let the infanta give her heart to whom she pleases , provided she 'll allow the use of her body to the spouse whom the king her father has provided for her . elector . but what will you say , if she disposed of her body , at the same time when she gave away her heart , or if a clandestine marriage put a stop to the procedure . i dare not positively affirm that the case was so with her . but however it was , the marriage with the dauphin was broke off ; the infanta is at present in a convent , and one of the grandees of the court lost his life under a pretence for being concern'd in a certain intrigue . as for the electoral prince , my son , he is in the same condition he was in , when you left the other world. lorrain . the adventures of this princess are very singular , and i question whether we can furnish our selves with any thing so surprizing , either in history or romance . she was first of all to have been married to the duke of savoy , but he had no great inclinations for her , and all his subjects opposed it . many years after this a match was proposed between her and the duke of tuscanies son , but the great duke took care to set some invincible obstacles in the way . then they thought of giving her to the prince palatine , but the king of portugal deceived him . after all , that monarch promised her to the dauphin of france , and then she her self stept in and opposed it . she gave her self to a grandee of portugal , and that cost the poor lover his life ; for i perceived very well that that was your meaning , when you first made mention of a grandee of that court. after so many disappointments and unlucky chances there was no other way left than to make a retreat . but how comes it about that the prince of poland's marriage with the princess your daughter has been so long protracted , for i thought i left it just upon the point of being concluded . elector . the king of poland , who saw how ardently the emperour desired that alliance , has been the only remora in the business . lorrain . now , i always thought that the match was no less for his interest than his imperial majesties . by this means he could promise himself to secure the crown to his son ; and what could he desire more ? elector . why in truth the king of poland believed , that it was better to have something that was real and positive , than to feed himself with chimera's and uncertainties . he considered that i was old , that after my death the scene of affairs might be altered , and that the affection which the emperour exprest for the match , might hereafter happen to be changed . when it was no longer supported by my authority with him : that as his imperial majesty had a numerous family , so it was not impossible , but that he might be prevailed upon one time or another to prefer one of his own children , before the prince of poland , who would only be his brother in law. lorrain . what could the king of poland demand besides ? elector . he pretended that they ought to give him moldavia and malachia , whose princes you know abandoned the turks to become tributaries to the emperour . you are not ignorant how he has had an aking tooth for those two provinces this long while ago , and he believed this was a favourable opportunity to obtain the possession of them . lorrain . and did the emperour then agree to this demand ? elector . no , no , he was far from liking the proposal . those two provinces , you know , formerly made a part of the kingdom of hungary , they are very advantageously scituated near it , so that nothing but meer constraint could ever make the emperour part with them to poland , now he had them in his hands . lorrain . so then the marriage of the princess of newburgh , which every one concluded was as good as over , by this means is broke off to all intents and purposes . elector . why there you are mistaken ; the grand seigneur has made up the breach ; and thanks to his endeavours , the match , of which we have been discoursing , was happily concluded after all these difficulties . lorrain . the grand siegneur , did you say , made up the breach ? that is a mystery , i confess , which i cannot decipher . pray explain the meaning of this riddle to me . elector . you know there 's such a man in the world as teckely prince of transilvania . the grand seigneur lent him an army to enter that province ; a considerable body of tartars joyned him . the hospadars of walachia and moldavia seeing him so well supported , have reassumed their ancient engagements , and turned tail upon the emperour . his imperial majesty seeing himself utterly abandoned by them , and not in a condition to keep them any longer in his hands , made no difficulty , they say , to resign them to poland , with this proviso , that the two provinces may make this cession void , when they judge it expedient . lorrain . behold a strange and surprizing revolution ! i did not at all question the ill inclinations of the hospodars , but i thought they were not capable to put them in execution , but that making a virtue of necessity , they would submit to the emperour's yoke , since they could not otherwise avoid it . why surely the turks and tartars have been very well employed by the polish forces , to be able to make themselves masters of transilvania so soon . elector . you mean that they have not been at all employed there . and now when any one would believe that these new engagements , into which the king of poland has entred , would oblige him to use his utmost efforts to repel the common enemy , is it not matter of the greatest admiration , to find him not only negligent as to the adjusting his affairs against the next campaign , but also to act less ( if it were possible ) than he has done for some years last past ? some people imagine that all this proceeds from want of ability ; but others believe he has very good reason to make use of this conduct . lorrain . methinks i am acquainted with some of them . this prince without question is more apprehensive of the ill neighbourhood of the emperour , than that of the hospodars . those you know are not in a capacity to ravish the crown from the prince his son , but whatever precautions he may use on the emperour's side , he 's not assured for all that they will succeed . it will be ten times easier for him to justifie his pretences against these little princes , and if moldavia and walachia were once more in the hands of his imperial majesty , he would run the hazard of losing them for ever . upon this score he 's willing to give the hospodars an opportunity to shake off their new yoke , which their necessities obliged them to receive . as soon as that is once done , i don't question but he 'l put his army in a better posture . elector . you are much in the right . a new comer to these lower regions informed me , that his troops are marched to a rendezvous , and that the tartars being advertised of these motions , returned back to budziak . in the mean time the blow is struck , and the turks have regained almost every thing they had a mind to . lorrain . to say the truth , i am desperately afraid that fortune has ceased to persecute the infidels , and if i had been believed , we had not tarried for the reverse of our good luck , to accommodate matters with them . whatever sentiments some flatterers may have prepossessed the emperour with , i am sure he 'll find it a difficult task to maintain the war at the same time against two such formidable powers as the king of france , and the great turk . if he divides his forces equally , he will be constrained to act only on the defensive part ; and if he employs the better part of his men on one side , he will be in danger of losing as much that way , as he will gain the other . elector . experience does but too well justifie the truth of what you say . the whole campagne was spent in defending our selves against the french upon the rhine , and the turks in servia . yet still it had been some comfort for us , if we had managed our game as well as the enemy has done ; but to our shame be it spoken , we have done nothing at all , even when the advantage lay on our side . the dauphin ordered his affairs so well , as to make his troops subsist one part of the summer in the enemies country ; and we have a great deal of reason to believe that the infidels will recover nissa , widin , and perhaps belgrade it self before the end of the campagne , without reckoning at the same time the progress of teckely's arms in transylvania . lorrain . we ought to hope however that better measures will be taken against next summer . well , let us leave this care to the living . as for us that are dead , the affairs of the other world don't concern us ; let what will happen there , we shall neither be the better , nor worse . dialogue vi. louis the fourteenth . le marquis de louvois . louis . to say the truth , i am well enough satisfied with this summers campagne , and if james the second had seconded me , i should reckon this year amongst the most fortunate years of my whole life . in effect , what could i desire more , being attacked , as i was , on all sides , almost by all the powers of europe , and assisted by none of any regard , than to preserve my conquests ? it would be too great a presumption to aspire after new victories under so many disadvantages . m. de louvois . 't is indeed very true , that your success has even surpassed our expectation . you remember , sir , without question , that we reckon'd upon the loss of philipsburg and montroyal , and that your majesty was of opinion , we should come off very well , if we were only forced to quit those two places . louis . i remember it full well ; but then we never reckoned upon the loss of ireland , and yet you know that kingdom is as good as gone . and now i am not fully satisfied , whether it had not been better for our affairs to have lost philipsburg and montroyal to the enemy , provided we could have kept ireland in our hands still . 't is evident , that as long as the prince of orange had that bone to pick , he could never think of passing the sea. on the contrary , we must expect to see him next summer in flanders , at the head of a very considerable army , and i protest to you , i have too good an opinion of him , to imagine that he will lose any time , in only observing the posture of my troops . m ▪ de louvois . nay , sir , what you say is but too true ; and i begin to perceive one mighty fault we have committed , and which is , i am afaid , irreparable . the too good opinion we had of the king of england has ruined all . we believed we could not provide the army in ireland with a better general , and that is the reason , why we were content to send the count de lauzun along with him . if the business were to be done again , and you had ordered one of your experienced generals to cross the seas , i much question whether the prince of orange had found it so easie a matter to reduce that island . louis . that would not have been sufficient . for in the first place , we must have sent for all the irish forces , and returned french troops in the room of them . we must have given orders for our men to work perpetually in the fortifying all those places which they had judged proper to preserve , and especially the sea-port towns. i own they had time enough to have done all this , and then they had been in a condition to dispute every foot of earth , and to have protracted the war much longer . as for the irish , they might have been employed either in garrisons , or else in catalonia , in the room of those troops that were drawn from thence , where their courage and bravery ( if they had any ) were not in fear of being the worse for using . m. de louvois . i agree to all that your majesty has said . but surely , sir , you have not forgot , how 't was feared we should utterly forfeit the affection of the english , if we put our selves absolutely in the possession of ireland ; and you know we expected no inconsiderable things at that time from what our friends were able to perform in england . louis . there was , i confess , a grand mistake in the management of that affair . but 't is too late to repent of it now . i find i have nothing to trust to but my sword , and if i were to begin again , i would have sent some fifty thousand men into england , to maintain the king there upon his throne , and preserve that crown for him , which he has lost only by reposing too great a confidence in his subjects . but now that opportunity is lost , and we have not so much spare time upon our hands as to spend it in any impertinent complaints for what is passed ; rather let us make provision for what may happen hereafter . therefore let me know , what is to be done under the present exigences , to dissipate that tempest that so secretly threatens to visit me by the beginning of the next spring . m. de louvois . the first thing you ought to think of in my opinion , is to set on foot as numerous an army , as is possible for you , to resist that mighty torrent of enemies which is ready to descend upon you . if you see it absolutely impossible to maintain the war any longer in ireland , i would advise you to draw back , not only the french forces as soon as you can , but also as many of the irish as are willing to continue in your service . you may find employment enough for them in italy and catalonia . louis . the irish , you know , are the worst souldiers in the world ; employ them in what part of the world you will , they are the same men still ; cowardice and ignorance are all their ingredients . i question whether men that are so hardened and confirmed in running away , will ever do me any good . m. de louvois . why then , sir , as you was saying before , you may employ them in such places , where there is no probability of any great action . besides , 't is not utterly impossible , but that a little experience in the world may correct the awkwardness of their constitution . two compagnes may perhaps inspire them with another spirit . your majesty has formerly entertained some of that country in your armies , and they were not unserviceable to you . but to quit this digression the principal thing we are to mind , is to make choice of our most vigorous and most disciplin'd troops against the prince of orange ; for he is the most formidable enemy we have to deal with . at the same time you may amuse the rest of the allies any other side your majesty pleases . louis . you are in the right . but the question i would be resolved in , is , which way the prince will turn his arms after the reduction of ireland , that i may oppose him in time with the most considerable part of my forces . you know that generally speaking we are never acquainted with his designs , till it is too late to prevent them ; and in what an embarras do you think i shall be , if at the same time when i attend his coming in flanders with a considerable army , he makes a descent upon any of my provinces . he must of course be master there , since there will be no body almost in a capacity to repel him . m. de louvois . without doubt , sir , such a case would be perplexing enough . but however if you 'l permit me to form my own conjecture , i don't see there 's any great probability that the prince of orange designs to make any such descent , till he has rendred himself absolute master at sea. he is too prudent and well-advised to expose his person in a strange country , without securing a retreat to himself , in case he should meet with ill success . now , before he can be master of the seas , 't is necessary for him to gain a naval victory , and then indeed he may have leisure and security enough to make a descent . but then if such a misfortune should happen to us , we shall have warning enough in all conscience to withdraw our forces out of flanders to hinder the enemies landing . therefore 't is my opinion , that it will be the best way to set as numerous a fleet out to sea , as you equipt the last campagn , with orders to mind the safety of the kingdom , and not to hazard any thing by way of engagement , unless they are as good as secured before hand of the victory . this is the only way , as i imagine , to obviate the misfortune of an invasion . louis . there 's some comfort in what you say , but 't is not sufficient to cure all my apprehensions . i have a vast extent of land to guard , so that when my fleet is busie in one place , that of my enemies will have opportunity enough to make a descent in another . besides , i am afraid of the discontents of my people , and especially of the new converts , who , without dispute , will joyn the enemy as soon as ever he lands . m. de louvois . now in my opinion , this last fear or jealousie of yours is but ill grounded : the number of malecontents is not so great as you imagine , and it will be no easie matter for those persons who are so affected , to execute their wicked designs . as for what concerns the large extent of your coasts , suppose the extent were never so large , yet for all that a descent is not so easily made . let but your fleet watch the motion of the enemies fleet , and pursue them whether they go , and i dare engage you 'll go near to ruine their designs . louis . let us put the case then , the prince of orange does not intend to make a descent upon us , but that flanders will be the scene of his greatest efforts , by what means shall i be able to resist the forces and valour of that prince ? m. de louvois . you have so many fortified places on that side , than you may very well allow to sacrifice two or three of them , in order to save the rest . in the mean time to render every siege more difficult , you must take care to prevent the enemy , you must enter the field in the beginning of the spring ; you must demolish all those places , and ravage all that country , where you imagine the enemy will come to encamp . in fine , 't will be your best policy , to act all the remainder of the year only on the defensive part . louis . i own i have fortified places enough . but there 's one which a man cannot fail to make himself master of as soon as he opens his campagn , leaving the other towns behind him . i know very well , my enemies have no design to meddle with any sieges , but where 't is necessary so to do , in order for them to enter the heart of my kingdom ; and therefore there 's a great deal of probability , that unless i oppose them there , they will immediately besiege that place i was speaking off . now what remedies shall we apply in this case ? m. de louvois . i perceive 't is philipville you mean. but the place , as i take it , is strong enough , and in all appearance , if it is furnished with a sufficient garrison , and every thing necessary for a siege , the enemies , let them be never so furious , will find entertainment enough there for the whole compagn . therefore if they sit down before the siege of it , it must be our business to endeavour to raise it . we will leave in germany but just as many troops as will be necessary to divert the imperialists , and so having united our forces , we shall be in a better capacity to relieve the place . louis . i have very often found my account in these different marches and countermarches , which i have order'd my armies to make . by this means i have deceived the enemy , and in some manner have supplied and made out the small numbers of my men . but then you 'll grant me , that these movements weary my forces exceedingly , and that if this hard service were to continue any time , it would be altogether insupportable . m. de louvois . 't is a long while ago since i have been sensible of this inconvenience , but 't is impossible to avoid it . all that we can do , is to make the souldier amends in his winter quarters , where he shall not be obliged to undergo any fatigues , but may have full liberty to enjoy that repose , which was denied him in the summer . the burghers will suffer any thing , and reason good , since you preserve them in their lives and properties from the invasion of the enemy . there are other ways besides to recompence these extraordinary services of the souldiers , as by taking care to provide them all necessaries at a reasonable rate as long as they are incamped , and this will encourage them to pass by the severity of the other duty . as for the cavalry , by means of these magazines , and the great exactness with which the camp is managed , there will be no occasion for them to forrage at any distance , and so the trouble which is spared them on this side , is supplied by the fatigues they suffer by making different movements . louis . although the remedies you have mentioned will not be able to avert all those mischiefs that my enemies have designed me , yet i perceive they 'll serve to alleviate them , and that is all we can propose to our selves . so i will trouble you no more for what concerns flanders , and the designs of the prince of orange . but what think you of the germans ? m. de louvois . i can only tell you , that if a peace had been concluded with the turk , and the princes that compose that great body , would understand their own interest , you 'd have more reason to be apprehensive of them , than the prince of orange . but 't is very happy for us , that it is impossible for so great a number of heads , that pursue so many different interests , ever to agree as they should . i say , that pursue so many different interests : for to do them justice , if one does not see that exact harmony in their councels , which ought to reign there , 't is not so much an effect of the ill humour of the princes that compose those assemblies , as of the nature of the things themselves , as i could easily make it appear . there are some ingenious politicians who have been pleased to maintain , that 't is a perfect miracle how germany could subsist as long as it has done , under that feeble unactive sort of government , to which it is subjected . let it be how it will , one may presume to say , that the germans want nothing , but to be re-united under one general , and if that should ever happen , why then good night to the french monarchy . they are without contradiction the bravest souldiers in europe , and their cavalry is incomparably good. their country is abundantly stocked with men and horses , and both the one and the other are a great deal more indefatigable than the men and horses of your kingdom . louis . 't is indeed very true . but i have one great advantage over them , that their slowness renders all their other good qualities unserviceable . m. de louvois . i confess they are somewhat slow ; but one ought not to attribute that slowness so much to the temperature of their bodies , as to the principal inconvenience i remarked in their constitution , that is to say , the great number of soveraign princes under whom they live : for as an excellent author has very well observed , where there 's a necessity for several heads , and several hands to execute a design , affairs move but very slowly , and there 's more time spent to agree upon the manner of acting , than in the execution it self . what i have said , may be proved from hence , viz. that the hollanders are not so slow as the germans , although they are in a manner of the same constitution , and the reason is , because they are all united under one general governour that hastens their resolutions . but to come back to what i have discoursed of so largely , as their slowness is an incurable distemper , so 't is an extraordinary step to you to facilitate your designs upon them . you may very easily hinder a peace with the turk , by assisting teckely under hand , and by furnishing the grand seigneur with skilful engineers for sieges . this in all probability will gain him some advantageous success upon the imperialists , and consequently will take off the disgust of the war. louis . but all this will scarce hinder the germans from entring in upon us by the way of burgundy . that i confess makes me somewhat uneasie . m. de louvois . i wonder they never did all this while , and i cannot attribute it to any thing else , but to an excess of prudence , that will not permit them to run any hazard , before they are assured of success . i dare engage that your majesty would not have taken these measures , you would have adventured to trust fortune with the matter , you would have forced the passes , and then pacified the swiss cantons with some colourable excuses , after they had been forced . louis . nay , i am not at this time of day to learn my trade : in matters of war i am not unacquainted with the least intrigue . 't is not for warriers to be guilty of any formalities , and a prince at the head of an army , is not obliged to have the map always in his hand , to take care that he never sets foot in the ground of his allies . but don't you think these methods will disoblige the switzers , and if that should happen , what would you advise me to do ? m. de louvois . not to lose any precious time , but immediately to seize on the forrest towns , for fear your enemies should prevent you . you will avoid by this means two great misfortunes that seem to threaten you , i mean , the entrance of the germans by the way of burgundy , and the declaration of the switzers . for 't is not to be presumed they will dare to abandon your party , when they see themselves environed on every side by your forces . louis . it now remains for you to tell me how we shall order our affairs in italy ? m. de louvois . there is no pressing occasion for that . you have pretty handsomly beaten the duke of savoy this campagn , and therefore need not fear any great disturbance from that quarter . let him first regain those places you have taken from him , and then 't will be time enough to consider what we have to do . dialogue vii . the advoyer of berne . the chief syndic of geneva . advoyer . you 'll allow me , i hope , that humane prudence is not far sighted , and that the discreetest men in the world may be sometimes deceived . 't is not so very long , since you looked upon your selves as a ruined people , when the king of france , at the sollicitation of the bishop and canons of annecy , would have taken your tythes from you . you continued to work with all the diligence imaginable upon your fortifications . you implored our assistance , and you gave out that you expected the french army every minute before your walls . but after all , there was nothing done : whether some unexpected accidents happened , that alter'd the designs of lewis the fourteenth ; or whether he had no mind to attack you at that time , you were soon deliver'd of your fear . and now when the war is kindled so very near you , between the duke of savoy and that monarch , you believe you are in a very secure condition , when at the same time you are in more dangerous circumstances than ever . what say you now , sir , after such a notorious example , ought we to lay any great stress upon humane prudence ? sindic . i agree to the maxims you have established : but i don 't at all see the justice of your application . 't is true , we lay under some apprehensions formerly , and perhaps we had no very good grounds for them : and now , i confess , we divert our selves with the quarrels between the court of savoy and france , and if it concerned no body but us , we should not fail on our sides to pour oyl on the fire . but as small an inclination as we have for that duke , yet we countenance his party under hand . one of our captains is in his service with a whole company ; we have privately listed as many refugèes , nay of our own subjects too , as were willing to be employed in the valleys . but we are not afraid , that this will bring us into any premunire , since we don't do it above-board , and the world knows nothing of the matter . 't is indeed very certain , that since the french hath come up to our very gates , and have possessed themselves of chablais , we have been somewhat cautious of the main chance ; but upon the whole , we are satisfied that we have no occasions of fear , since the resident of france has assured us of his master's good intentions , as also monsieur de saint rut , who commands the troops of the most christian king. advoyer . and do you depend upon the protestations of that crown ? sindic . to confess the truth , if we had nothing but that to trust to , we should have no great reason to think our selves secure . but there 's so little likelyhood , that the king designs to disturb us , that it would argue no great store of discretion , to torment our selves upon that score . advoyer . come , come , let me tell you , there 's not so great a likelyhood as you imagine . sindic . let me desire you , sir , not to give your self any trouble , to affright me . i am well enough prepared on my side , and i know full well , that your canton always loves to represent our danger greater than it is , in order to oblige us to throw our selves into your arms , and so to despoil us of the quality of soveraigns , that we may become your vassals . but the example of lausanne ought to make us somewhat careful ; we shall scarce be perswaded to be governed by a bayliff , as that little republick has done ; or if we were capable of the same imprudence , we should , like them , have leisure enough to repent . all the harm that can arrive to us from what has lately happend in savoy , is to eat less capons , to live in a narrower compass , and that is no great difficulty . advoyer . nay , nay , now your passion carries you beyond your reason . i know well enough you can never pardon the canton of berne for endeavouring to enslave you , and i am not insensible that you transmit this aversion from father to son by way of inheritance . your hatred is so inveterate , that i believe you have many amongst you , who had rather be in subjection to the king of france , then depend upon the councel of berne ; but this is not the business i come to treat about . if you would be pleased to afford me your attention , i don't question to make it appear , that you are not in such secure circumstances , as you may imagine . sindic . i will listen to you very patiently . advoyer . my fears are founded upon two reasons . the first is , that it seems almost impossible to me , but we must of necessity break with france before the conclusion of the war. that crown , wholly puff'd up with the advantages they have lately had over their enemies , begins to speak in a louder voice , then he has hitherto used . she openly complains of the evangelick cantons , and will not allow them the liberty of a free people , to act as they judge expedient . in fine , she sees they are not devoted to their interest , that they are not influenced by her counsels , and that they are not friends to depend upon . if to lend four thousand men to his majesty of great britain , at the same time when we refuse the french to make up any new recruits amongst us ; if to give liberty to those that are so inclined , to pass through our territories to piedmont ; if to allow conveniences to those refugees , who are in the vallies , to pour themselves into the dauphine , when they see occasion ; if to prohibit their own troops , who are in pay , to serve in any other places , but what were actually possessed by the king in 1663. are not infallible evidences that we are no allies of france , but that we seek every occasion to declare against them , why then i am mistaken in my measures , and you may rally me upon that score as long as you please . sindic . i agree to every thing you say , but however this is so far from giving us any just reasons to be apprehensive of danger , that on the contrary , it confirms our security . for in fine , after you have once declared , you will be obliged to support us , and there is no appearance to believe , that the king of france , who has so many powerful enemies to deal with , will come to besiege a city , which will cost him a great deal of time , and abundance of men. and now , if you please , let me hear your second reason . advoyer . come , come , we are in no such great haste . i shall come to my second reason soon enough ; in the mean time let us spend a little more consideration upon the first . 't is indeed very certain , that when everwe come to declare , you will not run any risque : for besides , that we shall take care to be on our guard , the first thing we shall do , is to send thirty thousand men into your territories , as well to defend you , as to keep the frontiers . but perhaps this may never happen . sindic . let me desire you to explain your self . advoyer ▪ the cantons , you may be sure , will never declare first , but content themselves to favour the party of the allies under hand . the king , who will soon be sensible that an open war will be of less disadvantage to him , than all his secret practises ▪ will take other measures . he will no longer keep any correspondence with us , and geneva and basle will run the hazard of falling into his hands , before we are aware . sindic . i understand you very well , and to say the truth , what you say seems probable enough . but then there 's a vast difference between the case of basle and geneva ; that , you know , is a city without any matter of defence , and you may batter down their walls with rotten apples . but geneva is at present in a condition of defending it self , and besides we shall give you time enough to come to our assistance . advoyer . i would advise you not to flatter your self , dear friend of mine ; geneva is not in a better case than basle . 't is true you have fortifications , but they don't signifie much , your city is easily commanded from several places . i would only desire three bombs to reduce all your houses into ashes , and make your burghers cry pecavi . besides , you may consider , if you please , that a siege is not so easie to be raised , and that if you were once invested , and the french well intrenched in their camp , it would be a difficult matter for our militia to oblige them to decamp . now savoy being possessed , as it is , by the king of france , nothing can hinder you from being invested , even before you dream of any such thing . sindic . i begin to apprehend that your suspicions and fears are not ill grounded , and that the affairs of savoy , which we looked upon to make for our security , may , for all we know , carry a very doleful consequence . advoyer . you will be the more effectually convinced , if you will carefully listen to my second reason . have you never heard it said , that the turk never attacks the christian princes , where they are in arms one against another , fearing lest he might oblige them to agree , and turn their forces against him ? perhaps something like this may befall your republick , and that without falling upon either lewis the fourteenth , or the duke of savoy , these two princes may come to agree at your expence and sorrow . you need not be informed , that both of them have a great longing to enjoy your city , and particularly the duke , who looks upon you as no other than a pack of rebellious graceless subjects , who have withdrawn your selves from your allegiance . now may it not so fall out , that the king , to gratifie that prince , may sometime or other deliver you into his hands ? i fancy now i have said nothing , but what is agreeable to reason . sindic . such a thing might happen , i confess , if 't were the king's interest to make the duke of savoy great ; but you know 't is his interest to keep him as low as may be , and the case being so , he will never permit him to make himself master of so considerable a place as geneva . advoyer . what you say seems probable enough at first sight . but if you 'll compare the advantage which his most christian majesty may draw from a peace with the duke to the advantage which will arrive to him , by suffering geneva to fall into the duke's hands , 't is not to be set in the ballance : he will gain infinitely more by that means , than be a loser . afterwards , you know some occasion or other may present it self to make him retake that which he has given : but as you rightly observe , that would be no great comfort to you , it would only make you change the manner of your slavery , and not be restored to your former liberty . sindic . i apprehend your reason very well , and begin to perceive that they carry a great deal of evidence and strength with them . it seems at present , that i ought to fear your rupture with france , which i desired so earnestly a little while ago . in short , it would be a very powerful temptation to the duke of savoy , considering his present circumstances , if the king should offer to restore all he has taken from him , and joyn both their forces against geneva and the suisses , upon condition to deliver that place to him , and a certain part of the vallies , which formerly belonged to him . but let me conjure you to tell me , how you will order your affairs , as to prevent all those evils , that threaten both you , and the rest of us . advoyer . we depend very much upon the duke of savoy , who has solemnly promised and sworn that nothing shall be capable of making him to depart from the interest of the allies , though it be at the expence of the last drop of his blood , and the loss of his territories . at the same time , not to mince matters , we are under some perplexities . 't is true , we want no men , but then we want both money and good captains ; and what is a greater mortification to us , we don't know where to supply our selves with either . we have indeed provisions enough before hand to serve us for two or three months , and that is all ; but as for generals , we have none , and yet , you know , our troops cannot well be supported without them . sindic . why then recall your troops out of france , they are well enough furnished with experienced souldiers and generals . advoyer . pray don't talk of that matter . i cannot think of it without being sensibly afflicted . can you inform me what would happen , in case we should judge it expedient to recall them ? the better part of them , finding themselves better in france than they would be at home amongst us , would refuse to obey our summons ; and judge you what a terrible mortification it would be to us , to see they are rather the subjects of the most christian king , than ours . besides , 't is not to be doubted , but that the king would keep them as prisoners of war , but especially all such as should entertain any designs of coming home , and those to be sure would be the smallest number . sindic . to be plain with you , both of us are at present under very unpleasant circumstances , and those people that condemn the suisses for not declaring , speak indeed for their own interest , but don't sufficiently consider what they say . advoyer . you are in the right ; and i believe , a more politick refined people than we pretend to be , would find themselves embarrassed enough in conscience under our circumstances . dialogue viii . cardinal ottoboni . the duke de chaulnes . cardinal . his holiness has told me a hundred times , that the fear he has of quitting the world before he sees a general peace concluded amongst the christian princes , will certainly hasten his death ; and i can assure you , you have no better way to make your court to him , than by perswading the king your master to sacrifice all his particular interests for the good of christendom . duke . the king will be ready to make a peace at any time , but then he ought not to be affronted ; he will never endure that . they are mightily mistaken in their reckoning , that believe the prodigious number of his enemies , whom he has upon his hands , can make him lose an ace of his resolution and courage . 't is on the other hand apparent , he understands his own strength a great deal better than ever he did ; and the case being so , he is not a prince that you can suppose guilty of making a false step . cardinal . let him never demand a peace , say i , but till he pleases : yet let him not at the same time reject the mediation of those princes , who are not engaged in the war , and who declare their inclinations to procure it . duke . the king , my master , has never refused to listen to such a proposal . but 't is worth your while to observe , that the enemies , who have declared war against him , are of two sorts . one is composed of catholicks , the other of protestants . now the best way to procure a peace , is to divide these two interests , and to oblige the catholicks to agree with france , and unite themselves in a strict league with her , in order to reduce or destroy all the heretick princes . cardinal . that consideration of yours is not amiss : and i dare engage that this holiness never examined your advice well enough to conceive that that was the bottom of your design . you may believe , that no body desires the suppression of heresie more passionately than my self , and if it would cost me the better half of my blood to put it in execution , i would part with it very freely : but , sir , you must give me leave to tell you , that this design is no sooner conceived , but a man may see t is impossible to effect it , at least as the world goes now : and therefore that is the reason i abandon it . duke . why do you say 't is impossible ? in my opinion now nothing appears more feasible . the more interests you have to manage , the more difficult you 'll find it to conclude a treaty , and i dare say , 't is a harder matter to conclude a peace amongst all the christian princes , than a particular peace with the catholick princes . cardinal . what you say is true in the general ; but there are abundance of particular occasions , where 't is an easier matter to adjust several interests , than to accommodate a few . the first and principal obstacle to the design you have proposed , is this ; i question whether the protestant princes , who are wise and politick enough , did not take some secret measures that are unknown to us , at the time when they made a league against france , in case they should ever happen to be deserted and abandoned by the catholick princes . duke . for my part , i don't know , what measures they could take ; but it appears to me , they are not able to think of one expedient that can prevent this inconvenience . in short , we don't see that so much as one of the catholick princes , has surrendred any strong place to the protestants , by way of security for what they promised ; and i am inclined to believe , they have given no other assurance but their bare word . cardinal . supposing what you say were true , yet still 't will be a difficult matter to break the union . the emperour , who is head of the catholick princes , is too religious an observer of his word , ever to be induced to violate it ; and you know , he has solemnly promised not to make a peace , until they are comprehended in it . duke . he has engaged his word , you say , and what of all that ? as if such feeble obligations did not always give way to the interest , or as if interest were not able to surmount all other considerations . come , come , you may take my word for it , if ever the emperour finds his account in a particular separate peace , he 'll make no conscience of leaving the protestant princes in the lurch . cardinal . you discourse now like a minister of france , and i am not at all obliged to believe you . but not to engage in any impertinent disputes , that will never come to an end ; i will content my self to offer you one only reason , which to me seems unanswerable , why 't is impossible to disengage the catholick princes from the protestants , in order to make a particular peace with the first . and 't is this , that if you except the interests of the prince of orange , the other princes of that religion have nothing in a manner to adjust with france , and so it would be no hard matter to incline them to a peace . on the contrary , the catholick princes have the justest pretensions in the world against the king your master , and such too , that he will find it a very severe mortification to satisfie . the hollanders only demand liberty of commerce ; the brandenburgh desires nothing but the security of his dutchy of cleve . the princes of luneburgh and hesse have scarce any other motive to the war , but the common interest of the empire : 't is the same case with the elector of saxony and the rest of the protestant princes . but then as for the catholick princes , the emperour demands the restitution of philipsburg , brisgau , and almost all alsatia . the king of spain puts in for the dutchy of luxemburgh , for all the late acquisitions in flanders , for the franche-comte , perignan , and several other considerable places besides . the princes of lorrain demand to be restored to their dukedom ; the elector palatine to have satisfaction made him for all the damages he has sustained in the war , which , you know , will amount to an infinite sum. the three ecclesiastick electors pretend the very same thing . the duke of savoy demands to have casal demolished , and pignerol restored to him , besides all that has been taken from him of late ▪ thus , you see , 't is a far easier thing for the most christian king to make a particular peace with the protestant princes , than with the catholick . duke . i own , that if all these princes , whom you have mentioned , continued firm to their resolutions , there 's no such thing as a peace to be expected . the king my master , is not in the humour to restore so easily all that he has taken from his enemies ; and i don't see at present how they will be able to regain them by force . but , sir , now we are between our selves , do you think that these pretensions are just ? you know , without question , that the most celebrated lawyers have always placed the right of conquest amongst lawful rights : whence it follows , that a man is not constantly obliged to restore that , which he has conquered by way of force , but may still keep it in his hands , if he so pleases , and justly enough . therefore i don't see by what right they would have the king refund what he has taken , cardinal . what you say is certainly true , provided the conquests you make were done during the course of a lawful war. but now these persons pretend , that lewis the fourteenth did unjustly declare war against his neighbours , only to have a better opportunity of plundering them . duke . that is the chief question indeed : but 't is such a difficult perplext question , that it will require a great deal of trouble to decide it . i am not a fit man to engage in the controversie , but this i will say , one invincible argument to me , that part of the king's conquests were made in the course of a lawful war , is because they were totally yielded up to him in subsequent treaties . nevertheless , to secure the repose of christendom , the most christian king would do well to resolve to make some kind of satisfaction to the catholick princes ; and if you 'll be pleased to give me the hearing , i will tell you in a few words , what i think upon this subject . cardinal . i shall listen to you with a great deal of satisfaction . duke . to begin then where you left off . i don't believe the king will ever be prevailed upon to comply with the duke of savoy's pretensions . 't is a long while ago since he has had pignerol in possession ; and besides , that is a place of too great consequence to be given away . as for casal , you know it has cost him a world of money , 't is true his money may be repaid him , but i question whether he will be brought to take it , since he has more occasion for that fortress , than for money . thus all that can be done in the matter , comes to this , the duke perhaps may be re-instated in the possession of all those places , that have been taken from him since the beginning of the war. cardinal . but cannot the king be at least perswaded to give him that small satisfaction , as to let geneva fall into his hands . his holiness earnestly desires such a thing , you know . duke . i am not acquainted with his majesties pleasure upon that article : but to tell you what i think , the king is so mightily displeased with the dukes late behaviour , that i doubt whether he will give him that satisfaction . however if 't is possible to make him amends with something else of equal importance , i believe it may succeed at last , provided it will give no great offence to the suiss cantons . and now in my op●n●on , this is all that can be done to content the duke of savoy . as for the dukes of lorrain , 't is to no purpose to think of them , for nothing but absolute force will oblige the king to make a restitution of that dukedom . besides that , their country lies so conveniently for france , the former dukes of lorrain have given such just re-iterated provocations to the most christian kings , that they would fill a large volume . now who questions but that little princes are obliged to pay all manner of respect to great princes who are their neighbours , and that we may lawfully dispossess them of their territories , when for want of a due submission they offer to insult over us , and pretend to stand upon even ground . cardinal . the dukes of lorrain are soveraigns born , and were always looked upon as independant princes . they were at liberty to make alliances with whom they pleased . and 't is very unjustly done of the kings of france to quarrel with these dukes for preferring the emperour's interests before theirs . duke . they are not only content to unite themselves with th● enemies of france , but always endeavoured to raise civil wars in that kingdom , by supporting and countenancing all the male-contents . but let this pass when they did nothing else but take the house of austria's part against france , that was sufficient to justifie the conduct of the most christian kings as to this respect . 't is not for one of your petty princes to engage himself in any party , unless he 's constrained to do it through violence , and when he ceases to observe an exact neutrality , 't is not without justice that he 's punished by him , whom he abandons . cardinal . i am not fully convinced of the righteousness of these maxims . but , in a word , is there no way in the world to satisfie these young princes ? duke . there was formerly a proposal made to make them amends in money , on this condition , that they would for ever renounce all manner of pretensions to the dukedom of lorrain . i don't know whether the king is in the humour now to gratifie them that way . but however , there 's no great harm in proposing it . cardinal . well then , let us now come to the king of spain's case , if you please . duke . as for what relates to the franche-comte , 't is a spot of ground so far separated from the other provinces of spain , and stands so prettily for the convenience of france , that i believe the king my master will never be content to part with it . the same may be said concerning the dutchy of luxemburgh , which we coveted so long a time . 't is an estate of so great an importance , as well for guarding our frontiers , as opening a passage into germany , that nothing but force can get it out of our hands . as for what concerns the low-countries , may be better accommodated , and in order to settle a lasting peace , we may well enough consent to the demolishing of some places that chiefly incommode the spaniards . cardinal . but what will you do with the electors ? duke . the elector of bavaria ought not to demand any satisfaction , since he has not been injured . as for the elector palatine , perhaps the king , to comfort him under his disgraces , may release all the pretensions of madam to her father's and brother's estate . cardinal . i must needs own , this is a pretty way of making a man amends . you have ruined his whole country , demolished his episcopal palace , dismantled his fortifications , burnt his towns , turned his whole estate into one continued desart . and now , to make him a recompence for all this , you ●ery generously offer to relinquish those rights that were under dispute , and perhaps were none of the best grounded in all the world. duke . for my part , i don't believe the king will do any more for him . as for the ecclesiastical electors , all they can lawfully pretend to , is to have their estates restored them in the condition they are in . and yet a great deal may be said with regard to the electorate of cologne , which , as we pretend , does of right belong to the cardinal de furstemberg : but , it may be , in favour of the duke of bavaria , the king will pass over that difficulty well enough . cardinal ▪ it now remains for us to discourse of the emperour's interests . duke . the emperour has no reason to complain as to his own particular . this war has innovated nothing with respect to him , unless you have a mind to trump philipsburgh upon us : and yet that place does not of right belong to him , but to the bishop of spire . nevertheless , i believe , that one may still prevail with the king so far , as to have this place restored to its lawful prince , and have friburg demolished . as for the rest , you are not to imagine , that the king for the sake of making a peace , will ever consent to surrender up those places that were given him in former treaties cardinal . is it possible then , that these are all the advances the king of france is willing to make , in case the catholick princes are resolved to make a separate peace with him , and not comprehend the protestants in it ? duke . what i have said , is only out of my own head , and i am not certain whether the king would approve of it , or no. our great monarch is strong enough to give a great deal of disturbance to his enemies ; and nothing will sooner oblige him to conclude a peace , than that he believes , it will be far more necessary and advantageous for them , than for himself . cardinal . upon my word , if that be all , you need not give your self the trouble to enter into any negotiation . the catholick princes , that are leagued together , have too certain a prospect of advancing their own respective interests , to content themselves with such pitiful overtures duke . i see you make no reckoning of the advantage they 'll receive by uniting themselves with the king , to exterminate the protestant princes , and divide the spoil between them . cardinal . one must be a very insensible person indeed ▪ to be cajoled with stupid rhetorick . the protestant princes are at present the right arm of the emperour to defend him against the encroachments of your king : how then can he be perswaded to sacrifice them ? i wish you would inform me what the house of austria were able to do without the assistance of the prince of orange , the hollanders , the electors , and other protestant princes ? don't they sustain the greatest part of the burthen of the war ; and since , with all these forces , she finds it difficult enough to resist your king , what would she do , i pray , if she were deprived of all these supports . duke . but if the hereticks were once destroyed , the house of austria would enrich herself with their spoils , and all their forces would become hers . cardinal . that would not be amiss , i own , if she were to reap all the benefit , but would not your king , do you think , come in for his share of the spoils ? is it not very certain , that being the strongest by much , he would reserve the lion's portion for himself ? and so then , when the house of austria would fortifie her self on one side , your king would do the same on the other ; in such manner that this new acquired power would be ten times worse ballanced , than it is at present . after all , when every thing comes to be considered , 't is the emperour's interest not to suffer the protestants to be run down , at least under the present exigences . if that house should find it self in process of time as powerful as it has formerly been , why then she may think of extirpating heresie . but then 't is to be feared , the hereticks also would change sides , and that in order to keep the scales even , they would make their applications to france . therefore you must never think of separating the catholick princes from the protestants , with whom they have made so strict a confederacy . but now to procure a general peace , what expedient can you find out to adjust the affairs of england ? duke . this is without dispute the most difficult point of all ▪ and i don't see how we could at the same time satisfie the king my master , and the allies , upon this article , if a particular peace with the catholick princes were proposed . cardinal . you say right , 't is indeed very perplexed , and is more embarrassing of it self than all the pretensions of the other princes , the allies . 't is not to be supposed , that the prince of orange has a mind to descend from the throne , to which he was so deservedly elevated . he must either perish in the post where he is , or maintain it still . there is no middle way . the church , and catholick princes would be covered with everlasting shame , should they abandon a king who sacrificed himself for their common liberty . how then can this matter be accommodated ? i only see one way , and that is , to oblige the king of england to abdicate his crown voluntarily . he has a prince of wales still to manage his interests after him . duke . i can assure you , the king will never abandon his allie , and if a peace is not to be obtained without sacrificing that unfortunate prince , he will by no means agree to it . he has too great a respect for his own honour , to make so inglorious and so base a compliance . cardinal . you had better say for his interest ; for all the world knows , he never was guilty of idolatry towards the former . i can only add , that 't is not along of him that the king of england was not established in his throne ; but one cannot condemn in the same breath the levity of a nation , that had not courage enough to support their lawful prince , and the cowardize of a prince , who durst not show himself before his enemies . duke ▪ all these reasons will not content louis le grand , and all these obstacles are not capable of diminishing his courage . the more the pain , the greater is the glory . heroick souls despise the paths of ease ; and dangers only whet the edge of virtue . moliere , l'etourdi . i dare pretend to prophecy , that you 'll see the next campagn greater efforts used to re-establish the king of england , than hitherto you have seen . if the prince of orange does not make a vigorous opposition , we shall send towards the beginning of the spring , either into england or ireland , thirty thousand of our best men , to be commanded by a marshal of france , or some other general , who has more authority and experience than the count de lauzun . cardinal . nay , if it be so , 't is to no purpose to think of setling a peace in europe . things are not yet ripe enough , nor are mens spirits so weary of the war , as to desire rest so soon . duke . i am clearly of your opinion . dialogue ix . the young prince abafti . count teckely . abafti . is it then true , that after all the obligations you had to the prince my father , you could be so horribly ungrateful , as to enter those territories , which he left me , with your army , to the end that you may render your self master of them , to my prejudice ? surely you have not forgot how serviceable he was to you at the beginning of the war , when you declared against the emperour of germany . you had as free a command of his troops , as if they had been your own ; and perhaps if he had not espoused your quarrel , you would not be in a condition at this present , to seize that principality which of right belongs to me . teckely . you are much mistaken , young prince , in talking so hotly with me , and i would answer you after your own manner , if i did not consider , that 't is not so much you that discourses , as the germans in you , upon whom you have made your self so slavish a dependant . you need not refresh my memory with the good offices your father has done me , and though the end did not answer the beginning , since at last he closed with my enemies , and joyned his forces with theirs , yet i shall ever preserve the remembrance of his mighty obligations , because i am willing to attribute his last failures rather to the violence of the germans , and meer necessity , then his own inclination . if i have entred transilvania in arms , 't is not so much against you , as the emperour , for he is the true master of that province , you are only a poor titular prince . besides , you know the grand seigneur my master , and the emperour of germany , have all along had great disputes , which of them it was who had the right to nominate a prince to the transilvanians , and 't was to the former that the prince your father ow'd his elevation . he caused him to be elected ▪ notwithstanding all the intrigues and cavelling of the emperour and the germans . he likewise has made me to be advanced to this dignity , and you cannot dispute the right of my election , without calling into question that prince's title , to whom you owe your birth . abafti . that consequence of yours is none of the justest . i own the grand seigneur employ'd his credit to get my father elected prince of transilvania , but at the same time he never pretended to constrain the states to make that choice . they had an entire liberty of voting as they pleased , and it was only the plurality of voices that advanced him to that dignity . but as to your own case , the grand seigneur has not so much as consulted the transylvanians , and 't is his authority alone that has established all your right . teckely . i own the states never elected me , but the reason is , because they had no permission so to do , but were obliged to submit to the severe laws and impositions of their conquerours . however the event has shown , that if they had been left to their own freedom , they would have chose no other soveraign than my self . abafti . that , i confess , i am ignorant of ; and , it may be , you 'll find it no easie matter to prove . teckely . i perceive then you are unacquainted with what happen'd at the attack of general heusler's army : and that , being only a titular prince as you are , they take no great care to instruct you in your own affairs . you are to understand , that as soon as we came to blows , the militia of transylvania kill'd your father's great minister , who commanded them in chief , that they betook themselves to their heels without striking a blow , and abandoned the germans to the fury of my troops , who almost cut them all to pieces . after all this , i leave you to judge , whether i had not reason to say , that if the transylvanians have not elected me for their prince , it only proceeded from their not being at liberty to do it . abafti . what you have told me surprizes me extreamly , and i am not able to divine the reason . the people , i am sure , had no occasion to complain of the prince my father , since he always govern'd them with extraordinary prudence and dexterity . i need not recount to you the several artifices he made use of , to deliver them from the slavery that threatned them . he entertained the emperour , during those three years the war continued , with the fairest promises in the world , and underhand neglected no measures or expedients , in order to avoid the falling under his power . at last , when it was necessary for him to submit to this violence , he expressed so much sorrow , that it was evident he was more concerned at the calamities of his people , than his own particular misfortunes . certain i am , that the weight of these troubles hasten'd his death . and now would any man in the world believe that the transylvanians could prove such ungrateful wretches , as to prefer a stranger before the son of that prince , to whom they have such numerous obligations ? teckely . i think 't is no wonder at all , if the people forget the respect they owe to the memory of prince abafti , for you are not to expect gratitude amongst the mobb . they seldom reflect on what is good and past . 't is only the present scene of affairs they considered . abafti . but pray tell me , what greater advantages could they propose to themselves under your government , than they could expect to find under mine ? teckely . to say the truth , they don't so much consider the merits of the prince himself , as of the hand that advanced him . they have ten times a greater aversion to the emperour , than the grand seigneur , and that is the reason why they will be always inclined to favour the prince that is recommended to them by the latter . if the emperour had made choice of me , and the grand seigneur had supported your pretensions , i don't question but they would have shown you the same favour they now express for me . abafti . but why do they love the grand seignior better than the emperour ? teckely . because the first never troubles himself with their religion , whereas they fear all the ill usage in the world from the second . finis . books printed for , and are to be sold by r. baldwin near the oxford arms in warwick-lane . the history of the negotiation between the duke of savoy , and the protestant cantons of switzerland . an historical account of the most remarkable transactions betwixt the duke of savoy and the french king : contain'd in several letters pass'd betwixt them before the rupture . a true relation of the cruelties and barbarities of the french upon the english prisoners of war. being a journal of their travels from dinan in britany , to thoulon in province ; and back again . an address given in to the late k. james , by the titular archbishop of dublin ; from the general meeting of the romish bishops and clergy of ireland , held in may last , by that king's order . a pastoral dialogue concerning priest-craft . a poem written by mr. tate . the folly of priest-craft . a new comedy . the royal flight , or , the conquest of ireland . a new comedy . an epistle to the two universities ; together with a prediction concerning the french. translated out of callimachus , who is by st. paul said to be a prophet , and that his testimony is true , 1 titus 1.11 , 12 , 13. an examination of the case of the suspended bishops , in answer to the apology for them . the fate of france ; a discourse , wherein , after having answered the groundless exceptions that are made against the lawful conduct of the english , in securing themselves from popish tyranny , &c. it is shewed , that by the happy revolution in england , all the designs of the french king for the universal monarchy are disappointed ; and the rational grounds to believe his downfal near . a theatre of wars between england and france in all the kings reigns, from the time of william the conqueror to the conclusion of the peace, on the 10th of september, 1697 ... : with a map of england and france on a copper plate / by d. jones. jones, d. (david), fl. 1676-1720. 1698 approx. 174 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47023 wing j934a estc r43322 27164499 ocm 27164499 110026 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47023) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110026) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1722:14) a theatre of wars between england and france in all the kings reigns, from the time of william the conqueror to the conclusion of the peace, on the 10th of september, 1697 ... : with a map of england and france on a copper plate / by d. jones. jones, d. (david), fl. 1676-1720. [10], 98 p., [1] leaf of plates : map. printed for w. whitwood ..., london : 1698. running title: the wars between england and france. imperfect: cropped and tightly bound, with loss of text. reproduction of original in harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -france. great britain -history, military. france -foreign relations -great britain. france -history, military. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-10 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a theatre of wars , between england & france , in all the kings reigns , from the time of william the conqueror to the conclusion of the peace , on the 10th . of september 1697. in the eighth year of the reign of our gracious sovereign k. william iii. containing the causes of the war , the battels , sieges , state policies , naval fights , treaties , and the several truces , peaces concluded . leagues made and broken , &c. with a large discourse of the salique law ; by which to prevent the right of other princes , the french pretend to exclude females from enjoying the crown of france , and many other transactions between the two nations , both publick and private . with a map of england and france on a copper plate . by d. jones . london , printed for w. whitwood at the rose and crown in little-britain . 1698. a map of england and france to the right honourable robert lord viscount lisle , &c. my lord , the topicks usually insisted upon to engage the favours of the great , are those of honour and goodness , of both which your lordship has no common share ; and if upon others they have been so powerfully influential in addresses of this kind , your lordship will pardon me , if being carried with the same current i presume to commit this little treatise to your patronage , as to a safe azilum , sufficient to skreen it from all the assaults of male-volence ; and if it be an argument of imprudence to range far abroad for that good which is attainable nigh at hand , my vicinity to your lordship will not only justifie this my practise , but should i have neglected the improvement of it upon this occasion , as i would hardly be brought to forgive my self for being guilty of the grossest folly , so would it bear a semblance of the highest indignity offered to your honour , and of the basest diffidence of your goodness . the subject , my lord , must be acknowledged to be of an heroical nature , and therefore a fit entertainment to heroick minds , and consequently cannot but be so to your lordship ; however the structure may have suffered through the debility of the architect , who yet has this humbly to offer to your lordship , and under your patronage to the world , that truth is the great standard i have endeavoured to fix my eye continually upon , having strenuously avoided all false idea's of the actions of my country , and herein have done both the enemy that justice due to them in their various conflicts with us , and made it appear there was no need of any such prevarication , in that true glory has been no stranger to the english arms through the series of many hundred years together , and though things may not here be exposed in their native lustre and excellency , yet i cannot otherwise then perswade my self , but they retain still their native and original verity . but to dwell no longer upon the products of my own teeming fancy , i submit all to your lordships adequate judgment , and if in this my studied brevity you meet with any thing grateful or divertive , so as that it may conciliate your lordship's good opinion of me , his highest ambition is gratified who begs leave to subscribe himself my lord , your honours most humble and most devoted servant , d. jones . to the reader . great and various have the actions been between england and france , since the invasion of the normans , anno dom. 1066. which makes september next just 629 years , but that the french nation should make a conquest of england hereby , nothing is more manifestly untrue , that people being a distinct nation from the french , who conquering that province by main force , from neustria , call'd it normandia in the reign of charles le simple ; whence by the way 't is worth the remarking what kind of kings france hath often had , and what sort of epithetts their own cronicles give them , which stand upon publick record to all posterity , as charles le simple , charles le chauve , charles le gros , charles le gras , charles le phrenetique , philip le long , lovis le begue , &c. now tho there have been many and mighty quarrels , war-like encounters , and feuds betwixt england and france , yet in the reign of the saxon kings the historians make little mention of any ; but since england was joined as it were to the continent by addition of normandy , there have been as frequent traverses of war as have happen'd between any two nations ; for of those 28 kings and queens which have reigned here from william the first to william the third now regnant , there have been but a very few of them free from actual wars with france ; yet in so long a tract of time , when the french were at their highest pitch of power , they never did nor had any adequate power to invade england ; 't is true that they took footing once or twice in the isle of wight , but it quickly grew too hot for them . and touching lewis the french king's son who did stay and sway the scepter here about two years ( whereof they so much vaunt : ) that was no invasion , but an invitation , being brought in by the discontented barons in england ; so that in a manner france was the theater of the war between the two nations down from william i. to the present time . as for the great battles which were fought from time to time , 't is confessed by the french historians themselves , that the english were at most but half in number to them in almost all engagements ; insomuch that by pure prowess and point of the sword , the english possess'd two parts in three of that populous kingdom , and how all came to be lost again , will appear by the sequel of the story , but here i cannot omit one remarkable accident , that was concomitant with the english arms in france , and that is , that when the english were at the height of their conquests in that kingdom , the pope came to reside at avignon in france , and there was a common saying which continues still in memory among the vulgar , ores le pape est devenu francois , & christ est devenu anglois i. e. lo ! the pope is become a frenchman and christ an englishman , which related to the marvelous exploits and successes the english had in that kingdom , which were such that sir walter rawleigh speaking of the famous punick wars , puts this quaere . if one should ask which was the valiantest , the roman or the carthaginian , one might answer the englishman who performed greater feats of arms then either of them ; insomuch that some foreign authors give this character of france , that it was the stage whereon the english acted their valour so often . 't is true that in canvassing of treaties , in subtleties or shuffling the cards , and mental reservations they were mostly too hard for the english , who naturally use down right dealing , and real integrity ; but in point of performance of what was stipulated , especially if the article related to money ( whereof we drew from them vast summs ) they seldom exactly performed the capitulation of any treaty , as foreign writers observe ; so that part of king john ' s ransom is yet behind , besides the mony which was to be paid for tournay in henry viii . time , the 500000 crowns which edward vi. was to have for bolloign , and those great expences which queen elizabeth was to have for sending her armies to aid henry iv. and the french reformists , two parts of three are not paid to this day ; but of these and other things more hereafter in their proper place . the wars between england and france . england , exclusive of scotland which had but very little share in the wars we are to treat off , is the greatest , most southern and best part of the island of great britain , heretofore called albion and britannia ; it lies together with wales in the form of a great triangle , whereof the southern shoar is the base , and berwick the opposite angle ; it was divided by the romans into five parts , by the saxons into seven kingdoms , and now ( wales included ) into fifty two shires or counties ; it s a fruitful country full of valiant and industrious inhabitants , but in regard of its boundaries bears no proportion to france even considered in its narrowest limits , over which notwithstanding it has so often and so gloriously triumphed , as will manifestly appear in the series of the ensuing history . but because , the wars with france in the time of the saxons are very obscurely recorded as to their time , causes and effects we will therefore begin with , william i. who was invidiously termed the conqueror by the monks of those times , ( as the learned sir william temple has well observed ) though it s as true , he could not claim in right of succession , himself being illegitimate and edgar atheline of the saxon blood royal to take place before him , but must therefore reign by vertue either of a compact or previous choise of the people of england ; ( the sword which he had then in his hand , no doubt , powerfully disposing of them also to such an election ) he proved to be a warlike king of england , as he had been a successfull duke of normandy . but tho he had wonderful success in the battle of hastings , which was fought october 14. anno 1066. and got the day with the slaughter of above 60000 of his english enemies , yet things did not succeed so well with him in his kentish expedition ; for directing his march towards dover with a design to reduce kent first under his obedience , as considering this country to be the key of england , and that what he had already done would be of little account , if this were not accomplished : the kentish men upon report hereof , assembled to archbishop stigand at canterbury , and after serious consultation , resolved to arm and to force the conqueror either to confirm their ancient liberties , or to die valiantly in the field in defence of them , and so under the command of the archbishop and the abbot eglesine rendevouz'd at swanescomb , where it was agreed all the passages should be stopped , and that they should make use of the adjacent woods for a covert from the discovery of the enemy , till he were fast within their net : the duke next day ( expecting no such ambuscade ) in his march , finds himself with part of his army surrounded all of a sudden , with numerous squadrons of horse , and battalions of foot , which seemed the more surprizing to him , because that every man for a signal as it was before agreed upon , carrying a green bough in his hand , they appeared unto him like a moving wood , wherein he was in danger quickly to lose himself . stigand approaches to the duke , tells him , the occasion of such an assembly , what their demands where , and what their resolves , if refused , the duke wisely considering the danger , grants all their request , and upon that was admitted into rochester , had the earldom of kent and dover castle yielded to him . the former part of this kings reign ( as may be well imagined ) was taken up in making provision for his adventurers , and in subduing , settling and modelling of his new english subjects , amongst whom were frequent tumults and insurrections occasioned mostly through the insults of the normans , that but too readily provoked them upon every occasion , presuming no doubt very much upon the favour of the king their countryman , who on times shewed too much partiality in that regard . 't is true , he had not been a year inthron'd , before he was obliged upon some commotions there to pass over into normandy , but we do not find till about ten years after , that he had any foreign wars , when passing over into bretaign he laid siege to the castle of dolence , belonging to earl ralph , which engaged phillip king of france into the quarrel , and so with a mighty army marches against king william , who finding himself hereby much streightned for provision broke up his siege not without loss both of men and horses , and of some of his baggage , and hereupon ensued an accommodation ; but not a year after , robert the kings eldest son , to whom upon his assuming of the english crown , he had assigned the dukedom of normandy in the presence of king phillip of france , because now his father ( as he pretended ) would not suffer him to enjoy the said dukedom in quiet , went into france , and being by the said king phillip assisted with forces , committed great ravages in normandy , burning many towns , and at length engaged with the king his father in a battel , near the castle of garberie in france , the king according to his usual manner charged with great resolution , and spared not to expose his person to all dangers , insomuch that he had in this action , first the misfortune to be unhorsed himself , his son william wounded and many of his family slain , and as an addition hereunto , through imtemperate anger to curse his son robert , who it was observed never prospered after : things after this , continued in a tollerable state of amity between phillip and this king till the last year of his reign , when residing in normandy and being grown very corpulent , the french king was pleased to speak reproachfully of him , saying , the king of england lyeth at roan and keeps his chamber as women lying in do , and there nourisheth his fat belly , which so offended king william , that he said , well , when after my delivery i go to church , i shall offer a thousand candles to him , and sware to the same by god's resurrection and his brightness ; and this he made good the latter end of august the same year , when he entred france with fire and sword , and burnt down the city of meaux , together with the church of st. maries , and two fires inclosed therein , who superstitiously perswaded themselves they ought not to forsake their cell in such extremity , tho to the apparent hazard of their lives . this king died at roan anno dom. 1087. when he had reigned 20 years 8 months and 16 days and lived threescore and four years , and was buried at caen in normandy . the causes of his wars were , 1. an irruption made by the french into normandy , contrary to the articles of peace , and 2 , the contumelious language used by king phillip concerning his person . william ii. surnamed rufus , or the red during his 12 years , and about 8 months reign had no wars with france , neither do we read of any just cause given to engage him thereto , but he unjustly invaded normandy then subject to his brother robert , and disposest him of the county of owe , many castles , and some monasteries ; but was in the mean time , by divine justice , assaulted by his younger brother henry in his own dominions , and it had like to have cost him his life , for he was bore down in fight from his horse by a valiant knight , who taking his sword for to kill him , was stop'd by the kings crying out , hold thy hand , knave , i am the king of england ; which words so struck the knight with reverence , that he mounted him on another horse , and the king to recompence his valour and submission , swore by st. luke's face he should be his knight , and be written in his white book : he was accidentally killed by sir walter tyrell , as he was hunting in the new forrest , anno , 1100. buried at winchester , and died unlamented . henry i. who for his learning was called beauclerke , was youngest son to william the conqueror ; he passing over into normandy , made war against the earl of anjou , who kept main , against his will , and this engaged lewis the french king to take part with the latter , whereupon ensued many sore battles both in france and normandy between them with various success ; at length taking anjou's daughter for wife to his son william , peace was concluded : but it will not be amiss to give the reader a tast of the high spirit and resolution of this king , in a personal quarrel he had in france . in his fathers life time , he accompanying his eldest brother robert into that kingdom , while the latter associated himself with the then french king , henry according to the suitableness of their years took up with the company and divertisements of the dauphine , and being one evening at chess together , the dauphine happened to lose a considerable summ of money to the prince at that game , whereat the former grew so enraged , that after some reproachful language , he struck the prince , who not brooking the high affront , with the chess-board , knocks the dauphine fairly down to the ground , and being intent to pursue his revenge , his brother robert fortunately came in , and minding him of the danger , away they both fled , and with great hast and difficulty recovered the next part of normandy before their pursuers could reach them . this king made his exit ( as his father before him ) in normandy in the year 1135. after he had reigned 35 years and 4 months . the cause of this war we have before assigned , to wit , the king of france's taking part with anjou against henry . steven . king of england was son to adella a daughter of william the conqueror , and nephew to the two last kings , he laid claim to the kingdom of england in the year 1135 , notwithstanding his oath to mawd the empress and daughter to henry the first to the contrary , wherefore without looking abroad into france for any wars , his whole reign ( which was eighteen years and about ten months ) was in a manner taken up in intestine broils and contests about his right to the english crown wherein he was stiffly opposed by several nobles , and by the said empress mawd and her son henry , ( afterwards henry the 2d . ) whom she bare to geoffrey plantagenet earl of anjou and duke of normandy , from whence sprang the noble family of the plantagenets that so long governed england , he was once made prisoner at bristol , and at last notwithstanding he had children of his own , was forced to adopt henry for his son and heir , and the nobles sware fealty to him accordingly . henry ii. son of mawd , and geoffrey plantagenet as aforesaid , at the age of three and twenty years , and even in the life time of his mother , under whom he claimed , began his reign over england , in the year 1154. this prince notwithstanding his domestick troubles , and famous atchievements against the welch and his conquest of a great part of the kingdom of ireland , so as he was the first of our english kings that was stiled the lord of that country , yet found opportunity to make war in france upon several occasions ; the allyance he had made with the french court by the marriage of his son henry to king lewis his daughter margaret , proving rather an incitative to contention and discord , then a bond of peace and amity : the famous city of tholouse was chiefly the seat of this war , which was once and again bravely assaulted by king henry , and as vigorously defended by lewis . in his first expedition against this place , he was accompanied with malcolm king of scots , a welch king , and with others of highest rank and dignity in england , normandy , aquitain , anjou and gascoigny ; during his second expedition in france , the earls of bulloign and flanders with 600 sail of ships attempted to make a descent into england ▪ but their undertaking proved frustrate and abortive through the vigilance , courage and prudence of richard lacy , who then governed england : this king is famous , or rather infamous in history , for the many base children he had ( being no less then 19 in number ) for his fair concubine rosamond , for whom he built that celebrated labyrinth at woodstock , the recesses whereof could not be penetrated into , but by insuperable jealousie , the queen , as it was said , by the help of a clew of thread , finding of her out at last , and so used her that she lived not long after : and no less to be mentioned for the troubles he met with from that proud prelate thomas a becket ; to whose shire after his murder , much blind devotion has been paid even by the greatest potentates . tho his son henry who was crowned king in his life time and dyed before him , gave him much disturbance , yet when he found after his death that others and particularly his son john conspired against him , he was so strucken with grief that cursing his son and the day of his own birth he died , july , 6. 1189. aged 61 , having reigned 34 years and almost seven months . the causes of the war were , that king lewis did incite the prince his son against the laws of nature to oppose henry his father ; in the war time lewis had promis'd upon the word of a king to meet him in order to a treaty , but he failed for his own advantage , whereupon henry being sensible of the fraud , sought him out with his army , and made him give ground ; thereupon another interview being appointed betwixt terwyn and arras , histories relate that as the two kings were busie in conference , there fell a clap of thunder between them , and meeting the next day , the like accident happen'd which struck a consternation in both armies , and inclined the kings the more to an accommodation . richard i. who for his valour was surnamed ceur de lion was the third son of henry the ii. but the eldest when his father died , aged 35 years when he began his reign , the former part whereof was spent by him in the wars in the holy-land . william longshamp bishop of ely , and chancellor of england , governing the kingdom during his absence ; in this war he signalized his valour to a wonder , having first taken cyprus in his way thither , and at acon in syria , so behaved himself , that he became an object of envy to other christian princes , especially to king phillip of france , as you shall see hereafter ; where ever he went terror was his forerunner , insomuch that it grew common amongst those eastern people , to terrifie their children with the apprehension of king richard's coming ; in his return , being driven upon the coast of dalmatia , and thinking to pass home by land incognito , he was made prisoner by the duke of austria , who brought him to the emperor henry , and was detained by him in custody for a year and five months , till he paid a great ransom ; his unparallell'd valour and bravery was the occasion of this misfortune ; these and other princes bearing him envy , especially the french king who invades normandy during his absence , which obliged richard to make a peace with saladine for three years , much to the disadvantage of the cause they fought for . phillip attacked gisors and had it surrendred to him and many other places , and then hasted to lay siege to roan , but found such a vigorous defence made by the valiant and noble earl of leicester , that he was forced to quit his enterprize and so returned into france . on the 12th . of march , 1194. king richard landed at sandwich , was recrowned again , reduced the kingdom entirely to his obedience , which was much divided because of his brother john's pretentions in his absence , and hearing the king of france had besieged vernail , he passed over into normandy and arrived at harfleur with 100 ships full of horsemen , armour , &c. the noise whereof so frighted the monsieur , that he left the siege and went his ways , whereupon richard enters the french dominions , takes in several strong places , but the noble leicester had the misfortune to be taken prisoner , who afterward paid a great summ of money for his ransom , and soon after ensued a truce for a short time ; which was no sooner ended , but richard takes the field , possesses himself of the castle of brisen , novencourt , &c. the french king in the mean time besieging albermarl , whither richard hastening to succour the place , a sharp battle was fought between both armies , wherein the french prevailed , chiefly upon the account of the english being wearied with their hard march. but richard had no sooner recruited and refreshed his soldiers , but he laid siege to miligio , took it , and burnt it down to the ground , whereupon ensued some overtures of peace ; albemarl in the mean time falling into the french hands and ran the same fate with miligio : some three years after richard turned his arms against the barons of poictiers that rebelled against him , with prosperous success , till at last besieging the castle of chaluz , and having brought it to that extremity , that he would grant no other conditions but a surrender at discretion , he was shot in the left arm out of a cross-bow with an invenomed dart by one bartram de gordon , of which wound he died the 6th . of april 1199. after he had reigned nine years and nine months , and was buried at fonteverard at his fathers feet . the causes were , that while richard went on so prosperously in the holy land , the french king out of envy , and contrary to his sacramental oath invaded normandy , which forc'd king richard to make peace with saladine so much disadvantagious to all christendom . john the brother of richard who died without issue , and youngest son of henry the ii. succeeded his brother to the prejudice of arthur , geoffrey his elder brothers son , who was the real heir of course : this arthur in right of his mother was earl of bretagne in france , so that by this exclusion , england lost one of the best provinces in that kingdom , and by advancing john to the throne , we not only lost almost all our possessions in france , but england it self became vassal to the pope ; the clergy of those times growing strangely bigotted to rome , and perverse to the king : king john was in normandy when his brother dyed , and though he wasted over into england with all possible speed to take possession of the crown , and that his presence was so necessary here for to keep his new subjects in their obedience to him , yet he could make no long stay , for before a year came about , he was forced to return into normandy again , upon information that phillip king of france had with a powerful army made an irruption into normandy , who took the country of main , and several other places from the english ; the britons at the same time possessing themselves of the city of angiers , the towns of gorney , butenant and gensoline . arthur doing also homage to king phillip for anjou , poictiers , turain , main , bretaign and normandy ; but soon after a peace was concluded between the kings , and thereby many places confirmed to the french king that he had taken , and others yielded up by john upon the account of his neece blanch's marriage with lewis heir of france , besides 30000 marks in silver paid to phillip , and all this to the great dishonour as well as detriment of the english nation . about two years after this , to wit , the third of the kings reign , one hugo brune a noble man of aquitain raised a rebellion against king john in that province , but he and his adherents being unable to withstand john's forces , made complaint of him to phillip of france , whereupon he was summoned by the nobles of france , as duke or earl of aquitain and anjou , to appear before the french king , and to stand to the judgment of his peers , which he refused ; upon which the court adjudged him to be deprived of all his lands which he or his predecessors held of the king of france . king phillip forthwith raises a great army , invades normandy , takes in many castles , and a great part of the country without resistance ; but arthur duke of bretaign besieging the castle of mirable , with queen eleanor then in it , king john fell upon him there with such force and fury , that he routed his army , and took arthur and many others of note prisoners ; arthur sometime after was sent prisoner to the tower of roan , and was there barbarously murdered , some said , by king john's own hands ; but in all this time phillip prospered ; in so much that in a very short space king john was in a manner despoiled of all the lands he held in fee of the crown of france . king john once and again made great preparations to recover his lost dominions , and had the good success to destroy the french fleet , and recover the province of poictou , but his domestick troubles , both from his barons and clergy prevented his further designs ; yet about the 15th . year of his reign , having entred into a strong confederacy with other foreign princes , he set sail for bretaign , and laid siege to nantes , where a bloody battle was fought , the french king being once in great danger of his life , but at length proved victorious and took many prisoners , whereof of note were the earls of brabant , holland , flanders and bolloign , the emperor who was also at the battle being driven out of the field ; and 6000 marks on the king of englands part was the purchase of a truce for five years . commotions in england soon followed upon the neck of this , and for male-administration , in so much that a● length lewis the dauphine was invited over by the barons to take upon him the crown of england , who came accordingly with little opposition , but being soon after displeased with their new king they resolved to cast him off , and so he was fain at last to depart from whence he came . this was an unhappy reign , but memorable for magna charta , and for building of london bridge of stone . this king dyed at lyn as he was marching with his army to fight the dauphine , when he had reigned seventeen years and about five months , and was aged 51 years , anno. 1216. the first ground of this war was , that phillip of france did infringe the truce made with england for 5 years , and invaded normandy . then another truce being made he violated that also , and still fomented the barons wars . henry iii. commonly called henry of winchester from his birth place , succeeded his father king john at the age of nine years as next heir , maugre all the attempts of lewis the dauphine of france , whose forces were defeated at lincoln by the kings guardian and brother-in-law the famous earl of pembrook , and so from that time forward things went worse and worse with him , most places yielding by land , and his fleet utterly destroyed by sea by hubert de burg , eustace a monk that commanded it , being slain by richard a bastard son of king john ; he yielded up his claim to the crown , and so returned with a glimmering of it into france : henry about the 14th . year of his reign , determined to make war upon france ; and to that purpose , he assembled at portsmouth all his nobility , knights , and such a vast number both of horse and foot , as never was done by any of his predecessors , designing to have recovered all those territories his father had lost ; but when they came to be shipped , they had not carriages enough for half the army , which he imputed to the treachery of hugo de burg , his chief justice ; and in a rage drawing his sword would have killed him , had it not been for the earl of chester that interposed ; the earl of bretaign , who was present , and bound by an oath to conduct the king to his country , and others , perswaded him to defer his expedition for that season , and so his mighty preparations for the present vanished : but the year following , king henry , with a mighty army sailed into bretaign , and after he had ravaged , and committed great spoil in the country , laid siege to the city of nantes ; but after the consumption of a vast treasure , and the loss of many men by sickness , and otherwise , returned into england the same year , but set all things first in order for the conservation of the country of bretaign . the french making use of the opportunity of the king's absence , took the city of rochel , and so pushing on their conquest , reduced the whole province of poictiers to their obedience , which king john , his father had conquered ; whereat henry being nettled , prepared for another mighty expedition , but with the same fatal success as before : for after several bickerings , wherein were lost many of his men , he made a peace , and returned re infecta , but recovered at last the province of aquitain . the later part of his reign was so taken up with intestine broils in the barons wars , wherein sometimes he was worsted and imprisoned , sometimes prevailed against his enemies , that he had no leasure to look after his territories abroad , and call the french to an account for them , till at last , after he had lived 65 years , and of them reigned 56 , and odd days , and lavished away an immense treasure , he resigned his breath to him that gave it , at edmundsbury in suffolk , was buried at westminster , anno. 1272 , and was happy in nothing so much as in the hopes of his eldest son edward . 1. one cause of his wars with france was , that the french assisted the scots against him . 2. another was , the recovery of those towns and provinces the french unjustly took from him , and his ancestors . edward i. surnamed ●ong-shanks , the son of henry , was in the holy land with eleanor his wife , when the crown fell to him , being then about 33 years old . he began his reign the 16th . o● november , and arrived with his queen in england the 15 of aug. following , being in the year 1273 , he proved a warlike , wise and victorious prince , and may justly be stiled the best law-giver . he made several expeditions against wales and scotland ; the latter became tributary to him , and the former he reduced entirely , under the obedience of the crown of england , and has so continued to this day ; but the stratagem he used for to satisfy those unruly spirits , and keep the● in subjection , may be worthy of observation . having about the 12th . year of his reign reduced all wales , and by a statute made at ruthyn , incorporated and annext it to the crown of england , but finding he could not win the good will of the people , unless he would engage to reside amongst them , or allow them a prince of their own nation to govern them , and that after several conferences , no english deputies would do , but that they were content to submit to any man he should name , provided he were a welchman , at length he privily sends for his queen , then big with child , and caused her to remain at carnarva● castle , where she was brought to bed of a son , at which time he sends for the barons and chief men of wales to come to him to ruthyn , to deliberate about the affairs of the country , and when they came , he told them , he had now occasion to go out of that country , but before he went he was determined to name them a prince , if they promised to obey him ; they replyed , they would , provi●●d he were one of their own nation , wherefore 〈◊〉 king rejoined , he would name one born in 〈◊〉 m and that could speak never a word of ●●glish , and who was of unspotted life and con●● csation , and when all was agreed to , he nam●d his son edward born as aforesaid . but notwithstanding this king had so much to do with wales and scotland , yet he was no ways ●egligent of his affairs and interest in france ; 〈◊〉 as soon as he had any leasure which was 〈◊〉 the 22d . year of his reign , first like a wise 〈◊〉 , takes care to have sufficient treasure for such an undertaking , and therefore in a parliamentary way , raised a vast summ of money , and so provides an army and fleet of ships suitable to such an expedition ; the army rendevouz'd at portsmouth , the command whereof he gave to his nephew john de brytain earl of richmond , with whom he joined in commission john st. john and robert tripot two prudent knights , from whence they set sail and landed at st. matthews in bretaign ( and in the mean time set out three fleets for the guard of the seas , and to prevent the depredations of the enemy ) they entred the mouth of the garonne towards burdeaux , and took two good walled towns , burgo and bleya , from whence they marched to lyons , and had the town delivered to them ; about four years after he generously goes over in person into flanders for the relief of guy earl of that country , who was grievously assaulted by the french king , and after many noble atchievments performed , a peace was concluded ; edward taking to wife margaret sister to phillip the fair then king of france . this king dyed in 1307 when he had reigned 34 years 7 months and odd days , aged 68 , and was buried at westminster . 1. one cause of this breach with france was the depredations that were committed at sea. 2. the relief of guy earl of flanders who was in danger of losing his country . edward ii. commonly called edward of caernarvan ( the first prince of england , that bore in his fathers life time the title of prince of wales ) proved an unworthy successor to so brave a father ; for he was a dissolute prince , and wholly guided by his favourites , the first whereof was pierce gaveston , who was bred up with him , and on whom he conferred two and thirty towns and as many castles in gascoigny , besides great summs of money out of the earldom of cornwall during his life ; which together with his arrogance , the barons being not able to brook , combined to force the king to banish him , and so little did this prince understand his true interest herein , that instead of parting with such a pernicious man , and thereby securing his interest at home , and taking measures for the same in france and elsewhere , he intended to give up gascoigny to the french king , scotland to robert bruce , and ireland and wales to others , as hoping thereby to obtain such aid as might secure him his favourite against all the just attempts of his barons to the contrary ; but no sooner was this man removed , but he had two others , the spencers father and son that were as pernicious as he , and proved more fatal to edward every way , for though they received at length condign punishment ; yet it was through their advice chiefly that edward refused to go to the french king to do homage for aquitain and other lands he held of him , and thereby lost anjou and the country of poictiers ; and 't was his adherence to them that raised his barons and queen against him , which ended in a sad catastrophe , first in his being deposed , next in making a formal resignation of the crown , and lastly in being soon after barbarously murdered at berkley castle by the procurement of roger mortimer earl of march the queens favourite : he reigned 19 years 6 months and odd days , and died in 1327. edward iii. commonly called edward of windsor , the eldest son of edward the second succeeded his father , upon his resignation of the crown , being then about the age of 14 , his reign commencing from the 25 of january in the year of our lord , 1326. he proved a blessing to england , and was a prince of great wisdom , and very successful in his enterprises , the younger part of his reign was much ecclipsed by roger mortimer earl of march , the queen his mothers paramour , but he got quickly rid of him , for he was seised at notingham by the kings order and concurrence , just as he was going to bed to the queen , and for all the queens crying out to him bel fils , bel fils ayes pitie de gentil mortimer , i.e. good son , good son , take pitty upon gentle mortimer , he was forthwith carryed away to london , committed to the tower , condemned by his peers in parliament at westminster , hanged at elmes , and left hanging upon the gallows two ●ays and nights , and all this unheard , because he had done so by others before ; this king made several successful expeditions into scotland and made the king thereof do him homage , but the feat of his wars was in france , for charles king of france dying , the masculine line of hugh capet failed , and the crown descended to edward the third ( as he alledged ) in right of his mother isabel , who was sister to the said charles ; but phillip de valois , uncle to charles , intruded himself by force of arms and took possession , and was not only aggressor in this respect , but grew so confident of his power , that nothing would serve him , but he must have all our king had left in france , and therefore bends his force against all the king's castles and towns in aquitain and poictiers , and exercises abominable cruelties upon the english inhabitants , and all this under pretence of taking revenge for his friends the scots . the king in the mean time holds a parliament , obtains considerable supplies , and writes letters to the french king , exhorting him to continue his old amity , but neither this nor the pope's mediation for a peace would do , so king edward makes mighty preparation both by sea and land , and the first action happened to be by sea , and as memorable an one as any in the records of time ; for he took and sunk 200 sail of french ships , which phillip de valois had prepared in the haven of sluce for the invasion of england , which fleet like that of 88 was held invincible ; but king edward had equipp'd another as formidable a fleet , in opposition whereof he was generalissimo , and admiral himself . it was one of the most glorious victories that ever was got at sea , for the chronicles mention that the whole french navy perished , and 30000 men wounded , slain , and taken : this great naval battel was fought upon midsummer eve , and heaven appeared much for the english , for they had wind and sun favourable to them in the fight ; and to make it more glorious , king edward himself was wounded in the thigh with an arrow , whereof he was quickly cured . he then goes in person to france with 8000 common soldiers , 15000 archers , but he raised most of his horse in france ; he took over with him his son the prince of wales , then but 15 years old , called afterwards the black prince . he enters normandy like a whirle-wind , and carries all the countrey before him as far as poissy about 10 miles from paris , and after divers hot skirmishes a main battel is appointed . the english army encamped near a village called cressy , where it was divided into 3 battallions ; the first was led by the prince of wales , the second by the earls of arundel , and northampton , and in the third , was the king himself . the field being thus ordered the king mounted upon a white hobby , and rode from rank to rank encouraging every one to the performance of his duty . the french army was at least twice more in number , consisting of above 60000 combatants , with the flower of all the french chivalry , whereof the chief was the duke of alanzon the king's brother , there were besides the dukes of lorain and luxemburg , the earls of flanders , and artois with other foreign princes : the french king was so fierce in confidence of victory , that he would scarce admit of any previous time for counsel ; the old king of bohemia advis'd that the army should receive some refreshment before the fight , and that the ●rigade of gen●ua whereof there were about 15000 balestiers or cross-bo●●s should make the first front , and the cavalry to follow next , which being agreed upon , the duke of alanz● did stomack that the genouese should have the honour of the first rank . this bred such a discontent that they seem'd to be more incens'd against their leaders , then against the enemy ; but in the interim there fell such a huge shower of rain that wetted their bow-st●ings , which they had not the wit to cover all the while as the english did , insomuch that for the limmerness thereof , when they came to engage they grew useless ; at the ceasing of the shower , heaven appear'd in the action for the english , for the sun did shine full in the faces of the french , thereby dazling their eyes , but on the back of the english . king edward being got into a wind-mill all the while , whence as from a watch-tower he might explore and behold the face of the enemy , and discerning the disturbance that happen'd , because the genouese were put to change their post , instantly gave order to charge that part , which made the genouese recoil ; alanzon perceiving this , rides about in a rage , crying out , sa , sa , le ts make way over the bellies of these italians , for they do but hinder us , so riding thorow them , he came up to the english wing where the prince of wales was , the fight grew furious , and doubtful , insomuch that the commanders about the prince sent up to the king for a recruit of power , the king asking the messenger , whether his son was wounded or slain , and being answered no , he replied , then tell them who sent you , that as long as my son is alive , they send no more to me , for my will is , that he win his spurs , and have the honour of this day ; so the combattings on both sides being wonderfully eager , the french king had his horse killed under him , and so with-drew , which being known by the english , it added much to their courage , so that soon after they became masters of the field , and being in heat of blood , they made no prisoners but put all to the sword , so that the number of the french slain surmounted the whole army of the english , for there fell about 30000 of the enemy , the chief whereof was the duke of alanzon , the dukes of bourbon and lorain , the earl of flanders , the dauphine de viennois son to imbert , who afterwards gave the province of dauphiny to the french king , provided his first son should be called dauphine in perpetuum , and as a corollary to this mighty victory , the next day sending scouts abroad , there was another french army discovered under the conduct of the arch-bishop of roan , whom the english encounter'd also and utterly defeated . there was one passage very remarkable in this battle , whereof sir walter rawleigh makes mention : that a day before the engagement , the king sent one captain david gam a welshman to explore and view the french army , which he did with no less danger than fidelity , and brought word that there were in the enemies army men enough to kill , enough to take prisoners , and enough to run away , which proved true , and so the welsh captain was knighted in the field . this mighty victory was seconded a few years after by another more memorable , for the black prince having now wun his spurs , and being taper'd up to his full growth was sent to gascoigny , where the truce being expir'd , he overruns all the country as far as tourain , thereupon john the then french king rais'd a potent army , more numerous then that at cressy , and going to find out the prince of wales , he heard of him about poictiers , having not above 10000 effective men in his whole army , and they also having been tir'd with long marches , whereas the french were fresh , and were 6 times as many ; whereupon the prince being advised to turn , falls about towards bourdeaux , when he was suddenly surrounded by the french army , upon which a battle being intended , there came two cardinals to mediate an accommodation , but the french king would hearken to none unless the prince , as a vanquish'd man would render up himself , and his whole army to discretion ; this was of hard digestion at a prince of such a courage , therefore he answered : that at the mediation of the holy father he was willing to restore such places which he had taken en bonne guerre , provided this might be done without prejudice to his honour , whereof he was accountable to the king his father , &c. the french king not hearkning to this , resolved to fight , thereupon the prince also resolv'd for his part to part with his life at as high a rate as he could in such a strait , wherefore making a vertue of necessity by a happy providence , he makes choice of an advantagious ground ; for finding that the french army consisted most in cavalry , he entrench'd among the adjacent vineyards , where when the french horse furiously entred , being wrap'd and entangled amongst the vines , the english archers did so ply , pelt and gall them , that being thereby disordered , unrank'd and routed ; the whole army in a short time was totally defeated . but it seems that this battel was not so fierc● as that of cressy where no quarter was given ▪ for in this a great number of prisoners were made , among whom was king john himself and phillip his youngest son , whom the princ● brought to england ; and as the french historian themselves confess , he was so civil unto him a● the while , that he knew not whither he was i● quality of a free king or of a captive . and here a fair occasion is given to discover● and vindicate a great truth touching the individual person who first took king john , and h● was a welsh gentleman , one howel of the life-guard to the prince , which guard used to carry a kind of battle axes or partisans ; th● howel it seems being one of them , in the confus'd medley , and fury of the fight , did fortunately meet with the king , and seis'd upon him , but suddenly in the hurly burly , there were some frenchmen of the prince's army rush'd in , and the king knowing one of them , call'd to him , whose name was myrobrecht de artois , who going on with others to present the prisoner to the prince , there was a contest who took him first , and the king , was desired to point at him , so he pointed at howel , and said , this is the man who took me . there are authentick records in some welsh manuscripts that confirm this ; moreover , they have a general tradition , and some songs which continue fresh to this day , how howel did put a bridle in the french king's mouth , with many other expressions touching this great act. now , for that signal exploit the prince knighted him in the field , and he was ever after call'd sir howel y fuyall , sir howel with the axe ; he had the constableship of crikyth castle given him , with the farms of chester mills , and other considerable things conferr'd upon him , which surely would not have been but for the merit of some high signal service . the british records ( besides tradition and common report ) that mention this , were to be found in sir john winn's library , an honourable knowing knight , who was a curious collector of antiquities . these and many other glorious exploits were done by this king in france , who ceased not his pursuits till he had got the key of it hanging at his girdle , to wit , the town of calais , that in those days was looked upon to be impregnable , which he carried after a long siege . this kings reign is also memorable upon many other accounts ; as for the institution of the noble order of the garter , for removing the staple of wool from flanders into england , for that great champion against rome the famous wickliff , and for his own numerous issue by his heroick queen phillipa , being no less then seven sons and five daughters , his sons were these , edward the black prince the hopes of england , and who died before his father , william of hatfield , lione● duke of clarence , john of gaunt duke of lancaster , edmund of langley duke of york , william of windsor , and thomas of woodstock duke of glocester , he died at richmond in 1377. when he had reigned 50 years and odd months . the cause of the war twixt the english and french in edward the iii. time , was a claim to the crown and kingdom of france , in right of his mother isabel , which they would make invalid by their salique ( or dista●● law ) to which the greatest civilians do allow 〈◊〉 essence at all , and du haillan the great french historian hath no better opinion of it , but to be a me● chymera , or imaginary thing , but of this more presently . of the salique law. here i judge it no ways impertinent to be a little more particular yet , touching the claim of this king edward to the crown of france , and what grounds the french had by vertue of this salique law , for the exclusion of him claiming from a female ; and first , we will briefly state his claim as it then stood , and then come to the law it self , and it was thus . phillip the iv. surnamed the fair had three sons , lewis the contentious , phillip the long , and charles the fair ( all these successively reigned after him , and died without issue inheritable ) he had likewise a daughter named isabel ( i purposely omit the other , being foreign to the present affair ) married to edward the ii. king of england , and so was mother to edward the iii. the issue male of phillip the fair thus failing , phillip son and heir of charles earl of valois beaumont , &c. ( who was brother to phillip the fair ) laid claim to the crown as next heir male against king edward , who made answer to the objection of the salique law , that ( admitting it was as they asserted ) yet he was heir-male , though descended of a daughter , and this in a publick assembly of the states of france , first about the protectorship of the womb ( for queen joan dowager of charles the fair , was left with child and delivered of a daughter named blanch , afterwards dutchess of orleans ) was had in solemn dispute by lawyers on both sides , and applied at length also to the direct point of inheriting the crown , and so adjudged against king edward . what followed hereupon we have in some measure traced in the preceding history of his wars , and are more at large recorded in walsingham , froissart , aemilius , and a multitude of more modern writers , whereby it appears , and will in the wars of this king's successors in france , how the denial of this soveraignty to him by the french , cost the lives of many thousands of their men and involved that country into long and miserable calamities . but as for the law it self whereby they pretended such an exclusion of him , it may well be said with drayton in his poly-albion , that every mouth speaks of it , but few understand the thing it self , or so much as the etymology of its name , and therefore to clear this point as well as we can , we are necessitated to ascend a little higher then these times , wherein it was made use of in prejudice to the english claim , and to begin with the original of the francks , with whom they affirm it was brought into france . the francks therefore ( according to many modern historians ) came originally from asia into germany , though others , and perhaps upon better grounds , make their original to be in germany it self , but this is certain that upon the decline of the roman empire , they inhabited franconia , a province of germany , and about the year 413 , or according to davila 119 , invaded france under pharamond , whom they chose to be their king and leader ( which pharamond they make to be son to marcovir a prince that governed them in franconia ) but first , before they began their expedition , they held a general assembly near unto a river named sala , and there by the advice of the salij their priests , or as others of the salians whom they make to be the same with francks , enacted laws for government , and amongst the rest , one for the exclusion of females from inheriting the crown , which from the aforesaid appellations ( whether one or all , it matters not ) came to be denominated the salique law. but goropius that fetches all our of dutch , and this perhaps more tollerably then many of his other etymologies ( deriving the salians name from sal , which in contraction he makes to be from sadel inventors whereof , says he , the salians were ) interprets them to be as much as horse-men , a name fitly applied to the war-like and most noble persons of any nation , as equites in latin , chevaliers in french , and marchog in welch , do very well agree to , so that upon the whole , the salique law is made by him to be as much as a chivalrous law , and salique land ; quae ad equestris ordinis dignitatem & in capite summo & in caeteris membris conservandam pertinebat , which very well agrees with a sentence given in the parliament at bourdeaux , upon an ancient will , devising all the testator's salique lands , which was in point of judgment interpreted to be a fief ; and who knows not but that fiefs were originally military gifts , but if things be so , how then comes salique to extend to the crown , which is held to be meerly without tenure , therefore ( saith a later lawyer , ) ego scio legem salicam agere de privato patrimonio tantum , i know the salique law intends only private possessions . again , there are some who pretend to give us the names of the compilers of this law ( and not this alone , but of many others , as they say , ) viz. wisogast , bodogast , salogast and windogast , wise councellors about that pharamonds reign ; the text of it in this part is offered us by claude de seissell , bishop of marseilles , bodin and other french writers , as if it were as ancient as the original of the name , in these words ; de terra salica nulla portio haereditatis mulieri veniat , sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae hereditas perveniat . no part of the salique land can descend to the daughter , but all to the male , and in substance , as if referr'd to the person of the kings heir female ; so much if remembred by that great civilian baldus and divers others , but rather as a custom then any particular law , as an author of that kingdom hath expresly written ; ce n' est point vne loye ecritte , mais nee auec nous , que nous n' avons point inventer , mais l' avons puisse de la nature meme , qui le nous a ainsi apris & donne cet instinct , that is , this is no law written , but learned of nature . but why the same author dares affirm that king edward yielded upon this point to the french phillip de valois , i wonder , seeing all storie and carriage of state in those times is so manifestly opposite . becanus undertakes a conjecture of the first cause , which excluded gynaecocracie among them , guessing it to be upon their observation of the misfortune in war , which their neighbours the bructerans ( a people about the now over issel in the netherlands , from near whom he as many others first , derive the franks ) endur'd in the time of vespasian , under the conduct and empire of one velleda , a lady even of divine esteem amongst them . the learned drayton who has particularly treated of this subject , leaves it at last in suspence and concludes thus . but howsoever the law be in truth , or interpretable ( for it might ill beseem me to offer determination in a matter of this kind ) it is certain , that to this day , they have an usage of ancient time which commits to the care of some of the greatest peers , that they , when the queen is in child-birth be present , and warily observe left the ladies privily should counterfeit the inheritable sex , by supposing some other made when the true birth is female , or by any such means wrong their ancient custom royal. but by his favour , this is a custom in england as well as in france , where the females do notwithstanding inherit the crown , and never any law pretended to the contrary : i shall therefore conclude upon the whole with this one remark , that notwithstanding the many volumes that have been writ to justifie king edward and his successors title to france ( tho' its true the english in that age were better skilled in the sword then in the pen ) and the great dust that has been raised by the french under pretence of this salique law , to impede his way to their crown : yet after all it appears clearly to me , that the aforesaid dutchess of orleans had a better title then either king edward or phillip de valois , for she was daughter to charles the fair , the last king of the caputian line ; whereas edward was descended only from isabel sister to this same king. and as for phillip de valois , his pretentions had little of reality in them , when'tis plain hugh capet descended from a female of the carolovinian line , yet succeeded to the crown of france , and where was their salique law then , whereof they afterwards so much boasted that it was born with them , and never writ but taught by nature . richard ii. son to edward the black prince by joan his wife , daughter to edmund earl of kent , the youngest son of king edward i. succeeded his grand-father king edward iii. being but eleven years old , but had neither his wisdom nor good fortune ; from bourdeaux his birth-place , where his father kept his residence as duke of aquitai● , he was called richard of bourdeaux ; in his minority he was governed by his unkles , the dukes of lancaster and glocester , his reign was first much disturbed with the scots , and there were also divers traverses of war especially by sea with france ; for the french began to improve in navigation , and did us much mischief , for they burnt a good part of rye , hastings , and portsmouth advancing into the river as far as gravesend , where they likewise took booties , and burnt almost all the place , they also took footing in the isle of wight , but were soon repell'd : sir john arundel being sent with a considerable fleet to bretaign , was disastrously cast away with above 1000 persons more , whereof some were of rank and gallantry ; but a little after sir hugh caverley , and sir thomas percy being made admirals , they so scowr'd and secur'd the seas , and they took such a world of prises , that french wines were sold in london for a mark a tunn ; and 't is a passage of some remark , how one john philpot a citizen of london , mann'd out a fleet at his own charge , took prises and did many exploits against the french , yet at his return he was questioned for setting forth men of war without a warrant from king and council . this reign is also remarkable for the famous rebellion of wat. tyler and jack straw , for the expeditions of the duke of lancaster into spain , but especially for that famous interview between the kings of england and france , between calais and st. omers , manag'd with all the ceremony , pomp and grandeur that could be imagined , and where a knot of friendship was tied by king richards taking the lady isabel to wife , the king of france's daughter , he being then a widdoer , as having buried queen anne , the king of bohemia's daughter about two years before ; this king after much male-administration was at length deposed , when he had reigned 22 years and about 3 months , and was soon after murder'd in pomfret castle in yorkshire . henry iv. commonly called henry of bullingbrook , the first king of this line , was son to john of gaunt duke of lancaster , 4th . son of edward iii. he came to the crown by the power of the sword , but with the consent of the people , the issue of lionel duke of clarence 3 son to the said king edward being laid aside , that had a precedent right ; he was a prince of singular prowess , but most part of his time was taken up in suppressing of rebellions at home , and in the old trade of warring with scotland , whereat the french grew insolent , fitted out divers fleets , and attempted the coasts of england , first under the count of st. paul , who landed at the isle of wight with 7000 men , where he burnt some villages , but the island grew quickly too hot for him ; plymouth also was plundered , and divers houses burnt , whereupon the western men were permitted to set out ships of war , whereby they sufficiently revenged themselves of the french , and at one time took 40 sail. the french take footing again in the isle of wight with 1000 men , but they were repelled with the slaughter of many hundreds ; afterwards the admiral of britany with the lord of castile , and 30 sail attempt dartmouth , where at a fierce assault du castile was slain with his two brothers . the english during this reign , had occasion also to signalize themselves by land in france upon two several occasions ; for a great feud happening between the duke of burgundy ( whom the french king and his eldest son favoured● and the duke of orleans , whose father had been put to death by the procurement of the former it came at last to open wars between them ; but burgundy finding his adversary had powerful assistance from the kings of navarre and arragon the dukes of bituria , bretaign and others , makes his application to king henry for aid , who a●● first gave him good counsel , and afterwards se●● him good force under the command of thomas earl of arundel , the famous sir john old-cast●● lord cobham , and others , with which reinforcement he prevailed powerfully against his enemy ▪ insomuch that about a year after , orleans also becomes a suiter to the same king henry for assistance against burgundy , which the king also granted and dispatched away under the command of thomas duke of clarence , edward duke of york , &c. many valiant men who landed in normandy where orleans was to meet them , but did not at the time appointed ; however they prosecuted their design , and took many strong places , and at length orleans and clarence me● and having settled their affairs , the english departed to their winter quarters in aquitain henry like a wise prince designed to make use o● these dissentions in france , and exprest as much to the archbishop of canterbury , saying , behold now is the acceptable time , let us go into france and win with small ad● that which is our right ; but being then labouring under a great sickness , he was by his lords with much difficulty perswaded to the contrary ; and thus ended his wars in france , he himself dying soon after this last expedition under clarence , to wit , on the 20th . of march , anno 1412. aged 46. when he had reigned 13 years and about 6 months , and was buried at canterbury by his first wife the lady mary , daughter to bohun ▪ earl of essex ; he had issue four sons , henry that succeded him , thomas duke of clarence , john duke of bedford , and humphry duke of glocester , of whom it was said they could not be distinguished for their excellency , save that henry was the eldest : he had also 2 daughters , blanch dutchess of bavaria , and phillipa queen of denmark . the causes of this war was first self-preservation , and that the french assisted the scots against england , and had also sent 12000 men to owen glendower a brittish prince who was up in arms against the king , but a few daies after they landed at milford haven , they ran again back to their ships . henry v. commonly called henry of monmouth the eldest son of henry iv. proved a great prince , was a mirror of magnanimity , and stands to this day one of the greatest ornaments of our english chronicles , he no sooner mounted the throne , but he had his eye presently upon france for recovering his royal right to that crown , in order whereunto he alter'd in his arms the bearing of semy deluces , and quarter'd the 3 full flower deluces as france her self did bear them ; thereupon he sent the duke of exeter in a magnificent embassy attended with 500 horse to paris to demand the crown , and receiving no satisfactory answer , but rather a jeer , the dauphine sending king henry a sackful of racket court-balls to employ his time , he replied that for every one of those balls , he had so many fiery bullets to bandy at the proudest towers of france as he should quickly find ; and so he presently got over , and encounter'd the french army at agen-court , the french king himself being at the head of it , which he utterly overthrew , and took more prisoners then he had common soldiers ; the battel was fought upon a sunday morning about the time of high mass , for having sent notice to england before , that extraordinary prayers should be made in all churches about ten a clock in the morning , he stood upon the defensive part all the while till then , but then making a moving oration to his whole army , and among other strains telling them how all england was praying for them at that very hour , he obtained a most glorious and compleat victory . besides that great act of piety , another of policy was us'd , for the king to prevent the fury of the french cavalry , appointed divers stakes studded with iron at both ends of about 6 foot long to be pitch'd behind the archers , and ordered that pioners should attend to remove them as they should be directed , which invention conduc'd much to the good success of the action . the king himself charged the duke of alanzon , who being beaten off his horse was slain ; there was also a great slaughter of all kind of french prisoners , because the number was so great , that nothing could give assurance of safety but by making them away . at length after many wonderful feats and successes , performed especially by himself and noble brothers the dukes of clarence , bedford and glocester , he was upon articles agreed between him and charles vi. then king of france , made regent of that kingdom , and proclaimed both there and in england heir apparent to the french crown , and did thereupon take katherine the said kings daughter to wife ; but the dauphin ( afterwards charles vii . ) who judged himself much aggrieved hereby , made a strong party in the kingdom , and with a great army laid siege to the town of cosney , which king henry was so concerned at , that he resolved to go in person to the raising of it , but he was so eager and over-hasty in his march , that he could reach no further then senlis , ( trusting to his brother the duke of bedford's care in the prosecuting of that design , who relieved the town , and obliged the dauphine to retreat ) and there his fever so increased upon him , that he made his last will , and appointed his jewels to be sold for the payment of his debts , and ordained his brother the duke of bedford to be regent of france and normandy , and so died at vincennes , leaving no issue but a young son , whose education he left to the cardinal of winchester , and the government of england during his minority to humphrey duke of glocester , being the year of our lord , 1422. aged 38 , and having reigned 9 years and odd months ; he had the mortification to have his brother clarence slain with many fine soldiers at the siege of bauge in anjou before he died , but was otherwise in all his attempts successful , and is renown'd upon all accounts but in nothing so much as in his piety to god , to whom he gave all the glory of his victories . the ground of this war was the former claim to the crown and kingdom of 〈◊〉 . henry vi. commonly called henry of windsor , proved a religious prince , but weak and unfortunate , he began his reign when he was but 8 years old , and was crowned king of france at paris , anno 1431. to whom the nobles , provost and chief burgesses sware fealty , but lost it five years after to charles vii . and the loss of that drew on the loss of the whole , but it was not without much strugling . the beginning of his reign , which all persons feared would have been the worst , proved quite contrary , and was the most prosperous ; which is to be attributed to the wisdom , care and resolution of those brave men that his father appointed to guard him and his dominions . things prospered in france whilst the heroick bedford lived , who won many towns and forts , and proved victor in several encounters and battles , especially that great battle of vernole , where ( as a french author confesseth ) bedford , salisbury and suffolk , did mighty exploits , and defeated the whole french power about which time bedford as regent was obeyed in all places through vimen , poictiers and picardy , and from paris to rheims , chalons and troyes up to the river of loyre , but when this brave prince died , which was about the 14th . year of henry's reign , and that the duke of york was made regent , things went very much to wrack in france . guienne was the last province of france that held out for the english , where we lost that brave captain john lord talbot , the first earl of shrewsbury of that family , and ancestor to the now illustrious duke of shrewsbury , and called by the french historians the glory of the english nation , as we had done some years before at the siege of orleans the valiant earl of salisbury , a siege which first raised the fame of the french amazon , joan the sheaperdess commonly called the maid of orleans , whose wonderful courage and success prov'd very fatal to the english , ( though she was afterward burnt at roan for a witch , ) and which did not a little contribute to hasten our expulsion out of that kingdom , all places at length being reduced except calais , and the norman isles of guernsey , jersey , &c. and thus was the old prophecy made good , that henry of monmouth should win all , and henry of windsor should lose all , which was verified to some purpose in this king , for to the former losses was added that of the crown of england , he being deposed after he had reigned 39 years but lived eleven years after , and was murdered by crook-back richard in the tower of london . he was a king pious in an intense degree , which made henry vii . send to the pope to have henry vi. canoniz'd for a saint , but answer was given that he would canonize him for an innocent , but not for a saint . the causes of this war in this kings time was the revolt of the french from their obedience to their true king. edward iv. eldest son of richard duke of york , and first of this line came to the crown by right of descent from king edward iii. for anne his grandmother was daughter of roger mortimer ; son of edmund mortimer earl of march , and of phillip his wife sole daughter of lionel duke of clarence third son of edward iii. and elder brother of john of gaunt duke of lancaster , so that 't is plain in course of succession he had a precedent right to the house of lancaster , he was fain to maintain his right as he had got it by the sword , for to get it , no less than six battles had been fought by his father and himself , and six more to secure it , were sought in this reign , but when his affairs began to receive any settlement , he revolves upon his old right to the kingdom of france , wherefore upon the request of the duke of burgundy his brother in law , who was already actually in war with the french king , he enters into an alliance with him for to carry it on with united forces , and was the more easily induced hereunto , because of the assistance france had lately given the earl of warwick , queen margaret her son , prince edward and their accomplic●s against him : king edward makes very great preparations for this expedition , and having got all things in a readiness , rendevouzes at dover , and so from thence sails in a fleet , consisting of 500 sail of all burdens , ( whereof the duke of burgundy furnished many ) and lands at calais with a greater force then ever at any one time came into france , for he had with him 1500 gen d' arms , being all nobles and gentlemen , 15000 archers on horseback , 8000 common soldiers with 3000 pioneers ( 3000 english being at the same time appointed to land in bretaign for to make a diversion on that side . ) but before king edward imbarked , he sent an herald from dover to the king of france , with a letter of defiance , written in such language that mine author is perswaded could never be of an english man's penning . ( so little esteem had the english nation at that time for their learning in the world ) the contents of the letter were , that the king should yield unto him the kingdom of france , that so he might restore the clergy and nobility to their ancient liberty , and ease them of those great oppressions they laboured under , &c. which if he refused to do , he concluded full of menaces according to the usual form in that kind . the french king read the letter softly to himself , and then withdrawing to another room , sent for the herald to come before him , and told him , he was not ignorant of the confederacy between the king his master and the duke of burgundy , and how that the ●onstable of france held intelligence also with 〈◊〉 king of england , the king having married 〈◊〉 niece , but adds he , he will deceive the king ●ur master as he has done me ; and as for bur●●ndy , 't is manifest he foully prevaricates , for he already retired f●om before nunz , and at last includes with a present of 300 crowns to the ●erald , and a promise of a thousand more , if peace were concluded , and got him to engage 〈◊〉 further it with all his might ; king edward 〈◊〉 no sooner landed at calais , but the duke of b●●gundy retires from before nunz , and with a ●all retinue rides to the king at calais , leaving 〈◊〉 army in the mean time to plunder the coun●●y of lorr●in and barr ; from calais they both ●arted , and passing through bolloign marched perronne , where the english were but coldly ●●tertained by the duke , for he would suffer but very few of them to come within the gates , 〈◊〉 that they were obliged to take up their quar●●●s in the fields ; there it was the duke received message from the constable of france , whereby 〈◊〉 excused himself for not delivering of st. quin●● , alleadging that if he had done it , he could ●●ve done him no further service in the king●om of france ; but added , that seeing the king 〈◊〉 england was come over in person , he would 〈◊〉 the future do whatever the duke should com●and him , and gave him his faith in writing he ●ould serve him and his confederates to the ut●ost of his power against all opponents whatso●●er ; the duke delivers the constables letter to the king , adding some things thereto of his own head , as that the constable would certainly d●liver up st. quintin , and all other places in 〈◊〉 power as soon as ever he came before them which the king willing to believe , marches t●gether with the duke forthwith from peronne t●wards st. quintin ; the english expecting to be ●●ceived with ringing of bells , approached th● town in a careless manner , but had a quite contrary entertainment , for they from the tow● fired their cannon upon them , and with●●● made a sally both with horse and foot , wher●in some english were slain and others taken pr●soners . this double dealing both of the constable an● duke made the king the more readily heark●● to the overtures of peace that the french kin● offered him ; wherefore in a village near ami●● commissioners for both kings met , whereof 〈◊〉 france were the bastard of bourbon admiral , 〈◊〉 lord st. peter and bishop of eureux , and for e●●land the lord howard , one chalanger and doct●● morton , where it was agreed the french ki●● should pay the king of england presently befo●● his departure out of france , seventy two tho●sand crowns towards the expence of the eng●●●● army , and 50000 crowns a year for ever , 〈◊〉 that the dauphine should marry king edwards ●●dest daughter and have the dutchy of guien 〈◊〉 her maintenance ; but at the king's return , 〈◊〉 english barons held it to be an inglorious pe●●● though 't was said to be made by the holy gh●●● ●or a dove was seen to be often on king edward's ●ent during the treaty . but the last article was never performed , for the dauphine was afterward married to margaret daughter to maximi●an archduke of austria , so much to the disappointment and sorrow of king edward , that he ●ell sick upon it ( as comines saies ) and departed ●his life at westminster the 9th . of april , at the age of 41. when he had reigned 22 years and ●bout one month , anno 1483. and was buried at windsor , where before he had provided him a ●esting place ; this king had three concubines , whereof jane shoar was one , of whom he would say one was the merriest , another the wiliest , and the third the holyest harlot in his realm . the cause of this war was a defection of the french from their loyalty to england , in conjuction with the assistances they gave queen margaret and the earl of warwick against king edward . edward v. eldest son of king edward iv. was not above 12 years of age when his father died ; during this kings short reign ( if it may be called 〈◊〉 ) there was neither , nor well could be any war 〈◊〉 act of hostility that we read , between eng●●nd and france , for it was but three months that he reigned , for richard duke of glocester his unkle knowing how easie a step it was from the place of a protector and first prince of the blood to the crown , turned every stone to get the the protectorship from the lord rivers , the king's unkle by the mother side ; and having compassed it , his next business was to get prince richard the king's brother into his clutches also , whom the queen mother was fain to part with in great arfliction and struggling of nature , for she delivered him up as it were for execution ; and the protector who was resolved to make both him and the king a victim to his ambition , looks upon the two young princes from that very time as two birds in a cage that should not be long-lived , but to blind the people , he forthwith gave orders for the king's coronation , whilst he secretly contrived with the duke of buckingham ( his great coajutor in his cursed designs ) to fix the crown upon his own head ▪ buckingham with his artifices forced in a manner the city to a compliance , which nolens volens was at last forced to proclaim richard king of england , the duke pretending that all the late kings issue were bastards , and the protector only true heir to the crown , who when it was offered unto him by the duke in the name of the city , refused it with a counterfeit angry countenance , but when his privado making himself the mouth of the assembly , said that if his grace would not accept of the crown , they would find one that should , then he was pleased to take it upon him as his right . richard iii. was youngest brother to edward iv. of whom 't was said he was born with teeth in his head , and hair on his shoulders : at his first coming to the crown he took his seat in the court of king's bench , where like a gracious prince he pronounced pardon of all offences committed against him , to insinuate thereby to the people what a blessed reign this was like to be , but he spared not the two young princes then in the tower , but they were by his order stiffled in their beds ; this reign was so troublesom at home , that richard though a warlike prince in himself , had not leasure to mind his affairs abroad ; for the duke of buckingham the great instrument of all his villanies , whether through the horrour of the said murder , or some other resentment did most certainly from that time project his ruine , who had been the chief instrument of his elevation ; there was then at the court of the duke of bretaign in france , henry earl of richmond , the next heir to the house of lancaster , whose advancement to the crown buckingham and others resolved upon , with proviso that henry should consent to marry the lady elizabeth , eldest daughter to edward iv. whereby the houses of york and lancaster should be united into one , but before the plot took effect , the duke was taken and lost his head without any form of tryal , or any regard had to his former service . richmond lands at milford haven in wales but with 200 men , from whence advancing forwards by dayly reinforcements , made up a body of 5000 men with whom he incountred k. richard at bosworth in leicestershire , being aug. 12. 1485. the fight was very sharp , but successful to henry who carried the day , and with it the crown of england , for there richard was slain after he had acted the part of a great captain and most valiant soldier , and so ended his bloody and short reign , which was but two years two months and odd days , but however to his praise it must be said , that during his reign he procured many good laws for the ease of his people , and omitted nothing that might tend to the honour of the english nation . henry vii . born in pembrocke castle in wales succeeded next to richard upon bosworth battle , and assumed the crown as heir of the house of lancaster by his mother side margaret countess of richmond then alive and lived many years after , daughter and heir of john de beauford duke of sommerset , son of john earl of summerset , son of john of gaunt duke of lancaster by jane swinford ( but born before wedlock though afterward legitimated by act of parliament , yet with a proviso of not being capable to inherit the crown ) his father was edmund tewdor son of owen tewdor descended ( as 't was said ) from cadwallader the last brittish king ; so that here was but a very slender title , in so much that henry , according to a former compact , was necessitated for the strengthning of it , to take elizabeth eldest daughter to edward the iv. to wife and heir to the house of york , to whom he proved no very indulgent husband , tho she wanted no attractive accomplishments , but his aversion to the house of york was so predominant , that it found place not only in his wars and council , but in his chamber and bed ; but his assuming of the crown first in his own name , and afterwards never making use of hers , either in his coins , proclamations or any administrations , spun him out a thread of many seditions and troubles at home , and might perhaps divert him from great undertakings abroad , for he was a prince that wanted neither wisdom nor courage ; however , it was in his time that the dutchy or bretaign was annext to the crown of france , which it was in his power to have prevented , and indeed herein he seemed to be outwitted by charles the french king , who by his artifices engaged king henry to be a mediator between him and the duke of bretaign , while he with his forces besieges nantes , and routs the dukes whole army ; 't is true the lord woodville the queen's uncle , secretly stole over into bretaign with a small band of men from the isle of wight , which action exposed the english ambassadors who then mediated a peace , to no small danger , but the reinforcement was so inconsiderable , as to do the britons no great service . but the battle of st. alban aforementioned , wherein the britons were overthrown with the loss of 6000 or their men , and the duke of orleans who sided with them with the prince of orange taken prisoners , allarmed king henry in such sort , that he forthwith dispatcht succors into bretaign , under the command of robert lord brook , to the number of eight thousand choise men , who quickly joined the remainder of the britons forces , and marched towards the enemy , who though flush'd with their late victory , well knowing the english courage , kept themselves within their trenches and declined battle , but in the mean time took all advantages upon our men with their light horse , though they commonly came off with loss , especially by means of the english archers . but while these things were thus transacting , francis duke of bretaign dies , whereupon the principal persons of that dutchy partly bought , and partly through faction , put all things into such confusion , that the english finding no head nor body to join forces with , and being jealous of their friends as well as in danger of their enemies , upon the approach of winter , returned home five months after their landing . at this time archduke maximilian son to the emperor frederick was gov●●nor of flanders , and in treaty of marriage with anne heiress of bretaign , when 〈◊〉 happened a rebellion at bruges , which was carryed on by the lord ravenstein who seized upon ipre and sluce , and sent to the lord corde's french governor of picardy , infamous in history for that saying ( he could be content to lie in hell seven years , so he might win calais from the english ) for aid , who ( as being before provided , immediately besieges dixmude , whereat the king of england being displeased , sends forthwith the lord morley with a 1000 men to the governour of calais , and with an addition of a 1000 more from thence had order , but under pretence of securing the english pale about that city , to put themselves into dixmude , which in conjunction with some german● they effected undiscovered , and so with the garrison attacked the enemies camp with that resolution and bravery , that after a bloody and obstinate fight they beat them out of it with the loss of about 8000 men ; but on the english par●not above an 100 men , and among them the lord morley . the cannon and baggage fell also into their hands , with which they marche● to newport , from whence the lord daubigny returned to his government of calais , leaving th● wounded , and some other voluntiers there , cordes having intelligence hereof , departs immediately from ipre with a great force , and attack newport , and had carried the principal fort 〈◊〉 the town , when fortunately there arrived in the haven a reinforcement of english archers , who beat him out of it again , whereat he became so discouraged that he raised his siege , which accidents tended to an open rupture between the two crowns . hereupon king henry advises maximilian to press on his marriage with anne of bretaign , which he did accordingly , insomuch that the marriage was consummate by proxy , the lady put to bed , and maximilian's embassador with letters of procuration in the presence of many noble personages , putting his naked legg between the espousall sheets . maximilian thinking all things now sure , neglected for a time his further proceeding and intended his wars ; in the mean while the french king consulting his divines , got them to declare this way of consum●ation invalid , so as they made sport of it in france , saying , that it was an argument maximilian was a widower and a cold wooer , that could content himself to be a bride-groom by a deputie , and would not make a little journey 〈◊〉 put all out of question , and easily by emissa●ies whereof he had store about her , prevailed ●pon the young lady to consent to become his ●ife , who was a young king and a batchellor ▪ which procedure and artifice of france distasted 〈◊〉 henry , that he caused his cancellor to tell 〈◊〉 french embassadors ( who were sent to sooth 〈◊〉 up upon this occasion ) that he was resol●ed to recover his right to normandy , gutien , anjou and to the kingdom of france it self , unless the french king were content to have king henry's title to france ( at least tribute for the same ) handled in a treaty : maximilian , and with good reason , storms more then any body at this perfidious dealing of france , sends forthwith embassadors both to england and spain , to incite them to enter into an offensive league against france promising to concur with considerable forces o● his own , hereupon henry calls a parliament , gets plentiful supplies and raises a puissant army in which were many noble personages , and over whom he makes jasper duke of bedford and john earl of oxford generals under his own person , and on the 9th . of september in the 8th year of his reign , departs towards the sea coast october 6th . he imbarked at sandwich , and the same day landed at calais : some overtures of a● accommodation were made him from france before he took shipping , but he was no sooner arrived at calais , but the calm winds of peace began to blow , for he found maximilian was unprovided of the assistance promised for lack of money , which soon spread through the army and upon the neck of this he received news also that ferdinand and isabel had made peace with charles king of france , upon his restoring unto them the counties of rousillion and perpignan formerly mortgaged unto france by john king o● arragon ; however october 15th . he left calais and directed his march towards bulloigne , where h● arrived in four days , and so sat down before it 〈◊〉 the siege continued for near a month , but without any memorable action or accident of war , only sir john savage a valiant commander was slain as he was riding about to view the walls ; the town was well fortified , and had a good garrison , yet it was much distressed and ready for an assault ( which if it had been given 't was believed it would have been carried ) when the commissioners appointed for that purpose concluded a peace which was to continue for both the kings lives , wherein there was no article of importance , being in effect rather a bargain then a treaty , ( as my lord bacon observes ) for all things remained as they were , save that there should be paid to the king seven hundred forty five thousand duckats at present , for his charges in that expedition , and five and twenty thousand crowns yearly , for his expenses sustained in the aids of the britons ; and besides , this was left indefinitely when it should determine or expire , which made the english esteem it as a tribute carried under fair terms ; and the truth is , it was paid both to this king , and to his son king henry viii . longer then it could continue upon a●y computation of charges , but this peace gave no great contentment to the nobility , and principal officers of the army , who had many of them sold or engaged their estates upon the ●opes of the war , and they stuck not to say that the king cared not to plume his nobility and ●nd people to feather himself , and others made themselves merry with what the king had said in parliament ; that after the war was once begun , he doubted not to make it pay it self , saying , he had kept his promise : however , charles was by this peace assured of the possession of bretaign , and free to prosecute his designs upon naples , which kingdom he won , though he lost it afterward in a kind of felicity of a dream , after he had passed ●he whole length of italy , without resistance , so that it was true what pope alexander was wont to say , that the frenchmen came into italy with chalk in their hands , to mark up their lodgings , rather then with swords to fight . however , henry in the 11th . year of his reign upon this occasion , entred into a league with the italian potentates for the defence of italy . he had many intestine broils and insurrections , and his reign is noted for lambert simnel and perkin warbeck's impostures , and no less remarkable for the immense treasure he left behind him , a testimony of his avaritious nature , and after above 23 years reign and having lived 52 he died , april the 22d . at his palace of richmond which himself had built , anno. 1508. the causes of his wars were partly for the relief of bretaign , partly on behalf of the arch-duke maximilian , and partly for the recovery of his own right in france . henry viii . heir to both houses of york and lancaster , and the only surviving son of henry vii . succeeded his father at the age of 18 , and proved a prince of great vertues as well as vices : towards the fourth year of his reign , the french king making war upon pope julius , king henry wrote him monitory letters to desist , as being his friend and confederate , which letters being little regarded , henry sent to demand his dutchies of normandy , guien , anjou and main , and the crown of france it self , but this had the same effect with the former , the french king continuing his war in italy , which provoked king henry so , that entring into confederacy with the emperor maximilian , ferdinando king of spain and other potentates , he determined by the advise of his council to make war upon france , and made preparations both by sea and land accordingly , and in concert with ferdinando sends over into biscay an army of 10000 men all foot , under the command of the marquess of dorset , with a design to invade france on that side , first for the recovery of the dutchy of aquitain , but ferdinand failing in the promises he had made of horse , ordinance , carriages , &c. the english after they had waited from may till december for performance , returned into england without any memorable action performed ; their number being considerably diminished through sickness : henry nothing discouraged hereat , calls a parliament who gave him a plentiful supply for carrying on the war , wherefore with a puissant army wherein were many noble persons , and over which as captain general was constituted the earl of shrewsbury , under the king's person , he lands at calais on the last day of june , being the fifth year of his reign , and the day following lands the admiral of england at whitsand bay , entred the town and burnt it , and then returned : from calais about the 21st . of july the king marches in great state and good order of battle towards turwin , where he arrives on the fourth of august , and laies close siege to it ; the french attempting to impede his march , but without success : seven daies after came the emperor maximilian , whom the king received with great triumph between aire and the camp , where he enters into the king's pay , and as a testimony thereof , wore st. george's cross with a rose , the town made no extraordinary defence , for notwithstanding the garrison consisted of 4000 , whereof were 600 good horse , yet they capitulated the 23d . and marched away the day following ; but the king did not think fit to keep the place , and therefore rased all the works , and burnt the town , removing first the ordinance that was in it to aire ; from hence he directs his march towards the city of turnay , and about the 21st . of september sets down before it , it was but weakly garrisoned , but full of inhabitants , and so on the 29th . of the same month , was by capitulation surrendred ; the citizens which were to the number of 60000 swearing allegiance to him . here sir edward poinings was made governour , and of this city wolsey then the kings almoner was made bishop , and so by the way of calais , henry returns for england , and on the 24th . of october lands at dover , the earl of surrey during his absence , having fought the scots , slain their king james iv. and defeated their whole army . the king's arms thus prevailing by land in france it self , and against the scots its confederates , proved no less successful by sea , for sir john wallop had landed on the coast of normandy and burnt to the number of 21 towns and villages , together with many ships in the haven of trapart , staples , and other places . the french king by the means of pope leo , with whom he was now accorded sues for a peace , which was at length concluded , the lady mary the king's sister for the tying of the knot , being given to the french king in marriage , whom however she did not long enjoy lewis xii . dying 82 days after . the remainder of this king's reign was in a manner spent in domestick affairs , which is not our province to treat off , till about the 35th . year , when in conjunction with the emperor he again makes war upon france , the emperor took the field in person , and the english joining him under the command of sir john wallop , laid siege to landarsey , the french king hasted with a great army to succour the town , which was brought to great extremity , upon whose approach the emperor expecting to give battle , raised his siege , the town being by this means relieved , that was all the french cared for , declining to hazard a battle , and so upon the approach of winter , both camps broke up . the year following , the king raised a mighty army , the front led by the duke of norfolk , the main battle by the duke of suffolk , where the king intended to be present himself also , and the rear by the lord russel , attended with many other nobles as the earls of surrey , oxford , &c. which about whitsuntide landed at calais , and from thence leaving bolloign to the right , directed their march towards muterell , and were as they passed joined by the emperors forces under the count of buren , but finding the foresaid place extraordinarily well fortified and provided for its defence , the duke of suffolk with the king's army wheels off towards bolloign , where he arrives july 19th . and pitched his camp to the east of the town upon the hill , but thence removing into a valley after many sharp skirmishes , entred the lower town deserted by the inhabitants , who under the covert of the smoak , got into the high town undiscovered ; soon after the tower called , the old man was yielded up by sixteen soldiers that kept it , which notwithstanding discouraged not the garrison , who continued to make a vigorous defence ; on the 26th . of july the king arrives in person , orders a mount to be raised upon the east-side planted with diverse pieces of cannon and mortars , which incommoded the town very much , so that few houses were left whole within it ; in this distress 200 french and italians under the conduct of joncurtio attempted to get into the town in the night , and succeeded so well by the means of a priest that spoke english , that most of them were got over the trenches before discovered , and a matter of 120 got in , the rest being either slain or taken ; at length a peice of the castle being blown up , the king stormed the place , but did not carry it ; however the cannon continuing playing , and the garrison having lost the best of their commanders and men in this action , and fearing as well as concluding that such another assault must carry the town , thought it time to capitulate before things came to the last extremity , and so articles were agreed upon , and the garrison marched our with bag and baggage to the number of 67 horse , 1563 foot , 87 wounded , and 1927 women and children . on the 25th . of september the king with the sword bore before him by the marquess of dorset , enters bolloign in triumph , the trumpets all the while sounding on the walls , and two days after viewing of the place , caused st. maries church to be pull'd down , and a mount to be made in the room of it for the strengthning the town , and at his departure made sir john dudley governor , and on the first of october lands in england , next year september 9th . sir john dudley then admiral lands with 6000 men at trey port in normandy , burns the town and abby , and 30 ships in the haven , with the loss of 14 men only . the french attempted the recovery of bulloign again and again , but to little purpose , so that at length a peace was concluded , wherein it was agreed , the french king should pay king henry 800000 crowns within the term of eight years , and then to have bulloign restored to him ; but whilst the oath for confirmation hereof was taken by both kings , monsieur chatillon began to make a new bastillion at the very mouth of the haven of bulloign , calling it chatillon's garden ; the lord grey of wilton then governor of bulloign , advertised the king hereof by sir thomas palmour , requiring to know his pleasure therein , the king advises with his councel , who all agree the conditions of peace ought by no means to be infringed , and therefore to let the bastilion stand , whereupon the king ordered his secretary to write to the lord grey to that purpose , but then called to sir thomas privily , and told him , that notwithstanding the contents of that letter , he should from him command the lord grey to rase the fortification to the ground with all speed , sir thomas replyed , that a message by word of mouth contrary to a letter , would never be believed ; well ( saies the king ) tell him as i bid you , and leave the doing of it to him . sir thomas upon his arrival at bulloign , delivered the governor the letter , and withall the message , who hereupon calls a council what to do , wherein they all agreed the letter should be obey'd , to which the lord grey himself said nothing , but caused the message to be written down verbatim from sir thomas mouth , and those of the council to set their hands to it , and when this was done , the very next night he issues out and rases the fort to the ground , and then sent sir thomas back to the king with letters to acquaint him with what he had done , who as soon as he saw him , asked aloud , what will he do it or no ? sir thomas delivering the letter , said , your majesty shall know by these , but the king half angry , said , nay , tell me has he done it or no ? and being told it was done , he turn'd about to his lords and said , what say you , my lords , to this ? chatillon's garden is rased down to the ground ? whereunto one presently answered , that he that had done it deserved to lose his head , to which the king immediately replies , that he would rather lose a dozen such heads as his was , then one such servant that had done it , and therewith commanded presently the lord grey's pardon to be drawn , which he sent to him with letters full of thanks and promises of reward . the cause why the king took this course was this , lest if he had given order in writing for the rasing of the fort , it might have come to the knowledge of the french before it was done , and so have been prevented . this may be taken as an instance of king henry's great capacity ; and was the concluding act of his life as to forreign affairs , for he died not long after , to wit , in the year 1547. the fifty sixth of his life , and of his reign the eight and thirtieth . the causes of this war with france were partly reasons of state , and partly the league which king henry had made with the emperor . edward vi. born at hampton court , succeeded his father king henry viii . at the age of nine years , a most excellent prince , and the wonder of the the age both for learning and piety , but england did not long enjoy the fruit of the blessings coutched in his person , his reign being shortned by an immature death , as it had been in a great measure rendred uneasie through the feuds of the nobles during his life ; this together with the reformation carried on at home , made the enemy insult abroad , insomuch that the french assumed the boldness in conjunction with the scots , to attack us in our own borders ; for in the second year of this king's reign on st. peter's eve , monsieur dassey the french general with 10000 french and germans besides scots , laid siege to haddington , a town in scotland , but then in the hands of the english ; the town made a most vigorous defence , and at length came 1300 horse from berwick with intent to relieve it , but failed in the attempt , for most of the horse being surrounded by the enemy , were either slain or made prisoners , together with sir robert bowes and sir thomas palmer their commanders ; but for all this great discouragement and misfortune , the garrison would not flinch , but continued making frequent and successfull sallies upon the enemy till aug. 20. when the earl of shrewsbury with 16000 men , 4000 whereof were germans came to succour the place ; the enemy had no sooner intelligence thereof , but they marched away with all speed , but first highly applauded the bravery of the garrison , the earl revictualled the place for that time and then returned , tho it was thought afterwards convenient to demolish it , which was accordingly performed the 20th . of september following by the earl of rutland . the year following , i.e. the 3d. of the kings reign it came to an open rupture between england and france , the french thinking to surprise jersey and guernsey came suddenly with many gallies upon our fleet there , but were received with that resolution and bravery , that they were forced to flee with great loss both of men and shipping . news came to the king and protector , aug. 28th . that the french had taken blackness , hamiltoun and newhaven near bulloign , by the means of one sturton ( as 't was said ) a natural son of the lord sturton , who betrayed this last place into the hands of the enemy , and took service himself in the french army , hereupon the captain of bulloign bark , fearing the consequence after he had conveyed the stores and ordinance to the high town blew up the fort ; the french made all possible preparations to attack the place , and for the more vigorous carrying on of the siege , and encouragement of the soldiers , the french king comes before bulloign in person , where were many famous exploits done both by the assailants and defendants , but the brave sir nicholas arnold who was governor , began and continued to make so prudent as well as brave resistance , that the french were constrained at last to quit their enterprize , and hereupon were made some overtures of peace , which at last was concluded , and wherein it was agreed , that bolloign should be delivered up to the french , upon condition there should be a reservation of king edward's title to the crown of france , and due payment made unto him of 500000 crowns . this king being about sixteen years old died at greenwich , july 6th . having reigned six years and about five months . the cause of this war was the king's minority and feuds at home , whereof the french thought to take advantage . mary . eldest daughter to king henry viii . by q. katherine of spain succeeded her brother edward , anno 1553. pursuant to their father's will , though contrary to her brothers , who left the lady jane grey his successor , and after some small opposition by the foresaid lady's party , more especially the duke of northumberland her husbands father got peaceable possession of the throne , and was crowned at westminster the last of april in great state and magnificence , the former part of her reign which in all was but short , was much taken up in restoring popery , and the papal power in her dominions , which she effected in a great measure through the shedding of much innocent blood , which has left a bitter stain upon her memory in the records of time , as well for her cruelty as superstition , tho authors generally represent her to be a princes of her self compassionate and good natur'd ; she was married to phillip king of spain , on st. james day , in the second year of her reign , and this marriage engaged her about the fifth year of her reign in a war with france ; for king phillip passing over to calais and so to flanders , made great preparations against the french king , and was assisted therein with a thousand english horse , four thousand foot and 2000 pioneers , whereof the earl of pembrock was general ; with this reinforcement king phillip directs his march to st. quintin , and after a sharp siege takes the place , the english ( of whom the lord henry dudley who first advanced the standard upon the wall was here slain ) doing him mighty service herein , which the king generously rewarded with the spoils of the town , but this action may be truly said to have been fatal to england , in regard 't was the principal cause of the loss of calais ; for while the greatest part of that garrison was imployed in the foresaid siege , and before calais was reinforced , having then but 500 men in it , the duke of guise with a powerful army advances towards it , entrenches himself at sand-gate ; sent one detatchment along the downs towards risebank , and anotherb to newnem-bridge , he soon possesses himself of oth , for the few soldiers that guarded them had fled secretly into the town : the next day they raised a battery from the hills of rise-bank against the walls of calais between the water-gate and the prison , and continuing the same for three days , made a small breach , by which they could not well enter , neither was it so designed ; for while the english were busie in the defence of this place , the french making their way through the ditch ( which was full of water ) entred the castle designing thence to pass into the town , but here the brave sir anthony hagar withstood them , and stopped their further progress , though to the loss of his own life ; for there was not a man besides killed during the siege ; till the governour the lord wenthworth that same evening which was the fifth of january considering succours far , the enemies nigh approach , and the weakness of the garrison thought fit to capitulate , and so it was agreed the town with the ammunition and artillery should be delivered to the french , the lives of the inhabitants saved , and all to depart where they pleased excepting the governour and fifty more , such as the duke of guise should appoint to remain prisoners and be put to ransom ; thus the good town of calais after it had been in the hands of the english for the space of 200 and 10 years ( for it was taken by edward iii. after a siege of eleven months in 1347. ) was lost in less then a fortnight , till which time we had the keys of france at our girdles , and so 't was believed queen mary resented the loss accordingly , for she died soon after , having said not long before , that if she were opened they should find calais at her heart ; some feints were made for the repairing of this loss , for the queen equipped out a fleet with a design to surprise brest , they landed in conquet road , and in a short time became masters of the town , with the great abbey which they sacked and burnt , together with diverse adjacent villages , where they found good plunder ; from hence ( having now allarmed the country ) the admiral judged it not convenient to pursue their enterprise and so returned ; king phillip in the mean time went on with his wars , and could not conclude a peace ( though both sides seemed to desire it ) because he insisted stifly upon the rendition of calais to the english , which the french would by no means yield to ; which together with the king's absence , hastned the queens death , for she departed this life at st. james's , november 17th . 1558. when she had reigned five years , four months and odd days . the chief ground of this war with france was the conjugal tye whereby the queen was bound to adhere to king phillip her husband . elizabeth . seecond daughter to henry viii . by queen ann bullen succeeded her sister mary to the imperial crown of england , a princess whose vertues its impossible for me to celebrate ( if it were my design ) having advanced the glory of the english nation both at home and abroad , beyond any of her predecessors , and how far short her successors have been from improving , or so much as maintaining of it is evident in history , but no where so well as in that celebrated piece the detection of the 4 last reigns , &c. in war she was involved almost all her reign and had not only to do with , but triumphed over the proudest monarchy then in europe , ( i might say in the world , ) i mean that of spain , which however being forreign from the present design , i shall not meddle with : the first occasion of quarrel she had with france , was in the second year of her reign , when the french having upon the suit of the queen dowager of scotland , sent great numbers of soldiers to aid and assist her against the reforming lords , queen elizabeth disliking such neighbours , and knowing the queen of scots was married and govern'd in france , and began to assume the english arms , upon the humble suit of the said lords , sent them a strong reinforcement by land under the command of the lord grey of wilton , and at the same time dispatch'd sir will. winter vice admiral with a fleet of ships for to block up lieth ; the army after some stay at berwick pursued their march , and after some usual pickering by the way and overtures of a cessation arrived before leith , which was chiefly garrisoned by french soldiers ; the place was bravely attack'd several times , and wonders done by the english both by sea and land against it ; and the french omitted nothing that could be done for its defence , and this continued from about the beginning of april till the latter end of june , at what time the place being very much streightned and must have yielded , the commissioners appointed for that purpose made a peace at edenburg , which july 7th . was proclaimed in the town of leith , by vertue of which treaty the french were to depart out of scotland except 120 , and the scottish queen to put our o● her title the arms of england and ireland , &c about two years after , that horrid massacre was perpetrated in france upon the poor protestants , that is so infamous in history , the popish party having leagued themselves against them ; which barbarity powerfully induced the queen to assist the reformists in order to prevent their final destruction , and to that purpose sent over a good band of soldiers to new haven in france , which the townsmen joyfully received , over whom and other forces that did arrive , was constituted general , the earl of warwick who landed here 29th . of october anno 1562. this place is remarkable in history for the long siege it susteined through the valour of the english ; first came the rhinegrave before it , then the constable of france , and last of all the prince of conde , whose united forces had in all probability been baffled , had it not been for a violent pestilence that raged within and swept away its defendants in great numbers ; but notwithstanding this , and that the enemies cannon were within 26 paces of the town , and many breaches made , yet the noble warwick with his respective officers and soldiers stood at the breaches to receive the enemy if they offered to make an assault ; which the constable perceiving , caused a trumpeter to sound a parley , which being accepted of , the town was surrendred upon honourable articles , after the earl had held it eleven months , the perfidy of the reformists giving also an helping hand to these misfortunes , to which may be added another disadvantage , in that the french had a pretence by this our aiding the protestants to withold the surrendring of calais after the term of 8 years , whereof some were already expired . about the 32th . year of the queens reign , henry iii. king of france was murdered , whereupon the leaguers armed under the duke of main to keep henry king of navar then a protestant from the crown , whom they pressed so hard upon , that he was forced to flee into diep designing from thence to get over into england , but first sends to the queen an account of his circumstances , who commiserating his condition , forthwith sends him sixty thousand brave soldiers , under the command of the lord willoughby ; the report of whose arrivall coming to main's ears , he suddenly raises the siege , which so animated the king , that he marched out , encountred and defeated his enemy , and so by degrees prevailed through the queens good assistance from time to time both of men and money , the spaniards having also about this time by means of the leaguers got footing in bretaign , the queen dispatches thither 3000 men under the command of that thrice famous general sir john norris , who beat them quite out of that country ; about a year after my lord willoughby's succors arrives in france the renowned earl of essex with 4000 foot more , some horse and pioneers , as a further reinforcment to the king , and did honourable service , challenging monsieur villerse governour of roan to a single combat which he refuses and then return'd , but had the mortification to have his brother walter devereux a brave young gentleman slain with a musket bullet before ro●n ; the last succors was to the number of 2000 and put under the command of that excellent soldier sir rog●r williams , who was always forward for the greatest attempts , and did here excellent service . he beat the leaguers that blockt up the passes about diep upon such unequal terms , that henry iv. could not but take notice and highly extoll his valour in his letter to the queen : this queen after a glorious reign of 44 years 5 months and odd days , at the age of 70 years anno 1602. and lived longer then any of the kings of england since the conquest , dyed at richmond and lies buried at westminster . the causes of the war in this queen's time were not direct , but collateral in behalf of the king and reformists of france . james i. then the sixth king of scotland of that name , t was immediately upon the death of queen elizabeth proclaimed king of england , scotland , france and ireland , &c. as being descended from the united roses of lancaster and york , king henry vii . and queen elizabeth his wife , whose issue by the male failing in the late deceased queen elizabeth , the off-spring of margaret their eldest daughter was next heir , which lady was married to james iv. king of scotland , by him had issue james v. whose only daughter queen mary was , mother to this our monarch . this king was of a timorous nature and peaceable disposition ; so that beati pacifici was his motto , and was so far from making any pretensions to the crown of france or any part of its dominions , notwithstanding his great power and the flourishing state of the nation , that he suffered his son-in-law the palsgrave and his own daughter elizabeth his wife with their numerous issue , not only to be beaten out of bohemia , but even from their just patrimony the palatinate , and to live many years in great want and penury to the kings great dishonour , who was nothing but a bluster of words and ever and anon sending embassadors till all was quite lost and unretriveable ; this king died at theobalds , march 27th . in 1625. in the 59 year of his age , having reigned 22 years compleat . charles i. the only surviving son of king james ( for that noble prince henry died before his father ) succeeded to the imperial crown of england ; the reformed in france in the beginning of this king's reign , lay under great oppressions from their king lewis xiii . and his prime minister of state cardinal richieu , in so much that they were forced for their fafty to have recourse to arms , under the command of that ever famous cap. the duke of roan by land , and monsieur sobiez his brother , who rid admiral at sea , and by that means rochel besieged by the french king's arms was relieved upon all occasions ; hereupon thro' the contrivance of the duke of buckingham , an english fleet was sent to join that of the french under the duke of momerancy , the dutch then basely concurring with some ships of their alsos , with which united force momerancy fights and utterly defeats the fleet of the rochellers under monsieur sobiez , and then reduced the isles of rhee and oleron under the french power ; but buckingham soon after changing his sentiments ( the grounds whereof we 'll assign in the causes of this war ) there is a declaration of war published against france , and 〈◊〉 the prosecution of the same with vigor , the duke is commissioned admiral and general of a navy of an 100 sail , and 6 or 7000 land soldiers , with which he came before rochel , still besieged by the french , where sobiez came on board of him , and for several reasons it was agreed to land the army on the island of ole●on , and not on the isle of rhee : but sobiez going to perswade the rochellers to join with the english , the duke before his return lands on the isle of rhee in spight of the opposition made by the french , but instead of pursuing the blow not only neglects to take the fort la prie to secure his retreat and prevent the french from landing supplies , but staies five days , whereby toiras the french governour incouraged his men , and also got more force and provisions into the cittadel of st. martins ; the french were so allarmed at this invasion , that the king offered the duke of roan and the rochellers any terms to join against the english , which both refusing , caused both their ruins . the enemies retreat upon the landing of the english was so hasty , that they quitted a well about 20 paces from the counterscarp , which supplied the cittade● with water , which not being possest by the english upon their first approach the french drew a work about it , which ou● men could not force , and without which well the besieged could not have subsisted , however the duke resolves to take the fort by famine , bu● instead of pressing it with a strait siege , he entertains a treaty of surrender with toiras , and several complements past between them , subscribed your humble servant buckingham , and you humble servant toiras , till the latter got relief 〈◊〉 men , victuals and ammunition , and then brok● off the treaty with the duke ; soon after th● the french landed forces on the island by th● neglect of the english to oppose them , and orde● were given to draw the english out of the trenches which the french possess , whereupo● the english were forced to retreat , at last the du●● makes a vain storm upon the castle , but 〈◊〉 beaten off , and two days after retreats , the 〈◊〉 being now equal to him in foot and superior horse ; when the english were intangled in th● retreat , the duke having neglected to take la prie , or build a fort upon a narrow lane or causey to secure their retreat , the french charged the english horse in the rear and rout them , who rout the foot in the narrow passages between the salt-pits and ditch ; but in this confusion and adversity , the bravery of the english appear'd for a few having past the bridge , the french following , the english rallied and faced about gallantly to charge the french , who cowardly retreated over the bridge , and of this a forraign author speaking , saith , the english were magis audaces quam fortunati , and withall taxeth them for want of secrecy in their counsels and conduct of so great an affair ; the duke of buckingham upon his retreat from the isle of rhee , promised the rochellers to send them speedy relief , now close besieged by the french king , and upon return sent away the earl of denbigh his brother-in-law with a fleet to that purpose , who on the first of may , 1628. arrives before rochell , where he found the french fleet consisting of 20 sail had blockt it up by sea , upon the earls approach the french retire towards their fortification , and anchored within two cannon shot of our fleet , and so continued till the 8th . of may. the earl promised the rochellers to sink the french fleet when the waters increased , and the winds became westerly , it being then neap tide ; but two days after the waters increasing , and the wind becoming westerly , the earl was intreated to fight the french fleet but did not , and weighed anchor and sailed away . the duke to redeem this miscarriage of his brother-in-law , in august following goes to portsmouth to command the fleet there for the relief of rochel , but on the 23 of the said month was stabbed by felton , on whom by the way , hanging in chains at portsmouth was made this ingenious coppy of verses , there uninterr'd suspends ( though not to save surviving friends the expences of a grave ; ) felton's dead earth , whom to it self must be , his own sad monument , his elegy ; as large as fame , but whether bad or good , i say not , by himself 't was wrought in blood . for which his body is entomb'd in air , arch'd o're with heaven and ten thousand fair and glorious diamond stars , a sepulcre ; which time can never ruinate , and where th' impartial worms ( not being brib'd to spare princes wrapt up in marble ) do not share his dust , which oft the charitable skies , embalm with tears , doing those obsequies , belonging unto men , while pittying fowl , contend to reach his body to his soul. yet the design was pursued under the command of the earl of linsey , who attempted several times to force the barricadoes of the river before rochel , but all in vain , or if he had , it had been to no purpose , for the victuals wherewith the rochellers should have been relieved were all tainted , and 't was well the french had no fleet there , for the english tackle and other matterials were all defective and so rochel fell , and with it in a manner all the glory and interest of the reformed in france , but 't is remarkable what counsel concurred to the reducing of this important place , and what accidents followed after ; the french army had been before it a long time , and had made no considerable progress in the siege when the marquess spinola returning from flanders into spain , directed his course through france , and hearing the king and cardinal were at the siege of rochel , waited upon both , and going to view the works one day , asked the cardinal what they meant to do there , and continuing his discourse , said , that as they managed matters , there was no possibility of taking the place , what must we do then saies the cardinal , push ! replies the marquess , do as we have done at antwerp , make a dyke at the mouth of the harbour , and yo 'll by that means starve them out ; the cardinal immediately takes up the project , sets all hands on work , and with immense labour and celerity finishes the dyke , which in a short time reduced the place to that starving condition , that they were at length forced to surrender at discretion , and it is note-worthy that as leyden about 54 years before was miraculously preserved from the hands of the spaniards , for being reduced to the last extremity , they let loose the waters upon them , which the dams restrained before , and upon that the army march'd away , whereas had they staid but two or three days longer in the neighbourhood , they might have had an open passage to the town , for the walls of it fell down to the ground , and a strong northerly wind had clear'd the country of the water , so rochel by a quite contrary fate had been surrendered but a very few days , when the dyke so far broke as that they might have been relieved by sea , had there been a fleet ready for that purpose . but when spinola came to the council in spain , he was so brow-beaten and snubb'd for his advise to the cardinal , by the duke of medina then prime minister of state and other grandees , that he never after could get his money paid that was owing him , and dyed a begger and in utmost disgrace ; so well did the spaniards then understand their true interest , that as long as the reformed could make head in france , the arms of that kingdom would be confined within its own limits , and they and other princes be less molested by those aspiring and restless neighbours , and this was the unhappy end of this war between england and france , and the dreadful presages of the duke of roan , hereupon ( to give his words the mildest terms i can ) had but too fatal effects upon the person of that prince , to whose perfidy he attributed the loss of this fortress , and the protestant interest in france ; for after this , dissention grew daily more and more in england , which drew on an unnatural civil war that ended with a sad catastrophe in the kings dying by the ax , for he was beheaded january 30th . 1648. after he had reigned 23 years 10 months and odd days , and in the 49th . year of his age. 1. the causes pretended for this war were , that the french king had imployed the eight men of war , which the king of england had lent him to be made use of against genua , against the rochellers . 2. that the king's mediation in behalf of the reformists was slighted . 3. that the english merchant ships and their effects were seized before there was any breach between both kingdoms , though its certain that the duke of buckingham as lord high admiral of england , by an extraordinary commission first seized the st. peter of new-haven , the whole cargo computed to amount to 40000 l. and tho the king ordered the releasment of the ship , decemb. 7th . 1625. yet the duke upon the 6th . of february following , caused the said ship to be again arrested and detained as you may see in rushworth . f. 313. 4. a fourth cause of this war we have assigned in the noble baptista nani , that the duke of bucks having while in france contracted love in that court , and desiring leave to go thither under pretence of composing the feuds that brake forth in the queen's family in england , was by richlieu's advice denied entrance into that kingdom , and grew thereupon so enraged , that he sware since he was forbidden entrance in a peaceable manner into france , he would make his passage with an army . charles ii. after about twelve years exile , during which interval we had no wars with france , was restored to the throne of his ancestors , anno 1660. this prince had not been above five years setled in his dominions when a war broke out with the dutch by sea , the french joining with them in it at that time against us , so that there was a declaration of war set forth against france , but the dutch found no great assistance from them in this confederacy ; for while the dutch in all the engagements we had with them , but one ( and that was when the fleet was foolishly divided ) were beaten by us ; the french instead of uniting their force with the other , dispatch away a fleet to subdue the english in their plantations in the leeward islands , almost totally expelled the english out of st. christophers , interrupted them in their trade to their other islands , and assumed a sovereignty in those seas , but upon the treaty of peace , they were forced to restore all to the english again , but they left st. christophers in so pittiful a plight by destroying all the plantations , that it seemed in a manner to be as much a wilderness as when first the english took footing in it . about seven years after , things veer'd about the french joining with the english against the dutch in a second dutch war during this reign ; and here a late learned author has observed , that as the english were so succesful in the former war against both , and the dane to boot , and were never beaten but once and that when the fleet was divided ; so in this the english in all the fights they had which were four , came off with more loss then the dutch ; but the truth of it is , the french only came out to learn to fight , both in the one and the other war , for they stood still looking on or firing at a very great distance while the english and dutch battered one another , and monsieur de martel for falling on and engaging bravely was recalled , check'd and dismissed his imploy , in so much that the parliament who began to smell the french designs , moved november the 4th . 1673. that the allyance with france was a grievance , and so a peace was concluded with the states , and our king sets up for a mediator at nimeguen , between the french and dutch with their confederates , and in the mean time having got considerable supplies from his parliament raises forces ; for the french king had during this navall war possessed himself of a great part of flanders , and the territories of the states , but before a peace was shuffled up , or at leastwise , before the prince of orange knew or would know of its being concluded , the prince not staying for eight thousand english that were on their march to join him , did with the assistance only of ten thousand english , under the command of the duke of monmouth and earl of ossery storm the duke of luxemburg's camp , fortified with all imaginable art before monts , with that resolution and bravery , that he beat him out of it and relieved the place ; and this was the last act of hostility between england and france of any kind during this reign ; this king afterwards instead of putting a stop to the growing greatness of that kingdom , fell in more and more with the interest of it , and the nation during the latter part of his reign , was almost rent to pieces with the parties of whig and tory , which are but too much felt to this day , and he himself at last died on the 6th . of february , 168 4-85 . in the fifty fifth year of his age , and the 37th . of his reign , computing it from his father's death . james ii. only surviving brother to charles ii. immediately assumed the english crown , of which notwithstanding the opposition made against him in the preceding reign he got a peaceable possession , but had not been long invested with the regal dignity , when the earl of argyle landing in scotland , and the duke of monmouth in the west of england put him in no small danger of losing that he had so lately attained , but this storm blew over and ended in the execution of both the aforesaid chiefs , with a multitude of their followers , and that in a very barbarous manner , which execution as it drew no small emulation upon his person , so the success egged him on with so much violence in the pursuits of his designs for the advancing of the papal power in these kingdoms , that it made the subjects now in danger of the loss both of their religion and civil properties , have recourse for relief to that prince , who has since so worthily filled the abdicated throne , and who then readily embraced their quarrel , and in the most perillous season of the year , with an army from holland landed at torbay , novemb. 5th . 1688. a day and year memorable in the annals of time for the english deliverance , and having wished success , was the 13th . of february following with his princess proclaimed king and queen of england , &c. king james having sometime before withdrawn himself into france , with whom he was so far from having any wars during his absent four years reign , that he entred into a stricter alliance with that crown ; but since his present majesty's ascending of the throne , what traverses of war there have been between england and france by sea and land , and what the causes of them were consists in the following pages . william iii. upon king james's withdrawing himself out of the kingdom , and retiring into france ; in consideration the french had committed many hostilities in the palatinate on the rhine , and on the frontiers of flanders and assisted the irish in rebellion , with considerable naval and land forces ; a war was proclaimed , and the king of england entered into a strict confederacy against the french king , with brandenburgh , spain , and the united provinces , &c. to hinder the excessive power and growing greatness of france , from insulting over the neighbouring princes , and forces were sent over under the command of the earl of marlborough and others , who gained considerable advantages over the french parties . but as yet the greatest scene of war on our part was in ireland , where the earl of tyrconnel had declared for king james , and put most of the irish papists , especially in arms , stopping the ports , and hindering the escape of many english , nor was it long e'er king james landed there with a great many french officers and soldiers , so that most of the principal places in that kingdom fell into his hands : a party of the iniskilling men and london-derry being almost all the loyal english held in ireland , and these two acted wonders , and in fine baffled the enemies power , for the former gained in several signal advantages in the field , and the latter the town being commanded in chief by one mr. walker a minister a very valiant man , though enduring the extremity of famine , that no unclean thing was left uneaten , held out a siege of 105 days , killing a great number of the enemy in salleys , and from the wall whose army against it was at least 40000 ; so that the besieged being relieved with provisions by the way of the river ; the besiegers despairing of success drew off , and were pursued loosing a great many men , and some cannon , tents and ammunition in the retreat . on the 13th . of august 1689. the duke of schomberg with a fair army from england landed at carickfergus , whereupon the garison of antrim deserted , and carickfergus after a short battery surrendred the garison , being only allowed to march out without baggage to the next garison ; and that winter the duke encamped ( after reducing some other places ) on the plains of dundalk , whose unhealthy air and dampness , destroyed abundance of our men , yet in that season parties were daily out , took some places , and got great advantage over the enemies parties in the field . in 1690. the king with a royal army set forward and landed the fifteenth of june at carickfergus , where he was received with great joy , and marched to joyn the other camp : and having put all things in good order , fought with the irish and french , headed by k. james on the first of july ; and having gained the pass of the river boyne , utterly defeated them ; so that k. james flying to dublin , soon after left the kingdom , where king william arriving settled the affairs , appointing sheriffs and other officers ; and having reduced many places , passed to the siege of limerick , which was not successful this year . however the important town of cork and kingsale were taken at the siege of the former : the noble duke of grafton was slain , as the valiant duke of schomberg , and dr. walker had been at the battle of the boyne . the next year the king preparing for flanders . the baron d'ginkle was appointed to command the english forces in ireland ; who had the good success to take ballymore , athlone , galloway , and give a total defeat to french and irish at agarhim , where monsieur st. ruth the french general was killed with a cannon shot , and then laying a straight siege to limerick , after a tedious battery it was surrendered on advantageous articles , and with it all ireland submitting to its due obedience . whilst these things passed in ireland , scotland had been perplexed with war : but the viscount dundee who was the head of the adverse party , being slain in a battel with major general mak●y , king james's interest soon declined there ; the castle of dublin surrendered , as sometime after did the bass , and all scotland was quieted . so that now the scene of war lay on and beyond the seas . for the earl of torrington not well prepared , as appears to engage the french fleet ; a considerable loss was sustained , particularly on the part of the dutch , who too eager to gain the windward , fell on too soon , not staying for the coming up of the english : so that most of their squadron was either taken , burnt or sunk . upon this french insulted our coast , and burnt tingmouth a little fishers village . but hearing all the country was in arms , durst not advance ; so with doing little other damage they returned home . but this was revenged in due time by admiral russel , with an entire defeat of their whole navy , commanded by monsieur tourvil , whereof 36 great and small were burnt and sunk , and their coasts the following years were hazarded , and insulted with fire and sword. diep and haverdegrace mostly layed in ruins ; calis , dunkirk , and st. maloes bombarded , and a great number of other ships , burnt , sunk , and taken in the narrow seas , and in the mediterranean ; where admiral russel with the royal navy insulted and blocked them up in their own harbours of marseiles and toloun ; so that we were every where entire masters of the sea. whilst things passed thus on the watery empire , war with extended bloody banners raged on the shoar . the king having settled affairs with the congress of princes , marched into the field ; the duke of brandenburg having before taken several towns from the french , as bon , &c. and the french layed in ashes worms , spires , hydelburg , openheim , &c. they had also taken mons , and soon after namur . but the duke of savoy coming into the confederacy diverted part of their army into piedmont , and the valleys of lucern , giving free tolleration to the vudois , who greatly assisted him in the war. so that he took casel , and some other strong places , but being hardly pressed and overthrown in a battel by monsieur catinat , wherein the valiant young duke of schomberg , who commanded the english , being slain , he was so disheartned that by the french artifice , marrying his daughter to the dauphin's eldest son , he was brought over to make a league with france , contrary to the mind of the confederates . the english being now strong in flanders , were mainly instrumental in stopping and forcing the whole french army to retreat at walcourt , where else the dutch had in all probability been . they shewed no less courage and bravery at enghein , where the french lost a great many of their best soldiers , and mentz was taken by the imperialists . the french in the mean while surprized newport and bruges , and afterward denyse and dixmude , taken before from them ; and several small places were taken and re-taken on each side , as hall , heye , &c. the king endeavouring to bring the french to a battel , they strongly encamped behind a bullwork , besides narrow passes , hedges , and breastworks before them , but the undaunted english , danes , and some others encouraged by his majesty's heroick example , and lead on by their brave commanders , had forced the pass , and in all probability utterly routed them , had they been according to expectation succoured by other nations . but that neglected a great many brave men , officers , and soldiers were slain ; as soon after was the worthy lieutenant general talmash , attempting to force his landing at cameret bay near brest . the duke of bavaria by this time , being made governour of the spanish netherlands : the duke of wirtemberg was sent out with about 25000 horse and foot to force the french lines , which he successfully did , and entering french flanders , put it under contribution , and took great booty . but the duke of luxemburg , general of the french main army , taking this advantage , knowing our camp was weakened by this large detachment , bore down upon it near landen to force the lines , where the fight at a distance beginning by break of day , and so coming on nearer , continued exceeding hot till near sun set : when the french pouring on their great numbers , being double , ours forced a passage into the camp , with the loss of near 20000 of their best men. the king in this bloody and long doubtful fight , signilizing the conduct and courage of an experienced commander , and valiant soldier , leading up the battalions and squadrons to the face of the enemy ; but necessity at last constrained him and the duke of bavaria to retire , which they did in good order , and the army being recruited , soon took the field again , and forced the french to retreat to their former camp. and this year died the duke of luxemburg ; after which the french did little of moment , rather making in flanders , and on the rhine a defensive , than offensive war. so that catinat was recalled from savoy : namure lost and a great many of their party 's cut off their plots and stratagems likewise mostly failing ; so that being weary of war they began earnestly to seek for peace ; imploring the king of sweden to become a mediator in it , and all they have since done , as the last faint stroak was to take barcelona in catalonia ; though it is thought had the vice-roy been diligent in succouring it , it could not have fallen into their hands : one part of it lying open , and besides this , monsieur ponti plundered cartagena , belonging to the spaniards in the west-indies , and got much riches , having the luck to escape our squadron which was in quest of him . and now peace being hearken'd to on all sides , the ambassadors plenipotentiaries met at the kings pallace at ryswick in holland ; and after many memorials delivered , and debates passing between them , came to a friendly and amicable agreement . the french king by the treaty , being obliged to deliver up a great many important places to the confederates , and to comply with many other advantageous things ; and particularly to restore the king of england the principality of orange , with its appendancies and revenues , since it has been seized , and unjustly detained : also what has been taken during the war in the west-indies , &c. and so the articles being ratified , and peace proclaimed , the king returned and passed through the city of london , in a triumphant manner on the 16th of november . 1697. finis . the amorous conquests of the great alcander, or, the amours of the french king and madam montespan conquestes amoureuses du grand alcandre dans les pays-bas. english courtilz de sandras, gatien, 1644-1712. 1685 approx. 173 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25305 wing a3018 estc r174355 11928237 ocm 11928237 51066 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25305) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51066) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 48:2) the amorous conquests of the great alcander, or, the amours of the french king and madam montespan conquestes amoureuses du grand alcandre dans les pays-bas. english courtilz de sandras, gatien, 1644-1712. [6], 178 p. printed for r. bentley and s. magnes ..., london : 1685. translation of: conquestes amoureuses du grand alcandre dans les pays-bas. attributed to gatien de courtilz. cf. bm. first edition in english. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng louis -xiv, -king of france, 1638-1715. france -court and courtiers. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the amorous conquests of the great alcander , or , the amours of the french king , and madam montespan . london , printed for r. bentley , and s. ●●gnes , in russel-street , in covent-garden , 1685. the preface . although these memoirs seem to have very much of the air of a romance , yet there are very few that are more true . i originally know the greater part of the affairs , which i relate , and the rest comes from so good hands , that i should be too blame to doubt the truth of them . however if some certain circumstances , which ought to have been very secret , make it be believed , that i have added a great deal of my own , as those often do , that take upon them to write , i desire the reader to suspend his judgment , until he can enquire after them from some body , who shall not be suspected by him . for example , if that which i relate of the lyings in of madam de montespan , is any way surprising , since there were in the chamber only the grand alcander , and two other women , i pray him to consider , that one of those 〈…〉 o women , may have told 〈…〉 e of them , and that i ●ould not mention them as do , if i did not very well 〈…〉 ow , what it was i say . 〈…〉 i am accused of indiscretion , for revealing that ●hich hath been told me , will answer to that , that am not at all engaged keep the secret , neither was it required at hands , that i should k 〈…〉 it . as for the other ma●ters , there are few m 〈…〉 who have been abroad the world , that have 〈…〉 had some knowledge of the and if i have had a mo 〈…〉 particular notice , it m 〈…〉 be believed , that it is , because i probably may ha● been my self engaged in t 〈…〉 intrigue . the amorous conquests of the great alcander , with the ●ntrigues of his court . the affairs of the great alcander ▪ who was become the terrour of all ●his e 〈…〉 s , band the wonder of all 〈…〉 , did not hinder him sometimes from making love. a 〈…〉 whereas it was impossible for 〈…〉 to make their fortune , at le 〈…〉 without having the honour of 〈…〉 good graces , the ladies as w 〈…〉 as the cavaliers , made it their 〈…〉 siness to please him , and those w 〈…〉 succeeded best therein , thou 〈…〉 the better of themselves , althou 〈…〉 at bottom all people of hon 〈…〉 did the less esteem them . madam de montespan was 〈…〉 of those , and though she mi 〈…〉 pass for one of the fairest c●●tures in the world , yet there 〈◊〉 something more agreeable in wit , than in her countenan 〈…〉 but all these fine qualities 〈◊〉 obscured by the faults of her s 〈…〉 which was accustomed to the 〈◊〉 notorious deceits , so that 〈…〉 cost her nothing : she was one of the most antient fa●●lies of the realm , and her 〈…〉 ance , as well as beauty had been 〈◊〉 cause , that monsieur de montes 〈…〉 〈…〉 ad courted her in marriage , and had 〈…〉 referred her before several others , who would have better fitted his 〈…〉 ccasions . madam de montespan , who desired to be married , only that she 〈…〉 night take the more liberty , no 〈…〉 ooner came to court , but she had great designes upon the grand alcander's heart ; but whereas it was at that time taken up , and that madam de la valliere , a person of a mean beauty , but who had in recompence a thousand other good qualities , wholely possest it ; she made many unprofitable advances , 〈…〉 nd was obliged at last to seek a party elsewhere . she then despising every thing , that was not near the crown , cast her eyes upon the heart of monsieur , brother to the grand alcander , who shew'd her a 〈…〉 ood will , rather to make it be be●ived , that he was capable of be●ng amorous of ladies , than because he resented any thing for her , like love . monsieur surpriz 〈…〉 thereby a great number of peop 〈…〉 who did not think that he was sensible in regard of the fair sex ; b 〈…〉 the chevalier de lorrain , jealous 〈…〉 this new correspondence , soon ma 〈…〉 this young prince return to his fo●mer inclinations , and having 〈…〉 ascendent over him , madam 〈…〉 montespan enjoyed only some appearances , whilest he alone stoo 〈…〉 possest of his whole favour . madam de montespan , who 〈…〉 ve●ed a place in monsieur's hea 〈…〉 only because she had failed to g 〈…〉 the kings , was yet more disgust 〈…〉 when she saw that she was to sh 〈…〉 it with the chevalier de lorrain and not being able to comprehen 〈…〉 why so fine a woman as she w 〈…〉 should be slighted for the sake that chevalier , who had nothi 〈…〉 recommendable besides his bi 〈…〉 she resolved to scorn him , 〈…〉 slighted her , and mightily repro 〈…〉 ed monsieur , who comforted hi 〈…〉 〈…〉 lf with the chevalier de lorrain . in the mean time madam de montespan's beauty was the object 〈…〉 f the whole court's desiers , and 〈…〉 articularly of monsieur de lau 〈…〉 's , the great alcanders favou●●te , a man of no advantageous 〈…〉 tature , and of a very mean meen● 〈…〉 ut who made up these two faults , with two great qualities . that is 〈…〉 o say , with much wit , and a — ●ertain i know not what , which 〈…〉 ccasioned , that when a lady once 〈…〉 new him , she did not easiy quit him for another . besides his favour with the king , rendred him 〈…〉 ecommendable , so that madam de montespan , who had heard these 〈…〉 qualities discoursed of , and desired to know by experience , whether they did not attribute to 〈…〉 im , more than he effectually had , 〈…〉 d not disdain the proffers of service that he made her . however 〈…〉 here being a great deal of cunning mixt with her curiosity , 〈…〉 made him languish five or six week 〈…〉 before she would grant him th 〈…〉 least favour , and while she mad 〈…〉 him wait for it , there hapned t 〈…〉 this favourite , a business that migh 〈…〉 have ruined him with his master if he had not been born more happy than wise . the great alcander , as muc 〈…〉 advanced as he was above all others , was not of any other humour , or temper , than ordinary men ; although he passionately loved madam de la valliere , yet h 〈…〉 sometimes felt himself smitten wit 〈…〉 some other ladies beauty ; and wa 〈…〉 glad to satisfie his desire . he ha 〈…〉 then such sentiments as these fo 〈…〉 the princess of monaco , whose favour monsieur de lausun was possest of , and monsieur de lausun , because he did believe himself capable , by reason of his great qualities , which i have before mentioned , to preserve the princess o 〈…〉 〈…〉 aco's amity , and to gain ma 〈…〉 m de montespan's heart , did for 〈…〉 d the princess , who had disco 〈…〉 red to him alcanders passion , to 〈…〉 vour it at all , and threatned her , 〈…〉 at if he perceived she did , he 〈…〉 ould ruin her reputation in the 〈…〉 orld . these threatnings , instead of plea 〈…〉 ng the princess of monaco , made 〈…〉 er think of casting off the tyran 〈…〉 y , which he would exercise over 〈…〉 er , and at the same time taking 〈…〉 ch measures with the great alcander , as she never did before ▪ 〈…〉 e made him resolve to send mon 〈…〉 eur de lausun to the wars , where 〈…〉 e had a considerable command . having told monsieur de lausun , 〈…〉 hat he should prepare himself to depart within two or three days , monsieur de lausun remained altogether surprized at these so unexpected news , and immediately guessing at the cause , he told alcander the great , that he would not go to the army , at least 〈…〉 less he would give him the co 〈…〉 mand of it ; however , that he s 〈…〉 well enough , why he sent him t 〈…〉 ther ; that it was to enjoy his 〈…〉 stress the more peaceably , duri 〈…〉 his absence ; but that it should n 〈…〉 be said , that they had so grofly d 〈…〉 ceived him , at least without 〈…〉 shewing , that he was sensible their deceit ; that this was the action rather of a perfidious ma 〈…〉 than of a great prince , such as 〈…〉 had always esteemed him , and th 〈…〉 he was glad it had served to dis 〈…〉 buse him . although the great alcande 〈…〉 had been always accustomed t 〈…〉 speak like a master , and that n 〈…〉 man had until that time dared t 〈…〉 make him any reproaches ; yet h 〈…〉 failed not to give monsieur de la 〈…〉 sun a hearing untill the end ; bu 〈…〉 seeing that his folly still encrease 〈…〉 more and more , he coldly asked him if he was mad , and if he well remembred that he spoke to his ma 〈…〉 er , and to him , who could cast him 〈…〉 wn , in as little time as he had 〈…〉 ised him . monsieur de lausun 〈…〉 nswered him , that he knew that as well as he ; that he very well knew , 〈…〉 hat it was to him alone he was indebted for his fortune , having never made his court to any minister , 〈…〉 ike the other great men of the realm ; but all that should not hinder him to tell the truth , and continuing in the same tone that he had begun , he was yet about to say several ridiculous and extravagant things , when alcander prevented him , by telling him , that he gave him only four and twenty hours 〈…〉 o resolve upon his departing ; and that if he did not obey him , he 〈…〉 ould consider what he had to do . having left him after these few words , monsieur de lausun began 〈…〉 o be in an unconceivable despaire , and attributing all this accident to the correspondence , which the princess of monaco began to hav 〈…〉 with alcander the great , he wen 〈…〉 to her lodgings , where not finding her , he broke a large looking glass , as though he had revenged himself sufficiently by that the princess of monaco complained of him to alcander , who replyed , that he was a fool , on whom she was likely to have revenge enough by his absence , that he himself had suffered surprizing things but that he pardoned him all considering that he might well be in despaire , for losing a ladies favour , whose merit was so great as hers . when the four and twenty hour 〈…〉 were expired , he demanded of monsieur de lausun , what he was resolved to do , who answering , th 〈…〉 he was resolved not to depart , unless he gave him the command of the army , the great alcander was moved with anger against him 〈…〉 d again threatned to reduce him 〈…〉 to such a condition , as he should 〈…〉 ave cause to repent of having 〈…〉 rovoked him so far ; but monsieur 〈…〉 e lausun , not becoming more di 〈…〉 reet for all these menaces , repli 〈…〉 d , that all the mischief he could 〈…〉 o him , was to take from him the office of general of the dragoons , 〈…〉 hich he had given him , and that 〈…〉 e having fore seen that , had brought his commission with him in his pocket , and at the same time taking it out , he threw it upon a table , neer which the king was seated , which did so exasperate the great alcander , that he sent him that very hour to the bastile . this did very much amaze all the world , no man yet knowing what could have drawn the disgrace upon this favourite . madam de montespan , having heard of his misfortune , was overjoyed at the delay she had used in her intrigue , and was with no great difficulty comforted , believing , that after his indiscretion , which beg 〈…〉 to be the publick discourse of t 〈…〉 world , there was no more retu 〈…〉 ing for him into alcanders favour however his disgrace did not continue so long as was imagined ; 〈…〉 the great alcandex , having 〈…〉 found in the princess of mona 〈…〉 charmes powerful enough to re 〈…〉 him , had no sooner satisfied his fancy , but he pardoned monsieur 〈…〉 lausun , who returned to court with more credit than ever : yet every-body was sufficiently astonished 〈…〉 it , because it was not thought , th 〈…〉 alcander was of an humour eve 〈…〉 to forget that want of respect , which monsieur de lausun did shew him . monsieur de lausun's returne to court , having made all the world conceive , that he must needs have a great ascendent over alcanders spirit , all men were very industrious to give him some markes o 〈…〉 their inclination to his service , and among others , madam de montespan , who no longer could deny 〈…〉 m the last favours . this new 〈…〉 trigue , that ought to have com 〈…〉 rted monsieur de lausun for the 〈…〉 incess of monaco's infidelity , did 〈…〉 ot hinder him from meditating 〈…〉 some revenge , whereof he in a 〈…〉 ew days after found an opportu 〈…〉 ity . this lady with many o 〈…〉 hers was sitting upon a green turfe , 〈…〉 nd laying her hand upon the 〈…〉 rass , he trod upon it as it were 〈…〉 nwittingly , and having made a 〈…〉 ind of turne on purpose to wring 〈…〉 t the harder , he addressed himself 〈…〉 o her to demand pardon . the pain , which the princess of monaco felt , made her squeak out , but she was less sensible of that , than of a mocking laughter , which monsieur de lausun affected in excusing himself , she gave him a thousand injurious terms , and made all those who were present comprehend , that she could not be so passionate against him , without having some other reason for it . monsieur de lausun , who was concern 〈…〉 to preserve his reputation amon 〈…〉 the ladies , suffered the princess 〈…〉 monaco's resentment to evapora 〈…〉 in reproaches , without desiring 〈…〉 answer them otherwise , than 〈…〉 submissions and excuses . and t 〈…〉 ladies who were present , havin 〈…〉 taken upon themselves to reconcile them , she was obliged to b 〈…〉 quiet ; for fear of discovering 〈…〉 them , that her vexation proceede from another cause . the princess of monaco havin 〈…〉 thus lost her lover , and having b 〈…〉 tasted , if i may so say , of the gre 〈…〉 alcander , sought to comfort h 〈…〉 self for it , by the conquest of som 〈…〉 other , but her temper being n 〈…〉 severe , nor her appetite content 〈…〉 with one man alone , she tryed 〈…〉 many chances , that at length sh 〈…〉 fell under them . she having like a page who was a proper handsom 〈…〉 fellow , but one that run over a 〈…〉 ris , after the manner of pages , 〈…〉 e had a mind to know , whether she 〈…〉 ould find him a better man , than 〈…〉 ose persons of quality , of whom 〈…〉 ly she had until that time made 〈…〉 yal : but he having a distemper 〈…〉 pon him , infected the princess of monaco with it , who did not put 〈…〉 er self under cure for it , as soon 〈…〉 she ought , perhaps because she 〈…〉 id not at first know what it was , 〈…〉 else out of shame and trouble to 〈…〉 iscover it . therefore when she en 〈…〉 ed into a course of physick , she 〈…〉 ied under it , giving by her death 〈…〉 trange apprehensions to those , who 〈…〉 ad imitated her in her pleasures . the princess of monaco's relations did very carefully conceal the nature of her distemper ; but mon 〈…〉 eur , the great alcanders brother , who had had some familiarity with her , tho' of no long continuance , and who in recompence of some services rendred him , and the chevalier de lorraine , had given her the charge of houskeeper to 〈…〉 wife , was afraid of being in 〈…〉 ved in her misfortune , and c 〈…〉 not be at rest , until he had ass 〈…〉 bled four persons , who were 〈…〉 most skilful in that kind of 〈…〉 stemper , to know whether he 〈…〉 not in danger of it ; they ass 〈…〉 him , that he was not , which 〈…〉 wholy restore him to his spirits , 〈…〉 made him soon forget the prince of monaco . the great alcander suspected th 〈…〉 intrigue of madam de montesp 〈…〉 and of monsieur de lausun , a 〈…〉 whereas love enters by seve 〈…〉 ways into the hearts of men , th 〈…〉 reflection which he made upon h 〈…〉 favorites good fortune , made hi 〈…〉 consider more narrowly , than b 〈…〉 had done till that time , the me 〈…〉 and beauty of madam de montespan . besides , the possession of madam de la valliere , began to breed in him some distaste , the inseparable mischief of long enjoyment 〈…〉 w whereas madam de montes 〈…〉 had a very particular atten 〈…〉 n upon alcanders person , she 〈…〉 n perceived by his words and 〈…〉 tions , that he was not unsensi 〈…〉 of her charmes , and whereas 〈…〉 knew , that presence was the 〈…〉 st necessary thing in the world , 〈…〉 foment amorous sentiments , 〈…〉 endeavoured all she could to e 〈…〉 blish her self at court , which 〈…〉 e belieued might be easily done , she once entred into a confidence 〈…〉 th madam de la valliere , who for 〈…〉 r part sought to discharge her 〈…〉 f upon some good friend , of the 〈…〉 spleasure , which she conceived 〈…〉 the lukewarmness of the great 〈…〉 lcander's flames . madam de val 〈…〉 re did very well approve of the 〈…〉 dvances which madam de mon 〈…〉 span made her , and there imme 〈…〉 ately was a kind of friendship knit 〈…〉 etween these two ladies , or at 〈…〉 least some appearance of a friend 〈…〉 ip ; for i very well know , that madam de montespan , who had h●● end , was far from loving madam de la valliere , who was the only obstacle of her designes . the gre● alcander who did already rese●● some tenderness for the other , w●● overjoyed to see her every d●● with madam de la valliere , who● madam de montespan did likewise charm , because she industrious●● embraced all her interests , and h●● an admirable complaisance for he● blaming the great alcander for h●● indifference , and furnishing her wi●● means to make him return . in the mean time , the great alcander went oftner to madam de 〈◊〉 valliere's lodgings than he w●● accustomed to do , that he migh● have the pleasure of seeing madam de montespan , and madam de la valliere applying to her s●● these new assiduities , loved madam de montespan the better , believin● that it was by her cares she enjoyed his sight the oftener . b● last , she having once had a part the true affections of his heart , ●n perceived that every thing ●ich the great alcander did then unto her , was counterfeit , and 〈◊〉 passion for him serving her in ▪ ●ad of wit , whereof she had no ●eat share by nature , she apprehended , that madam de montespan ●ceived her , and that alcander ●s more intimate with her than 〈◊〉 had hitherto imagined . as soon as this suspicion had seiz● her mind , she observed them narrowly , that she no longer ●ubted that they deceived her , ●●d her passion not permitting her keep the secret any longer , she ●●derly complained of it to great alcander , who told her , that he ●as too generous to abuse her any ●rther , that it was true , he did ●ve madam de montespan , but yet ●at it should not hinder him from ●●ving her , as he ought , that she must be contented with what he should do for her , without de●ing more , because he did not lo● to be constrained . this answer more like a misters than a lovers , was far from satisfying so nice a mistress , as madam de la valliere , she wept , ● lamented , but all that did not ●●ten the great alcander ; he once again told her , that if she desired continuance of his love , she should exact nothing from him beyond 〈◊〉 will ; he prayed her to live wi● madam de montespan , as she h● done before , and assured her , th● if she shew'd the least unkindness that lady , she would oblige hi● to take other measures . the great alcanders will was law to madam de la valliere : s●● lived with madam de montespan in an union , that could not 〈◊〉 reasonably expected from a riv●● and she surprized all the world by her conduct ; because all the world began to be persuaded th● ●● great alcander did by little ●d little forsake her , and gave himself up entirely to madam de montespan . in the mean time , the great alcander being a nice lover , and not ●le to endure that a husband should share with him in the fa●urs of madam de montespan , he ●solved to remove him out of the ●ay , upon pretence of giving him ●me great employments , but monsieur de montespan was of no com●alsant humour , he refused all that they offered him , doubting indeed , ●●at his wives merit did contribute more to his advancement , ●●an any thing he could have recommendable in himself . madam de montespan , who had taken delight in the kings em●●aces , could no longer endure those 〈◊〉 her husbands , neither would ●●e grant him any more ; which 〈…〉 monsieur de montespan into such despaire , that although he tenderly loved her , he did not ref●● from giving her a good box the ear. madam de montespan who well knew where to find support , gave him extream language , and having complai● of his proceeding to the great cander ; he banished monsieur montespan the court , who w●● his children departed into his o●● country , bordering upon the reneans : there went into 〈◊〉 mourning , as if he had lost wife indeed . and he being m●● indebted , the great alcander s● him two hundred thousand liv●● to comfort him for the loss whi● he had been the occasion of . however , some time after monsieur de montespan's departure , madam de montespan became wi● child , and although she might w● imagine that all the world kn● what past between the great alcander and her self ; yet she being ashamed to be seen in that con●●tion , invented a new mode , which was very advantageous for wo●en who would hide their great ●ellies ; it was a short wastcoat ●ke a mans , reaching only to the ●aste , where pulling out some part of the shift , they made it sit in as ●rge puffs as they could upon the ●etticoat , and so hid the belly . all this did not hinder the great alcander's court , from perceiving ●learly how matters went ; but whereas the courtiers did almost dore that prince , their incense reached even his mistress , whose ●avour every one began to court ; and she having an infinite deal of ●it , made as many friends as she ●ould , which madam de la valliere had never done , who to shew the great alcander , that it was himself only that she loved , never would ask any thing for another . therefore her rivals credit was ●o sooner perceived , but every one with pleasure left her , whereof one day complaining the mareschall grammont made her answer , 〈◊〉 she should have taken care to hi● made others rejoyce with her , w●● she her self had cause to rejoyce if when she should have cause mourn , she desired that other should mourn also . madam de valliere seeing 〈◊〉 self thus abandoned by all the world , resolved to go into a convent , and having chose that of 〈◊〉 carmelites , she retired thither , a● in a little time after took the ● bit , where she lives , as 't is said great sanctity ; which i easily believe , for that having tryed , as had done , the inconstancy of world affairs , she plainly saw , that it ● in god alone , in whom she 〈◊〉 to trust . her retreat did equally sati● the great alcander , and madam de montespan , the last , because was in a continual apprehen●●●est madam de la valliere ●i● again return into the great alcanders favour , whose most ten●r affections she had once possessed ; and the other , because her presence still upbraided him of ● inconstancy . in the mean while , the time of madam de montespan's lying in approaching , the great alcander retired to paris , whither he went but seldom , ho●g that she might be more secretly brought to bed there , than st. germains , where he usually ●●ded . the time being come , a woman madam de montespan's bed-chamber , in whom the great alcander and her self had a particular confidence , took coach , and 〈◊〉 into st. anthonies street to monsieur clements , the renowned ● midwife , whom she asked if would go along with her , to ●er a lady , who was in la●● but at the same time she him , that if he would go , he must be hood-wink't , because 〈…〉 was desired , that he should 〈…〉 know , whither he went. 〈…〉 clement , to whom the like a 〈…〉 dents had often arrived , see 〈…〉 that she , who came to fetch h 〈…〉 had a gentle aire , and that 〈…〉 adventure presaged nothing , 〈…〉 what was good , he told the w 〈…〉 man , that he was ready to do 〈…〉 that she desired , and suffring hi●self to be mufled , he took co 〈…〉 along with her , out of which , 〈…〉 ter several turns about the to 〈…〉 he alighted , and was led into very stately appartment , wh 〈…〉 his mufler was taken off . however he had no time gi 〈…〉 him to consider the place where 〈…〉 was , and he had no sooner re 〈…〉 vered his sight , but a girl , w 〈…〉 was in the chamber , put out 〈…〉 lights ; after which , the great 〈…〉 cander , who was hid behind 〈…〉 curtain of madam de montesp●● bed , spoke to him , in order to 〈…〉 ●●sure him , in case he were afraid , ●●d bid him fear nothing . mon●●ur clement answered him , that ●● was not afraid , and having ap●roached his patient , he felt her , ●●d finding that the child was not ●●t ready to come into the world , ●● asked alcander , who was near ●●m , whether the place where they ●ere , was the house of god , where 〈◊〉 was permitted neither to eat , 〈◊〉 drink , that for his part , he ●as very hungry , and that they would do him a great kindness to ●●ve him something to eat . the great alcander , without ●●aying for either of the women , ●ho were in the chamber , be●●ired himself to serve him , he ●ent immediately into a closet , ●●om whence he took a pot of ●weat meats , and brought it to ●im , then from the other side , he ●●ch'd some bread , which he likewise gave him , and bid him not ●● spare either the one , or the other ; for there was more yet the lodgings . after monsieur 〈…〉 ment had eaten two or three m 〈…〉 sels , he asked whether they wo 〈…〉 not give him any thing to dri 〈…〉 the great alcander ran himself 〈…〉 to the closet , to fetch him a 〈…〉 ●le of wine , and filled him two 〈…〉 three glasses , one after another when monsieur clement had dr 〈…〉 the first glass , he asked alcande 〈…〉 if he also would not drink , a 〈…〉 the great alcander having answered , no , he told him , that the si 〈…〉 lady would not have so happy a 〈…〉 speedy a deliverance , unless 〈…〉 drank a glass to her health . the great alcander did n 〈…〉 think it proper , to reply to t 〈…〉 discourse , and a pang , which 〈…〉 that time took madam de montespan , interrupted the conversation ; in the mean time , she he 〈…〉 alcander by the hand , who encouraged her to take heart , a 〈…〉 asked clement every moment , 〈…〉 〈…〉 e business would not be soon done . 〈…〉 er labour was hard enough , 〈…〉 ough it was not very long , and 〈…〉 adam de montespan was brought 〈…〉 bed of a brave boy , at which 〈…〉 e great alcander expressed a great 〈…〉 al of satisfaction , but he would 〈…〉 t have it presently told madam montespan for fear it might be 〈…〉 rtful to her health . monsieur clement having done 〈…〉 ery thing that belonged to his 〈…〉 fession , the great alcander fil 〈…〉 d him himself a glass of wine , 〈…〉 er which he teturned behind 〈…〉 e bed curtain , because they were 〈…〉 light a candle , to the end that 〈…〉 onsieur clement might see , if all 〈…〉 ngs were well , before his de 〈…〉 ture . clement having assured 〈…〉 em , that the lady in the straw 〈…〉 s out of all danger , she , who 〈…〉 nt to fetch him , gave him a 〈…〉 se wherein there were an hun 〈…〉 d lewidores , and being again 〈…〉 od-wink't , they lead him to a coach , which carried him h 〈…〉 to his own house , after havi 〈…〉 made many more turns than it h 〈…〉 done in coming . in the mean time monsieur 〈…〉 lausun did endeavour to comfo 〈…〉 himself in some others arms , and 〈…〉 ing very proud that the great alcander had only his leavings ; he d 〈…〉 not at all envy his good fortune either because he had never had 〈…〉 reall passion for madam de montespan , or for that he had found o 〈…〉 in her some secret imperfection which her husband himself d 〈…〉 attribute unto her . however 〈…〉 did not omit to make use of h 〈…〉 favour in those things , which 〈…〉 would not ask himself , and madam de montespan , who had given him so great advantages over her , durst deny him nothing , fo● fear that he should ruin her with the great alcander , with whom h● had no less power than her self . 〈…〉 the mean time , as we seldom have a 〈…〉 great kindness for those whom 〈…〉 stand in awe of , so she would 〈…〉 any rate have rid her self of 〈…〉 , but she durst not yet attempt 〈…〉 for fear of not being powerful 〈…〉 ough to bring it about . while 〈…〉 was in these sentiments , the 〈…〉 ce of a lady of honour , to the 〈…〉 eat alcander's queen became 〈…〉 i de , by the dutchess of mon 〈…〉 zier's death , and the dutchess 〈…〉 richlieu , and of crequi , pretending both to it , each made use of 〈…〉 r friends for the obtaining it . madam de montespan declared her 〈…〉 f for the dutchess of richlieu , and ●onsieur de lausun for the dutchess 〈…〉 crequi , which began to sow an 〈…〉 en division betwixt them . for monsieur de lausun would by all 〈…〉 eans force madam de montespan 〈…〉 desist from speaking , in the behalf of the dutchess of richlieu , 〈…〉 nd madam de montespan , who ●ould not honourably give over , 〈…〉 er having gone so far , thought it strange that monsieur de lausun when he knew that she had undertaken that affair , should com● in her way , to take the interest of the dutchess of crequi . it was the great alcanders part to deci 〈…〉 in favour , either of his mistress or of his favourite ; but th 〈…〉 prince being unwilling to discontent either of them , staid a long while without disposing of tha● place , hoping that they would agree together , and that their re-union would give him an opportunity to resolve . but on the contrary , his delay , making as well the one as the other believe , tha● the great alcander had no regard to their prayers , they bore against each other a greater grudge than they did before , and even monsieur de lausun began to talk disadvantageously of madam de montespan , which she could not hea● of without desiring to be notably revenged . madam de montespan complained of it to the great alcander , who gave monsieur de lausun a 〈…〉 vere reprimand . but he so much 〈…〉 e more enraged against her , as 〈…〉 e faw that her credit prevailed 〈…〉 ove his , for the great alcander 〈…〉 d just then , given the dutchess 〈…〉 montauziers place to the dutchess of richlieu , could not for ●ar to take the liberty of railing against her upon all occasions . the ●reat alcander being informed of ● by others , besides madam de montespan , did again sharply reprehend monsieur de lausun , who 〈…〉 rceiving that the great alcander understood no rallery upon 〈…〉 t point , promised him to be more 〈…〉 reet for the future and to let him see , that he designed to live 〈…〉 ndlily thereafter with madam 〈…〉 montespan , he desired him to ▪ 〈…〉 concile them , which the great alcander promised him to do . in effect having disposed madam de montespan's spirit to pardon him , he made them on th 〈…〉 morrow embrace in his presence obliging monsieur de lausun 〈…〉 ask her pardon for what he h 〈…〉 done , and to promise her not 〈…〉 do so any more . this reconcilement being made monsieur de lausun had mo 〈…〉 power than ever , upon the great alcanders spirit , and whereas th 〈…〉 favourite's ambition was beyond all measure , which nothing cou 〈…〉 satisfie , he gave way to some thought of marrying the princess madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier , th 〈…〉 great alcanders cousin germai 〈…〉 which his sister , that princess's confident , had long ago put into his hea 〈…〉 the princess was already of 〈…〉 age well advanced , but she being extraordinarily rich , and monsieur de lausun esteeming that quality , and the blood from which she was descended , more than all other ornaments of face and body , he desired his sister to continue her cares for him , and in the prospect ●f arriving unto so great a match , 〈…〉 e made very close court to madam de montespan , not doubting ●ut that her credit , might be very useful to him upon that occasion . although the interest that monsieur de lausun had in the great alcanders heart , made him presume very much upon his favour , nevertheless he believing , that the king would never give his consent willingly to that alliance , desired to engage him to it out of interest . to this effect , he dispatched a gentleman , in whom he had a great deal of confidence , to the duke of lorrain , who was deprived of his country , to offer him a settlement of five hundred thousand livres of yearly rent out of lands , to him , and to his heirs , upon condition , that he would resigne his rights to him . the duke of lorrain , who saw no great appearance of being ever able to recover his own estate , relish that proposal , and monsieur de lausun seeing it likely to succeed , expressed something of it to the great alcander , to whom he insinuated that it would be very advantageous for him , that the duke of lorrain gave up his pretensions to some one , who would render him faith and homage for the dukedom of lorrain . the great alcander having approved of the thing , monsieur de lausun discovered to him , that with the design of doing him this service , he had harkened to some proposals of marriage , which had been made to him in the part of the princess , madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier , by the mediation of his sister . he asked his pardon , for giving him no earlier notice of it ; which he believed he ought not to have done , until he had first endeavoured to dispose of matters so , as to take effect . saying far 〈…〉 er , that it was his part to approve of this match , which , though 〈…〉 appeared to be very extraordinary , was not however without example : that it was not the first 〈…〉 me , that mortals were allied to 〈…〉 e blood of the gods , and that 〈…〉 istory taught him , that many 〈…〉 en , who were of no better family than himself , had arrived to 〈…〉 at honour . the great alcander was surprized at this proposal , which appeared very bold for a man of monsieur de lausun's rank , yet considering that this was not the first time , that a princess of the blood ●oyal had married a private gentleman , and reflecting upon the advantages , which he himself might 〈…〉 ap from this alliance , he soon accustomed himself to hearken to it . madam de montespan , whom monsieur de lausun had engaged to his 〈…〉 rests , finding the great alcander already well inclined , did 〈…〉 dextrously represent to him , t 〈…〉 little difference that there was 〈…〉 france , between gentlemen , wh 〈…〉 they were once become duke ( which he might easily cre 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun ) and stran 〈…〉 princes ( to one of which he h 〈…〉 not long ago given a sister of madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier 〈…〉 that he finally resolved in fav 〈…〉 of the match . when the great alcander h 〈…〉 thus signified his approbation it to madam de montespan , he to 〈…〉 some measures with her and wi 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun , in order 〈…〉 clear himself to the world from all the blame , for his assenting this marriage ; which he did believe could not be better done , th 〈…〉 by seeming to have been force● to give consent to it . to effe 〈…〉 this he desired two things , t 〈…〉 one , that madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier should come 〈…〉 self , to intreat him to give her monsieur de lausun in marriage , 〈…〉 e other , that the most considera 〈…〉 e of monsieur de lausun's relations , should come in a body to desire permission for their kinsman 〈…〉 marry that princess . they saw 〈…〉 en these ambassadours , and this ●mbassadress arrive all at a time , 〈…〉 d those having first obtained audience , they told the great alcander , that although the favour which they were to desire from him in behalf of their kinsman , should seem above their merit , and even their hopes , nevertheless they in 〈…〉 cated him to consider , that it would be a means to induce the gentry to greater matters , each one hoping for the future , to be able to attain● so great an honour , as a recompence for his services . they also represented to the great alcander , what i have a●ove pointed at , ( viz. ) that gentlemen have ere now obtained the like grace , so that the great alcander , seeming to be persuade● by their prayers , answered the● that for their sakes , as being th 〈…〉 chief gentry of his realm , ●e would be glad that their kinsman should have the honour of espous●ing the princess , madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier ; but y●● that he desired to know from her self , whether she was willingly enclined to this alliance ; of which he was as yet altogether ignorant . then the princess entred , wh 〈…〉 without considering , that it was not very usual for women to desir 〈…〉 men in marriage , intreated the great alcander to permit her to marry monsieur de lausun , which he at first denyed , but after 〈…〉 manner , that let her see , it was only for fashion's sake , then the princess renewed her prayers , and at length obtained what she required . the news of this marriage made ● great deal of noise , not only o 〈…〉 the whole realm , but even ●uch farther ; none could forbear ●●miring at the effects of for●●ne , that did so much favour so 〈…〉 deserving a person ; than whom , 〈◊〉 his hidden virtues be except●● , there were thousands more ●orthy in the kingdom . in the mean time , though mon●●eur de lausun had a great deal 〈◊〉 cunning , yet he committed a ●●eat errour upon this occasion ; 〈◊〉 instead of marrying the princess madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier , ●● soon as he had obtained the great ●lcander's consent , he would make ●●eat preparations for his nuptials , ●●d that having delayed them for ●●me days , the prince of conde , ●●d his son , cast himself at the ●ings feet , to intreat him not to ●●ffer the conclusion of a thing so ●●●graceful to the royal family , and ●hile the great alcander knew not what to resolve upon , being on 〈…〉 side combated by their reason and on the other , by the prom 〈…〉 which he had made to monsieur de lausun's kindred . monsieur joyned in petition with these princess , and made him resolve to 〈…〉 tract his word . madam de montespan , for her part , though she 〈…〉 penly appeared to act for monsieur de lausun , yet she endeavoured 〈…〉 derhand to break the match , fe 〈…〉 ing that if he were once allyed 〈…〉 the royal family , he might have yet a greater influence upon alcander's spirit , over which she desired to reign alone . in the mean time the great alcander had so great a weakness towards monsieur de lausun , that ●e knew not how to declare his pleasure to him ; but there being a necessity of doing it , he caused hi● to come into his cabinet , and ther● told him , that after having throughly reflected on his marriage , he would not have him proceed to conclusion of it ; that in every 〈…〉 g else he would give him marks 〈…〉 is affection , but that he must nothing more to him of that , 〈…〉 e did design to retain his favour . monsieur de lausun finding by 〈…〉 s language , that some body 〈…〉 d rendred him ill offices with 〈…〉 great alcander , thought it ●ould be in vain for him to endeavour to prevail with him , but 〈…〉 ing immediately to madam de montespans lodgings , whom he respected , he told her every thing 〈…〉 at rage and passion could dictate a transported mad man ; he 〈…〉 ld her , i say , that he had been to 〈…〉 ame to confide in a woman of 〈…〉 er condition , since he ought to 〈…〉 ave known , that such as she , having once forfeited their own ho●ours , might well do the same by their lovers ; that he would employ all the credit he had with the great alcander , to bring him b 〈…〉 out of a love , that ruined hi 〈…〉 in the world , and of which 〈◊〉 did not know the unworthines ▪ he said to her many more thing with the same violence ; after which he went to madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier , to whom he declared the great alcanders pleasu 〈…〉 the princess had no sooner hear● this news , but she fell into a tran 〈…〉 and all the water in the sci 〈…〉 would not have been enough 〈◊〉 recover her out of it ; if monsieur de lausun had not put hi● face to hers , to tell her in her ear , that it was not time to be thus desperate , but rather to take suc● measures as might defend then both from the hatred of their enemies , and secure their pleasures that to effect this , they must us● extream diligence , for the loss o● one only moment drew after i● strange consequences ; that as fo● himself , he was of opinion , tha● without taking any notice of the ●reat alcander's orders , they should privately married ; that when the 〈…〉 ing were once done , he would well enough pleased with it , 〈…〉 ce he had already consented to 〈…〉 but that whatever happened , 〈…〉 thing should hinder their constant ●●telligence and communication . the princess recovered out of 〈…〉 trance , at so eloquent and so 〈…〉 reeable a discourse , and being 〈…〉 th shut up together in a closer , 〈…〉 ey called to them the countess nogent for a third , who con 〈…〉 med them , that they could not 〈…〉 ke a resolution more advantageous to their happiness , and con 〈…〉 t. however it was resolved in 〈…〉 s counsel , that she should go 〈…〉 aight to find out the great alcander , to try if she could not 〈…〉 ke him change his sentiment , 〈…〉 indeed she took coach that 〈…〉 y moment , for that purpose . the great alcander being ad 〈…〉 iled , that she desired to speak with him in private , easily gu 〈…〉 at her business , and although was resolved not to grant her quest , yet since he could not h 〈…〉 somely dispence with himself 〈…〉 giving her audience , he made 〈…〉 enter his closet , having first commanded all those , that were w 〈…〉 him there , to depart . the princess threw her self at his feet , 〈…〉 covering her face with her handkerchief , not so much to wipe way her tears , as to hide her confusion : she said to him , that there acted a part , that ought confound herewith shame , if he hi●self had not given her confident in approving of , as he had do 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun ' s intention that it was thereupon that she 〈…〉 taken some engagements , which we not easie for her to break ; that though it was not over decent , a person of her sex , to talk af 〈…〉 that manner . yet the merit monsieur de lausun , to whom ev 〈…〉 himself could not refuse his affections , might well serve her for excuse , and in fine , that whosoever would consider that her flames ●●re once authorized , and approved 〈…〉 er king , would not possibly find 〈…〉 r so much in fault , as they might 〈…〉 eed imagine . the great alcander , who had 〈…〉 eral times commanded her to 〈…〉 e , without being obeyed , told 〈…〉 r , when he saw that she had gi 〈…〉 n over speaking , that unless she ●ould put her self into another 〈…〉 sture , he had no answer to make 〈…〉 r , then the princess rose up , 〈…〉 pecting with an unconceivable 〈…〉 r , the sentence either of her life death . but the great alcander 〈…〉 not leave her long in uncer 〈…〉 nty , telling her , that the remorse which he felt , for consenting to her 〈…〉 riage with monsieur de lausun , 〈…〉 sufficiently punish't him for that 〈…〉 akness , that it was a thing that should repent of during his whole life , and that he could not i 〈…〉 how she , who had always sh 〈…〉 courage above her sex , could re 〈…〉 upon an action , that would re 〈…〉 her for ever infamous . madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier , having received this swer , returned home with rage her heart , against the great cander , and having found monsieur de lausun , who waited w 〈…〉 impatience for the news of w 〈…〉 she had done , they agreed together , that seeing nothing was 〈…〉 to move him , they must b 〈…〉 cretly married . a priest was so found for that purpose , and th 〈…〉 were married in the princess's 〈…〉 set ; but they expected from ●i 〈…〉 and fortune some favourable opportunity of divulging the mariage . in the mean time the weddi 〈…〉 could not be consummated so cretly , but that the great alcander had notice of it from one of t 〈…〉 princess's domesticks , whom monsieur de louvoy , an enemy to monsieur de lausun , had gained to 〈…〉 vertise him of every thing that 〈…〉 uld pass in her family . the 〈…〉 t alcander expressed very much 〈…〉 ger at it . monsieur de louvoy , 〈…〉 d madam de montespan , who 〈…〉 ld intelligence together for the 〈…〉 truction of monsieur de lausun , did endeavour to enflame it 〈…〉 the more . for monsieur de lausun had ill used monsieur de louvoy upon several occasions , and monsieur de louvoy sought to be 〈…〉 venged all manner of ways . nevertheless they counselled the 〈…〉 eat alcander to dissemble his 〈…〉 sentment , either because they 〈…〉 not believe that they could yet 〈…〉 ocure monsieur de lausun's ab 〈…〉 ute ruin , or for that they apprehended to offend the princess , who did not willingly pardon those 〈…〉 om she once had reason to be 〈…〉 gry with : the king did therefore continue in appearance to 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun , as he ▪ 〈…〉 formerly , but he gave monsieur de louvoy order to watch him narrowly , as that he might g 〈…〉 him an account of his conduc 〈…〉 in the mean time monsieur lausun , being already of a na 〈…〉 that was but too much addict to pride , did after his late w 〈…〉 ding grow every day prouder a 〈…〉 prouder , so that almost all t 〈…〉 court were become his enemi 〈…〉 however he underwent all t 〈…〉 with an extraordinary haughtine 〈…〉 but there soon fell out an accide 〈…〉 that did occasion his disgra 〈…〉 which was long ago designed . the count de guiche , eldest s 〈…〉 to the mareschal de granmont , w 〈…〉 a colonel of a regiment of t 〈…〉 great alcanders guards , and w 〈…〉 banished by the great alcan 〈…〉 for some designes , much resembli 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun's , that is say , for having presumed to lo 〈…〉 monsieur 's wife . at length in consideration of the mareschal , for whom alcander had a great kindness , he permitted his son to return . nevertheless upon condition , that he should quit his office . now the count de guiche's office , being without contradiction one of the fairest , and most considerable in all the great alcanders's court , all those who had any credit with him , pretended to 〈…〉 ; and amongst the rest , monsieur de lausun , whom the great alcander had not long since made a captain of his guardes ; yet he durst not demand it himself , either for that he perceived , that he did begin to decline in his favour , ●r because he would not every moment importune him for fresh graces . he had made his peace in appearance with madam de montespan , who to make him fall the more readily into the net , had seemed to pardon him . monsieur de lausun believing therefore , that 〈…〉 would not deny him her medi 〈…〉 tion , for the obtaining of that office , did pray her , that she would be pleased to serve him therein● but desired her not to tell t 〈…〉 great alcander , that he had ma 〈…〉 her that request . madam de montespan , did promise him to do it but going immediately to find o 〈…〉 the great alcander , she told him that monsieur de lausun was no● become altogether a mystery , th 〈…〉 he had made her promise him t 〈…〉 demand the count de guiche's office for him ; but that at the same time , he had exacted from he● not to discover , that he had desire it ; that she could not imagine why he practised all these slight with a prince , who had heape● upon him so many favours , an● still continued to heap upon him more and more every day ; that admit there were no reason to be lieve , that he might have ill designes in demanding that office , 〈…〉 t she would not grant it him , 〈…〉 she were in his place , since all ●is goodness towards him deserved ●t least , in acknowlegment , a demonstration of more freedom . although monsieur de lausun's proceedings had nothing in the bottom , yet since madam de montespan gave it the blackest colours 〈…〉 at she could , the great alcander reflected upon it , and telling madam de montespan , that he could not comprehend what designe monsieur de lausun might have , madam de montespan advised him to discourse himself with him about ●t , to see if he would still continue ●is slights . the great alcander did approve of this advice , and being shut up with monsieur de lausun in his closet , after having entertained him with a discourse of several matters , he began to talk of those , who aspired to the count de guiche's office ; telling him , th 〈…〉 he had no intention to gratifie 〈…〉 ny of those people , whom he did not think sufficiently experience to supply so considerable a charg 〈…〉 monsieur de lausun overjoyed 〈…〉 find the great alcander of th 〈…〉 opinion , endeavoured to confi 〈…〉 him in it , by adding to what 〈…〉 had said of these persons , something to their disadvantage . but monsieur de lausun not coming of himself , to what the great alcander would have had him , that is to say , to beg that office for himself the great alcander asked him , it would not fit him , and if 〈…〉 had no desire to have it . monsienr de lausun replied , that after having received so many favour from his majesty , he had no min● to pretend to any new , so th 〈…〉 he durst assure him , that he nev 〈…〉 had the least thought of it . th 〈…〉 great alcander told him that he had however believed it , because madam de montespan had spoke 〈…〉 him about it in his behalfe , which he did not believe she would have done , unless he had desired 〈…〉 of her ; that he could not conceive , why he made a mystery of 〈…〉 thing , to which he might pretend as well as so many others , 〈…〉 d desired him to tell him the 〈…〉 th of it . monsieur de lausun being himself prest in that manner by the great alcander , swore ●o him again , that he had never 〈…〉 ought of it ; whereupon the great alcander , with a meen able ●o make monsieur de lausun tremble , told him , that he was exteam 〈…〉 amazed at the boldness which ●e had to lye to him so impudent●● , that he needed not to disguise himself any longer , since madam de montespan had told him all ; ●nd that he might assure himself , ●hat he would never give the least 〈…〉 dit to any thing that he might ●y hereafter ; at the same time the great alcander rose up , a 〈…〉 having dismist him without hea●ning to his excuses , monsieur 〈…〉 lausun departed full of despair and rage . at his going out of the great alcander's closet , he met the du 〈…〉 of crequi , who seeing him qui 〈…〉 altered , asked him what was t 〈…〉 matter , to which monsieur de lausun replied , that he was a wretch who had the rope about his neck and that he , who would strangl● him , should be the best of his friends ▪ from thence he went to madam de montespan's lodgings where he put upon her all manner of affronts , and even gave he● so gross language , as it was not to be believed , that a man of quality could have such in his mouth . madam de montespan told him , that unless she hoped the great alcander would do her justice , she her self would that very moment ▪ have scratched out his eyes ; but that she would now remit all her revenge to the king. after he had once more given her all the foulest and basest language , that despaire and rage could inspire him with ; he went to madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier's , whom he could not caress as he was accustomed , so much had the dejection of his spirit contributed to the dejection of his body . in the mean time the princess being thus disappointed , was very desirous to know whence that proceeded , swearing to him , that the matter should be very difficult , if she endeavoured not to bring a remedy to it . monsieur de lausun believing himself obliged to tell her what it was , imparted to her the conversation which he had had with the great alcander , and the visit which he afterwards made to madam de montespan , not concealing a syllable of all the disobliging things , that he had said unto her . the princess , to whom , ag 〈…〉 had given more experience , ve 〈…〉 much blamed monsieur de lausun ( who had indeed naturally a great deal of wit , but very little judgment ) for what he had done , telling him that all truths were not to be spoken at all times . she apprehended the great alcander's resentment , and fearing , that th● conjuncture might be destructive to her pleasures , she did what she could to enjoy them still for the time , out of a fear that she should not be long permitted , to have them , as often as she would have a mind to them . in effect the great alcander , having understood , that monsieur de lausun , notwithstanding his orders so often repeated to the contrary , had again railed at madam de montespan , resolved to have him , apprehended ; monsieur de louvoy's remonstrances , who did not cease : to tell him , that he could not otherwise reduce that spirit ●o reason , were of great use to confirm him in this resolution , and to overcome all the returns of kindness which he had for that unde● serving favourite . the order for the seizing him was given to the chevalier de fourbins , major of the life-guard , who presently conveyed himself to monsieur de lausun's house , where having learn't , that he was gone to paris , he left 〈◊〉 souldier to watch near the gate , with order to come and give him notice , as soon as he should be returned . monsieur de lausun arrived about an hour or two after , and the souldier having given the chevalier de fourbins notice of it , the chevalier de fourbins having first placed some guards about the house , entred into it , and found him near the fire , little dreaming of his misfortune . for as soon as he saw the chevalier come towards him , he asked him , if the great alcander had sent for him to which the chevalier de fourbins answered , no , but that he had sent him to demand his sword that he was sorry to be charge● with such a commission , but where as he was obliged to do whatever his master commanded him , he could not dispence with himself from executing it . it is easiy to judge of monsieur de lausun's surprize , at so unexpected a complement , for although he had given the great alcander cause to deal much more rigorously with him , yet since men an● more apt to flatter themselves , than to do themselves justice , he believed that the kindness which the king had always shewn towards him , would prevail above his resentment . he asked the chevalier de fourbins , whether he might not speak with the king , but the chevalier having told him that it was forbidden , he gave himself over to despaire . they kept as ●rict a guard upon him all that ●ight , as they could have done ●●on the greatest criminal in the world , and the chevalier de fourbins having on the morrow de 〈…〉 vered him into the hands of mon 〈…〉 ur d'artagnan , captain lieutenant of dragoons , monsieur de ●ausun look't upon himself as a 〈…〉 ined man ; because monsieur de 〈…〉 tagnan had never been his friend , 〈…〉 d , he believed , that he was cho 〈…〉 out on purpose , to make the great alcander's indignation the ●etter known . monsieur d'artagnan , having 〈…〉 ken orders from monsieur de 〈…〉 voy by the great alcanders ●ommand , conducted monsieur de lausun to pierre an●ise , and from 〈…〉 ence to pignerol , where they 〈…〉 him up in a room with 〈…〉 windows , not setting him 〈…〉 speak with any one whomsoever , and having only some books for his companions , together w 〈…〉 his valet de chambre , who was no permitted to go out . the affliction , which he conceived to see himself fallen from so high a fortune into so depl●rable a condition , soon reduc 〈…〉 him to that extremity , that 〈…〉 life was despaired of , and he being once fallen into a lethargy , it w 〈…〉 so credibly believed , that he w 〈…〉 deceased , that a courrier was d 〈…〉 patch'd to the great alcander , 〈…〉 give him notice of his death ; b 〈…〉 in six hours afterwards , there a 〈…〉 ved another , who brought the ne 〈…〉 of his return to life again , at whi 〈…〉 there was neither joy nor grief 〈…〉 press't , i mean in general , eve 〈…〉 one esteeming him already as ● man , who was dead at least to t 〈…〉 world. in the mean time , madamoisel 〈…〉 d'orleans monpensier , being in de 〈…〉 paire , because the pleasures , which she had expected to enjoy with hi● were so suddenly vanish't , suffred 〈…〉 much the more torment , in that 〈…〉 durst not make the least appear . however the most intimate of her friends endeavoured all they ●ould to lessen her affliction ; but 〈…〉 ce they were not always with 〈…〉 er , and especially by night , du 〈…〉 ng which the senses are usually 〈…〉 he most tormented , they rather contributed to render her more ●retched by thus renewing the remembrance of her misfortune , than brought her any comfort . ●et her greatest misery was , that 〈…〉 e durst not complain ; for since 〈…〉 r marriage was secret , she truly 〈…〉 dged that her sorrows must be ●lso secret , unless she would resolve 〈…〉 expose her self to the laughter , not only of her enemies , but ●●en of all france , who had their eyes turned upon her , to see after ●hat manner she would take her ●●od friends disgrace . nevertheless that did not hinder her from taking the man who mana 〈…〉 monsieur de lausuns business ; a 〈…〉 making him her steward ; nor fr 〈…〉 receiving into her service his gentleman , and the most faithful 〈…〉 his domesticks , who were o 〈…〉 joyed to save themselves in t 〈…〉 port , after their masters shipwra 〈…〉 in the mean time , the great ●●cander , just as if monsieur de l●●sun had never been his favouri●● heard every thing that was said him , without being concerned 〈…〉 it , or even without answering 〈…〉 it ; which was the reason that the● who were still his friends , w 〈…〉 were but very few in number dared no longer to speak in his 〈…〉 half . neither did hardly any p 〈…〉 sume to petition for the count 〈…〉 guiche's employment ; for all m 〈…〉 knowing , that it had been a stu●bling block to that favourite , th 〈…〉 seared , least it might have the sa 〈…〉 effect for others , as it had for him yet while they were in daily 〈…〉 〈…〉 ectation of the man , to whom 〈…〉 e great alcander would give it , 〈…〉 ey were all surprized , when one ●orning at his rising , he told the 〈…〉 ke de la feuillade , that if he could 〈…〉 ocure fifty thousand crowns , he ●ould give him the rest to pur 〈…〉 se the count de guiche's employment , to whom he must pay 〈…〉 own six hundred thousand li●es , before he could have his re 〈…〉 nation . the duke de la feuilla●● smilingly answered the great alcander , that he should easily pro●●re them , if he would be his security ; and after having seriously thanked him for the favour which 〈◊〉 did him , he took leave of him ●o go to paris , to fetch the sum , 〈…〉 at the great alcander demanded of him . the news of what the great alcander had done for him , being ●pread amongst all the courtiers , he ●et a great number of them in the 〈…〉 tichamber , and upon the stairs , who came to make him their complements ; but without half hea●ing them out , he returned in 〈…〉 the great alcander's chamber , 〈…〉 whom he said , that men need 〈…〉 longer have recourse to saints 〈…〉 see miracles , since his majesty d 〈…〉 greater than all the saints in paradise ; that when he came in th 〈…〉 morning he had not been regarded by any body , because none di 〈…〉 believe that his majesty would d 〈…〉 that which he had done for hi 〈…〉 but that as soon as the favou 〈…〉 which he had granted him , w 〈…〉 known , all prest with emulation one of another to make him pro●fers of their service ; but that they were proffers of service after the court mode only , that is to say● that no man had offered him h 〈…〉 purse , to take thence the fifty thousand crowns which he wanted the great alcander laught a 〈…〉 duke of feuillade's jest , and seeing him return in as much hast as he came , he told him that he need not 〈…〉 o so fast , if he had nothing to 〈…〉 o at paris , but to seek the mo●ey ; that he was willing to lend 〈…〉 him , but upon condition , that 〈…〉 e should pay it again , when he 〈…〉 re able . thus the great alcander having 〈…〉 a day ruined one favourite , rai 〈…〉 d another almost in as little time ; 〈…〉 r it is apparent , that the morning whereon the king made the duke de la feuillade this present , ●is affairs were in so bad a con 〈…〉 tion , that one of his coach hor 〈…〉 s being dead , he had not money enough by him to buy another . although monsieur de lausuns disgrace had deprived the court ●●dies of one of their best com 〈…〉 tants , yet since every moment presented them with fresh men to enter the lists , the vigour of those did comfort them for the loss of the other ; and he was no sooner ●ut of sight , but they forgot all his braveries . among the young men , who presented themselves 〈…〉 supply his place , the duke of longueville was without doubt the most considerable both for bir●● and fortune ; for he was descended from princess , who had p 〈…〉 sest the crown , before it fell 〈…〉 that branch , from whence the gre●● alcander was sprung , and he ha● an estate of six hundred thousand livres a year , in land , to maintain so illustrious a descent . a● for his person , his youth was accompanied with a je ne sai qui● that rendred him very charming wherefore although he was neither of so good a presence , nor of so graceful an air , as many other● were , yet he failed not to please all the women in general ; so that he no sooner appeared at court● but they all had designes upon hi● person . the mareschaless de la ferte was one of those , and thirty seve● 〈…〉 thirty eight years , which had 〈…〉 st over her head , not permitting 〈…〉 r to hope , that he would pre 〈…〉 her before so many others , who were much younger and fairer 〈…〉 an her self , she believed that it 〈…〉 ould not be amiss for her to ●ake him some advances , and that 〈…〉 ese advances might serve her in 〈…〉 ad of merit . one day that the ●uke of longueville , with several 〈…〉 hers , was at play at her house , which was the usual rendezvous of 〈…〉 the people of quality , who had nothing to do , she intreated him 〈…〉 come to see her , at an hour in 〈…〉 e morning , that she knew none 〈…〉 se would be there , at which time , 〈…〉 e had the pleasure of entertaining him with all freedom ; but 〈…〉 very little purpose , for the young 〈…〉 inee was as yet so raw in amorous mysteries , that he did no understand the meaning of an hundred wanton lo●ks , and ●●ish tricks , which would have sufficiently advertised any other , that had b 〈…〉 more experienced than himself ▪ nevertheless , seeing that 〈◊〉 mareschaless , old as she was , h 〈…〉 not displeased him , he came 〈…〉 gain on the morrow to see her the same hour , and finding her her toilet , he told her that would make her a present of admirable powder ; the maresc 〈…〉 less asked him what powder it w 〈…〉 and the duke of longueville h 〈…〉 ving replied , that it was pol 〈…〉 ville , he had hardly let the w 〈…〉 fall , when she cryed out , that 〈◊〉 would dispence with him fro 〈…〉 sending for it , that it was an ab 〈…〉 minable powder , and that she , w 〈…〉 had invented it , deserved to 〈◊〉 burnt . she immediately asked t 〈…〉 duke of longueville , whether did make use of it , and the du 〈…〉 having answered , yes ; she bid h 〈…〉 not come near her , for that powder was worse than the plague . t 〈…〉 duke , who did not know wh 〈…〉 〈…〉 e meant , desired her to explain 〈…〉 e riddle , and the mareschaless 〈…〉 ving enquired of him , whether 〈◊〉 had not heard the count de 〈…〉 ux's story , and he having repli 〈…〉 , no ; she told him that he must 〈◊〉 informed of it from himself , and 〈…〉 r that she did believe that he 〈…〉 ould use no more polleville . she would not tell him any 〈…〉 ing more untill her head was 〈…〉 essed , but her dressing woman 〈…〉 ing gone , she then told him , that 〈…〉 e count de saux having had 〈◊〉 assignation with madam de 〈…〉 uvres , did not come off with honour , by reason of polleville ; and that she verily believed , that the same thing would befall him , 〈…〉 he were in the like rencounter . that reproach made the duke of longueville laugh , and whereas the force of youth made him believe , that he did not hate the mareschaless whom he had found a handsome woman at her looking glass ; he told her that he had 〈◊〉 day used polleville , but that 〈◊〉 would make it appear , that 〈◊〉 same thing should not befall h 〈…〉 as did happen to the count 〈◊〉 saux . whereupon he began 〈…〉 caress her , and the maresch 〈…〉 seeming to be angry at his b 〈…〉 ness , to provoke him the mo 〈…〉 resisted him , until she was n 〈…〉 the bed , upon which she let h 〈…〉 self fall , and there she tryed , th 〈…〉 what was said of the count 〈◊〉 saux , was an effect of his weakness , and not of polleville . the duke of longueville ove 〈…〉 joyed at his adventure , used 〈◊〉 like a young man , which did n 〈…〉 at all displease the mareschaless she intreated him to be secret , and made him understand , that she had a severe husband , who would take nothing for raill●ry , if he on 〈…〉 had happened to discover , that the had any familiarity together . the duke of longueville promised he 〈…〉 that he would act very discreetly , and that she should have reason to be satisfied with his conduct , but he , 〈◊〉 his part desired her not to 〈…〉 mmit any infidelity against him , 〈…〉 ding that he would forsake her 〈…〉 at very moment , wherein any 〈…〉 ing of that nature should arrive 〈◊〉 his knowledge . that law was very severe to the mareschaless , who till then had believed , that one man was too 〈…〉 tle for one woman , but she be 〈…〉 g much in love with the duke , 〈…〉 d besides , having just then experienced , that he was worth two ordinary men she resolved to struggle with her nature to keep her 〈…〉 ord with him , as long as she 〈…〉 uld . therefore from that day , 〈…〉 e dismist the marquis deffiat , 〈…〉 ho endeavoured to obtain her 〈…〉 avour , and would certainly have 〈…〉 und speedy success , had it not 〈…〉 en for the duke of longueville's prohibition . the marquis of deffiat was ● little man , wilful and brave , though he did not love the w 〈…〉 addicted to pleasures , and uncapable of reasoning , when some 〈…〉 cy had once taken him in the h 〈…〉 he found much severity in 〈◊〉 mareschaless's command , w 〈…〉 whom he was almost come to bargain , and not doubting , but t 〈…〉 there was some other lover in 〈◊〉 field , he immediately suspect the duke of longueville . his suspicions being fallen upon him , though she received visits from many others , he was vexed to h 〈…〉 to do with a prince , with who he durst not fight without expressing himself to dangerous consequences . however , his passion being more strong than his reason , he would before he quarrelled with him , certainly informed , if he were 〈◊〉 in a mistake , and having for the purpose sent several spies abro 〈…〉 〈…〉 e was one day advised of a meeting that those lovers had together ; whereupon he wrapt himself up in a great cloak , and stood watching before the door , that he might be the more certain , whether it were true or no. when he had seen with his own eyes , that he had been told nothing but 〈…〉 ruth , he resolved to quarrel with the duke of longueville upon the first opportunity , and having met him soon after , he told him in his 〈…〉 ar , that he desired to see him with his sword in hand , the duke of longueville answered him without any emotion , that he ought to learn to know himself , and that she might fight with his equal , but as for him , he had been instructed never to meddle with fellows , whose ancestors have not long been known . this was a sensible reproach to the marquis de deffiat , of whose 〈…〉 raction the world had no great opinion ; nevertheless since th 〈…〉 were several others in the pl 〈…〉 where he had spoken to the duke of longueville , he went from him without making any thing appe 〈…〉 and without giving any suspici 〈…〉 of what he had said unto him . the duke of longueville depart 〈…〉 in a little time after , but having several pages and lacquaies in h 〈…〉 train , deffiat believed it prop 〈…〉 to wait for some more favourable opportunity to get satisfaction ▪ bot 〈…〉 for the affront which was just th 〈…〉 given him , and for the stealing a way of his mistress from him . in the mean time , the duke of longueville , seeing that deffiat did not follow him , took that for an effect of his cowardise , which was only an effect of his judgment ; so that he began to speak ill of hi 〈…〉 upon that score , which being reported to deffiat , put him into suc 〈…〉 an excess of anger , that he reso 〈…〉 ved to be revenged , though it should 〈…〉 ove his utter ruine ▪ to this effect he employed two or three 〈…〉 ies , to bring him notice when the duke of longueville went abroad alone , which he often did , having besides his intrigue with the mareschaless , some amours in the 〈…〉 own , which gave him employment , 〈…〉 d within two or three days after , one of his spies having ad 〈…〉 ertised him , that the duke went but all alone in a chair , and was 〈…〉 one to some appointment , he po 〈…〉 ed himself upon the way , and 〈…〉 s the duke returned about two hours after midnight , he presented himself before him with a cane 〈…〉 n one hand , and a sword in the other , and called to him to come out , or he would use him scurvily ; the duke of longueville , having immediately caused his chair-men to stop , would have handled his sword , but deffiat assaulting him before he had time to draw it , gave him some blows with the cane , which the chair men seeing , they took the staves out of the chair , and would have knoc 〈…〉 the marquis on the head with them ▪ if he had not judged it proper 〈◊〉 avoid their fury , by a speedy flight ▪ it is easie to comprehend the duke's despair , after so sensible an affront , and how much he desired to revenge it ; he forbad the chair-men ever to speak of this accident , neither did he ever speak of it himself to any , but to one of his best frends , who advised him to make no complaint of it , for altho' the great alcander would not fail to give the marquis an exemplary punishment ; yet he did not believe , that a prince , who had received such an affront , ought to revenge himself by the ministry of another ; he told him , that he had nothing else to do , but to cause his enemy to be assassinated , which indeed was the only method he could take upon such an occasion , for although it were not generous 〈◊〉 commit actions of that nature ; 〈…〉 t , since to challenge deffiat ●ould expose him again ▪ to be 〈…〉 aten , it was not just , and especially for a prince , to receive two 〈…〉 ronts at the same time . the duke being resolved , what 〈…〉 er hapned , to follow this advice , 〈…〉 ght after nothing more than 〈…〉 me opportunity of accomplishing it ; but it was a very difficult matter ; because deffiat after having committed such an extravagancy , never went abroad without being well attended , and always stood upon his guard. in the mean time , it happened that the mareschaless de la ferte became big with child , which very much alarm'd her ; for whereas he did not lye with her husband , who had long laine bedrid with the gout , she well imagined , that if he once came to know it , he would lock her up immediately for the rest of her life . that was therefore a necessity of us 〈…〉 a great deal of precaution to conceal her great belly from him but she discovered it to the duke of longueville , who overjoyed 〈◊〉 see himself likely to have o 〈…〉 spring , although he was as yet but very young himself , loved the maresehaless the more tenderly for i 〈…〉 when she was four or five months gone , she would no longer verture to go into the mareschal chamber ; but sitting up at pla 〈…〉 all night , she lay in bed all day causing her meat to be brought thither to her , and never rose , until the gamesters returned , before whom , she never stirred from her seat , for fear they should discover , that which she earnestly desired , should be concealed from all the world. although the mareschal mistrusted nothing , yet he failed not to find fault with that manner of living , and having sent his wife 〈…〉 ord , that he would be glad to 〈…〉 ak with her , she ventured into 〈…〉 s chamber , where he reprehend 〈…〉 her for it to purpose ; but the mareschaless , who desired only some pretence not to return thither any 〈…〉 ore , seemed to be very much offended at his correction ; so that he discourse growing hot between 〈…〉 em , they gave each other a great deal of ill language , which gave the mareschaless an opportunity to tell him , that he should quarrel with her when she came next to see him , and at the same time 〈…〉 itting his chamber , she never 〈…〉 et her foot in it again , until after her lying in . when she was within a month of six weeks of her time , she feigned an indisposition to rid her self of the company that frequented her , and her time being come , she lay in in her own house , just as if she had been with child by her own husband . it was monsieur clement that delivered her , a 〈…〉 the duke of longueville who was present at her labour , made him promise to keep it secret , and gave him 200 pistols . in the mean time monsieur clement had many such windfals , f 〈…〉 in a little time after , madam 〈◊〉 montespan being again with i hil 〈…〉 by the great alcander , she had recourse to him , and he was brought after the same manner , and with the same ceremony as he had been before ; however there was some difference in his reward ; he having had this last time two hundred lewidores , whereas he had only one hundred the first time and the same measures were always observed with him , as often as there was use for him ; he having had as far as to four hundred lewidores , for the fourth child that he delivered madam de montespan of : but whether it were that it appeared a little too extraordinary to this lady , who was naturally very saving , or that she had some other reasons for it , she having again conceived by the great alcander , and being obliged to go into the country , she sent to bargain with clement , to send her one of his deputies to maintenon , where she had resolved to ly in . she passed there for one of the marchioness of maintenon's best friends , so that the deputy , who delivered her , did not know , that he had brought the great alcander's mistress to bed . in the mean time , to return to the duke of longueville , who finding ( as i have already said ) no opportunity to be revenged of deffiat , he was obliged to make himself ready to follow the great alcander , who had declared war with the hollanders . this campagne was extreamly glorious to this great prince ; but fatal to the duke of longueville , for he being am 〈…〉 sed at a debauch , an hour or two before the great alcander made h 〈…〉 troops pass over the rhine , th 〈…〉 wine caused him unhappily to discharge a pistol against the enemies , who already talked of surrendring themselves , which was the reason that they discharged again upon him , and upon the chief of the great alcander's army , of which several were slain , and the duke of longueville among the rest , who was the cause of this misfortune . the news of it being carried to paris , the mareschaless almost died with grief ▪ as well as many other ladies , who had an interest in that young prince's person ▪ he was also generally lamented by all men , except deffiat , who was thereby rid of a powerful enemy . in making an inventory of his papers , they found his last will and testaments , which he had made a little before his departure . all men were surprized to see , that in it he did knowledge the son which he had the mareschaless for his natural ▪ son , to whom he left five hundred thousand livres , in case 〈…〉 happened to dye before he were 〈…〉 ried . this news being soon published through the whole town , the mareschaless was advised of it by ma 〈…〉 de bertillac her good friend , 〈…〉 o at the same time , warned her 〈◊〉 have a care , least it should reach her ▪ husbands ears . the mareschaless grew almost mad to see her 〈…〉 iness becom thus publick ; but 〈◊〉 time brings comfort to every 〈…〉 ng , she bore it the best in the world , and could at last hear it 〈…〉 coursed of without blushing . the great alcander , knowing that the duke of longueville , had a son by the mareschaless , was very glad 〈◊〉 it . for whereas there was a 〈…〉 at resemblance between the duke of longueville's advent 〈…〉 and his own ; i would say , where 〈…〉 the son , which the duke left behind him , was born of a mar 〈…〉 woman , as well as those which the great alcander had by mad 〈…〉 de montespan ; he desired , that th 〈…〉 should serve him for a precedent legitimate his own children , whenever he should have a mind to 〈◊〉 and he sent an order to the parliament of paris , to legitimate the duke of longueville's son , without any obligation to name the mother , which was however contrary to the laws and customs the realm . when the first noise , which the news had made , was a little over the mareschaless , who saw her reputation lost amongst all people of honour , resolved to cast off 〈◊〉 the little continency she had le 〈…〉 she tryed all those who were gl 〈…〉 to be contented with the duke longueville's leavings , and wi 〈…〉 the leavings of several others , and 〈…〉 ving tyed a strong friendship with madam de bertillac , who was 〈…〉 e of the fairest creatures in all 〈…〉 ris , they became each others confident , and tasted all manner of pleasures . the mareschaless had a foot man , who was since 〈…〉 oak on the wheel , and had one of the finest heads of hair in the world , and detraction would have it , that he had a great share of her good affections because it was observed , that she made some difference between him , and her other footmen . madam de bertillac's great intima 〈…〉 y with the mareschaless , did not 〈…〉 t all please monsieur de bertillac her father in law , who feared lest that whil'st his son was in the army , his daughter in law might be debauched ; but that was a thing already done ; for she had not been able to hear the mareschaless discourse of the pleasure that there was in playing a husband fals 〈…〉 without having a desire to t 〈…〉 what it was . however monsie●● de bertillac held as strict a hand 〈…〉 ver her as she could , he had 〈◊〉 eye upon her , and often recommended to her to have her honour before her eyes . but he was to● much employed vvith the keeping of the great alcanders treasure vvhich that prince had trusted to him , so that as it vvas difficu●● for him to be able to ansvver fo● his daughter in laws conduc● so it vvas easie for his daughte● in lavv , to make him think vve●● of it . in the mean time , madam d● bertillac , being one day gone t● a play with the mareschaless , vvher● the last had seen le basque th● vaulter dance , she told the other● that she fancied , that a man vvho had such a supple back , vvas an admirable performer , and said , tha● she had a great desire to make a tryal of him her self . the mareschaless's ingenuity having obliged ma 〈…〉 m de bertillac to open also her 〈…〉 art , she told her , that she really 〈…〉 ieved , there would be a great 〈…〉 al of pleasure in doing what she 〈…〉 d , but that for her part , if she was curious of any thing , it was 〈…〉 f knowing whether baron the 〈…〉 maedian , was as agreeable a per 〈…〉 n in conversation , as he was upon the stage . this confidence was 〈…〉 llowed by the approbation of the mareschaless ; she exalted baron's merit , to the end that madam de bertillac might commend le basque , and each encouraging the other to prove this adventure otherwise than in the idea , they were 〈…〉 o sooner gone from the play , but they resolved to write to these two men , to desire their company for one moment . baron and le basque were very much surprized at the honour that was done them , and having not failed to give them a civil answe 〈…〉 the enterview was at st. clou , from whence the ladies returned so w 〈…〉 contented , that they agreed between themselves , that it should not be the last time that they would see them . they afterwards imparted to each other what had happened to them , and they went both obliged to confess unanimously , that it was not always men o 〈…〉 quality that rendred the ablest service . as for the men , each of them had not the same cause of contentment . if baron were satisfied with his fortune , le basq 〈…〉 was unsatisfied with his ; he found the mareschaless insatiable ; and he told baron , that although he much wearied himself at the play , yet he had rather be obliged to dance there all day , than be with her only one hour ; baron did comfort him with the good fortune he had in being in favour with a woman of great quality , and he was fool enough to feed himself with this chimaera . in the mean time madam de bertillac gave her self over to that 〈…〉 ravagance , that she could not 〈◊〉 a moment without baron , and having understood that he had lost very considerable sum at play , 〈…〉 e forced him to take her jewels , which were well worth twenty thousand crowns . but it happened to her misfortune , that one of her father in laws friends being 〈◊〉 go to some publick meeting , 〈…〉 e prayed him to borrow them 〈…〉 t her of his daughter in law , 〈…〉 d monsieur de bertillac being very glad to oblige that lady , bid madam bertillac lend them to her , which did extreamly perplex her . she having at first appeared surprized , madam de bertillac did believe , seeing that she was a gam 〈…〉 r , she had played away or 〈…〉 ed some part of them , and 〈…〉 essing her to tell him where , to the end that he might fetch them out , she confounded her self m 〈…〉 and more , by saying , sometim 〈…〉 that she had lent them one of her friends , and sometimes that th 〈…〉 were with a jeweller , who h 〈…〉 them to mend . monsieur de bertillac , who was a man of experience , plainly perceived that there was some mystery in the matte 〈…〉 but not being able to get any thing more out of her , he was forced to declare the business in his daughter in laws family , who after several stories , did at length confess , that she had given them baron ; however she endeavoured t 〈…〉 disguise it , under the name 〈◊〉 lending them . her relations went immediately to the player , who 〈◊〉 first denyed the matter , believing that they spoke to him only o 〈…〉 of suspicion , but understanding in a moment after , that madam de bertillac her self had been obliged to discover him , and that they had already acquainted the great alcander with it , so that it would 〈…〉 ove almost his ruine , he chose 〈◊〉 restore them , and avoided thereby a great deal of trouble . monsieur de bertillac believing , that his son , who was in the army , ●ould not fail being advised of what 〈…〉 ad passed , bethought himself , that it was best for him , to give him ●otice of it himself , before any other ; but madam de bertillac , who had a great power over her husbands spirit , having prevented him by a letter , monsieur de bertillac was very much surprized , when instead of thanks , as he expected from his son , he received nothing but complaints , as if his wife were 〈…〉 ill in the right . madam de bertillac carried her cunning yet farther ; she desired her husband to suffer her to retire into a convent , saying that she could no longer 〈…〉 ve with monsieur de bertillac , who used her after such a manner , as had he not been her father law , she should have believe that he had been amorous of 〈◊〉 since he was become so jealous ▪ these news tormented her husband , who tenderly loved her , a 〈…〉 was very far from believing 〈◊〉 false , and attributing all the f 〈…〉 to his eather , the rest of the campagne did seem to him to last thousand years , he was in so much hast to go and comfort this d 〈…〉 spouse . in the mean time he desired his father to leave his w 〈…〉 in repose , of whose virtue he w 〈…〉 sufficiently persuaded , to believe none of all those reports , which ran abroad to her disadvantage and as for her , he wrote to her 〈◊〉 no means to go into a conve 〈…〉 unless she desired to make him d 〈…〉 with grief ; to have patience until the end of the compagne , a 〈…〉 after that he would put every thing in order . in effect , as soon as 〈◊〉 returned , he would not hear a 〈…〉 thing to her prejudice ; he lived with her as he was accustomed , and if she had not dyed in a little 〈…〉 me after ▪ she had gained so great 〈…〉 n influence over him , that she 〈…〉 ould have done whatever she had pleased , without any contradiction from him . madam de bertillac's death made the mareschaless examine her self . she told some of her friends that she would renounce all the vani 〈…〉 es of the world , but since she had said as much after the duke of longueville's death , and yet had performed nothing of it , it was not believed that she would keep her word any better this time , than she did the other . in which 〈…〉 one were deceived , for her husbands death having set her at liberty , to live after her own mode , 〈…〉 e made an infinite number of rascals , who were yet more un 〈…〉 orthy , succeed le basque . the chevalier grippefer kept her until he was weary of her , to wh 〈…〉 the abbot of lignerac succeed 〈…〉 and as she gave him a part of 〈◊〉 bed , she obliged him to give 〈◊〉 a share of his purse . at last 〈◊〉 abbot of lignerac , having qui 〈…〉 the mother in law for the daughter in law , she is at this day 〈…〉 duced to give her self up to 〈◊〉 little du pré , who not only give her some of his orvietan , but a 〈…〉 teaches her all the tricks of ca 〈…〉 and of cunning , wherewith the bubble together all new com 〈…〉 and those , who are fools enough to expect fair play with a w 〈…〉 man , who hath so long since anounced all honour and hon 〈…〉 sty . the mareschaless's example has moved the dutchess de la fer 〈…〉 to be not more virtuous . however she being younger , and , as she thought , fairer , she did not judg 〈…〉 it proper to expose her self to a 〈…〉 the world , as her mother in law did but on the contrary , pre 〈…〉 ming that she had beauty enough 〈◊〉 touch the great alcander's sons 〈…〉 art ; she began not to make court 〈◊〉 him , but love , and that so o 〈…〉 nly , that the whole world could 〈…〉 t look upon her impudence , 〈…〉 ithout blushing for her . the mareschaless de la motte her mother , who had been governant 〈◊〉 the great alcanders son , and who had married another of her daughters to the duke of vanta 〈…〉 r , of whose conduct she was 〈…〉 ready not too well satisfied , soon 〈…〉 rceiving her daughters designs , 〈…〉 solved to stop the course of them , to preserve what was left of repu 〈…〉 tion in her family . she there 〈…〉 re told the dutchess de la ferte ; 〈…〉 ll that a mothers experience and authority could dictate to her : ●ut all her remonstrances did no other good , than to make her daughter conceal from her , while 〈…〉 e exposed to the eyes of all others , designes that made the l 〈…〉 moderate murmur . for one d 〈…〉 having found the great alcander son in a good humour , she s 〈…〉 very confident things to him , a 〈…〉 the prince having praised the b 〈…〉 ty of her hair , which was ind 〈…〉 very fair , and of a beauteous colour , she told him , that if he h 〈…〉 seen her head undrest , he wou 〈…〉 have been much better pleased with them , that when he pleased she would give him that satisfaction and stooping her head at the same time , to shew him what quantity she had of them , she put her hand into a place , which decenc 〈…〉 forbids me to name , while the young prince considered only her head , possibly without mindin 〈…〉 what she did . the prince b 〈…〉 ing then very young , the dutchess de la ferte's action made hi 〈…〉 more ashamed than it did her , and retreating back a step or two , his confusion encreased when he sa 〈…〉 that his shirt hung out before , and 〈…〉 at he must put it up again . the 〈…〉 ush , which at the same time appeared in his face , with some other circumstances that were ob 〈…〉 ved , made it conceived , that 〈…〉 e lady had not altogether lost her time while she stooped down ; 〈…〉 t she , not being the more out of ●ountenance for that , told the prince , who was putting up his 〈…〉 rt , that it was not very decent 〈◊〉 do what he did before ladies , 〈…〉 d that if her husband should 〈…〉 ance to come by , it would be enough to make him jealous . the prince gave her no leasure 〈…〉 o pursue a discourse , the matter of which was disagreeable to him , 〈◊〉 that after he went away , she 〈…〉 ld two or three ladies of her acquaintance , that she had seen a 〈…〉 n who was no man , and they 〈…〉 ot knowing what she meant by 〈…〉 at , and yet desiring to know it , 〈…〉 e told them , that she had been just then to see the great alcanders son , who nevertheless co 〈…〉 never be his son. they prest 〈◊〉 to explain the riddle , which would not do , although they treated her ; but these ladies 〈…〉 ving understood the young pri 〈…〉 adventure , did easily guess at 〈…〉 rest , and it was not difficult to 〈…〉 lieve , but that the disorder , wh 〈…〉 in he appeared , was the dutchess's own handy work . the great alcander , having be advised of it , told the marescless de la motthe , that he was 〈◊〉 at all satisfied with her daughter , and he commanded her warn the dutchess to have a m 〈…〉 honourable conduct ; otherwise should be obliged to tell her husband to look after it . in the me 〈…〉 time , this husband was a m 〈…〉 vvho took no great care , either of his wives reputation , or of 〈◊〉 ovvn , and provided that he might drink , and frequent baudy-hou 〈…〉 valued not what men talk't of , 〈…〉 r what might happen ; he was 〈…〉 stantly with a company of lewd 〈…〉 ung fellows , whose brave exhibits did consist only in promoting a debauch , even to the last 〈…〉 tremity . so that the wenches , 〈…〉 w bold or impudent soever they 〈…〉 ere , never saw them enter their 〈…〉 uses without trembling . about this time they did act a 〈…〉 olick , that went a little too far , 〈…〉 d that made a great deal of noise , 〈…〉 h in the court and town ; for 〈…〉 er having spent the whole day with some courtizans , where they had committed a thousand disorders , 〈…〉 ey supt at the three spoons in bear 〈…〉 t ; where being overtaken with wine , they took up a wafer ▪ ma 〈…〉 r , whose manly parts they cut 〈◊〉 , and put them in his basket. this poor wretch seeing himself 〈◊〉 the hands of these executions , alarum'd not only the whole ●ouse , but even the whole street with his cries and lamentatio 〈…〉 but although there came abo 〈…〉 them many people , who would have dissuaded them from so 〈◊〉 humane an action , yet they would not give over , and the operati 〈…〉 being finished , they sent away t 〈…〉 unhappy wafer-maker , who we 〈…〉 to dye at his masters house . this excess of debauchery , rather of madness , being known to the great alcander , he conceived a dreadful anger at it . b 〈…〉 the greater part of these despe 〈…〉 men having relation to the c 〈…〉 of the court , and even to the ministers , he thought it proper , consideration of their families , content himself with their banishment , and their kindred found the sentence so mild , in comparison what they deserved , that they returned thanks to the great alcander for it , seriously confessing , th 〈…〉 so enormous a crime did merit nothing less than death . the marquis de camardon and the chevalier gripesou , who had been concerned in the debauch , and who were always the first to draw the others on , were a little mortified before their departure . for this last , who was the son of the famous monsieur gripesou , was entertained by his father with a good cud 〈…〉 elling in the presence of a great many people ; as he was a great politician , he was very glad that it should be told the great alcander , that he could not hear of so 〈…〉 rrid an irregularity without giveing it some chastisement . as for the marquis de camardon , the great alcander said in discourse concerning him , that he should not , during 〈…〉 is life , ever pretend to be a duke , and that he would always be more ready to give him marks of his disdain , than to do any thing for him , that might raise his fortune . however we now see , that the great alcander has forgot his word , unless it will be said , that it was no● to the marquis of camardon th●● he hath lately granted the dignity of a duke , but to madamo●●selle de laval , whom camardo● hath married . the noise which this frolic● had made , being a little pacified the kindred of those who were banished , did solicit their return while the dutchess de la fer●● wisht that her husband might no● return so soon , having very good reasons for it , which i will relate in few words . when she perceived that she in vain pretended to the conquest of the great alcanders son , she fell to the first comer , with whom she had no reason at all to be contented . for some body made her a very bad present , and she having no experience in a certain ilness that incommoded her , took a resolution to go incognito to a famous chirurgeons house to be better informed of it . being arrived there all alone 〈◊〉 a hackney chair , which made 〈…〉 m expect no great good from a woman of her fashion , she declared her business to him without 〈…〉 y ceremony , telling him , that some days since she felt some indisposition , which made her fear that her husband , who was something debauched , had not had that consideration for her ▪ which he ought 〈…〉 o have had . then she desired him to examine the matter , and to tell her his opinion , and at the same time shewing the symptomes , she expected that the chirurgion would at least shew himself pitiful in entring into her concern ; but he , being accustomed to hear every day things cast upon the poor husbands , whereof they for the most part were innocent , told her , that he was so wearied out with these kind of stories , that he could no longer have any complaisance for those that told them , that without giving her self farther trouble in accusing her husband , 〈◊〉 should think only of putting h 〈…〉 self into some speedy course of cu 〈…〉 because the disease , which she ha 〈…〉 might become worse , if she should chance to neglect it . that declaration amazed the dutchess , who had often heard her husband speak of these kinds of distempers , of which experienc 〈…〉 had rendred him skilful , and being very desirous to know , if that , which she had , were the greatest of all she inquired it of the chirurgion the chirurgion answered , no 〈◊〉 but that , as he had already told her , she must be speedily cured , or else it might become such . when she heard that , she told him , that she had so great a confidence in him , by reason of the reputation which he had in the world , that she would put her self entirely into his hands ; and at the same time naming her self , she surprized the chirurgion ; who knowing that he had to do with a person of the highest quality , was troubled he had talked to her after the rate he had done . he asked her pardon for his having appeared so free in words , excusing himself , that since the greatest prostitutes did frequently entertain him with the same language , which she had used , he thought himself obliged to make her those answers that he did , he not having the honour to know her . the dutchess easily pardoned him , nevertheless upon condition , that he should soon dispatch the business , which the chirurgion promised her , if she would observe a certain rule of living . she told him , that she would do every thing that he should order her . and did even more ; for she would keep her bed while she took physick , fearing , that if she had continued to live as she was accustomed to do , watching might have heated her blood , and rendred her cure more difficult . in the mean time , though she had no mind to see any body ▪ yet since it was very tiresome for her to be alone continually , she permitted monsieur the advocate , the master of requests , to come and visit her , who had long since made love unto her without being able to obtain any favour . monsieur the advocate was a jews son , of the city of paris , who after having gotten an estate of two millions by his usury , suffred himself to dye with cold , for fear of laying out a penny upon a f●ggot . his mother was also of the jewish race . nevertheless , with all that , he was esteemed a man of quality , and tho' he was of the long robe , yet he never was pleased , but when he was in the company of sword men , to whom he served for a divertisement . he affected to appear a huntsman , although he understood not one term of the profession , and if he ever ●hanced to discharge a gun , which he very seldom did , he turned his head back , lest the fire should seize his hair. moreover he was a great talker and a great lyer , but withal the best natured man in the world , offering every man his service , but never serving any man. the reputation which he had of being no dangerous man with the women , to whom it was said , that he could do neither good nor harm , having made the dutchess de la ferte believe , that he would perceive less of the reason which kept her a bed , than any other , she 〈…〉 lowed him to come and visit her , 〈…〉 nd he putting a great value upon 〈…〉 t favour , returned her thanks proportionable to his wit. he protested 〈◊〉 her , that after markes of so great distinction , he vvould live and dye 〈…〉 t very humble servant , and to give her more essential testimonies of his attachment , he swo 〈…〉 to her , that neither her self or a 〈…〉 of her friends , should ever ha 〈…〉 a suit depending , before him , b 〈…〉 right or wrong he would judge of their side , without ever e 〈…〉 mining the merits of the caus 〈…〉 it being enough for him to know that she had a concern in it . after a thousand other protestations of service of the like nature , he at length returned to the love , which he had so long ago ha 〈…〉 for her , and endeavouring to make his eyes agree with his words , he turned them languishing upon her asking her , if she was resolved to be his death . the dutchess de la ferte told him , it was apparent 〈…〉 that she had no such design , as h 〈…〉 himself might easily judge ; since she had sent for him , well remembring , that he had several times told her , he could not live without seeing her . this answer made the advocate begin again his complements , which would not have had 〈…〉 n end , if she had not interrupted them to ask him , how he managed louison d'arquien . he blusht ●t that question , and the dutchess , perceiving it , told him , that she esteemed men that had some modesty , that it was indeed true , that this girl being a common whore , it was not over creditable to visit her ; but since that the count de saux , the marquis de camardon , the duke de la ferte himself , and even all the court did the same , it could not be more disgraceful for him to visit her , than it was for so many persons of quality , that , provided he did not entertain her publickly , as was reported , there was no great harm in it ; but for her part , she never would believe any such thing , having always thought him too discreet for that . monsieur the advocate , master of requests , having loudly affirmed that it was a lye , and even would have affirmed , that he had neve● seen her , if the dutchess had no● given him an opportunity to excuse himself , by turning the conversation as he had done . he therefore told her , that he had never been with louison d'arquien but with company , and thinking to say the finest things in the world , he swore to her , that wha● beauty soever those kind of women had , he made a very grea● difference between them , and a person of her merit ; and at the same time endeavouring to give a description of her , he let her see , that though his judgment was not very good , yet that he had a great memory ; for the dutchess remembred , that she had some days since read in a book of gallantry , all those things which he at that time applied to her . in the mean time she was almost scandalized at the comparison ●●ich he seemed to have made between her and louison d'arquien , 〈…〉 r notwithstanding the difference which he alleged , she could not forbear being offended at it , and probably for that being conscious of the course of life which she her self 〈…〉 ad , she took it as a private hint , which the advocate would have 〈…〉 iven her ; but when she considered , that he was of no malici 〈…〉 us nature , and that these words had escaped him rather by chance , than out of any ill purpose , she appeased her anger , and the conversation ended without any sharpness . on the morrow he returned to visit the dutchess , and found her very ill , she had that day taken strong physick , and she very much complained of the pains which she suffered , attributing them to the medicine , which she had taken , whereof there still remained about 〈…〉 alf in a glass upon the table . he took the glass , and swallow●● the medicine , saying , that he cou 〈…〉 not endure to see the person , who● he loved best in the world , in pai● while he himself was in perfe 〈…〉 health . the dutchess could not fo● bear laughing at this extravaga●cy , which the master of reque●● did however cry up , as a mark 〈…〉 the greatest love that ever was but afterwards reflecting , that th●● physick might possibly hinder hi● from going abroad on the mo●row , and consequently that 〈…〉 would not be able to see the dutchess all that day , he fetcht suc● sighs and groans as made the dutchess laugh , and put an end to th●● comedy ; for the gripes having immediately taken him , he hardly had time to get to his coach and retire home . there being mercury in the medicine , he was sufficiently tormented all that night , and all the next day , and not being able to go to ●he dutchesses , he writ to her a ●illet , of which i cannot give you ●he very words , they having ne●er fallen into my hands ; but ha●ing heard it sufficiently talked of ●n the world , as of a very ridicuous thing , i can relate the sense , which here follows . that he could not have the ho●●●r to see her all the day , because ●e was become like those common women , who could not warrant themselves from acting lewdness with their bodies , since they had got such 〈…〉 habit of it ; that his own body ●as so inured to certain things , which 〈◊〉 ▪ durst not name , that he must of necessity keep his chamber , un●●l he was entirely recovered of his indisposition . in the mean time , 〈◊〉 prayed her to believe , that he did not take the physick as a re●edy against love , but to shew her , that he should be amorous of her during his life . the dutchess read over and 〈…〉 ver again the billet , with wond● how a man , who was fifty yea● old and upwards , and who ha● seen so much of the world , coul● be so great a fool , and being very glad to continue diverting he●self with him , she was very imp●tient to see him again . the advocate , after having suffered , fo● two days , all that could be suffered from that kind of physick , came to tell her , that at length he was free● ( thanks be to god ) from the illness that he had endured ; tha● he wished her health equal to tha● which he enjoyed , and that if h● knew , that the doing once more of that , which he had done , would advance her cure , he was ready to devote himself to all manner of torments for her love . the dutchess thanked him for his good will , and told him , that , beginning to be a little better , she was in hopes her disease would soon leave her . that however as ●er body recovered , her mind grew ●●ck ; that she wanted two hundred pistols for an urgent occasion , and that not knowing where to get them , she could not take any rest ●●her day or night . though the advocate was , as have said before , a rich man's ●on ; yet three things did contribute to render him not much ▪ at ●●s ease . the first was , that his ●●ther had left behind him a great ●any children ; the second was , ●hat his jewish mother , who pos●●st half the estate , was still alive ; and the other was , that he had pur●hased an office , which had cost him a great deal , but brought him 〈…〉 no large revenue . all this ( i say ) was the cause , that he was often put to his shifts for ready money . he could not at that very ●our offer the dutchess the two hundred pistols , which she had occasion for , but he promised to bring them to her on the morrow , 〈◊〉 indeed he did not break his wo●● which was a thing very extra●●dinary for him . i cannot tell what use the dutchess had for this money , it being b●yond my knowledge , but if i m●● be allowed to judge of it by th● circumstances that followed th● present , i will say , that it mu●● have been very great . for as soo● as she saw the advocate arrive wit● a purse , she embraced him wit● all the appearances of a great te●derness , and the advocate being thereby provoked to things , whic● surpassed , it seems , his natural forc● endeavoured not to let slip an o●casion , which was not every day presented to him , and against whic● the dutchess made no manner o● resistance . in fine , whether the dutches● had forgotten the rule of living ▪ which the chirurgion had ordered her , or whether she imagined , that she had between her arms some ●●dy more agreeable than the ad●●cate , she accorded him the last ●●vour for his money . as the ad●●cate was not very importunate , 〈…〉 contented himself with one sin●● testimony of the dutchesses 〈…〉 mity , without desiring any more . 〈…〉 went home the most satisfied ●●n in the world , and musing ●●ly upon the greatness , where●●to he was called , he became yet ●ore silly , and more vain than be●●re . in the mean time , being very ●●reful of his health , and having ●●●rd it said , that excess of every ●●ing was hurtful , he staid three or ●●ur days without returning to the dutchesses , at the end of which , 〈…〉 began to find himself unex●ectedly ill . he could hardly be●●●ve at first what he saw , but at ●●gth knowing that the most in●●dulous had believed , when they ●●d seen , he began to be convinced , that he ailed something , and to the more assured of it , he had council of physitians , who told h●● that he was not deceived . in t●● mean time it cannot be said , wh●ther this accident filled him mo●● with spight , or with joy . for 〈◊〉 one side , if he thought that t●● dutchess had done ill by him , 〈◊〉 treating him so scurvily the fi●●● time , on the other side he con●●dered , that she was still a dutc●ess , and vanity having a gre●● power over him , he concluded wi●● himself , that the favours of suc● persons , be they what they wi●● were never to be despised . h● joyned also another consideratio● to this reflection , to wit , that th●● accident being spread abroad in th● world would re-establish his reputation among all women , wh● having until then taken him for ● kinsman of the marquis de lang●●● that is to say , for a man who mu●● have been divorced , if he had ha●● wise , would now be obliged to 〈…〉 nfess themselves sometimes mi●●aken . it was for that reason also , that ●e had so publickly kept louison 〈…〉 ' arquien , of whom the dutchess ●ad upbraided him , as is above re 〈…〉 ed ; but they had no better o 〈…〉 inion for all that of his perfor●ance , and there was still want●●g this last circumstance to unde●eive all the world. instead there●●re of concealing himself , as ano●●er would have done , he went pub●●ckly into a course of physick , and ●is intimate acquaintance doubting ●is disease , he confirmed them in ●●eir suspicion , and made a gal●●try of it , as any vain young ●●llow would have done . in the mean time this circum●●●nce , which he believed so ad●antageous to his reputation , 〈…〉 s more hurtful to his fortune 〈…〉 he was a war. for being ei●●●r ill ordered in the beginning , or perhaps being of a temper diff●cult to be cured , he was oblig 〈…〉 to undergo a flux . moreove● the great alcander , having hear 〈…〉 of his disorder , lost the little estee● he might have had of him , an● denyed him the office of may 〈…〉 of the city of paris , which he w 〈…〉 inclined to give him upon the 〈…〉 commendation of monsieur de p 〈…〉 pone his brother in law , who w 〈…〉 one of his ministers . monsieur the advocates adve●ture , which all the world fail 〈…〉 not to impute to the dutchess 〈…〉 la ferte , gave the mareschale● de la motte her mother very gre 〈…〉 vexation ; neither was she bett 〈…〉 contented with the dutchess vantadour , who accused her hu●band of having given her a cla 〈…〉 but who under the pretence , th● he was debauched , gave her s● up entirely to monsieur de til●●det , monsieur de louvoy's con 〈…〉 german . the duke of vantad 〈…〉 was a little man , very false and dissembling , yet wanted no cou●age . he , having had some hint ●f his wives intrigue , resolved to ●o watch her so narrowly , as to ●ake her in the fact. for this purpose he permitted her to make a ●ourney with the dutchess d'au●●nt his sister , reasonably gues●ing , that if there were any truth 〈…〉 what was told him , the gallant ●ould not fail to meet her upon ●er way . in the mean time he took ●orse to observe their motions , ●nd arrived every evening incog 〈…〉 o in the same inn , where his wife lodged . he had not held this ●ourse above five or six dayes , when 〈…〉 saw monsieur de tilladet ar●ive post , who was in such hast 〈…〉 see madam de vantadour , that 〈…〉 did not give himself time so ●uch as to take off his boots , or ●●en to brush off the dust . he ●●etended to the duke d'aumont , ●●at he was also upon a journey , and that chance had brought him into the inn. but the duke o● vantadour , who knew very well what to think of it , not giving them leisure to enter into a long conversation , went up staiers immediately with his sword in hand and he surprized the whole company , who little dream't of him and thought that he had been fa● enough off from thence . the duke d' aumont , who a● his first marriage , had taken t● wife monsieur de louvoy's sister monsieur tilladets cousin german took his part against the duke o● vantadour his brother in law alledging for a reason , that th● duke had so little consideratio● for him , as to come even to b● chamber , to assault a man , wh● had never given him any cause 〈…〉 be his enemy ; so with the he 〈…〉 of his servants , he prevented a● mischief , and having understoo● that there was jealousie in t 〈…〉 case , he advised the dutchess of vantadour , to beware going with her husband , who would carry her away by force , which advice she punctually followed . madam de vantadour's denyal put her husband into an absolute fu●y , and he being very quarrelsome , challenged the duke d'aumont to fight , and gave him mighty abusive language ; but the duke d'aumont did not think himself obliged to take any notice of it , because it proceeded from a man , who had no great esteem in the world . in the mean time , the duke of vantadour having been forced to depart without his wife , complained to the great alcander , that the duke d'aumont had kept her from him , the greatest men of the court concerned themselves in this quarrel , and the prince of conde , who was the duke of vantadour's kinsmad , said very bitter things to the mareschaless de la motte , who , pretending to excuse her daughter an● the duke d'aumont , endeavoure● to dishonour the duke of vantadour . the great alcander did forbid fighting on either side , and having taken cognisance of the business , he layed all the blame upon the duke , and he permitted his wife either to return to him or to retire into a religious house ▪ as it should seem good unto her . neither of these two conditions did very well please the dutchess , who had rather have had a third , had it been in her choise , which was to remain with the dutchess d'aumont her sister , where she might have every day seen monsieur de tilladet ; but the great alcander having pronounced the sentence , it was her part to submit to his judgment , which she did , by retiring into a small convent in the suburb of st. mar●eau . monsieur de tilladet saw her there twice or thrice incogni●o , by the superiours consent . in a little time after , the exiles , whom i have some while since mentioned , returned to court , and were obliged to behave themselves more discreetly . the duke de la ferte found his wife recovered , but the advocate 's cure was not yet perfected , and although he at first comforted himself with the hopes of having ( as i have already said ) a better reputation ; yet it cost him so dear , that he heartily wisht , he had long ago renounced all the vanities of the world , and left the filth wherein he wallowed . at length his chirurgion having finished the cure , he soon forgot the sickness he had ailed , and having heard the business of the duke d'aumont and the duke of vantadour talk't of , and his way being to procure reconciliations , he told them both , that he was very much troubled at his not having been in health at that time , otherwis● he would have rendred them tha● service . in the mean time he having th● colour of one already dead , every body asked him , if he were no● returned out of the other world he was at first much perplexed t● give it an answer , but being a● length hardned to these kind 〈…〉 questions , he himself would begi● laughing at them with the others which put an end to all the rai●lery that was made about him . on● day the dutchess de la ferte ha●ing a mind to be pleasant upon him he being naturally very brutish , answered her — zwouns , madam , it ill becomes you to laugh at that condition , which you your self did put me in , believe me , this was the first , and shall be the last time while i live , that i will have to do with you , and though i have kept company with louyson d'arquien a whole year , which i now will freely confess unto you : i never have had the least reason to complain of her , when as i have been with you hardly a minute , and yet i shall have reason to repent of it , during my whole life . the dutchess could not suffer these reproaches from the advocate without entring into a dreadful passion . she took up the tongs , and struck him with it with all her strength , and making ill language succeed her blows , she said , that things were come to a fine pass indeed , when a pitiful citizen , such as he was , durst presume to make himself so familiar with a woman of her quality , that , allowing what he had said to be true , yet the honour was too great for him . she bid him get out of her house , otherwise she would make him leap out at the windows , and she pusht him towards the door with the end of the tongs . monsieur the advocate , who saw that there was no jesting with her , threw himsel● at her feet , and begged her pardon , he owned that he had wronged her , but to excuse himself , h● said , that it was out of impatience to see her insult over him , imagining that she did it only out of contempt , that that was the reason of his complaints , though indeed there was no fault to be found with her niceness , and that if she had been present at his torments she should have seen him endure them with so great a resignation that she would have confest him to have been a true martyr o● love. all these reasons did not soften the dutchesses spirit , which was haughty and disdainful ; and having made him depart her chamber , she forbid him ever to come again into her sight , unless he would expose himself to a much more rude entertainment . the advocate went away with a very heavy heart , fetching deep sighs , and ha●ing a very great mind to cry , but being to pass the court of de la ferte's house , which is very ●arge , and fearing to meet some body , he kept back his tears until he was in his coach. as soon as he was in it , there came one of the mareschal de la ferte's people , to tell him , that his master would speak with him before he went away , which caused him to endeavour still to restrain them , and after having adjusted his perruque and his band , which were in a little disorder , he went up into the mareschal's appartment , where he found a very handsome lady with some gentlemen , who were all there for a quarrel which they had together . the mareschal told him that he had given him the trouble of coming up , to see if there were any means to compound a difference between these people , without obliging them to come before a general assembly of the mareschals of france , and there being already some proceedings had on either side , and those regarding him ( for the great alcander had granted the hearing o● all things of this nature to the advocate ) he would be glad to know his opinion of it . monsieur the advocate asked , what the matter was , and the mareschal having told him that he must needs have seen the informations , the master of requests answered , that his secretary had not yet laid them before him , which served for a good excuse . the mareschal knowing that it was an establisht custom with him , to let his secretary do all the business , told him , that the lady , whom he saw there before him , complained , that a gentleman who was also there present , had dishonoured her by scandalous stories ▪ for which she demanded satisfaction ; that though there were no witnesses , yet the thing was a verred by the gentleman 's own confession , who maintained , that , far from having injured the lady , he was very much in the right ; that to justifie that , he reported , how that he had passionately loved her , and had sought after all opportunities of serving her ; that he had rendred her so consideable a service as to furnish her at one time with 200 pistols , but that in recompence she had given him nothing but a disease , which had kept him three entire months in his bed ; that he , believing he had reason to complain of it , had publisht , that this lady was not cruel , but yet that he would have no more of her favours at that price . monsieur the advocate hearing a story that had so great a relation with his own , believed that his intrigue was discovered , and that some body must have hearkened at the dutchesses door ; being therefore quite out of countenance , he blusht and grew pale again , and wrapping himself up in his cloak , he told the mareschal that he jeered him , and took his way towards the door , without saying any thing more . the mareschal , who was in his bed , not being able to run after him , called him back ; but seeing that he would not return , he commanded the captain of his guards , not to suffer him to go away so , because he had need of him to compound that business . monsieur the advocate made a difficulty of turning back , telling the captain that monsieur the mareschal only rallied with him : but the captain having told him , that there was no jesting in the case , and that what the mareschal did , was because he desired to do those persons service ; he re-entred the chamber , and the mareschal asked him since when he had given over making composition between gentlemen , a reproach which he made him , because he knew , that under pretence of such business , he neglected other affairs which did appertain to the duty of the office , which he had in the great alcanders council . after that monsieur the advocate had excused himself as well as he could , they began to handle the matter in question , and without waiting for a deduction of all the particulars , he decreed , that the gentleman should be sent to prison , from whence he should not be set free , until he had asked the ladie 's pardon , who to thank him for his favourable decree , made him a very low reverence . the advocates sentence was punctually followed by the mareschal , and the gentleman was sent into prison . in the mean time monsieur the advocate being retired home , he called for pen , ink and paper and writ a billet to the dutche 〈…〉 de la ferte , whereof here is a copy . the advocates letter to the dutchess de la ferte . i could not make you a greater satisfaction for my fault , than that which i have done in going from your chamber . a gentleman , who had the same quarrel with a lady as i have with you , hath been sent to prison , and besides i have condemned him to recant all that he hath-said , though possibly he might have told nothing but the truth , as well as my self . if the same reparation may satisfie you ; order me only into what prison you will have me go , and , i will punctually obey you , having resolved to be for my life your prisoner of love. the dutchess de la ferte found he advocates character in this letter , which was , to say the siliest things in the world , when ●e thought to say the finest . she had a mind to make him a very sharp answer , but judging that it would argue more of resentment , than of disdain , she continued silent , which did extreamly afflict monsieur the advocate . who besides the pleasure which he took in being great with a dutchess , saw himself thereby deprived of dining with her , which was very commodious for him , and which he often did , he himself being no hous-keeper , and the dutchess lodging near him . at length seeing that his disgrace did still continue , he addicted himself entirely to the duke of vantadour , whom he advised to be reconciled to his wife . he was the secret mediator of the reconciliation , and finding there , what he had lost in the other place , that is to say , as muc● quality at least as with the dutche 〈…〉 de la ferte , a fine woman , and good table , he stuck close to th● table , and endeavoured to gai● the woman , who , being more reserved in her pleasures than her sister , did reject the advocate , the ver● first time he would have spoken t● her , in such a manner that he du 〈…〉 not expose himself to a second denial ▪ in the mean time the duke and the dutchess de la ferte ▪ held o● the same course of life as they had begun . the dutchess had th● abbot of lignerac for a gallant and his money was to him instead of merit . as for the duke , h● stoptat nothing , and being a ma● that neither minded or esteemed perfect love , he found mistresses as often , and as many as he pleased , in the publick places , and his passion being soon satisfied , he did frequently beat them , after having embraced them , and thus he made blows succeed his caresses , as some●●mes his embraces succeeded ●lows . one day that he made a ●ebauch in one of those places with ●he duke ▪ de foix , camardon , and ●ome others , camardon told him , ●hat he wondred , that he who lo●ed to relish pleasures in their pure ●ature , had not once caused his wife to come and lye with him sometimes , at louyson d'arquin's , 〈…〉 at madelon du pre's , that he would have found there a thousand times more satisfaction than at home , and ●hat if he would make a tryal of it , ●e would without doubt be of the same opinion . though the duke de la ferte was not over curious upon his wives score ; yet he found fault with what camardon had said , of bringing her into a place of debauchery , and the duke of foix , who was camardon's brother in law , approved of what monsieur de la ferte said , adding , that the dutchess de la ferte was not a woman come into those kind of places . c●mardon answered him , that she w● one that might come thither well as any other , as also his wi 〈…〉 who was yet more scrupulous th 〈…〉 the dutchess de la ferte . th● if they would only lay a wag● with him of an hundred pistol he would undertake to bring the both thither , when he pleased , a● being earnest in affirming the matter , he made the whole comp●ny laugh , who knew him to b● man infinitely agreeable , and of 〈…〉 excellent wit. he in the mean ti 〈…〉 retracted nothing from what i had proposed , but framing a res●lution of letting them see the e●fect of what he told them , he de●trously changed the discourse , that there was no farther reflect on made upon what he had said within five or six days afterwards , camardon was to visit h 〈…〉 sister the dutchess de foix , an● told her that he had made a match ●ith the dutchess de la ferte to 〈…〉 into st. germains fair , and that 〈…〉 she would go along , he would 〈…〉 rry them both thither some morn●ng ; but that she must not tell her husband of it ; that the dutchess ●e la ferte would also conceal it 〈…〉 om hers , and that there were cer●ain reasons , why they should know nothing of it , until they were ar●ived in the fair. the dutchess ●e foix assented to it without informing her self farther of those reasons . the match being made , ●nd the day appointed to be the 〈…〉 morrow , he then took her in his coach , and went to fetch the dutchess de la ferte , to whom he had said as much . as they were upon the way , some part of the coach broak all on the suddain , and the two ladies being frightned with the danger of being over-turned , cryed out to the coach-man to hold , who immediately obeyed the● all this was but a trick designe● by camardon , in order to make demonstration to their husband● that he had told them nothing b 〈…〉 what he was sure of performing in the mean time having helped out the ladies , he very hastil● asked his coach-man , what wa● the matter , and quarrelled wit● him very much in appearance , because he had not seen whether the coach was in order , before his coming ▪ out . then he told the ladies that there was no staying for them in the street , that he was well acquainted with a citizen hard by , to whose house they had best go , and repose themselves , while the coach was refitting . these ladies , having no other choice to make , willingly assented to it , and being come to a house they were there received by a woman , who shew'd them a great deal of civility . she brought them in 〈…〉 a very handsome chamber , and 〈…〉 tertained them very well , while 〈…〉 mardon was in another room writing two notes to the duke 〈…〉 foix , and de la ferte , by which ●e desired them to come speedily 〈…〉 him at madelon du pre's , which ●as the very place whither he 〈…〉 d brought their wives . the dukes de foix , and de 〈…〉 ferte , having received these ●otes , hastened to the place ap●ointed . camardon ran to meet 〈…〉 em , and desired them not to be 〈…〉 oubled at the pains that they had 〈…〉 ken ; that he would shew them 〈…〉 o of the finest women in town , ●hom du pre had lately discove●ed ; and immediately opening to 〈…〉 em the chamber door , wherein 〈…〉 e dutchesses de la ferte and de 〈…〉 ix were , he presented the ladies 〈…〉 them , desiring them both to use 〈…〉 em so well , as not to let them ●o away in discontent . 't is easie to judge of the astomishment th 〈…〉 these two dukes were in , but th 〈…〉 of the dutchesses was much greate● who knowing where they were had a mind to be seriously angr● with camard●n : but he rallyin● them all four , obliged them to laug● at it along with him , and havin● bespoke a dinner , they all fi 〈…〉 dined together in that honest plac● though the women made a shew as if they would not stay there an● longer . nevertheless when they percei●ed , that it was their husband pleasure , they were persuaded t● stay ; and to pass away the time while they expected dinner , they desired du pre to give them a figh● of her nuns ; which she did , because , imagining that they wer● all of the same sisterhood , she woul● not disoblige those , who well deserved to be abbesses of the convent . in the mean time , the advo●ates disgrace still continued ; but misfortune having at that time ●appened to the chevalier de lig●erac ( the abbot de lignerac's bro●her ) who had been sent into pri●on at the request of an infinite num●er of people , whom he had cheat●d , the dutchess de la ferte sent ●o enquire for him , and told him , ●hat she would pardon him , pro●ided he could get the chevalier ●e lignerac out of prison . mon●●eur the advocate , who knew of ●he intrigue between the abbot ●nd her self , thought it very hard , ●hat he must be employed for his ●ivals brother , and that his pardon ●ould be obtained at no other price : ●ut she having heretofore punish●d him for telling truth , he durst ●ot then gain-say her , and he pro●ised her , that if the chevalier de ●ignerac were not freed from his ●mprisonment , it should not be ●or want of his employing all his ●redit in order to it . monsieur the advocate found 〈…〉 obstacle in his undertakings , 〈…〉 the chevalier de lignerac's c 〈…〉 tors were perpetually crying in t 〈…〉 judges ears , and having made appear that he had once alread mortgaged his estate , and that 〈…〉 afterwards had borrowed two hundred thousand crowns upon it , 〈…〉 judges let monsieur the advocate know , that it was impossib 〈…〉 for them to set him free , and th 〈…〉 was all the accompt he could gi 〈…〉 the dutchess . he very much apprehended , th 〈…〉 she would not be satisfied with th● denial ; but the dutchess who loved a multitude , and who w 〈…〉 sometimes vexed for not seeing him told him , that she was obliged 〈…〉 the pains which he had take● and that he might return to h● house , as often as he had a min● to it . monsieur the advocate thre● himself at her feet to thank he● he embraced her knees , and pr●testing to her an eternal fidelity , ●e told her , that her sister the dutchess of vantadour , had not ●alf her merit ; that should he live 〈…〉 thousand years , he would not ●e able to love her one quarter 〈…〉 an hour ; that she would cer●ainly say , that he had no great wit , because he never could speak ●ne single word to her , but he did ●ot care what reputation he had with her ; provided she would con●ider , that so great an indifference ●or so amiable a person , could not proceed but from the love which ●e had for her . as he ended these words , one of the dutchess of vantadour's footmen came in , and having presen●ed her with a note from her ●ister , she took it and read what ●ollows . the dutchess of vantadour's le●ter to the dutchess de la ferte . one of my very good frien● hath a b 〈…〉 ness depending b●fore monsieur the advocate , and 〈…〉 believes it so delicate , that he e●deavours to get it recommended 〈…〉 him , by all those who have any cr●dit with him : if i had foreseen th● accident , i should willingly ha 〈…〉 harkened to a great deal of no●sense , which he would have said 〈…〉 to me ; but not having the gift 〈…〉 divination , and besides , loathing 〈…〉 sottish a conversation , i desired hi● something roughly not to continue 〈…〉 any longer . this makes me believ● that he has no great good will for me i have therefore recourse to yo● intercession to recommend my frien● business to him , which i pray y 〈…〉 to do , as you would your own , an● you will oblige a sister , who is entirely yours . the dutchess de la ferte , to whom monsieur the advocate had ●ost then protested , that he could ●ever express the least love to the dutchess of vantadour , seeing the ●ontrary in this letter , had more ●han once a desire of shewing it ●o him , to divert her self ; but ●earing least it might be a preju●ice to the gentleman , whom her sister recommended , she put the letter into her pocket , and sent ●way the footman , whom she com●anded to tell her sister , that she would do what she desired . the footman being gone , monsieur ●he advocate , who was the most ●urious man in the world , would ●in have known what the letter ●ontained , and not being satisfied with what the dutchess told him , who endeavoured to put the change upon him , he took an opportunity to put his hand into her pocket , 〈…〉 d having snatched it thence , he told her , that he vvould immediately see all their secrets . the dutchess , who for the ●bove mentioned reasons wou 〈…〉 gladly have prevented him fr 〈…〉 seeing it , endeavoured to tear from him , but not having bee able to do it , she told him , th 〈…〉 he would extreamly disoblige he unless he would restore the lette● that very moment . but monsie● the advocate believing that th● more she endeavoured to have 〈…〉 again , it was of the greater consequence , withdrew a little asid● to read it . the dutchess was n 〈…〉 able to hinder him , and he wa● excessively surprized , to find therei● such unexpected matters . then he told the dutchess , tha● madam de vantadour said what wa● not true , that he had never spoke● to her of any thing , and that t● let her see , that he never had any esteem for her , he would cause he friend to lose his business . th● dutchess de la ferte told him , tha● he must not do it for her sake ; 〈…〉 at it was no longer her sisters 〈…〉 siness , but her own , that there●●re it was not with the dutch●ss of vantadour , that he was a●out to quarrel , but with the ●utchess de la ferte . madam de 〈…〉 ferte found much difficulty to 〈…〉 ain this point upon him , but ha●ing told him , that she did not be●●eve any thing of what madam ●e vantadour had writ unto her , ●ho had a fault common to all 〈…〉 e women , to wit , to take the ●east glance for a declaration of ●ove , she thereby gave him occa●ion to justifie himself to her . mosieur the advocate alledging . that ●he dutchess of vantadour must then ●ave interpreted to her own advantage some innocent regards , the dutchess endeavoured to confirm him more and more in that opinion , and so insensibly brought him again into a good humour , and he afterwards promised to do all , for the gentleman , that sh● could desire . while all this past , madam too a maid of honour , whose beaut● created desires in all the cou●tiers , and jealousie in all her co●panions . she was of a most ravishing shape , so that detractic● that is used to catch at every thing was here at a loss , all confessing that they had never seen any thing so accomplisht , as this amiable pe●son . the great alcander , who 〈…〉 that time loved madam de mo●tespan rather out of an habit , tha● out of passion , had no sooner see her , but he was charmed with he● but he being unwilling to ma 〈…〉 love any more like a young ma● but like a great king , employe● a third person to discourse it wit● her ; and to the end that his pro●fers of service might be the be●ter received , he accompanied ther● with a pearl necklace , and a pa 〈…〉 of diamond pendants of great v●lue . in the mean time madam de montespan was in a mortal fear , lest this young beauty should rob her of the prince's heart , with whom she had very lately had a filling out some few days before . for pretending that he ought to treat her still as he had done in the beginning , the taxed him for having no greater complaisance for her , and because the great alcander made answer , that they had been too long acquainted to observe so much ceremony , she was so transported with passion , as to say very disobliging things unto him . she began with reproaching him of all that she had done for him ; that she had forsaken her house , her children , her husband , and even her honour for him ; that there was no manner of complaisance that she did not continually express to engage him ; but that he was of late become very cold and indifferent ; that if years had brought upon her any imperfections , he ought not to attribute them to her , but to time , that destroys all things ; however that she did not yet perceive ( thanks be to god ) that there was so great an alteration in her person ; but that for him she could say , nevertheless without having any design to anger him , that though he had great cause to be thankful to nature , yet that he was not exempted of all manner of faults ; that he had one great one among the rest , which he perhaps never perceived ; but that she had been very sensible of it , without ever making any complaint , because she believed that none ought to take such particular notice of those they loved . the great alcander , whom no body durst ever upbraid before , was extreamly moved to hear madam de montespan say these things , for whom he had done no less than she had done for him ; for if she had forsaken her house , children , and husband to stick to him , he had abandoned for her the care of his reputation , which was very much blemisht , for having loved a wom●n , who had so great reasons to be more discreet . however , since we are more sensible of the injuries which we receive from those that we love , than we are of those which we receive from persons indifferent to us , he suffered not this reproach to fall thus to the ground , but demanding of madam de montespan , what his faults then were , he provoked her to declare them , by informing her of her own ; at which madam de montespan was so concerned , that she replied unto him , that if she had those imperfections whereof he did accuse her , yet that she had not in the least any offensive smels about her . this being as much as to say , that the great alcander was not without them , it is impossible to express how ill he took this reproach . he told madam de montespan such things , as were enough to have touched her home , and to have made her recollect her self if she had any sense of virtue yet remaining . but having entirely given her self over to her passions , she was no more moderate in the answer , which she gave him , than she had been in the beginning of this conversation . while they quarrelled thus vehemently with each other , the prince de marsilliac came to the closet door wherein they were , and the great alcander having given him power to enter any where , without demanding leave , he had his foot already within the door , when he understood by the sound of the prince's voice , that he was in anger ; this made him stop short , and being desirous to know , whether he might enter , he began to call out aloud doorkeeper , doorkeeper ; and there being none in the way , he called out louder yet , who is here , that will give me an answer . the great alcander , who gave ear to every thing that he said , truly guesed , after having given him such permission , that he did so out of discretion , and being glad to have an opportunity to break up so disagreeable a conversation , he told the prince of marsilliac , that he might come in ; which was the reason that madam de montespan endeavoured to constrain her self , for fear that the report of her disgrace , which she was willing to conceal , should spread over the whole court. she departed in a moment afterwards , and left the great alcander at liberty to open his heart to the prince of marsilliac , who had a great share of his confidence , and to whom he had given in less than one year , above one hundred thousand livres in places , for immediately after monsieur de lausun's disgrace he forced him to take the government of berry , which that favourite had possest , and which he was unwilling to accept of , because , having never been his friend , he was afraid , least the world should say , that he had provoked the great alcander to cause him to be imprisoned , in order to benefit himself of his spoils . the great alcander looked upon this delicacy to be so much the more excellent , as it was rare amongst courtiers , and since it could proceed only from a great heart , he had yet a greater esteem for him . sometime after he again gave him the place of great master of the wardrobe , void by the death of the marquis de saintry , who was killed at the passage of the rhine , but he gave it him after so obliging a manner , that the present was less considerable for its greatness alone , than for the goodness which the great alcander exprest towards him , when he made it . for he told him , that he gave him that place only to accommodate his affairs , and not to ●ncommode them ; that if it were more profitable for him to sell it , than to keep it , he himself would find out a chapman , and make him give a million for it . thus the great alcander still continued to give marks of his amity to the prince of marsilliac , and the other courtiers looked upon him as a kind of favourite , but also as one much more worthy to possess that place , than monsieur de lausun , who despised all the world , as if there had been no man worthy to approach him . in the mean time this favour , which failed not to create a jealousie in all the rest , encreased yet the more , by reason of the cold indifferency , wherein the great alcander was fallen for madam de montespan , and of the new passion , which he resented for madam de fontanges , who was that maid of honour to madam , th 〈…〉 i have before mentioned . for th● great alcander having communicated both the one and the other t● the prince of marsilliac , he w 〈…〉 willing that he should be the manager of that maiden's good graces in which he was likely to find n 〈…〉 great difficulty , she being come t 〈…〉 court with a design only to pleas 〈…〉 the great alcander . in effect , her kindred seeing he● so fair and well shaped , and having a greater passion for their own fortune , than care for her honour , they made a purse among themselves to enable her to come to court , and to maintain there an expence honourable and conformable to the post , wherein she was entred , and they having given her proper instructions , she put them in practice from the very moment that the prince of marsilliac had spoken to her in the great alcanders behalf . she therefore told him , that she received with joy the declaration which he just then had made unto her : that the great alcander had such charming qualities to make himself be beloved , that she must of necessity be very ill-humoured not to be charmed with his passion : but that however , she could place no great confidence in it , as long as madam de montespan possest his favour as she did ; that she was nice , and could not believe any thing of what she had then heard out of his mouth ; that if she had been capable of kindling any fires in his heart , they were only fires that would be almost as soon quenched as they were kindled , for the great alcander would no sooner have satisfied his desire , but he would return to madam de montespan . the prince of marsilliac , who desired to succeed the first time in his embassy , replyed to that , that if the future may be guest at by things , that are passed , there was no great appearance , that the great alcander , who was displeased with madam de montespan , would ever return to her ; that he was constant when he once gave himself up to any one , and that if he had forsaken madam de la valiere , it was , because she her self had contributed very much unto it , by an unequality of spirit , that did not please the prince . that she might have heard , how that madam de la valiere before her entring into a convent for good and all , had gone into one contrary to the great alcanders pleasure , who was obliged to fetch her out , after which time she did nothing but discourse to him of the remorse of her conscience , which by little and little weaned him from her , the great alcander being unwilling to oppose her salvation : that then he loved madam de montespan , and would it may be have loved her still , if she had not behaved her self towards him after a manner , that might possibly have befitted a private mans mistress , but not the mistress of so power ▪ a prince , as was the great alcander , towards whom she ought to have shewn a more submissive and complaisant humour ; that he would instruct her how to carry her self , as occasion should require , but that for the present , she need only tell him something that might set the king's mind at rest . then he advised her as a good friend not to let slip so fair an opportunity , saying , that if she lost it through her own fault , she would repent of it for all her life . then he related to her the quarrel that the great alcander had had with madam de montespan , that ladie 's insolence , and the king's resentment . this last circumstance having convinced her more than all his reasons , she sent the great alcander word , that if she had been obliged to him for the present which he had made , and which i have already mentioned , she was much more so , for what he had ordered the prince of marsilliac to tell her , and that she was ready to give her self up to him , provided she might have him entirely to her self . in the mean time madam de montespan , who mistrusted this intrigue , employed all her friends , in order to regain the great alcander's confidence . monsieur de louvoy , who was one of them , and even the most affectionate among them , advised her to seek out an opportunity of speaking with him in private . but the great alcander retaining still his anger , and carefully avoiding all occasions of being alone with her , it was hard for her to find such an opportunity ; until monsieur de louvoy told her , to be at a convenient hour in the place , where the great alcander was ac●ustomed to meet his council , and ●otake her time when he was come ●hither , ●o reconcile her self with ●im . madam de montespan , having approved of this advice , failed not ●o be at the designed place . the great alcander being come thither , was very much surprized to meet her there , instead of the ministers . in the mean time monsieur de louvoy , who was willing to give madam de montespan time to do her business , went into a room ad●●ning to the chamber where they then were , and seeing there seven or eight gentlemen of the court , who were used to come thither to shew themselves , when the great alcander went either in or out , he took a candle off of a stand , pretending to search for a diamond , which he said he had lost , rightly guessing , that some of the servants belonging to the chamber would come to assist him in his search , and one being come to that purpose , he softly whispered him , as he gave him the light that he should cause all those , who were in the room to depart , and that he should tell the doorkeeper not to let any body enter , no no● even those , who were summoned to the council . thus without its being perceived that it proceeded from him , he rid himself of all the importunate ; and instead of a council there was held that day a long conference between the great alcander , and madam de montespan in the mean time , all knowing that monsieur de louvoy staid in the chamber , they believed him to be shut up with the prince , and the other ministers , who were sent back without being suffered to enter grew jealous of it , not knowing to what to attribute this long conversation , which occasioned that there was no council held that day , which never happened before , the great alcander being usually very punctual in all his actions . though this conference seemed to have re accommodated all matters , the great alcander returning according to his custom to madam de montespan's lodgings , yet the prince ceased not to pursue his amorous enterprise . he saw madam de fontange in private , he gave her markes of affection , and received the same from her , which could not be so secret , but that it was soon known to the whole court. the great alcander was so well satisfied with this new conquest , that he gave the prince of marsilliac , the place of chief hunts man , for a reward of his having procured 〈…〉 for him . in the mean time the great alcander , who had the luck to find fruitful mistresses , having understood that madam de fontange was big with child , he prepared a house for her ; and this lady , being much unlike madam d● montespan , whose avarice reacht even to baseness , was generous even to prodigality ; he therefore gave her a man to restrain this liberal humour ; and to take care that she might subsist upon an hundred thousand crowns a month , which he gave her . this superintendant was the duke of nouallies , at which every body was extreamly surprized , his devotion seeming incompatible with an employment that made him look into several little reckonings which he might have well past over : but since every one was resolved to think in the first place on their own fortune , and in the second place upon god. the duke of nouallies , very far from refusing this employment , gave the great alcander thanks for having bestowed it upon him before many other pretenders , and divided his time between the great alcander , heaven , and madam de fontanges . in the mean time , madam de montespan endeavoured to support ●er self the best she could . she en●eated the great alcander , to be ●eased to come at least to her ●odgings as he was used to do , ●nd she endeavoured to insinuate ●o all the world , that her credit ●as yet greater than was imagined ; ●hat the great alcander's love for madam de fontanges was only a ●ansitory love , of which he would ●on be weary ; and that at last , ●e would return to her more a●orous , than he had ever been be●ore . those of her party endea●oured also to give some credit 〈…〉 these false reports ; but when 〈…〉 was seen , that the prince did 〈…〉 dict himself entirely to his new ●assion , every one courted madam 〈…〉 fontanges's favour , who pro●●red good places for some of her ●riends , and for the greater part ●f her family . madam de montespan , seeing th 〈…〉 the great alcander weaned him self from her every day more an● more , conceived so great a rage 〈…〉 it , that she began publickly 〈…〉 speak ill of madam de fontang● she told every body , that the gre●● alcander could not be very cu●ous to love a girl , who had had i●trigues in her own country , wh● had neither wit nor breeding , an● who , at best , was but a fair pie●● of painting . she said a thousan● other things concerning her , muc● more vexatious than these , whic● far from bringing back the gre●● alcander , as she expected , turne● him the more from her . madam de fontange was broug●● to bed in a little time after , an● they made use of that opport●nity , as it was believed , to poys●● her , which was attributed to madam de montespan ; either for th● it was imagined , that one in th● vexation which she was in , must 〈…〉 necessity be induced to commit so great a crime , or because it was believed , that a lady in madam de fontange's post , could die no other than a violent death . but be it what it will , she fell into a languishing condition presently after her lying in , by reason of a continual flux of blood , that , still remaining , hindered the great alcander to ly any more with her . however he did often visit her , expressing to her , how sorrowful he was for the condition , whereunto he saw her reduced . but madam de fontanges , who perceived her self every day a dying , intreated him to suffer her to retire from court , adding with tears , that the malice of her enemies was the cause , that she now had nothing else to think 〈…〉 , but another world. the great alcander , who was very glad that she took order with the affairs of her salvation , and who also was sensibly concerned to be present at her sufferings , granted her what she desired , and sh● retired into a convent in the su●burbs of st. james , whither 〈◊〉 daily sent to enquire news of her the duke de la feuillade went also thither twice or thrice a wee● to visit her from him , but he always brought back ill news : fo● this poor lady having all her noble parts spoiled , either by the poison , or by something else , saw he● self decline daily , and the duke 〈…〉 la feuillade one day , told the gre●● alcander , that she was past all hope● of recovery . in effect , she died i● a few days after , leaving after h●● death a greater suspicion of her having been poisoned , than there h●● been during her sickness ; for h●ving been opened , there were fo 〈…〉 within her some little black spe 〈…〉 fastned to her noble parts , wh 〈…〉 are , as is pretended , signs of poiso● the great alcander expressed a publick sorrow for the loss of her , ●nd being willing to shew , that ●he esteem which he had for her , ●ontinued even after her death , he ●ave an abby to one of her bro●hers , married one of her sisters ●ery advantageously , and did ma●y other things in favour of her ●amily . in the mean time ma●am de montespan did believe , that ●he king would now return to her ; ●ut she was quite amazed to see madam de maintenon have all his ●onfidence , which put her into a ●espair , for it being her self , that ●ad raised madam de maintenon 〈…〉 what she was , she could not bear 〈…〉 , that her own creature should be 〈…〉 instrument to destroy her . that which tormented her yet 〈…〉 e more , was , that she did not be●●eve , that there was any wanton●ess in their correspondence , which ●onsequently ought to be of a lon●er continuance ; since it did not depend on a wandring love , that begins and often ends all in a day● in effect , the confidence which the great alcander hath with madam de maintenon , is observed to continue still even to this day , notwithstanding all that madam de montespan could do to destrov it ; and on the contrary , he expresses for her only a kind of decent respect , which is nothing else but the leavings of the love of a man of honour , who uses his mistress so , rather for his own reputations sake , than out of any sentiments of tenderness . it seemed that the great alcander having renounced love , every body ought to have renounced it likewise , and that the ladies after madam de montespan's example , who now pretends to chastity , should also become chaste ; but , their temper and inclination transporting them beyond all reason , they still remain in the same course of ●●fe . the dutchess de la ferte is more immoderate than ever in her pleasures , neither is the dutchess of vantadour her sister less wanton , though she manages her business with a little more discretion and conduct . as for the mareschaless de la ferte , she is at any man's service that will give most , and is endued with so great humility after certain misfortunes , which have hapned to her , resembling those that i have related of her daughter in law , that she hath made a vow never to refuse any body , provided that they have but mony . as for what concerns madamoiselle d'orleans monpensier ; after having grieved during ten whole years for the imprisonment of monsieur de lausun , she at length found a way to obtain his liberty . for considering , that all the riches in the world are nothing in comparison of ones own content , she hath appeased the great alcander's anger with the principality of dombe● and the county of d'eu , which she hath assured to the duke of maine his natural son. by this means monsieur de lausun is returned , not indeed to court , but to paris , where he is obliged to live as a private man. for the great alcander would not permit his marriage to be declared ; but he is so often at the princesses house , that it is all one as if he lodged there . in the mean time , this princess is so jealous of him , that he wishes with all his heart he had never thought on her : she hath set spies all about him , and he cannot make a step , that she is not advertised of ; so that going out of one prison , he is entred into another , which appears to him no less cruel . she hath given him some land by the great alcander's consent ; but it is all that she hath done for him , for she could not give him one penny of ready money , having lost all her credit by this marriage . for no man is willing to lend her any mony , least it should be hereafter said , that being in a husband's power , she could not lawfully borrow . this is the occasion that there are four or five years past , since she began to build her house at choisi , without having yet finished it ; for the expence of it must be taken out of her yearly revenue . but she would be comforted still for all these things , if monsieur de lausun were the same that he hath been heretofore . i would say , if he still possest the same quality towards ladies , that he once did : but it is reported , that he is now so pitiful a fellow that way , that it is hard to believe , he had formerly been so brave . however , it is an imperfection that is common to several others ; for it is known by experience , that every thing must have an end , and it is for that reason likewise , that the princess at this day says , that he impudently lyed who first said , that a good horse never grows a jade . finis . the entrance of mazzarini. or; some memorials of the state of france, between the death of the cardinall of richelieu and the beginning of the late regency. collected and digested out of forraign writers. by an indifferent hand. tanner, thomas, 1630-1682. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94444 of text r203744 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1627_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 121 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94444 wing t140 thomason e1627_2 estc r203744 99863580 99863580 115788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94444) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115788) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 205:e1627[2]) the entrance of mazzarini. or; some memorials of the state of france, between the death of the cardinall of richelieu and the beginning of the late regency. collected and digested out of forraign writers. by an indifferent hand. tanner, thomas, 1630-1682. [12], 114, [6] p. printed by h.h. printer to the university. for thom. robinson., oxford, : 1657. dedication signed: tho: tanner. the first leaf and the last three leaves are blank. annotation on thomason copy: "8ber [i.e. october] 19". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng mazarin, jules, 1602-1661. france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643 -early works to 1800. france -politics and government, 1610-1643 -early works to 1800. a94444 r203744 (thomason e1627_2). civilwar no the entrance of mazzarini. or; some memorials of the state of france, between the death of the cardinall of richelieu and the beginning of t tanner, thomas 1657 18873 21 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the entrance of mazzarini . or ; some memorials of the state of france , between the death of the cardinall of richelieu and the beginning of the late regency . collected and digested ●ut of forraign writers . by an indifferent hand . oxford , printed by h. h. printer to the university , for thom. robinson , 1657. to the right honourable philip vicount lisle &c. one of the lords of the council . my lord , if the subject which i have chosen , were habited in such apparell , as belongs to it ; the world that knowes so well your lordship's accomplishments , would lesse blame me of presumption in demanding your eye and countenance . but i know not what inclination to your person , having been the more elevated by some particular favour , makes me promise to my selfe i know not what acceptation above merit : a thing wherein i should as much flatter my self from the glorious name of sr philip sidney , were he now living to be my patron . but you , my lord , or no other , being heir of his perfections , as you are of a higher quality to adorne them , i humbly present this simple dresse of truth and reallity ( so far as i could attain to it ) to be credited by your lordships name , which is a great authority to any intelligence of this nature ( especially france within the sphear ) and cloaked with your lordships favour , which however bounteous makes no largesse unadvisedly , that so it may not fail to be recommended to such spirits , as are more curious , in a mode of readier entertainment . wherein you shall oblige infinitely , my lord , your lordship's most humble and most affectionate humble servant tho: tanner . to the ingenuous reader . it needs not to usher in ashort story with a long preface : yet i count it a part of civilitie , that i am bound to observe , since i bring a small present to the publick to say somewhat in delivering of it , about my selfe and my intention ; which happily may serve for a just apology to the undertaking of one , that yet hath scarce seen the world beyond five lustres . i have had the happinesse to passe some time at my own pleasure in acquanting my selfe with the principall parts of europe : and having had no greater satisfaction in any other either exercise , or diversion , then to gain a true intelligence of the present age , wherein i live , to be compared with what i hear and read , i have added some study to my observation , that so descending a little lower , i might the better know the causes , and connexion of things that are now upon the stage . and when i had well furnished my selfe with those perquisites , that belonged to this end , i found my notes growing too tedious to be almost ready for the fire . only first i desired to draw out some of the choicer remarques , and then leave the rest to the sentence . but setting my selfe to this businesse i knew not how to forme any one designe ; till at last , finding my references to this subject , that i now exhibit to the common light , more exquisite then the rest , as touching a criticall part of history , and more difficult to be collected then such as run in the ordinary periods of kings lives , i took up my books again , being now moved with an emulation of deserving , if i might possibly , the publick thanks . wherein if i find not my selfe disappointed , there may be a second part added to compleat this argument , by pursuing it to the end of the first years regency , which might suffice , with the benefit of some memoires lately published in our own language , to extend a clear horizon of intelligence to the present time and place of prospect . the entrance of mazzarini . it may be thought admirable ●o such , as being forrainers to the french ; have not beene somewhat curious to knit their ends of intelligence , how the present high engine of that monarchy , being himselfe a forrainer , and borne a subject of their grand enemy , the king of spaine , should arrive at that place , where he now governs : especially considering that these two emulous nations , howsoever continually intrigued to out-bid one another for the amity of their neighbours , are yet alike propellers of them from their politicall interests . they both court equally every italian ( and he againe is as great a courtier of them both ) but it is to get the rule over them , and not to be ruled by them , wherein they reciprocally understand one another , and vie it out in policy ; so that all parties serving their owne turne keeps the ballance even . the italians upon occasion lend their interest ; the opposite parties lend their strength which is the cause why the first can never want at their pleasure to have honorable commands in either armies : but for intrinsecating in their civill government ( if i may so speak ) this mazzarini is the first example ; and that also at such a time and state of affaires , which happened by dissention of the princes , when there was no other to advise with him or command his actions , besides the daughter of spain , and sister of the present philip , with whom the warre was commenced . i shall therefore take some pleasure to goe a litle forth with my reader to meete this cardinall , and so follow him with his train from his first scene of italy to his second of france , where we intend to consider him in his first act of fortune : for he has beene as great a subject of strange concurrences of events in his owne person , as any other . nor is it any disparagement to his personall sufficiency , since whom it pleaseth god to advance above others , he commonly endoweth more . the card. mazzarini was a soldier , a courtier , put into the prelacy , and made a nuntio by one and twenty , and in these severally knew his game so well , that it might be soone seene he was not to throw for small matters . savoy was the tennis-court , which first admired his dexterity , where he saved casale , and therein the whole french interest ( at that time ) towards lombardy , before his play , being very serious , was discovered ; and then hitting also pignerol into their hazzard , by his incomparable addresse in treating that duke , he went off with the great regret of the spaniards , and applause of his frenchmen . the former in recompence of his services , sought to ruine his interests at rome , as a traitor to both the pope and the catholick king . and it seemed the pope had beene much injured in his quality of umpire , by the partiality of his nuncio , who therefore found it most convenient to accept of the savoyards courtesy for a time , till his interests might be adjusted . but the card. of richelieu had a greater passion to receive and remerce him at the court of france , where he so entertained him , that he made his pretensions good to the hat ( the usuall reward of those nuncio's , that returne with a re benè gestâ ) by the continuall applications of the french ministers at rome ; but would never let him go thither to receive it . and now being qualified with the title of cardinall , he procures the king to nominate him as his pleny-potentiary for the generall peace , which was no lesse then to entrust him with the interests of the crowne and of its confederates : and accordingly richelieu now treats with him , disjoining every spring , and parcelling every implement of his breast to discover to him ; and the quality of this employment might allow time for it , for it was not presently to be entered on . in the interim , this new creature to commend his services the more dearly to the crowne , undertakes two famous treaties to reduce the princes of savoy from the interests of spain to the contrary of france : the first was concluded and signed ; but the sudden breaking out of the counts of soissons and bouillon hindred the effect , and gave the cardinall leisure ( as some would have it ) being now nigh upon the place , to gaine also the prince of monaco , whose accession afterwards was accounted of great consequence . the second treaty brought the first to an issue , reuniting those princes at the same time to the side of france , and to the head of their house , the then infant-duke of savoy : an union whereunto the most part of the places conquered in piemont and montferrat is ascribed . after his returne from these affaires , he accompanies the cardinall of richelieu in that voyage ; which brought cincmars ( the grand escuyer , and his competitor in the kings favour ) his designes to the light , and his head to the block : but while the cardinall duke is urging still his jealousies to greater envie in this businesse , this other cardinall finds himselfe a better worke to perswade the duke of bouillon , one of the complices , to deliver up his soveraignty of sedan to the kings power , as a ransome for his treason , which accordingly he obtained , and the king seized . this was the gate by which mazzarini entered equally into richelieu's and the king's favour , but especially by the douceur and gentlenesse of his proceeding , which made the king desire his imployment ; being inwardly weary of richelieu's excessive , and now more intemperate rule by reason of his malady : so that that favorite could not comply better with the king's pleasure in any other suit then this of serving himselfe of mazzarini : in whose person both might find their private ends , as well as their publick . the cardinall might raise in him a protector of his house and kindred against their most incensed emulators ; and the king find a subject by whom to ballance the princes of the blood , when he was gone ; especially the duke of orleans , against whose sway he devised all means possible to provide . the cardinall of richelieu had tooke his fortune , as it were , to farme , putting his terme of life into the lease , which was therefore to be circumscribed with his master's : for had he outlived him , it is a question whether all his admirable expedients could have served to represse a harder fate , which being instigated by much envy would faine have stetched a long arme to reach him . and the sense of this , while the king's health seemed to decay faster then his owne , had cast the cardinall into many pangs of contrivances , how to make his estate good , when his plea in chiefe was gone . sometimes to reconcile himselfe with his grand enemies , especially the queene whom he had highly disobliged : sometimes to get the king's children to his owne power and wardship ; sometimes to ruine or at least how to ballance the duke of orleans ; and sometimes to retire , for which purpose he had layed up a vast summe of readie gold at haure de grace , and had purchased in the king's name and licence , but with his owne mony , a soverainty on the meuse , with chastean reynaud , and a territory adjacent , whereby he doubted not but to render himselfe considerable both to france and the neighbour princes , without any feare of his enemies . but all this was in vaine , for death tooke him at the best time , at the bound of his glory , the newes of the taking of tortona in the state of milan coming to paris the same day to bring new laurells to his hearse . but when he was about to die , he may seeme to have over-reached his fortune , and driven her beyond her intention , in leaving her favours to his successors in a way scarce before observed : for besides his leaving a creature of his owne to survive in ; he bequeathed the most important charges of the kingdome under the king's good pleasure ( who accordingly allowed of his disposall in all ; but a few church livings , and that only to save the prerogative which the kings of france claime in such causes ) to his owne kindred : which proved a great disappointment to his enemies , for they soone found that they could not pluck up his residue without the danger of the whole . then he recommended to the king the officers and ministers of state as he was to leave them , particularly the secretaries de chauvigny and de noyers , wherein he promised his majesty , he might continue to prosper as he had thither to . the king accepts well of his advice , resolves to use the same instruments that he had before : but never to admit the like partager in his royall authority , as the cardinall of richelieu had been . for the cardinall mazzarini he forth with makes him president of his councell , committing the secretaries of state to his orders , which in effect was to make him his prime minister . my purpose is to digest some memorialls from this period : yet i cannot leave that great subject ( before mentioned ) till i have brought him to his funerall . not that i intend any long digression to bring in the ceremonies of his interring : but only to note one or two circumstances on this occasion , which have respect to some ensuing passages . the first was the composing of an ancient difference betweene cardinalls and the princes of the blood about precedencie , which before was only regulated by the kings favour . now they agree with mutuall satisfaction , that in the churches and ecclesiasticall functions , the cardinall should have priority ; in other places the princes ; and in other things should treat one another with equality : whereupon the prince of condè and his sonne the duke of enguien come to visit the cardinall mazzarini . the second is this ; there was a chaire covered with velvet and somewhat raised , set for the cardinall mazzarini in the church of nostre-dame in paris , where the obsequies were to be solemnized , which occasioned a hot dispute about the manner of being seated , betwixt the said cardinall and the bishops ; these pretending that he should stand in the same ranke with them ; and among these the arch-bishop of rheims and bishop of beauvais were most earnest , breaking out into high words , in saying , that with other cardinalls for dignity , birth , and merit more regardable then he , there never fell the like pretension . this offence the cardinall was faine to digest at that time , not without straining a dissimulation ▪ but found opportunity afterwards to turne it on the authors , to a greater jacture of their reputation . richelieu is now covered , the court is soone filled with such as had fled or retired : the new ministers are as diligent to make new friends , sueing for some that were proscribed the court ( among whome monsieur de baradas , and the duke of st simon who had beene both favourites and afterwards disgraced , were graciously received by his majesty ) for others that were tower'd in the bastille ( among whom were the mareschaux de vitry & de bassompierre with the duke of cramail , which last are set at libertie ; but to retire and keepe themselves confined at their owne places . ) the queene her selfe also by the bishop of lisieux , sends intimation to the duke of beaufort , then fled into england , to avoid answering upon suspicion about the late conspiracy of the grand escuyer , to returne into france , and with his father the duke of vendosme a while after to the court ; and the like to the madam of guise , and her sonnes at florence , the occasion of whose persecutions is not here to be recounted . lewis xiii . from the beginning of december 1642. the first act of state wherein the king would be seene by himselfe was the sending for the * parliament to expresse his mind thus to them . i would have you verifie the arrest which my attorney generall shall reade to you against my brother , for that being so often relapsed into the same errors , after i have so often pardoned him , i can no longer beare it , having reason to doubt least he hatch some designe pernicious to my state . wherefore i am resolved to take the meanes from him , and for the future to render him unable to wrong my queene , and children after my death , by excluding him for ever from the government . my chancellour will declare the rest of my intentions to you . after which the first president offers some remonstrances in behalfe of monsieur , in regard of his quality , which might well passe as a complement , but when the matter came to be reported , notwithstanding the , great instances of mademoiselle , it was accordingly verified shortely after . the declaration is in my judgment not only pertinent to illustrate , and be compared with other ensuing passages ; but as one of the foresaid great designes of the late minister , worthy to be at large inserted . lovis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarre ; to all to whom the present letters shall come , greeting . when we consider in what manner our most deare and beloved only brother the duke of orleans , hath behaved himselfe towards us , we cannot without wonder reflect on all the enterprises which he hath undertaken against our service . we may say in truth that , never was any son of france charged with so great favours by the king his brother , and who hath lesse acknowledged them . our love hath alwaies beene so great towards his person , that his ingratitude hath not beene able to make us change the purpose that we have had to ingratiate him ; insomuch that at the same time when he has set himselfe against our service , we have continually sought to reduce him , not omitting any meanes to oblige him thereunto . but all these good offices which should have beene as so many cords to bind him to us the more streightly , have not proved strong enough to hinder him from joyning with our feircest enemies , and advancing their designes . the conspiracies of chales wrought under his name and with his consent in the yeare 1626 gave us the first experiment of his ill will . he incited our cosin the duke of espernon against our service to seize himselfe of the city and citadell of metz , wherein we used such bounty that we were willing to forget that failing , contenting our selves to punish only the delinquency of chales . when we were obliged to go into piemont to the succour of our confederats , where the onely appearing of our armes secured their peace , we were no sooner returning from this expedition , but he severed himselfe from us , retiring in the yeare 1629 without occasion to the duke charles of lorraine . although this action so extravagant in a time when all france and our allies expressed their resentments for the happy successe of our journey , gave us great occasion of disgust towards him : yet covering his failings , we did not cease to make him way to returne to us , changing the chastisements which he deserved into so manie favours which we did him , augmenting his appanages , and giving him the government of orleans and amboyse : however so favourable entertainement might have obliged him to reunite inseparably to our interests ; neverthelesse a while after he departs from paris , returning to orleans , and in suite to lorrain in the yeare 1631 , where wounding the fundamentall lawes of our state he married himselfe against our will to the sister of duke charles , which marriage being accomplished he flies to brussells in the yeare 1632 , putting himselfe in the power of our enemies , who induced him to enter hostilely armed into our kingdome , to joyne himselfe in languedoc to the forces of a faction which he had formed with the duke of monmorency , which faction being then dispersed and broken by our armes , we received him the third time into our grace . we thought that our aforesaid brother , being affected with so many tokens of our good will , would at last apply himselfe to the resolution of holding to his duty ; but we had scarce abandoned languedoc to returne to paris , ere he went the third time out of our state , and ligued himselfe anew with the king of spain taking his part against us . in which appeared his ill will by so much the greater , in that he had not sought or received our grace at besie●es , but to be able to abuse it the more easily , by removing those obstacles , that ( without this ) would have beene inevitable to him in the passage by him premeditated , and resolved into flanders . this bad carriage did not hinder in the least , but that , when he withdrew himselfe from the ill treatment of the spaniards , resolving to set himselfe at liberty by returning to our person , with intention to acknowledg his fault , we should againe freely pardon him the fourth time . a litle while after , having notice given us in france that his actions were not such as we might desire , and that he followed the pernicious counsells of the duke of puy-laurens , wee became necessitated , to prevent a greater evill , to cause the aforesaid duke to be arrested , to obliege the more our said brother to unite himselfe the more strictly with us , and to render us the honour and the service which is due to us . we did him in this respect all the good offices which he could expect from our affection , even to honour him with the command of the most flourishing and numerous armie which of a long time hath beene seene in our kingdome . instead of conducting our forces so vigorously as he might have done against the armies of our enemies , which had surprised a fortresse on our frontier of picardy ; the suggestion of the count of soissons and of the duke of valette had so much power over him , that they plotted together to employ them against our selves . but being averted from that pernicious designe by the notice which they had , that they could never so dispose of the soldiery , the said count of soissons retires to sedan , and our foresaid brother to blois in the yeare 1636 , with intention to passe thence into cuienne . we pursued him thence to orleans , where he giving us to understand the displeasure which he had taken in agreeing to such designes , obtained from us the fifth pardon for this fault , with the same facility as the rest . in vertue of this last grace as his actions in the course of some yeares past had given us to believe that he would be far from lending eare any more for the future to such councells as he had before harkened to , we readily condescended , as we had done on divers occasions , to graunt him all effects that he might possibly expect from our goodnesse . the opinion therefore which we had conceaved of his good disposition cleared us of all doubt to have seene him in the last campagne at roussyllon . but notwithstanding some promise given us , he prolonged the execution , under various excuses , which made us judge that he was contriving some ill designe . and when we were travailing to discover it , god vouchsafed us the favour to inlighten us about the detestable conspiracy , which had formed a powerfull party in our state , and established a treaty with spain t is true that we remained greatly amazed that our foresaid brother the duke of orleans , from whom we might have expected all manner of assistance for the sustenance of the prosperity of our armes , should attempt to uphold our enemies , and put himselfe in the head of their forces , to enter on our state , while we were employed in a great seige . we were then most intimately affected to see that neither the innumerable benefits , nor graces , which we had on divers occasions granted him with such bounty , nor the love of his country , nor the glory of a crowne , in the interests whereof he hath so great a part by his birth ; could retaine him in his duty , and that he would rather , by violating all these sacred respects , pursue an unjust passion to raise the grandeur of our enemies upon the ruines of our owne . the resentment notwithstanding which we were to have of such and so many offences did nothing hinder ; but ( as soone as our foresaid brother did acknowledge and confesse his fault , with promise for the future to remove farre from his person all such malignant spirits , and those particularly which we nominated ) we did what possibly in us lay , to draw him from the perill wherein he had precipitated himselfe . we contented our selves to punish only two of the principall authors of the crime , agreeing for this time also , to reject any memory of his ill conduct . but as nature hath given us these good inclinations , and made us second them with advantageous dealings ; so we judge that these favours are to be regulated with the good of our crowne , and the interest of our children . these motives have perswaded us , that it was of necessary consequence to take from our foresaid brother those means , which might for the future lead him to disturbe the peace of our state , suppressing his companies of men at armes , and light-horses ; and depriving him , at the present , of the government of auvergne , wherewith we had gratified him ; and for the future of all sort of administration in this state , and especially in the regencie , during the minority of our children , in case god should call us to himselfe before the yeares of their majority : whereunto we are moved with so much the juster reason , forasmuch as it is impossible to apprehend otherwise , then the continuing of bad intentions of a person that ( in the middle of our prosperities , and in the strength of our power , in a time when all our subjects do conspire in one vote for the goodissue of our designes ) hath sollicited the king of spain to furnish him with forces and monies to make warre upon us , and on condition to make no treaty with us , without remitting into our enemies hands , all the fortresses gained from them , or acquired by princes our confederates . and in effect , if the perillous state , whereinto a grievous infirmity hath brought us , during this campagne , hath not at all touched his heart , as we are informed to the contrary , by the deposition of the complices of his conspiracy , that he hath assured a designe to the spaniards after our decease , besides the party which he could make in our state , that he had fortified himself with other forreign correspondences ; we should be needs insensible of the good of our realm , which is more dear to us then our life , not to feare and fore-see , that if our foresaid brother , should have one day in his hands , the power of the regencie , in the weaknesse and minority of a young king , he might suffer himself to be drawn to raise troubles , and divisions , which might produce ruines to our state , more then the grandeurs which we have acquired by all our travels . wherefore we make it known , that of our own motion , especiall grace , full power , and royall authority , we have forgotten , remitted , and pardoned to our foresaid brother the duke of orleans , the fault by him committed , in making a faction in our state , and establishing a treaty with the king of spain , and we permit him to enjoy his pensions and appanage , wherein he may freely sojourn without transferring himselfe to our court , unlesse he have first obtained our licenc in good & valid form : which notwithstanding we have declared , and do declare by our same power and royall authority , that we have suppressed , and do suppresse his companies of men of armes , and light horses , we have deprived , and do deprive him of his government of auvergne ; and ordained , and do ordain , that he may never for the future have any government in this kingdome , nor be regent during the minority of our children , and therof we have declared , and by these presents do declare him uncapable , for the considerations and reasons above specified . and so we command our beloved and faithfull subjects , which hold our court of the parliament of paris , and the other courts of parliament , that they cause these present letters of declaration to be read , published , and registred , when they shall be presented to them by our atturney generall , notwithstanding any letters , edicts , ordinances , reglements , arrests , or any thing else to the contrary , for so is our pleasure . in testimony whereof we have caused our seale to be put to these presents . given at s. germans the first of december , in the yeare of grace 1642. & of our reign the 33. subscribed lovis . and below par le roy . de lomenie . read , published , and registred by expresse commandment of our lord the king . heard , and upon the instance of his atturney generall , to be executed according to their formes and tenor . at paris in the parliament the 9. of december 1642. the duke of orleans is now overbal lanced ; but we shall soon find the scale in other hands , which afford him more allowance . in the meane time , let us see another expedient , the king takes to comply with his friends , and raise his reputation of independency , which was to direct letters to his ministers abroad giving an account of his intentions ; one of which to his ambassador at venice was of this tenor . monsieur des hameaux , since every one knowes the great and signall services , which my cosin the cardinall of richelieu hath done me , and with what advantageous successes it hath pleased god to blesse those councells which he suggested to me , so no one can doubt but the losse of so faithfull and good a minister cannot but be neerly sensible to me , and so i would have all the world know how great displeasure i have conceived here by , and how dear his memory is to me , by the testimonies which i shall render on all occasions . but the knowledge that i have that the thoughts of well governing of my state , and for the good of my affaires ought to prevaile above all others , doth oblige me to take care now more then ever , and to apply my selfe in such manner , that i may be able to maintain the great advantages hitherto obtained , 'till it shall please god to grant us a peace , the sole and only scope of my enterprises , and for the gaining of which i will not spare my own life . to this purpose i have taken resolution to retain the same persons in my councill , which have served me during the ministry of my cosin the cardinall of richelieu , and to take to me my cosin the cardinall mazzarini , who hath given me so great proofs of his affection and fidelity , and of his capacity in divers occasions wherein he hath been by me employed , rendring to me most considerable services , so that i can no lesse assure my selfe of him , then if he had been born my subject . my principall thought shall ever be to maintain the good union and correspondence which hath been between us and our confederates , to use the same vigour and constancy in my affaires , which i have hitherto held , as far as justice and reason may permit me , and to continue the war with the same application and the same forces that i have done since my enemies constrained me to make it , till such time as god shall touch their hearts , that i may contribute with all my other confederates somewhat to the establishment and generall peace of christendom , but so established that nothing for the future may disturbe it . you shall therefore communicate what is above expressed to the republick of venice , to the ministers of the princes of italy , which are there , and to all others that you shall think fit , that they may judg that the affairs of this kingdom hold the same course that they have heretofore , and that nothing will be wanting to their good conduct , assuredly hoping that they shall ever continue happily . whereupon i pray god to keep you monsieur des hameaux in his holy custody . dated at paris the 6 of december 1642. lovis . bouthilier . in pursuance of these his resolutions , his majesty forthwith issues a proclamation commanding all officers of war , of whatsoever quality , to depart from paris by the beginning of february , and render themselves to the actuall exercise of their charges , with a purpose to part himselfe in person in the month of march , to begin the next campagne . but the preparations for it did not answers the king's desire through the slacknesse of those instruments , which being now out of fear of the late cardinall , and finding a more remisse hand ( as the more remote is wont to be ) carried over them , did regulate their actions to their own commodities . so that now the two emulous monarchies were counterpoised only by a reciprocall kind of fate , that one could get no start upon the impediments of the other . for about the same time , that the cardinall duke of richelieu died in france , the count-duke of olivarez fell in spain : and that king resolves in like manner to returne his royall authority on his own person : and so for a few moneths kept his businesse in his owne hands , imparting them with indifferency to his ministers , and referring their dispatch to severall councils , where they lay a long time sleeping ; and the king , having lived 22 years in repose , began now to find more unpliancy in his affaires then he expected ; and thereupon to discover some change of his resolution by inclining to a new favorite , which at last riseth with great expectation in the person of d. lewis de haró ( nephew of the count of castriglio the present vice-roy of naples ) who beginning his course almost as soon , ( and without any opposition ) as his corrivall inreputation , may seem to have lost nothing in the setting out . in the interim the armes of both nations are not idle , and the suite of those councils , which had issued from their late dictators ( subjects both of them of extraordinary finesses ) though intercised from their heads ; yet run out their courses : especially in the two republicks of venice and holland , which were highly to be courted at this time . of the first of which we have somewhat ready to insert here . there had happened lately in italy a war meerely italian , neither french nor spanish having any hand in it , nor knowing how to intermeddle in it , though they sought many waies to inultratetheir practises about the quarrell . a war it was not very violent ; but full of expedients in the managing , in the treating , and in composing of it , the occasion was the seizing of the dutchy of castro ( a place lying conveniently near to rome , and bordering upon the duke of florence his dominions , but belonging to the duke of parma ) by the nephewes of urban the eight , pretending to satisfy the montists in rome , to whom that prince was much indebted : the republick of venice , the duke of florence , and the duke of modena , as freinds and neighbours to the duke of parma , or as jealous of the ecclesiasticall state since the accruing of the new estates of urbino and ferrara , or as no well wishers to the barberini , ligue together to aid and restore the said duke to his sequestred dutchy : the french and spaniards hold themselves a while spectators , as if they were to study their interests in this emergent , the spaniards for the hate they bare the barberini , and for the love which they secretly hugged of the pope's trouble , could well have bin contented with the war , but that they equally hated the progresse of the league , their jealous neighbours , whom they desired to over-awe , wherefore when the pope was very importunate by his nuntio panziroli at madrid to get that king to joyne with the pope , and to declare himselfe against the league , as also to supply him with the succours of 900 horse and 3000 foot , which the king of spain is bound to furnish the pope withall , when his estates are invaded , by vertue of his fief of naples , the spaniard returned but formall answers , as expressing his thought to be that the restitution of castro was but reasonable ; and this no occasion for him to aid the pope ( to the prejudice of the league ) considering that he was the invader , rather than invaded : for the spaniard well knew that by declaring for one side he should but give the french occasion to take the other , and so draw the greater prejudice on his own estates , giving them the more pretensions to invade him . so that all considered , he was not unwilling to carry himselfe only as an arbitrator , and not permit the french to get the start of him in the management . yet he suffers the switzers , which the pope had levied for the war , to passe through the state of milan , as a counterbalance to the league , and not long after he also granted the same liberty to other forces of the duke of parma's , as a like counterpoise to the papalins , which he thought might well consist with his publick indifferency : for otherwise he had a secret grudging against the league ; also being his neighbour princes , and less potent that had formed an union without his knowledg , consent , or comprehension ; it inwardly ▪ displeasing him that the princes of italy should shew to act independently of his crown ; a thought so much the harder to be digested in that it might be thence gathered that such resolutions were taken upon a ground of weaknesse and decay of his greatnesse , while in spite of their bad fortune the spaniards still desired to treat and to be treated ▪ as when they were at the highest ascendent of their felicity . and if now a war being broken outit should be again composed without his arbitration , as umpire of the affairs of italy , or the french out strip him in this negotiation , he would be a great deal worse to like it . but i will not follow these comments any further . the french were yet more busy and more subtle to handle and wind themselves into these treaties , so that it is not so easy to penetrate their true designes , i will therefore be a little more punctuall and more large on this point as a part of my set purpose , for the sake of which i have brought in any thing of the contrary to illustrate it : nor do i regard any other art or method then what directly serves the nature of of the things themselves which i am treating . presently after the seizing of castro , the marquesse of fontenay is appointed ambassadour to rome to accomodate this difference , with order to cardinall bichitill he should come , to apply himselfe earnestly in this matter to the pope and his nephews , which as a preparative might serve to farther negotiation . 't was about the beginning of november 1641 when fontenay arrived : besides the adjusting of the business of parma , being also encharged to endeavour the reception of the bishop of lamego ambassadour from the new king of portugall , shich the pope made many excuses to defer , as a point involved with other interests nothing perfunctory : with it highly concerned the obliging or disobliging of the two crowns for the restitution of castro and other goods to the duke of parma : the ambassadour makes great instances with the pope , alleaging him to be under his majestie's protection , with many protestations that he could not abandon him : but the pope still insisted on the obedience and humiliation of parma to him , as his sovereigne , in his own person , and not by another's interposall to capitulate with him , he being a feudatary of the holy see ; whereupon notwithstanding the barberini ( which had hitherto greatly countergrained the spaniards by their partiality to the french ) thought it now time to manage some complyancwith them , & if need were to come over to their party : in reference whereunto they practise at the court of spain by their nuntio facchinetti a conjunction with them to oppresse the duke of parma , as a partisan of the french , and a complotter of designs on the state of milan , not omitting at the same time to treat on other conditions to the same drift at the court of france , and according to the variablenesse of their designs with the answerablenesse of either party ; so they carried towards the bishop of lamego : but the spaniards finding ( when they had once well setled themselves to hold the state of castro , wherein they expected no such opposition as they afterwards met withall ) that the former treaties soon cooled ; they sought rather to secure themselves by modelling the intentions of the duke , pressing reiterated promises from him , that he would not call the french to his succour , nor accept of their aids while the spaniards would support him : but whatsoever point it was that failed , the best assistance which the duke had afterwards was by the men and mony that came from france . the marquesse of fontenay's reports being come to his master's court , the king of france to second his ambassadour no lesse then to discover whether in the pope there were any new inclinations towards the spaniards , dispatcheth the sieur de lyonne ( a young gentleman of an exquisite capacity , that had also bin bred up by his uncle the secretary de servient in affairs of great consequence ) who comming as an intercessor might promote in person between the parties those affairs which his resident ambassadour could not otherwise treat but by corriers and so consequently not without jealousies and delayes . de lyonne presents himselfe first to the duke at parma while he is busy in levying of his forces and there delivers his charge to this purpose , that his majesty of france continuing his wonted protection to the person and house of his highnesse , had expressly sent him to the pope to perswade him to accord , praying his highnesse on his part to facilitate a businesse so proper for him and so desiderable to france , and so exhorted him in his king's name to render to the pope all manner of humiliations , which as done to a common father , would no waies derogate from the honour of a soveraign prince , and that his so doing would be very acceptable to his majesty . the duke offers any submissions not prejudiciall to his interests , or admitting of such faults as might be of ill consequence to him and his house hereafter , and with that answer , de lyonne hasts to rome where he presently stop't the publication of the interdictment intended by the barberini , by assuring them , that in such case the ecclesiastick's were resolved ( not observing the censures ) to hold at their duke's devotion , or otherwise he to employ their revenues in his war , which would have a-amounted to a great sum ( i will insist a little further here , though somewhat below the times which i intended to resume ) being afterwards brought to the feet of his holyness , & there rendred the accustomed most humble reverence , he presents to him the credentiall letter of the king of france written with his own hand , wherein with most affectionate and efficacious instances , he beseecheth him that qualifying those disgusts that he had conceived against the duke of parma , he would be graciously pleased to restore him to his former good grace ; and embracing him with paternall benevolence , condescend to some agreement to their reciprocall satisfaction , which courteous expressions being answered by the pope in words testifying a very reall acceptation ; monsieur de lyonne proceeds to a further discourse , importing that it was his majesty's earnest desire and request to his holynesse to restore the duke of parma to all his goods and estates , since he had so amply satisfied his reputation in the conquest of castro , and now to forget things past , as his majesty himselfe had dealt with the duke of lorrain in restoring him to astate of such advantage upon his humble submission only to his majesty's clemency . to this the pope answered in these precise tearms , castro is already the apostolicall see's . there is nothing to be said of that . if you will treat of parma and placentia [ which were now pretended to be forfeited ] somewhat may be done at the kings intercession . about castro we will afterwards do justice . monsieur de lyonne replies , that , that was not the grace which his majesty had employed him to seek , it being probable that the neighbour princes would not suffer such disaster to befall the duke of parma , nor such an acquisition to a mightier confinant as was the state ecclesiasticall ; where the pope apprehending a secret conceipt shadowed that the king of france would aid the parmesan , discovered great alteration , saying that the duke of parma was a rebell and excommunicated , and that whatsoever princes should assist him were wicked and impious , in which case he would put his trust in god assuring himselfe that he would not abandon him in his most righteous cause ; that therefore he should not speak any more to him about castro , as a businesse not practicable , but only of parma , and placentia : whereat de lyonne not troubling himselfe replyed ; that if his holynesse would do any grace to the king , it must be about castro , for of the other he had no commission to treat any thing : which more inflaming the pope's displeasure , he tooke his leave in time , that he might reserve his further application for another audience , which a while after he again obtaining with like successe , tooke his course back to parma to propound new overtures . the french having bin before dealing with the duke of parma to draw his assistance towards lombardy , were now willing to degage him from any embroilments on the contrary side , or otherwise to study how to serve themselves upon occasion . the spaniards though they longed to revenge the injuries of the barberini were fain to mortify that passion with better councell , holding it no good time to break with rome , any more then to joine with parma . the republick of venice , the duke of tuscany , the duke of modena ( being both allied in blood to parma ) are yet but making long debates about a league in his favour : wherefore de lyonne thinks best to propound some suspension for the present , fearing least parma should be over-powred , which he being a prince of great courage , and now if he followed not his enterprises likely to sink under great charges , which the forces that he had gathered must needs put him to in his own countrey , was very unwilling to hearken to : so that entring with his forces into the ecclesiasticall state he brought great dammages & terror to rome it selfe , till at last he was overperswaded to attend the issue of a treaty at castel-georgio , wherein the papalins to divert the present shock consented to deposite castro in the duke of modena's hands for three or four months , while affairs in difference should be treated , the ministers of france being all this while instant with the state of venice , first to mediate for , and then to assist the duke of parma , practising also at the same time with other italian princes on this subject , cannot avoid jealousies on all sides interchangeable . the venetians ( though moved thereunto by the french ministers yet ) are very cautious how they interpose their offices in this affaire , least they should seem to deprive that crown of the honour of mediation , whereupon they impart all their negotiations at rome with exact diligence to the french ambassadour , passing one concurrence and correspondence in their treaties : but for the matter of assistance , however they were enclined to the joyning with their neighbour potentates to keep italy still in the same ballance ; yet the instances of the french in this regard they accounted no way free from suspicion ; now especially that the princes of savoy were turned to their service and away thereby opened to the heart of lombardy : they hold the old proverb good , have the french for thy friend , but not for thy neighbour . for although they had the spaniards ambitious and troublesome confinants , which by their monies and intelligence had made them many chargable and unseasonable diversions ; yet the differences since a whole age had never come to a breach between them , besids that , they did not count them of so desultory an humour as other ultramontans . on another side the spaniards seeing the french so busy in their treaties from the one side to the other , and knowing how much they were oblieged to respect them both ; now they saw also the duke of parma proceed so prosperously in the state ecclesiasticall without foot or artillery , began to confirme themselves in a former suspicion , that some mystery was under those enterprises , and that the pope was indeed of some agreement with the duke of parma , the king of france and the princes of the league , against the kingdome of naples , whose vice-roy was allied to that duke ; which apprehension might have bin the more justified by an overture of monsieur de lyonne ( if at least it did not escape the inquisitivenesse of the spaniards ) made to the duke of parma , about the leaving of castro to don tadco , and accepting of the pope and king of france his assistance to invest him in the kingdome of naples : to which the duke roundly answered , nay , but rather let them restore me my dutchy , and bestow their kingdome on don tadco . however this conceipt , especially the league being now formed , and his neighbours in armes round about him , made the spaniard keep him on his guard , to his great charges , and leave those forces on his frontiers of naples which he needed elswhere : being also ( as before was intimated ) not a litle troubled at such a league made with his exclusion . the pope and the barberini are no lesse satisfied of the french negotiations as too too partiall to the interests of parma , and otherwise suspected to aime only at embroiling all things . the other princes are jealous of the duke of parma , least he should be brought to cast himselfe onely on the french assistance , and to bring a formidable guest to their doores ; whereupon they are willing rather to assist him themselves , that he might enter on no course prejudiciall to their common interests : and so at last concluding and conjoyning in one league , rendred no lesse jealousy to the french themselves then they had done to the others , least it should tend to contravene their designes now ready against the state of milan . but let us now returne to the court , and thence take our licence to some other quarter . we left the duke of orleans a moneth since shadowed with a dismall , and thick cloud : but as mighty offices were not wanting to dispell it : particularly of the secretary de chauvigni , a creature of the late cardinall , and speciall confident of the present . whereupon on the 12th of january , he arrives at paris , and next morning presents himselfe to the king in his cabinet , at st germans , with one knee on the ground , in expression of reverence , and humiliation , protesting hereafter never to deviate from that loyaltie which on so many respects he owed to his majesty : from whom he had this answer . that it was now high time the effects should agree in perfect harmony with his words : in which case he might expect the fruits of a loving brotherhood , knowing that he could not from any other hand , then that of his royall bounty , hope for any advantage . the king had reason , considering his owne health , and the high interest 's of the person , not to leave him in such disgusts , as were likely to fall heavy on his infant-successor . but monsieur to use this grace the more nobly , disdains not a while after to visit the dutchesse of ayguillon ( the neece of his great adversary of richelieu , to whose rigidnesse his slips were imputed ) his generosity not allowing him to imitate a vulgar spleen , which hates for malice , though the obstacle be removed , wrecking it selfe with aemulation on all that belong's to the person or his memory . the arms of france by confederacie with the swedes , and by joining the troops of the late duke of weimar to the forces of the count of guehriant were now high in germany , they urging all their power to make the electour of saxony , and these the electour of bavaria desist from aiding of the emperour , and embrace a neutrality . wherefore guebriant to comply with the hardy swedes ( to whom the rigour of the winter did but seeme to facilitate their warfare , in plaining the passes over rivers , and giving them the nigher accesse to any ramparts opposite ) abandons his quarters in franconia to conduct his army into the dutchy of wittemberg , where he harassed all the country betwixt hailbrun , and ulm , that he might thereby give deeper apprehensions to the electour of bavaria and hold his , and the imperiall forces still in distraction , while generall tortenson accredited with his late victory at leipsick , was overrunning of moravia , and striking terrour into austria . in the meane time the baron of oysonville , that was left in command with the forces of alsatia , having somewhat drained brisach , and rhin-feld with the other garrisons , conducts them to uberlinghens a place situated on the lake of constance , and without any great opposition , possesseth himselfe of it , to the great griefe of the electour of bavaria , because it flanked on his estates , and no lesse jealousy of the switzers , because their confines were terminated here . whereupon they take alarmes , despeede souldiers to their borders , and raise new works for more security about the fort of stein , and because the like dangers were imminent on the county of burgundy , which on that side also distermined their countrey from so powerfull a neighbour , they call a diet at baden , and thence ( notwithstanding the offers of the french , to give them a fair partage in that country ) they dispatched their deputies to the court to make their humble remonstrances for the indemnity of that province , with protestations of being bounden to defend it , as an ancient confederate of the helvetian body , in case of invasion ; which would oblige them most unwillingly to draw their sword's against those , in whose cause they were ready to brandish them on another occasion : which offices had made no breach in the king's mind ( being most determined to begin his next campagne , with the attaquing of salins , that so intercepting the communication 'twixt germany and dola , the whole country might fall into his power without any further trouble ) if his languishing health had not inclined him to think rather , of the mean's of the generall peace , then of incurring new enemies , whereupon neutrality was granted to that province , paying only some contribution to the kings troops . the affairs of catalonia were yet more importunate with the court , as indeed more important ; for having lost their old friend , that never failed them in their need , they began now to doubt of their wonted aids , and upon the sense of that apprehension to be handled more warily by the french , who first publishing an edict through all the principality to declare the constant applications , and intentions of their crown to uphold the fortunes of those people to the uttermost , did afterward enjoyne all those , that possessed any feif in catalogne , to appeare at a time appointed in barcelona , to swear allegence to the king of france , in the hands of their viceroy the mareschal de la mothe houdan court . which was a greivous edict to some of the catalans , that in their hearts did not wish ill to their old master , and to others of them , that were loath to engage so publikely to the king of france , desiring rather , as neutrall spectators , to follow the aire only of that fortune which otherwise would overwhelme them : but no palliating will serve their turne , the french ministers , and the catalans that sided with them are resolved to know whom to trust to , and by sequestring the estates of the rest to strengthen their owne , and weaken the spanish party . only the ecclesiasticks and especially the bishops , whose authority bears high in this countrey , were at closer guard to wave this stroke , pretending conscience , and necessity of a dispensation to be first obtained from their former oath , given to the catholicko king , for which some of them encounter a speedy chastisement . for the bishop of barcelona is hereupon forced to take his leave , only with faire promises , which afterwards he did not find observed , that he should enjoy the revenues of his bishoprick in any place by him assigned , which rigor of proceeding against their prelates effected no small passion in the people , as was seene a while after more evidently in expelling the bishop of girona , a person counted of great worthinesse in his charge ; with whom when the viceroy , and the royall ministers could availe nothing they send the count of argenc'on , and don joseph margarita , one of the principall in the late revolutions , to the pope's collectour generall , who in his name was resident in that principality , to receive the revenues of vacant bishopricks , as is also used in all the other kingdomes of spain , to acquaint him what matter of just suspicion they had against the bishop , and that they came by order from the vice-roy to communicate thus much to him , as an apostolicall minister : that he might advise at rome of the merits of their procedure , the need which they had of security and the necessity , which the foresaid bishop had brought upon himselfe , that so their action's might be character'd by their respect , and zeale to the holy see . the collectour answered ( thanking the vice-roy for this office ) that he should advise his holinesse punctually about it , in the mean while letting him know , that notwithstanding the necessity by them supposed , they should consider the regard and reuerence due to the episcopall dignity , being subject to no other then the pope ; that therefore they should abstain from any umbrage of violence , setting before them the dreadfull censures which which they might incurre thereupon . the governour margarita answered with an oath not to offend his own conscience , nor his reputation , and so with a great company takes his way to blanes , a sea towne in the province of gironne , where the bishop then sojourned . at first he shewed his commissions to the bishop with a studied discourse , bidding him departure in discreet terms , yet intimating necessity . but when the bishop made answer smiling , and called for a notary to make a publick act of the violence done him , the governour somewhat altered , commands him to depart in rounder terms , limiting a few hours to the execution , which he stood in a balcone not farre off to see effected . but the bishop goes immediately to celebrate mass , and after takes his leave of the people with such eloquence , and in term's so compassionable , as drew his auditors to flow in tears after him to the sea shore , lamenting his departure , and blaming the rigidnesse of the governour , which was also the longer thought on , because his brother a dominican friar was appointed to receive the revenues of that church , and shortly after made bishop of it by the king of france . the catalonians in another case shewed not only disgust , but suspicion : for when the french were treating with them of raising a fortroyall on a hill , which stood too near to prejudice their city of barcelona , perswading them to demolish their imperfect fortifications , which being built without art might serve , it may be , to offend more then to defend them , and in pursuance of these councells brought an engineer to designe the form of it : they endeavoured not only to throw jealousy on this action , but openly shewed so resolute a repugnancy , as obliged the kings ministers to surcease in it . and the magistrates of barcelona levelled the old works , leaving only an ancient tower which served for a pharos on the sea-side . meanwhile the spaniards imploy such forces as they had under the banner of the marquesse of inoijosa about five thousand foot , and five hundred horse to take up their quarters within the territory of the castle of amposta , and that with such successe , that they were like to recover all that tract lying between the eber , and arragon . from thence he accosteth the a place belonging to the jurisdiction of barcellona , but a sudden rising of the waters obligeth him to dislodge , bringing great damage upon the country , whereupon he turns his course to mirave , and enters that town with a thousand horse and an hundred foot , planting his batteries against the castle which he had brought almost to tearms , when the marshall de la mothe on a sudden passeth the eber , and arrives with a strong brigade to their succour , enters the place without dispute , and finds means to cast in a recruit of eight hundred men , which not at all delaying to sally out on their assaylers , while the marshall invested them on all sides there ensued an hardy conflict for about three houres , but at last the castilians , were fain to leave the field to their enemies , with the death of some hundreds , and prise of four hundred more . but the losse of the french was so considerable , that it imbittered the victory . the marquesse of inoijosa being then at gandesa , solliciting cannon , and provisions ( not suspecting that la mothe could passe the river so soone , which he had left so high and impetuous between them ) did not come to aid his men with the rest of his his forces . on this successe the french over-runne the country to tortosa and then leaving flix , and miravet well provided returne with the rest , and their prisoners in a way of triumph to barcellona , where the vic●roy was thought to use a french liberty too much in standing to view them with donna eusalia , a beautifull lady , and wife of a catalan gentleman from a balconie in his house . this fate of inoijosa was sadly resented in spain , fearing lest the residue of their forces should scarce suffice to hinder excursions into arragon and valentia , so that , that king was fain to call two thousand italians and germans to these parts , which had beene sent to the frontiers of portugall : nor was this piece of service , though in it selfe of no great consequence , any lesse applauded at the court of france , especially by the secretary de noyers to whom the mareschal was allied : so that not omitting such an opportunity , he never left recommending la mothe's services , till he got the king to grant him the investiture of the dutchy of cardona , which is one of the fairest and amplest domains in catalogne , & had formerly been denied him , as a bounty exceeding his merits and condition , he being advanced from a mean estate , and of the house of an ordinary gentleman . the catalans did inwardly ramaricate this largesse to a stranger , when so many of their own nobility were ruined by following of the party , yet accommodating themselves to the time , shewed outwardly to gratulate that favour done to their viceroy , as intended to themselves . the spaniards in flanders began now to be sensible of a criticall time ascending over france , and of changes likely to be incident , whereupon they are the earlier this year in their preventions , hovering about the frontiers of picardy , with their squadrons , to be ready either to foment , or make some impression as occasion served . the duke of enguien ( now prince of condè ) had been appointed generall for the french in these parts , at the issuing of the next campagne the mareschal de l' hospitall being declared his lieutenant-generall , and the marquesse of geures , gassion , d' aumont , and la ferte-seneterre his mareschal's of campe , but in the mean time the count of guicke ( now marreschal de grammont ) is sent to wait upon their motions where we leave him at the present , and take our tour back into italy , ( a stage of opera's where fortunes skie play 's over art , & natures tapestrie . the scene has oft been changed ; yet the state holds equall through varieties of fate . all italy was once in rome ; but now rome in all italy ( i know not how ) but i believe that empire never was so splendid therein one prodigious masse , as minted now in many curious coins , admired in their scale , which art conjoins . and 't is another genius doth inspire new rome : but 't is but with promethean fire . the french having made themselves master's of tortona , employ their studies how to preserve it , and make their way to further acquists . in suit whereof they make a donative of the tortonese to prince thomas of savoy as a principality , and he freely offers it to the duke of parma , as a place fit for him ( bordering upon his estates ) to receive the aids of france upon occasion , and shoulder out the spaniards from re-entring , & make himselfe amends by some other acquisition according to the orders of his majesty of france ; for it was commonly beleived that by private articles between that crown , and the house of savoy it was agreed that the prince thomas should possesse in soverainty whatever he should gain in the milanese , by the joint arms of the french and saovoyrds ; as a way not only to encourage him , but also to remove jealousies from the princes of italy about the designes of that king , which how farre it may be veritable , we may guesse farther by the negotiations of the french minister's at venice , and in particular of monsieur de lyonne comming to give account of the breach of the treaty at castel-georgio , and of the little syncerity of the ecclesiasticks in those proceedings : whereupon he tooke occasion to move them farther to unite their forces and councels with those of france , for the totall expulsion of the spaniards from the dutchy of milan , with protestation that the most christian crown , to take away all jealousies from the princes of italy , contenting it selfe with the only glory , and advantage to have beaten their enemies in all places , would not appropriate to it selfe one foot of land : but would either invest some italian prince in it to their common satisfaction , or divide it among such princes of the same province , as should partake in the travaile of the enterprise . that it would be no hard matter for the powerfull arms of france on the one side , and those of that republick on the other , to strike into the heart of that dutchy ; upon which resolution his majesty to shew his most disinteressed good will to the italian princes , his complices herein , would freely engage not only to take his garison out of casale , but also to abandon pignerol , not retaining any thing on that side of the mountains . and that they might the better secure themselves of his majesties royall purposes , he offered to leave the entire management and direction of this businesse to the republick , and that the king would concurre in such manner , as best might comport with the liking of the princes of italy , whether by a limited number of soldiers , or by sea forces , or by powerfull diversions , or by aids of mony only , which agreement howsoever desirable to the king of france , if notwithstanding it should not succeed , his majesty was most determined to make this invasion by himselfe ( that republick only guarding its professed neutrality ) and there to repay himselfd for his own travells as well as he could , not admitting afterwards of any conjunction on the same terms now profered . these overtures of the king of france assayled the minds of the senators with various agitations , they knew how much themselves and all italy had enjoyed a calme by the indifferency of their councells , and although the spaniard had been somewhat a sullen neighbour : yet they could not set themselves to expell him , without bringing a deluge of bloud and confusion over italy , since the house of austria would hazard all to their patrimoniall states , before they would permit so noble an estate to be dismembred from them : nor was it forgotten how deceitfull an ambition it proved to this republick , when they joined with lewis the 12th of france , to the extreame hazzard of themselves , and of the liberty of italy : which things might well teach them to adhere to their ancient maxime , to beware of hardy councells , and hold themselves only to temperate resolutions : besides that the violent and moody designes of the french proved for the most part fatall to the italians that joined with them : whereof the republick had a fresh example of this very kings ; to second whose impressions after he had taken the passe of sura , and advanced to raise the siege of casale , then distressed by the spaniards , they had entred with an army into the cremonese according to agreement , and on a sudden found themselves abandoned to make their own conditions with the spaniards , the king leaving italy in hast to go stifle the last insurrection of the hugnenots in languedoc . in fine they held it for their best security that the two crowns should be aequiballanced . the venetians being thus resolved give an answer most expressive of their affectionate disposition , and wellwilling towards the interests of france , of their ancient observance and devotion to that crown , of their common ends and councells , and of their own propension to quietnesse , with many other fair words , which did not exceed the generall terms of obsequious complementing . notwithstanding the republick was not free of much anxiety about their answer , knowing that great monarchs will not be paid with empty words , and that the king being resolute to passe into italy , they might be like to incurre some hazzard of his amity , if they held themselves precisely to the terms of their neutrality . but alterations being now like to happen in france , they resolved to attend the issues which longer time might produce . we are to leave our silken furniture here : the trumpet and the cannon call us to the other side of the apennines to the tents there pitched , in spite of winter , about the avenues of tortona . the count of sirvela , governour of milan having much lost his reputation at the court of madrid by loosing of tortona , dispatches a gentleman of quality thither to make his excuses : and then applies himselfe with great instances to the vice-roy of naples for recruits of men and monies , at the same time pressing the milanese to do their utmost efforts on such an occasion as this was , to shew their loyalty to his majesty of spain . prince thomas of savoy , the new generall of the french forces in italie was no lesse sensible on the other side , of the great importance of this place , to signalize his further services if he could but keep it till the next campagne ; and therefore sollicites the court of france with equall fervency to hasten a supply to him of 3000 foot & 1000 horse , with which he might not only hold the town , but the adjacent country in subjection : but affaires there ( as before was intimated ) not having yet found a current channell , foreslowed those recruits so long that the spaniards were ready before him . the governour of milan provides first to block the towne at large , and then drawes with all his forces towards casale ( a jealous piece both to french and savoyard ) to make them hold their strength there , and not to send them to tortona , which done , he sends a party to wast montferrat , and all the country that was to lie in the frenches way , if they thought of relieving the towne to be invested . then , bringing all his army on the 8 of february before the place , he planted his batteries in such manner , that at 20 shots with two peeces of cannon , and within 24 hours he opened a breach , forcing the french with the best goods in the citie , to retire into the castle and convent of st dominico , which they had strongly fortified ; and this gave the spaniards conveniency to forme their siege , and draw their line ( though oppos'd by vigorous sallies ) entrenching themselves so strongly in their works , that when they were accomplished , and afterward considered by the mareschal du plesis praslin , and the marquesse of ville ( the one chiefe commander for the french , and the other for the savoyards under the princes orders ) they commended them for the most secure , and admirable that ever they had seen . this poyanant newes being come to the prince , speedily ramasseth his troops , crosseth the po , ravages the navarresse , making shew of an hardy enterprise on some other place ; but finding all passes strongly guarded , and don vincenzo gonzago , and the marquesse of taracena with strong parties dispatched to wait upon his motions , so that , that way would be like to bring him into great difficulties , he retir'd between the gogno , and the sesia ( 2 small rivers ) as a secure place , to stay for 2000 foot that were already imbarked at oneglia to recruit him ▪ and then re-attempted many waies to pursue his purpose of relieving the citie : but found all the fords , and wharfes of the rivers so strickly kept , that he was fain to beat the same way back into montferrat ; where coasting up and down , to amuse the spaniards of his intentions , and elude their diligence ; on a suddain he passes the river tanaro without opposition , and so accosting the city of asti by a round , and quick assault given on an imperfect fort , scituate between the town , and the river , he gained the city also , and shortly after the cittadell . the governour of milan was at hand ( having left a body of 3000 men to prosecute the siege at tortona ) to have relieved this place : but being intercepted by the river , that he could not apply his aid so speedily as was requisite he sends the marquesse of caracena into montferrat , to revenge himselfe on the savoyards by attempting aicqui ; where the citizens made resistance till they had secur'd the best of their goods in the castle , and then compounded at 2000 doubles for the citie to save it from sacking . mean while prince thomas makes a tour , and sees himselfe ere long , within the sight of tortona . the governour , as soon as he found his march recalls all his forces to the siege , some 16000 men effective , besides a nerve of cavalry , with which the marquesse of caracena was left to guard the posts of the river scrivia : prince thomas having seiz'd some little hils behind the spanish trenches , resolves to attaque their lines : but a councell of warre being cal'd ( after a slight skirmish , whereby their dammage sufficiently shewed the difficulty of their attempt , and the impenetrablenesse of the lines , together with the impossibility of staying there for want of forrage ) they planted a piece of cannon , whereby ( as had bin done formerly at the siege of turin ) they conveyed letters into the castle to monsieur de forenville the governour , advising him , when he could no longer hold out , to capitulate , and he by the same means answering , advised them of his extremity , having now maintained himselfe 4 moneths ; whereupon , the delivery of the castle upon honourable terms ensued shortly after ; the french going out with 4 pieces of cannon , which they had brought in , and were convoyed by the spaniards to the head of the princes army , and treated so curteously by them in the way , that on the other side of the river scrivia , they had provided a refreshment for them of 50 barrells of wine , with bread , and cheese . the towne being thus regain'd , both parties seem'd to admit a tacit truce , and went to refresh their souldiers with better quarters . i must also serve the occasion , and returne to the spiny subject that before i was handling . monsieur de lyonne finding himselfe much aggrieved at the non-suiting of the treaty of castel-georgio , which had snap't the line of the duke of parma's progresse , giving respite to the ecclesiastiques ( though the barberini pretending that his arms had not rested thereupon , as was engaged , tooke occasion , not only to break in , but to recriminate the more exquisitely ) came to rome with high complaints to the marquesse of fontenay ambassadour lieger there , giving out , that he would treat no more in the negotiation ; but notwithstanding intermitt's it not : only the marquesse , casting this manleon his other disgusts , retires from rome to caprarola , a place not far distant belonging to the estates of the duke of parma . his other pretences were the non-admission of the bishop of lamego , as had bin promised , and the not confirming of an election made at a chapter generall in genova of father mazzarino ( the brother of the cardinall ) to be generall of the friar dominicans ; which grounds ( being judged insufficient for such a dereliction ) gave jealousy at rome of some mysterious object in the eye of france : but when the dispatches of fontenay came to the court with account of his departure out of rome and the motives of it , the king send's for the nuntio , and with much efficacy complain's of the pope's proceedings in the breach of the treaty of castel-georgio and deluding of his ministers there , annulling the election of father mazzarino , of the partiality of cardinall barberino to the spaniards , with the injuries he had done his royall person , and interposition , whereupon he counted himselfe engaged in his reputation to use all means to bring that treaty to effect . the nuntio set himselfe to excuse the actions of rome , beseeching the king to suspend his judgment about the reasons of his ambassadours departure , of which he confessed that yet he had had no notice ; but hoped in a short time to be acquainted of particulars ; in the mean while that he could not admit of any ill judgment about his holinesse's good intentions . notwithstanding , his majestie much resented this act of his ambassadour without orders ; and as earnestly desired his return to the court ; so it might be without blemish to his reputation . the ambassadour of venice comming not long after to an audience , and being advertis'd of these dissatisfactions , thought it a fit time for the credit of his state to make proffer of their offices to bring the marquesse of fontenay back with honour , which he doubted not , but his republick would endeavour by all the fair means possible . the king hearkned to this overture , entreating him to write effectually to that purpose . the nuntio being also advised hereof by the ambassadour , promised to sollicite at the court of rome , that the good offices of the common-wealth on this behalfe might be accepted . but however , this forwardnesse of their ambassadour , was not liked so well at venice , till the issue it selfe approved it : for at this time they themselves were at no good terms at rome , in being a part of the league against the barberini , though still they continued their ministers of state there . the spaniards seeing the french ambassadour gon from his residence , thought it now a time for them to interpose more vigorously to inflame these disgusts , and to forme an union of the princes of italy to their crown , as the onely way to effect the depositing of castro in the hands of the league , and exclude the french ( which were now become jealous to them , lest they should get that depositing into their own hands ) from interesting themselves any further in this mediation , the honour whereof they desired to carry from them : to this purpose they sought how to bring themselves and the pope within the league , so modelling the designe of it , that they might get the chiefe arbitration both of the difference , and deposition , propounding that castro might be put into the hands of the duke of savelli , the emperours ambassadour at rome , till the treatie might be brought to an issue : but the pope and the ligued princes were too sensible to be drawn by any other motives than those of their proper interests ▪ and the suddain recalling to rome of the marquesse of fontenay by the intercessions of the offices of venice , set on foot new practises , and put a new lustre on them , by the graciousnesse that ensued on a kind of reconcilement , between his holinesse , and the most christian king , which was accompanied with the satisfaction of the father mazzarino , in being made master of the sacred palace , a thing that sweetned all imbitterings ; for it was thought that the cause of this father , was the very motive ( how ever palliated ) that made the ambassadour shew so high resentment , to the end that he might thereby ingratiate the cardinall his brother , a matter which yet proved a scandall to the cardinall in france , that the pretentions of his brother should hazzard the interests of the state , and the amity of the pope , which also gave him displeasure at them both , using his utmost prudence to recompose those differences . our story begin's now to prey upon the last wiek , the oyle of the kings life is ' ee'n exhausted , the vanishing flame having long wavered about the brims : but his declining makes the severall ministers gather as much authority as they could within the folds of their respective robes , whereby they could not misse of some such rent , as put hortensius to a suit in law , when they encountred one another in passages too strait for them . the parliament is jealous of the ministers of state , and these of the princes of the blood , since they saw the queen , the duke of orleans , and the prince of conde close together , and likely to bear before them the entire management of affaires , which in all probability would ruin the creatures and dependences of the late richelieu , that held themselves yet at the height of their fortune in the king's favour . and these apprehensions wrought so intemperately with the secretary de noyers that at last it procured his dismission : for the king , now imploying his best thought 's , and advise with his councellours about the framing of his will , and leaving a sure estate to his infant-heir ▪ monsieur de noyers was in many points of a different opinion from the others , pretending to regulate too much with his conceipts ( whether by his proper inclination , or adhering to the maximes of the late cardinall , whose great confident he h●d bin ) especially in the great businesse of excluding the duke of orleans from the government , and nominating the persons of the councill : this rendered his employment the lesse desirable to the other states-masters , which still applyed themselves to clear his majestie of prejudices conceiv'd against the said duke , and of the ill consequence that was likely to ensue upon any division of the royall house . nor did it a litle contribute to the laying aside of this instrument , that he was so zealous against the protestants , ever traversing the aids of germany , which the cardinall mazzarini procured with great ardour ; as a most important interest of the crown ; discovering also the like aversnesse to the huguenots , insomuch that it was reported he should one day tell the mareschal de chastillon that when he was to signe any thing in favour of his sect , it seem'd to him as if he were to gash his own hand : but above all , his importunacy with the king was the greatest maturer of his downfall , he taking upon him to use ( as his master richelieu had done ) and in case he found not that countenance which he desired , to demand retirement ; a thing which the other would do with great art , knowing the necessity which the king had of his services : but of noyers his ill successe in this way , we may see at one instance how he came to knock off from his attendance . he had the office of receiver generall of the rate of subsistance ( an imposition laid at first , with exemption of the payers from quartering of souldiers ; but since made as the other ordinary tallies ) of which he dispos'd at his own discretion , making no accompt to any other : it came to the king's eare , that this subsistance , the year before , was ill dispensed , and onely to the friends , and kindred of the foresaid noyers : whereupon the king take's occasion to ask him on what he had expended those sums , which passed through his hands for the service of the war , and of which he used to render no accompt . ( t is a certain revenge on our own ill humour to think amisse of him , that we depend on ; or entertain any umbrage that he dislikes us , or is mistaken in our good intentions , for commonly such a passion is apt to fennow , and so to mantle in its sowernesse , that one cannot afterward restore it to that object . ) noyers , who had either made , or phancied the king's countenance to be not so good as usually towards him , tooke this word for a signe of diffidence , and so answered that he had ready in his cabinet , a book of all expences made by him ; and then let himselfe lavish in expressions ; that since his hard fortune did now render him suspected , after a service of so many years uninteressed , 't were better that his majesty would permit him to render his charge to some other , that might be more fortunate ; since , neither could a prince satisfy himselfe in a servant whom he distrusted ; nor such a servant enjoy any quiet , that knew his integrity to be doubted of . ( t was thought that noyers was the more bold in venting this passion , presuming that his two confidents , as he presumed , the cardinall mazzarini , and the secretary dè chauvigny would sufficiently secure him from having this request easily granted , but ) his majestie hereupon discover'd such displeasure , that monsieur de chauvigny first withdrew him handsomely from the king's bed , and then from his chamber , perswading him to consider , and not to precipitate with himselfe , but give way to his majestie's anger for the time ; which some interpreted as the act of a true friend , but others as the ruse of a courtier to draw him from the king , and so from all hope of accomodation : for some make a great question whether the buds of noyers his disfavour , were not cultivated by the two other ministers of state , mazzarini , and chauvigni , because they were the dependants of these two that most incens'd the king against him ; and immediatly after his decession his charge was confer'd by the cardinall's instance , on monsteur de tellier then in piemont , ●as auditor generall of the army ; besides that it was many waies evident , that the cardinall's designes did not meet in noyers of a fit instrument , and that he had at severall times treated with the king , of such matters , as de noyers would have possest him with the contrary . which things if reall ( as they have a great shew of truth ) one would think , by de noyers's proceedings , that his desires also were no less reall then pretended to retire to his privacy : he goe's to chauvigny , desire 's his opinion as his friend , whether he should demand his licence in person of the king , or by another : who after many fair offices to perswade with him , at last advise's him to serve himselfe of the assistance of the cardinall , to avoid disgusting of the king any further . de noyers meets the cardinall in the louvre , demand's this grace of him publiquely , and with a kind of pompe , that the world might take notice of it , as a generous , free action of his own , and accordingly the cardinall does the office , after some excuses , with more shew then reality ; at his return bringing him that dismission which he desired , and received with demonstrations of the cordiallest alacrity . this fall of noyers was onely grievous to the mareschal de mesteraye , who being much interessed in his preservation , addresseth himselfe a new to the cardinall to have this businesse put upon the file again ; whom the cardinall answering , that he resented this act of monsieur dè nayens as much as any other , and had omitted no office to divert him from the course that he had taken . the mareschal suffered himselfe to be so farre transported with his passion , as to tell him , that he did not understand these finesses of italie , proceeding frankly and in the french fashion : the cardinall notwithstanding continued in his excuses , treating him with acts of more respect , so that both seemed to part with satisfaction . from hence the mareschal takes his way to dè noyers then at pontoise , to treat with him , and finds him most determined to acquiesce , desiring the mareschall to let his majestie know , that he tooke it for an infinite obligation that his majestie had been pleased to dispense with his retirement . which carriage of his was accounted more to commend his courage , then his courtship , considering especially that the king's death was by all tokens near at hand , which would have broke up those clouds that then overshadowed him . aprill 17. the king's maladie being intermissive had hitherto observed some uncertain periods , allowing him his lucida inter●●lla to treat and give orders about affairs ▪ but now betraying worser symptomes , the physitians advise the statesmen of their opinion , that it was to terminate ere long in death . whereupon the prince of condè , and cardinall mazzarini consult together how to give his majestie admonition , and so present themselves to him in his chamber , telling him , that although the physitians did not despaire of his majestie's recovery ; yet since he found his health continually declining , and running some hazard of a sad event ; that the glorie of his majestie , the good of the princes his children , and of the whole state seemed to require , that as his majestie had hitherto established his greatnesse , and augmented the splendor of his crown , so now he should consider of leaving his affairs in such order , that no emergent might alter them for the future . that the spaniards had not refused a suspension of arms , before so earnestly desired by them , on any other ground , then a certain misprision which they had conceived of the troubles of france likely to ensue on the failing of his majesty , and therefore that the true way to undeceive them was to make it evident , that whatsoever event should happen his majestie's will should stand for a sure and inviolable law for the government of his kingdome . the king accepted not onely of their discourse , but affectionately thanked them , and then desired to hear the prince's judgement about the disposall of the government . who thereupon took occasion to extoll highly the wisdome and goodnesse of the queene , and after set himselfe to excuse the duke of orleans , ascribing his escapes to the over-rigid treatments of the late cardinall , shewing that these two persons as the chiefe of the kingdome , ought by consequence to have the principall part in so important an administration . the king having well learned by his own experience how subject france is to alterations in the times of minority , was the more desirous to leave a state well setled , wherein neither the queen nor the duke of orleans ( whom he did not eye so well ) should invelope the whole authority in their own persons , which he devised to distribute among severall councellours , and to give them the cardinall mazzarini for their principall , much after the manner of the government of sweden , with the superintendency of the grand chancellour oxenstern : which thoughts when he had discovered to the cardinall , he found not such approbation as he desired , but rather met with strong arguments , perswading him to observe the ancient usances of the crown . but after all deliberations the king at last resolved to forme a councell , according to the tenor of a declaration which he sent forthwith to the queen , by the hand of monsieur dè chauvigny ▪ the prime secretary of state , that shee might see it , and signifie her desire about any change in it for her better satisfaction , that so being afterward approved by the parliament , it might be to passe as a salick law among the people ; which last words touched to the quick , though at that time the queen dissembled them with discretion , and presently passed to the king's chamber to render thanks , and to condole with him , till both melted into tears with expressions of love and tenderness . next morning the cardinall mazzarini comes to paris to give account of the king's resolutions to the duke of orleans , with intimation to the parliament , princes , dukes , peeres , and officers of the crown , to present themselves to his majestie at s. germans , where a fit time being waited , till the kings maladie was somewhat alleviated , they were all called into his chamber , where the queen and her two sons stayed for them ; and then his majesty ▪ speaking all the while uncovered , made a passionate speech unto them , accompanied with such carriages as pressed tears from the by-standers . after which the secretarie de la urilliere read the declaration of his majestie's last will , which was to this effect : that although it had pleased god to bestow admirable successes on him through the whole course of his raign ; yet now in the middle of his prosperities , he had also put him in mind of his frailty by a languishing disease , whereof howsoever there were good hope of his recovering , notwithstanding because the judgments of men most experienced are fallible in these cases , he thought himselfe oblieged to provide for the peace of his kingdome , when he was gone . that he judged the best way to obtain this end , and to disappoint the projects of the enemies of france , to be the uniting of all the royall family with one spirit to maintain the present state of his crown ; which would be also a great tie to his confederates to adhere to the interesses of france , when they shall find it governed by the same maximes that had hitherto upheld its grandeur . to execute which designes he thought no course more expedient , then that which the king 's his predecessors had taken on the like occasions , who judged that the regency of the kingdome , and education of the minor kings could not be better placed , then on the persons of their queen mothers ; and therfore that he did ordain , that in case his death should ensue before the dauphin should enter on the fourteenth year of his age , or in case that the dauphin should die before the majority of his second sonne the duke of anjou , his dearest spouse and consort the queen mother of his foresaid children should be regent of france , and have the education of them during their minority , together with the administration of the government of the kingdome , during his nonage that should be king , with the advise of her councell in manner hereafter following . and in case the said queen after his death , and during her regency should be in danger of finishing her daies , he ordained that she should provide with the advise of her councell herein specified , for the regency and government for the time . and to testifie to his dear and beloved brother the duke of orleans , that nothing hath been able to diminish the love that he hath ever borne him , he ordained him lieutenant generall of the non-aged king , and to exercise the said charge in all the provinces in the kingdome under the authority of the queen regent and of the councell ; and this notwithstanding the declaration registred against him in the court of parliament : onely declaring that if he in any wise shall contravene this establishment , he remain ipso facto deprived of this charge . that although from the wisdome , piety and vertue of the queen he might well promise himselfe a happy government of his state ▪ yet considering the weight of such a charge , and the impossibility of her taking cognisance of all affairs necessary , that he thought fit to establish a councell of the regency to assist her , by whose judgments and authority the great and weighty affairs of state should be examined and resolved by plurality of voices : to compose which councell , he thought he could not make better election for ministers of state , then of his dear and beloved cosins , the prince of condè , and the cardinall mazzarini , of his trustie and well beloved the lord de seguier chancellour of france , and keeper of the seals , the lord de bouttiglier surintendant of his finances , and the lord de chauvigni secretarie of state , and of his commandments . he ordained also that the duke of orleans , and in his absence the prince of condè , or cardinall mazzarini should be chiefe of the councill , and if any place should become void , that the queen should supply it by advise of the councell and all other important charges of the kingdome to be so disposed by plurality of votes . only for all ecclesiasticall preferments , which belonged to his nomination , he left the providing for their supply to the queen and the cardinall mazzarini , of whose worthy discharging this trust he had good reason to rest most assured by the eminent proofs which he had had of the faithfulnesse and great sufficiency of the person . in fine : he ordained that the queen and the duke of orleans should swear in the presence of him , and of the princes of the blood , with the other princes , dukes , peers , mareschals of france , and officers of the crowne to keep and observe the contents of the present declaration without any manner of contravention . which was accordingly subscribed and sworne at the same instant by the queen , and duke of orleans , and sealed before the rest , and accordingly next day ratified in the parliament in presence of the duke of orleans , the prince of condè and the other princes and officers . given at s. germans in the month of april . 1643. and of his raign the 33. which declaration being read , the king gave free liberty to all the exiles of the court or state , against whom no sentence had been given , to make their return , and commanded corriers to be sent to some more remote , that they might have timely notice , and his majesty had content before his death to receive the duke of vendosma , the mareschaux de bassompierre and d' estree , and divers others into his grace . if a man might be politique before the proofe of events , this act of state might be a subject of strange descantings : but if we can content our selves with such conjectures as best please us , till the regency begin to take place , we may better guesse at the true interests of the parties concerned by this deed , & of the true interest of the crown . his majesty having now freed his thoughts of this care , tooke pleasure to order a private ceremony in the chappell of s. germans , appointing the baptisme of the d●uphin by the name of lovis , and the princes of condè with the cardinall mazzarini ( on whom the king would conferre this honour ( as he himselfe said ) to oblige him the more streightly to serve the king and the crown ) to present him to the font , that so with the powerfull cords of interest he might , as much as in him lay , twist an artificiall kind of nature , making him the compater , or spirituall father of that prince , in the forming of whose youth he might now seem to claime a priviledg with the queen . to both which , and to all his other officers and nobles having so effectually recommended his state and childrem , what more could remain to such a prince , but to die in the arms of that honour that had ever lived with him , and to deserve those characters , in which a terser pen then mine ha's designed him ? and so i leave him in the way to his funerall pomp , which a while after followed with great solemnity . 〈◊〉 . errata quod sic corr. . pag. 2. lin. 4. for interestly read interests . p. 12. l. 13 for cardinall r. cardinals . p. 17. l. ult. for conspiracies , r , conspiracy p. 35. l. 4. for returne r. resume . p. 39. l. 16. for league ; also r. league also ; p. 41. l. 8. for bichitill r. bichi till . and l. 19. for shi●h r. which . and l. 22 for with r. sith . p. 43. l. 9. for they r. these ( viz barberini ) p. 45. l. 4. for desiderable r. desirable . p. 66. l. 8. blot out [ the ] at the end of the line and put in [ felix p. 70. l. 9. for gui●k . r. guiche . p. 76. l. 9. for sura r. suza . p. 81. l. 8. for navarrese r. novarrese . and l. 12 for gonzago r. gonzaga . and l. 13. for taracena r. caracena ▪ &c. a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. 1678 approx. 146 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42527 wing g402a estc r217414 99829081 99829081 33517 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42527) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33517) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1986:22) a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. [16], 143, [1] p., [19] leaves of plate printed for robert hartford, at the sign of the angel in corn-hill, near the royal exchange, london : 1678. includes table of contents and a final page of advertisement. reproduction of the original in the christ church library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -armée -early works to 1800. military art and science -early works to 1800. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion printed for rohert hanford at the signe of the angell in cornhill ▪ a treatise of the arms and engines of war , of fire-works , ensigns , and military instruments , both ancient and modern ; with the manner they are at present used , as well in french armies , as amongst other nations . inriched with many figures . written originally in french by lowis de gaya , author of the treatise called the art of war . translated for publick advantage . london , printed for robert harford , at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange ; 1678. to the right worshipful sir jonas moore knight , surveyor general of his majesties ordnance and armories . honoured sir , be pleased to accept the patronage of these few sheets ; which as they contain a treatise of arms , &c. can no where more securely shelter themselves than under the banner of your protection : for being cherished by your allowance , the world may well imagine that there is something more than ordinary comprehended in them which may merit a serious reading and a generous practice ; especially at such a time , as this , for warlike preparation . i must confess the trust you have , deserves far nobler presents of this nature than what here i make . nor am i ignorant how far my presumption has carry'd me in this attempt . in excuse whereof , i have onely , with your kind permission to plead the encouragment of your continual favours , and advantagions obligations to a young beginner ; of which should i be once ingratefully forgetful , when the least mite of opportunity offers , i should incur a crime that would deprive me of one of the chiefest happinesses whereto i aspire ; which is to acknowledge my self sir your most obedient and most obliged servant r. h. the contents . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of true nobility . p 1. the first book . chap. i. of sharp-weapons . sect. 1. of the sword p. 9. sect. 2. of the shable and cimeter , p. 12. sect. 3. of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger p. 13. sect. 4. of the espadon or two-handed sword , p. 14. chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. 1. of the musket p. 15. sect. 2. of the fusil or fire-lock p. 19. sect. 3 , of the musket p. 20. sect. 4. of the pistol p. 20. sect. 5. of carabines p. 21. of staff-arms . sect. 1. of the pike p. 24 . sect. 2. of spoutons or half-pikes p. 26 . sect. 3. of the partisan p. 27 . sect. 4. of the halbard p. 28 . sect. 5. of sythes , forks , axes , and clubs or maces ibid. sect. 6. of the quarter-staff , with a pike at each end p. 30 . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. 1. of swords , shables , and cutlasses p. 31. sect. 2. of the pike p. 33 . sect. 3. of the lance p. 35 . sect. 4. of the javelot or dart p. 35 . sect. 5. of the sling p. 38 . sect. 6. of bows and arrows p. 39 . sect. 7. of cross-bows . p. 40 . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. 1. p. 42 . sect. 2. of the coat of mail p. 44 . sect. 3. of the buff-coat p. 45 . sect. 4 of casks or head-pieces p. 46 . sect. 5. of cuirasses p. 47 . sect. 6. of bucklers and shields p. 49 . the second book of powder and artificial fires . chap. i. of powder p. 53. chap. ii. of a mine . p. 56. chap. iii. of artificial fire-works . sect. 1. of the fuse p. 59 . sect. 2. of the sulphur match p. 60 . sect. 3. how to make the quick match ibid. sect. 4. how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets p. 61. sect. 5. how to charge fire-balls p. 62 . sect. 6. how to make a fire-lance p. 62 . sect. 7. how to make tourteaus , to shew light or port lights p. 64 . sect 8. of burning fagots p. 64 . sect. 9. of fire-hoops p. 65 . sect. 10. how to charge granadoes p. 66 . sect. 11. how to make artificial fire-works that burn under water ibid. sect. 12. of provision for artificial fire-works p. 67. chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . p. 68. the third book of war-engines . p. 71. chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . p. 72. chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . p. 74. sect. 1. of a canon p. 74 . sect. 2. of the charge of a piece p. 76 . sect. 3. how to level or bring a gun to pass p. 76. sect. 4. of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon p. 77 . sect. 5. of the carriage of a gun p. 79 . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. 1. of the canon p. 80 . sect. 2. of the culverin p. 81 sect. 3. of the bastard canon p. 81 sect. 4. of the minion p. 82 . sect. 5. of the faucon p. 82 . sect. 6. of the fauconet p. 83 . sect. 7. of the effect and execution of the canon p. 84 . sect. 8. the way of nailing up a canon p. 85. chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. p. 86 . sect. 1. of stone-guns p. 86 . sect. 2. of the arquebuss a crock p. 87 . sect. 3. of mortar-pieces p. 87 . sect. 4. of bombes p. 88 . sect. 5. of the carcass p. 90 . sect. 6. of the granadoes p. 91 . sect. 7. of hollow bullets p. 92 . sect. 8. of red bullets p. 93 . sect. 9. of cartouches p. 93 . chap v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used p. 94 . sect. 1. of petards p. 94 . sect. 2. of the arrow and flying bridge p. 97. sect. 3. of the way of using and applying a petard p. 98 . sect. 4. of tortoises p. 101 . chap vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . p. 102 . sect. 1. of machines or engines in general p. 102. sect. 2. of the tortoise or testudo p. 103 . sect. 3. of ladders p. 105 . sect. 4. of bull-warks p. 106 . sect. 5. of towers p. 107 . sect. 6. of the battering ram p. 108 . sect. 7. of counter-engines p. 109 . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war , p. 111. chap. i. of ensigns p. 112 . sect. 1. of the oriflamme p. 115 . sect. 2. of the goufanon p. 118 . sect. 3. of the banner and penon p. 118 . sect. 4. of banderolls , panonceaux , and faillions p. 119 chap. ii. of the roman ensigns , p. 121. chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war ; p. 123. chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans , p. 125 a particular chapter of the arms whic● are at present in use as well among t●● french as other nations p. 12● of the arms of the french cavalry p. 12● of the arms of the french infantry p. 13● of the spanish cavalry p. 13● of the spanish foot p. 13● of the english forces p. 13● of the german forces p. 13● of hungarian forces p. 13● of polonian troops p. 13● of the turkish cavalry p. 13● of the turkish infantry p. 13● of the persians , moors , and arabians p. 13● of the arms of the ancient french milit●●● and first of the infantry p. 13● of the cavalry p. 13● of the cavalry under henry the fourth , 〈◊〉 lowis the thirteenth p. 1●● the author's design . in the profession of war there are three things onely requisite , men , arms , and fortifications . so many able men hath already treated of fortifications , that i thought it would be to no purpose to speak on that subject , unless i intended to be an eccho , and repeat what others have already said . i have spoken of men lately in a book , which i called , the art of war ; but if i mistake not , no man hath hitherto treated of arms. and therefore that these three parts may be compleat , i thought fit to publish this little treatise , wherein i shall explain as clearly , and in as few words as possibly i can , the use of all arms , which are at present to be found in armies , as well as of those that were heretofore in use among the romans . an advertisement for the better understanding of all that is said in this treatise concerning arms ; you must know ( reader ) that the french pound contains two marks , the mark eight ounces , the ounce eight gros or drams , the dram three deniers , and the denier twenty four grains . the fathom contains six foot , the foot twelve inches , and the inch twelve lignes . the cubit of the ancients consisted of two hands and three fingers breadth . the hand of twelve fingers breadth , and the fingers breadth of eight lignes . the talent weighs threescore pounds , the roman pound contains twelve ounces , the ounce eight drams , the dram three scruples , the scruple six siliques , and the silique one grain . the small sexterce weighed twenty four pounds . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of trve nobility . the profession of arms hath in all ages been the most honourable and glorious of all professions ; and no man in rome could rise to the civil magistracy , who had not served ten years in the wars . by arms kingdoms subsist , justice flourishes , the wicked are punished , and the proud humbled to their duty ; and from them alone true nobility derives its original . before , all men were born equal , and the difference of estates and offices , made the sole distinction of persons . war in ancient times was neither the refuge of the wretched , nor the sanctuary of the banished ; and the romans received none but chosen men into service , who were obliged to put themselves in equipage , and for the space of twenty years serve at their own expences , either among the horse or foot ; and when they had fulfilled the term of their service , they received from the common-wealth rewards suitable to the merit of their actions , either by being promoted to the most honourable charges , or being endowed with lands and inheritances in the conquered provinces , where after the fatigues of war they quietly enjoyed the sweetness of peace . and that the natives of the countrey might not be banished , but means of subsisting afforded them , they gave them lands to labour , for payment of a yearly tribute . hence have sprung tenures , dependancies , quit-rents and duties , which vassals owe to their lords and superiors . these new masters made themselves at first considerable by that politeness which was so natural to the romans , by that way of living , which puts a distinction between those that have carried arms and such as have not , and by the reputation of their brave exploits , which they had engraven on their shields , as a mark of the nobility which they had acquired by their valour . and from thence we have scutcheons , and the name of esquire or gentlemen . all rewards were not of equal value , and were distributed according to merit , as i have already said . he who in an assault first mounted the wall of a town , was honoured with a mural crown ; and on him who had rescued a roman citizen , was conferred a civick crown , which was put upon his head by the persons own hands whom he had relieved from danger . those whose actions were brave and more commendable , were likewise more highly rewarded than others , and had allotted them a larger share of lands . such , i say , were of chiefest note amongst the nobility , as well in respect of their wealth , as in consideration of those glorious crowns , which they carried on their scutcheons : and from them are descended the illustrious families of great lords , who carry coronets over their arms , and who in progress of time have changed their ancient crowns into those which they bear at present , according to the new dignities wherewith sovereigns have been pleased to honour them ; as of duke , marquess , earl , viscount , and baron . and though the quality of baron be wholly banished from the court of france , yet it was the first , and i may say , the onely dignity that was heretofore in france ; as may be seen in the ancient chronicles of the kingdom , when they speak of kings accompanied with the chief barons , who were in that time , what the dukes and peers of france are at present . this puts me in mind of an epistle in gaulish verse ; which is yearly sung at high mass in the parish church of st. stephen of rheims , on the twenty sixth of december , the feast day of that saint ; which thus begins : or ecoutez la passion de saint estienne le baron , &c. now hearken to the passion of saint stephen the baron . the good people of past ages would have thought themselves wanting in respect and veneration towards the saints , if they had not qualified them with the name of baron ; which was the noblest title of the great lords of their times . i thought fit to adduce this instance , to prove the antiquity of baronies ; but that i may return to my subject , i affirm that arms have not onely made dukes , marquisses , earls , and gentlemen ; but that they have also raised to the throne men of a low and despicable birth . king david was a shepherd , as well as saul his predecessor . antipater king of macedonia , was the son of a jugler ; agathocles king of syracusa , the son of a potter ; cambyses king of persia , the son of a beggar ; king darius , the son of a carter ; king sibaris had been a servant in an inne ; and the ottomans , who at this day possess the greatest empire in the world , are descended from grooms , or men that drove camels . these examples oblige us to acknowledge , that it is by arms alone that men render themselves worthy of the most glorious employments . so likewise in that profession is to be learnt that brave and gentile way of demeanor , which is found no where but among the nobility and gentry . there , every thing goes by honour , and without any hopes of lucre and profit . there , men learn to be generous , liberal and faithful . there is nothing to be found in the histories of the greatest captains , but acts of honour and vertue . the valour of alexander , the piety of eneas , the prudence of caesar , the modesty of tiberius , the complaisance of antonius pius , the justice of aulus fulvius , the clemency of augustus , the magnificence of titus vespasian , the chastity of scipio affricanus , and the integrity of attilius regulus ; are sufficient proofs of what i have alleadged . to conclude , i shall repeat what i said in the beginning of this discourse , that the profession of arms has been in all ages , not onely the most glorious and honourable of professions ; but likewise that which has produced the greatest men . these two books newly published , are to be sold by robert harford at his shop at the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . the art of war , and the way that is at present practised in france . two parts . wherein the duties and functions of all the officers of horse and foot , artillery and provisions , from the general of the army to the private souldier , are treated of : with the method of conducting armies , encamping , besieging , and giving of battel : as also an account of all offices and charges ; and the names of the towns , places , citadels , castles and forts , where the most christian king keeps garison ; with the general and particular terms of war. written in french by lovis de gaya , an expert officer of the french army , and dedicated to his most christian majesty . translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in 8 ● . the military duties of the officers of horse , containing the exercise of the cavalry , according to the present practice of the imes . with the motions of horse , and the functions of every officer , from the chief captain , to the brigadeer . written in french , by an ingeneer in ordinary to his most christian majesty . and translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in 8 ● . a treatise of arms , of engines , artificial fires , ensignes ; and of all military instruments . the first book . of the arms of a souldier . chap. i. of sharp weapons . sect. 1. of the sword. the sword , whereof the invention comes to us from tubal-cain , the son of lamech and zilla , is the first of all weapons , without which a souldier should never appear in publick ; because it serves him for ornament as well as defence . it is not necessary it should be too long , for it becomes thereby cumbersome in a battallion ; especially during the time of the motions : nor must it be too short neither , but of an indifferent length ; the blade must be good , and about an inch broad the most common length of blades is two foot and a half and two inches , and the handles three inches and a half . all blades are kept in scabberds , made of wood covered with cloath or leather , having a chape at the end of iron , steel , copper or silver . the sword is carried in a shoulder belt of buff or other leather , and hangs down from the right shoulder upon the left thigh ; in the same manner as was heretofore in use , according to the report of virgil. — humero cum apparuit alto balteus . and of silvius in his tenth book . — tergo qua balteus imo sinuatur ; coxaque sedet munimen utraque . nevertheless we find by the words of the royal prophet , that the belts which we have since called waste-belts , are more ancient than those we call shoulder-belts , when he says , gird your sword on your thigh , &c. when a man would stand right to his guard , he ought to keep his body straight , bending a little on the left thigh ; his legs not too far asunder , his feet on a strait line one after another , the handle of the sword off of the haunch , the point just opposite to the shoulder , the arm stretched half out ; and the left hand as high as the eye . the enemies sword may be put by the line of the body by a little motion of the handle either inward or outward . souldiers in a battel or attack , do not regularly alwayes observe this method ; and most part thrust on any way , without troubling themselves much with the tierce , guart , or feint ; but make use of their swords to attack or to defend themselves , according to the small talent that god almighty has given them . the figure of a souldier on his guard. sect. 2. of the shable and cimeter . the shable is more in use amongst the horse , than other . bodies of men , it is not altogether so long as the sword ; but to make amends for that , the blade is twice so broad and edged on one side ; and therefore it is more used for cutting than thrusting . the usual length of shables is two foot and four inches , taking it from the guard , and two foot and a half and three inches , from the button of the pommel to the point . the cimeter is a kind of fauchin , broader and more crooked than the shable ; used more by the turks , persians and hungarians , than others . a souldier on his guard. the espadon or two handed sword. the shable . the cimeter the bayonet . the ponyard . sect. 3. of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger . the bayonet is much of the same length as the poniard ; it hath neither guard nor handle , but onely a haft of wood eight or nine inches long . the blade is sharp-pointed , and two edged , a foot in length , and a large inch in breadth . the bayonet is very useful to dragoons , fufiliers , and souldiers , that are often commanded out on parties ; because that when they have fired their discharges , and want powder and shot , they put the haft of it into the mouth of the barrel of their pieces , and defend themselves therewith as well as with a partizan . the poniard or dagger is a little sword , in length but about twelve or thirteen inches , which is carried at the girdle . it is nor long ago since duelists fought with sword and dagger . sect. 4. of the espadon or two-handed sword. the espadon is a kind of a sword , whose two-edged blade is very long and broad , and whereof the haft , which i dare not call handle , because it is a foot and a half long , is made cross-wayes . it cannot be used but with both hands , in a breach or behind a palissadoe . i never saw so many espadons , as among the hollanders . the ramparts of all their towns were furnished with them , each distant from the other six paces ; with a like number of clubs or maces : and indeed to consider such preparatives , one would have thought their designs had been furious , and that they had had a great mind to defend themselves stoutly . but there is great appearance , that they onely placed these arms there to adorn their parapets . swords of all fashions . swords of all sorts . the explication of this figure . a , a stick-sword , called by the ancients sica . b , a sword for a rancounter , after the french mode . c , a swisser's sword. d , a tuck , or long sword with a narrow blade , such as were in use not thirty years ago . e , a spanish sword. f , a braquemart fauchin , or short sword. g , a hunting cutlass , with a handle of horn. chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. 1. of the musket . the usual arms of souldiers , are not onely the sword , shable , dagger and bayonet , but also the musket , fire-lock , mousqueton , pistol , and many others : and the first thing they should learn , is to make the right use of such as their officers have given them . the musket is a weapon for foot , the barrel of which is three foot and eight inches long , mounted on a stock of four foot and eight inches in length . it was not invented till long after the canon . the bullet of size contains in diameter eight lignes and a half ( every ligne a third part of a barley corn ) and the charge of powder should weigh half an ounce and a dram of magazin powder . a musket carries commonly six score fathoms , and if it be re-inforced , a hundred and forty , or an hundred and fifty fathoms . the half of this distance or less , is sufficient for a good discharge ; for it is by chance if they hit and do execution at the full distance . the priming should be of a finer powder than the charge , and the match dry and hard . for the musket may be used double-headed shot , which are two bullets fastned together , by a little piece of iron , about half an inch long ; as may be seen by the figure . to present aright to fire , according to the rules of exercising of arms ; the butt of the musket must be put to the breast , half a foot below the chin ; the left hand under the stock , or upon the scouring stick , if it be in its place ; the right hand-thumb , four or five fingers breadth behind the breech , and the other fingers of the same hand under the tricker , to draw and make the cock play , when one has a mind to fire : the muzzel of the musket must always be as high as the chest of the body of the enemy : skilful souldiers never aim at the head , because that part being too small , the least motion of either of the two is enough to make the bullet miss ▪ but when one fires at the body , whether the motion make the shot rise too high , or fall too low , or decline too much to one side , the execution is always good , and puts him who hath received the shot out of condition of fighting . bandeliers are a kind of portable magazine , which contains all the ammunition necessary to a soulder . the usual breadth of their belt is four inches , and the length four foot . all bandeliers are furnished with a dozen of little flasks , commonly called charges , and a little bag or purse of sheeps leather . the flasks serve to keep the powder , and the bag or purse the bullets . the horse make use of carabin or mousketon-belts , in bigness much like that of the bandeliers , but without any charges . the arms of a french souldier and the posture of a musketteer , who presents to fire . a , the musket . b , the sword. c , the bandeliers . d , the souldiers belt. e , the bag or purse . f , the flasks or charges . g , the match . the armature of a musketeer presenting to fire . the musket . the fire lock . double headed shot . an explication of the parts of a musket . 1. the lock . 2. the pan. 3. the cock. 4. the tricker . 5. the barrel . 6. the breech . 7. the stock . 8. the butt . 9. the scouring-stick . sect. 2. of the fusil , or fire-lock . the fusils or fire-locks which we at present use in the army , especially amongst the fusiliers and granadiers , are of the same size , and carry as far as muskets . with a fire-lock one may shoot juster than what a musket , because it is presented in a quite different way ; that is to say , the end of the butt to the shoulder , the side to the cheek , shutting the left eye , and aiming with the other through the sight-hole , which answers to the little button on the muzzel of the barrel . when one would shoot on a level , he must aim streight at the mark ; and if a man shoot from a low place to a higher , he is to take his aim four fingers breadth underneath the mark. fire-locks are apter to mis-give than muskets , through the defect of the flints and springs . sect. 3. of the mousqueton . the mousqueton is not so long as the fusil or fire-lock ; nor does it by a third part carry so far , unless the barrel be screwed and rifled ; its usual charge is an ounce of powder , and it is presented in the same manner as a fire-lock . sect. 4. of the pistol . pistols are not all of the same length nor size . the usual length of the barrels of those which are at present used among the horse is a foot , and of stock and all a foot and a half , or thereabouts . the bullet sized for the bore is five lignes in diameter , the charge a dram of powder ; and it will carry forty paces , more or less , according to the goodness of the powder . pistols are fired with one hand . sect. 5. of carabins . carabins are a kind of fire-arms , which take their name from those ancient souldiers , called carabins , who commonly made use of them in the wars . they are of two kinds , the common , and the extraordinary . the common are those which were used by the kings guards not long ago , and are usually called carabins with great locks ; which differ in nothing as to length , size , and carrying , from fusils and mousquetons , but oneiy that they had wheel-works . the extraordinary are those which the french call arquebusses guttieres : such as are those which are still used by all the arquebusiers , whose little wheel-work is provided of a double spring for facilitating and speeding the discharge ; and whose barrel being thicker than that of common carabins , can carry blank about a thousand paces , with the same proportion of powder as is necessary for a fusil ; because it is screwed and rifled : that is to say , wrought and crevassed in the inside from the muzzel to the breech , in form of a screw ; and from thence proceeds the justness of arquebusses . all carabins or arquebusses have wheel-works , as well those of great as small locks , which are bent with a spanner proportionated to the thickness of the axel-tree of the wheel ; upon which , when one intends to fire , he puts down the snaphaunce , which in stead of a flint , ought to be provided with a true mine-stone . heretofore were used arquebusses , which fired with a match , in the same manner as muskets ; but these arms are now out of use . the king commands at present that in every troop of his guards be carried eight rifled or screwed carabins , with locks like to those of fusils , mousquetons and pistols . heretofore wheel-locks , arquebusses with match locks , choques , and carabins , that bend with a spanner , were in use ; and strangers use them still . it is true , they are surer than others , but they are far more cumbersome . all sorts of arms may be charged , without any other way of measuring the powder , than by the following rule ; put the bullet into the hollow of your hand , and pour powder thereon , until it be covered and appear no more . this is the natural measure of all small fire-arms . i saw in a gentlemans house of picardy near st. quentin , an arquebusse or wind gun , that was charged with the wind , whose bullet at thirty paces distance pierced a door two inches thick . the armature of a french trooper . a , the buffe coat with elk-skin-sleeves . b , the buffe belt. c , the shable . d , the scarffe . e , the carabin-belt of buff. f , the holster pistol . g , the mousqueton or carabin . h , the boots . i , the spurs . k , the spur-leathers . of staffe-arms . sect. 1. of the pike . the pike is a weapon wherewith foot defend themselves against horse in an open field . the armature of a french trooper . the musqueton . the pistoll . the carabine . the armature of a pike man on his guard. the pike . the halfe pike . the quarter staff. the halbard . the partisan . this figure will shew the way of pikes charging to the horse . the armature of pike-man of the guards . the explication of this figure . a , the helmet , which the french call pot on head. b , the corcelet . c , the vambraces . d , the tassets or thigh pieces . e , the sword. f , the pike . all pikes now adayes are of the same length , made of strong ashe , and very streight ; about fourteen or fifteen foot long between the head and the foot. the head is four inches long , and two and a half broad at the largest place . the iron bands at the head must be long and strong , otherwayes it would be an easie matter for the horse to cut off the ends of the pikes with their shables . the french , according to diodorus , were the first that made use of the pike ; jaceunt hastas , quas ipsi lanceas appellant . and from thence the people of the chief province of france , have the name of picars ; but their pikes were more like spanish lances than grecian pikes , which were twenty four foot long between the head and foot. sect. 2. of spontons or half pikes . the spontons or half pikes , are made of the same wood as pikes are , and have heads alike ; their the pensioners halbard a the hungarian partisan . b the battle axe d partisans and halbards according to the swisse and antient custome . c pole axes e length is much the same as that of partisans , and we have the use of them from the ancients ; who carried pikes six cubits long , as arrianus testifies . hastas habebant senum cubitorum . these arms are much used amongst the venetians and the knights of malta . sect. 3. of the partisan . a partisan is an excellent weapon in a trench , in a sally , to force and defend a lodging , to mount a breach ; and in many other occasions , where the pike would be but cumbersome . the staffe of a partisan is much of the bigness of a pike , and is seven or eight foot long between the head and foot. the iron head is a foot in length , and four inches broad at the largest place ; the exercise of the partisan differs in nothing from that of the pike . sect. 4. of the halbard . the halbard is likewise a very convenient weapon , especially when men come to blows . it s staff is neither so big nor high as that of a partisan , and the head of it both narrower and shorter , but it is armed with little hooks , which serve to pull out fagots , paniers , and gabions , and to take hold of any thing , when one mounts an assault or sca-lado . sect. 5. of sythes , forkes , axes , and clubs , or maces . clubs or massues . a b the axe . c the forke . d sithes . e — quo turbine cestum sauromates , falcemque getes . stat. 11 achill . the forks are the same with the common forks , but they have little hooks . there are two sorts of clubs : the first is , as it were the staff of a partisan , at the end whereof there is a wooden ball of the bigness of an eight pound bullet ; stuck full of iron pikes a finger long . the other has a boul like to the first , hanging at the end of the staff by an iron chain , two foot and a half long ; and is used as a flail for threshing . in salleys , or in the defence of a breach , axes are likewise used , such as not long ago were used by the regiment of clerambaud , or sourches , whose heads are very broad , an● their handles or staves , longer an● stronger than those of partisans , 〈◊〉 may be seen in the figure . the turks have another kind o● club or mace of arms , which the● carry at the pommel of their saddle to make use of in a fight , like 〈◊〉 that which the poets bestow on hercules , called by the latines , militaris clava . maces are no more in use . sect. 6. of the quarter-staff with a pike a● each end . we may also reckon among weapons the staff , commonly called the piked quarter-staff , and by the french , the staff with two ends 〈◊〉 because of the pikes of iron which i● has at each end : it is made of a very strong and eaven wood , somewhat bigger and heavier than the wood of a pike , six foot and a half in length between the verrils , that keep fast the two pikes of iron stuck into the ends of the staff , which are in length four inches and a half . it is carried on the haunch like the halbard , but handled in a different manner , because a man may stand to his guard with it by turning and flourishing it , and making the half moulinets every way , and in approaches make use either of the point thereof , or in giving a down right blow therewith . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. 1. of the swords , shables , and cutlasses . the romans of old made use of short , stiff , sharp-pointed , and two-edged spanish blades . polibius says , that the roman souldiers carried their swords on the right side , and that they only made use of it for thrusting , in distinction from the gauls , who used flat-pointed two-edged swords , only to cut with ▪ proprium gallicani usus pugnare , coesim . the medes , parthians , and persians , used a kind of cutlass , which they called cinacis , and in english cimeter . cateia is a shable in form of a sickle , in great use among the germans . quintus curtius makes mention of a kind of sword , which he calls copidas , which was a little crooked like to a syth , wherewith the ancients cut to pieces wild beasts . the knife which the latines call cultrum , and the grecians machaera , was properly the sword which the priests used in their sacrifices , to cut up the victims ; as well as that other which they named cluna culum , because therewith they cut the buttocks of beasts : they had also a pretty long iron knife with an ivory haft , which they called secespita a secundo . pa-tazonium was a shable carried by the tribunes in a girdle . the poniard which the latines termed pugio a pungendo , is a little sword thirteen or fourteen inches long , which was invented in spain . pugiunculus is a diminutive poniard , which the spaniards and catalonians use still to this day . sica with the romans , was a sword hid in a staff or stick , wherewith men walk , as most of the peasants of france do at this time . lingula was a little sword made in the shape of a tongue . spatha was likewise a sword of the ancients , whereof julius capitolinus speaks , upon occasion of the emperour maximinus , fecit & spathas argenteas , fecit & aureas . hence comes the italian sword spada , and the spanish espada . sect. 2. of the pike . the hastarii or roman pikeman , had pikes for arms , which were afterward taken from them and given to the triarii , instead of the pili , which they were wont to carry . and though their pikes were not so long as those of the grecians or of souldiers now adays ; yet they defended themselves therewith against the horse and fraized their cohortes or companies with them , as we at present fraize our battaillions : quibus acies velut vallo septa inhorrebat . they carried likewise javelins , six cubits long , which were not armed with iron at the head , but had onely a point burnt and hardened in the fire , as arrianus reports . mucro autem illis ferrrea non erat , sed caput igne duratum eundem usum dabat . these pikes were called hastae purae , and were used by the strongest souldiers . the germans carried pikes , which they called trameae , with a very short and narrow head ; but so fine and commodious , that they used to fight with them at distance , and near at hand . the armature of a roman souldier of the triary . the armature of a slinger . the lance. the sling . sect. 3. of the lance. the lance was a kind of half-pike , like to that of our standards , which was invented in spain , and only used among the horses . it is not a hundred years ago , since in france we had troops of lancers . polybius saith , that these lances were useless , because being too slender , they broke to pieces by their own motion before they could do execution ; and left no more in the hand but a short truncheon , which could do no more service . sect. 4. of the javelot or dart. the ancients called every thing that may be thrown , javelot jaculum a jaciendo . the dart or pilum was the weapon which the romans gave to their velites or skirmishers ; it was in length two cubits , and a fingers breadth in thickness : the head of it was of iron , a foot long , but so thin and sharp-pointed , that being once thrown , it bowed and became crooked ; so that the enemies could not use it any more . they had likewise other javelots or darts , with three feathers at the lower end , like to the arrows and darts which the polonians and many others still use , especially the moors , who call them zogayes . aelicles was the ancientest of darts , a cubit and a half long , with a double point , which was tied to the wrist with a leather strap or cord , to pull it back with when the blow was given . aeganea , was a very light javelot or dart. ancyle , was a dart which gave the name of ancilista , to those that used it . ansatae , were darts thrown by handles . dolones , were javelots , which had their name from the greek word dolos , which signifies hurt . geum , was a javelot wholly of iron . manobarbulus , was a javelot or dart , like to the leaden piles , and the souldiers that used them were called manobarbuli . materis , was a javelot not fully so long as a lance. the pile was a kind of half pike , about five foot long . the roman pile was but three foot long , with a head barb'd , like a serpents tongue , which weighed nine ounces . romphea , was the thracian javelot . runa , was a javelot with a very large broad head. spara , was a very little dart , called so aspargendo . tragula , was a javelot or screw , with which they drew towards them the enemies buckler . triphorum , vvas a shaft three cubits long , which the french call materas , in english a quarel , and was shot out of a cross-bow . the ancients had also other javelots or darts , which they variously named according to their different figures ; as sibina , gesa , sigimnum , vrbina , vervina , verutum , and venabulum . the latter was used by hunts-men , and gesa by the gauls . sect. 5. of the sling . the romans had in their armies companies of slingers , whom they called funditores a funda , quod ex ea fundantur lapides ; because the sling served to cast stones and bullets of lead , which at that time did the same execution as our mukets do now-a-days . the sling was made of thread , larger in the middle than elsewhere , its figure was oval , and insensibly diminished ; it would cast a stone or bullet six hundred paces . the cross bow man of the antients . the quiver . bow and arrows . darts . sect. 6. of bows and arrows . the use of bows and arrows is not in all places abolished . the turks retain them still in their armies , as well as the affricans , americans , and most part of the people of asia ; but none are so skilful as the tartars , in shooting with a bow backwards and forwards . the wounds made by arrows are more dangerous and harder to be cured than those that are made by musket bullets , because their heads being barbed , it is difficult to pull them out of the body , without tearing the parts about the wound , and danger of breaking the shaft . the original of bows and arrows is uncertain , some attribute the invention of them to the candiots ; others to the scythians and persians : but there is no doubt but that the arabians have been always esteemed the most skilful in the exercise of the bow , and those who have used the greatest . the goths carried hardly any other arms but bows and arrows ; yet the romans had no bow-men in their armies , but such as came with the auxiliary forces . the quiver was a little magazine of arrows , which the archers carried on the left shoulder . sect. 7. of cross-bows . the armature of a bow man of the roman allies . the armature of a roman centurion . it would nevertheless seem ( according to appius ) that the catapulta served to shoot both darts and stones ; for he saith catapultae turribus impositae & quae spicula milterent , & quae saxa . the invention of cross-bows came from the sicilians , as diodorus reports . they made both great and little cross-bows : the great were drawn on wheels , as our canon are , and threw darts three cubits long . the little ones were carried by foot souldiers , who were called cross-bow-men , but their quarrels were not half so long as the darts of the other ; which were of such a greatness that they could throw stones six score pound weight . there were an other kind of cross-bows of a middle size , that were carried on wagons , and were called orcubalistae , and carobalistae . others there were which served to throw artificial fire , and darts called phalaricae , or fire-brands , because they were covered with sulpher , pitch , tar , and tow dipped in oyl . the scorpion was likewise a kind of hand-cross-bow , invented by the grecians , which they used in shooting of little shafts , whose heads were extreamly small and pointed . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. 1. all weapons are both offensive and defensive , because with the same one may both attack and defend ; but there are some arms which are meerly defensive ; as for instance , the head-piece , termed the cask or casket , morions , cuirasses , corcelets , gorgets , vambraces , tassets , or thigh-pieces , knee-pieces , guard-reins or rein-pieces , gantlets , and round targets or bucklers , which were used in times past , and which are still in use in many remote countries , especially among the turks and moors . the romans armed part of their cavalry cap-a-pie , in imitation of the grecians ; the french retained the same custom , and from that comes the name of gens-d'arms : that armour was onely good to resist swords , stones , pikes , arrows , and javelots or darts . the armour which is made now-a-days , is proof against musket and pistol-shot ; but none but the officers carry them on the most dangerous occasions . the head-pieces , and the fore part of cuirasses , are musket-proof , and the other parts pistol or carabine-proof ; but that such armour may prove good , it is needful they be beaten out of cold iron . head armour has different names , as cask or casket , helmet , head-piece , burgonet or spanish marron , salade , morion , cabasset , pot , hat , and steel-bonnet . of all these pieces of armour some have visieres , and are musket-proof : others are plain and onely proof against a cut or blow . the cuirass is musket-proof , and heavier than the breast-plate , the corslet which is of the same shape as the cuirass , serves to defend the noble parts . the neck is defended by the gorget , the arms by the vambraces , the shoulder-pieces , fore-arm-pieces , gossets , and gantlets ; the thighs and legs , by tassets , cuissots or thigh-pieces , greves , or shin-pieces , knee-pieces , and supeters or foot-pieces . sect. 2. of the coat of mail. the coat of mail , by the romans called hamatus thorax , was a kind of steel jacket ; made of little rings and links of mail , interwoven together , wherewith their gend'arms defended themselves against arrows , darts and swords . the light horse , in time of lovis the eleventh , made vambraces and gantlets of the same , and therewith guarded the void spaces betwixt their armour . though these jackets be now no more in publick use , yet there are some who still carry them under their shirts , especially such as are in fear of fighting duels , or of being set upon . none at this time in france are armed cap-a-pie , except the pikes of the kings regiments of guards ; but their armour is onely proof against a cut. sect. 3. of the buff-coat . though to speak properly , buff-coats be but an apparel of horsemen , yet we may reckon them among their defensive arms , seeing they may easily resist a sword , if they be made of a good skin . they are of the same use to our horse , that these hard skins , whereof they made breast-plates or stomachers , were to the roman souldiers ; of which varo makes mention . buffe-coats are made in form of a just au corps , or close bodied coat , with four skirts reaching down to the knee . there is no trooper in the french army but has his buffe-coat , since harnass has been laid aside ; and from thence comes the name of light-horse , in imitation of the ancient horse , who never carried cuirass , but fought always in light-cloaths ; as polibus saith , antiquit : us equites loricas non habebant , sed in veste succincta pugnabant . sect. 4. of casks or head-pieces . helmet . gorget curiasse . thigh peeces or tasset's . vambrasse . gantelet . the generals and principal officers , wore head-pieces guilt and set with precious stones ; the top whereof was adorned with feathers and rich plumaches , which made them conspicuous among the rest . cristaque tegit galea aurea rubra . the original of head-pieces came from the lacedemonians , and cares was the first that beautified them with plumaches . sect. 5. of cuirasses . the souldiers of the roman militia , made to themselves at first stomachers or breast-plates of unwrought leather ; according to varro de corio crudo pectoralia faciebant . they had them afterward of iron or brass ; but these half cuirasses were onely invented to hinder them from turning their backs in battel . the generals made use of corslets of guilt leather , which covered them on all sides . some wore coats of mail , loricae homatae , like to the shirts which are still in use ; others had them of iron or brass , which i cannot better compare than to the shells of fish . loricae squammeae ; for so isidorus calls them . squammea est lorica , ex laminis aereis vel fereis concatenata in modum squammarum piscis . none of all the roman infantrie , but the hastarii , the principes and triarii ; were armed with head-pieces , cuirasses and bucklers . the velites , of whom some were slingers , and others archers , were onely lightly armed , that is to say , with a buckler and helmet of leather . pelta . parma . a round buckler or ronache sheilds sect. 6. of bucklers and shields . the shields and targets which the ancients carried on the left arm to defend and parie blows , in imitation of the samnites , who invented them , were convex , two foot and a half broad , and four foot long ; some with angles , and others of an oval figure ; but were all made of willow or fig-tree strengthened with the nerves and sinews of an oxe , on which was streatched linnen cloath , and that afterward covered with a bullock or calf's hide : the top , middle , and lower part were guarded with plates of iron , to resist the cuts of shables , stones , and shafts that were darted or shot with violence . ovid in his metamorphosis tells us , that general ajax had a buckler covered with seven skins . — clipei dominus septemplicis ajax . the grecian pikes covered themselves with rondaches or round bucklers of brass , and the bow-men had onely bucklers made of osier . the moors make use of shields of the height of their bodies , which they imbellish with warious painting . the bucklers which the ancients called clipei , differed onely from the shield in that they were compleatly round , and therefore the french have given them the name of rondach . the spaniards and affricans wore bucklers of thongs of leather , interwoven together , which they called caetrae , as lucan reports . illic pugnaces commovit iberia caetras the amazonians made use of a buckler in form of a cressant , which they called pelta . ducit amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis . virgil. in the reign of numa pompilius , the romans used little narrow and long shields , which they named ancylia . heretofore , such as began the profession of war , carried only parmis , or little white bucklers , without any imbellishment ; until that by some brave action they had signalized themselves ; then were they permitted to use greater , and to adorn them with the marks of their glorious exploits ; from thence we have the custom of arms which we commonly call scutcheons or shields a scuto , because they are in reallity the shields or bucklers of gentlemen , whereon they usually carry a representation of the brave deeds of their illustrious progenitours . the whole armature of a roman souldier weighed no more than a talent . the end of the first book the second book . of powder and artificial fires . chap. 1. of powder . we have had the invention of gun-powder from china , by means of the communication that a monk named bertoldus , had with the tartars , in his travels in moscovy , about the year 1380. and therefore the portugese were never so much surprized as when upon their accosting these unknown countreys , they saw a great many ships equipped and ranked in bataillia , adorned with streamers , penons , and ropes of several colours of silk ; but their surprize augmented when they heard the guns fire : when they expected no such thing . so that it is not true that the monk was the first inventer of gun-powder ; he was no more but the publisher of a secret which he learnt from the tartars , and which he had better kept to himself , without trying an experiment of it , that cost him so dear , and which buried him in the furnace which he himself contrived . the royal prophet had reason to say , that we fall commonly into the snares which we have laid for others ; the authors of pernicious things , which tend onely to the destruction of their fellow creatures , have always miserably perished by the very same things whereof they have been the inventers . we have besides the example of that poor monk , the instance likewise of perillus the ingeneer of king phalaris , who was the first that was burnt in the brazen bull which he had made for the punishment of malefactors . arantius paterculus , was the first that was put into the burning horse which he invented , by the order of aemilius censorinus , governour of aegesta in scicily ; and engueran-de marigny , was the first man that was hanged in the gibbet of mount-faucon , which he caused to be erected at the gates of paris . history is full of such examples ; but that i may return to my subject , there is no doubt but that powder hath been a diabolical invention , the effects whereof are no less dangerous than terrible , and thunder-claps are not more to be feared . nevertheless , all that havock , all that noise , and all these overturnings , are onely caused by small grains , whereof this is the composition . the composition of gun-powder . take eight parts of salt-peter , one part of sulphur , one part and a fifth of char-cole ; pound them well together in a mortar , with a wooden pestle , sprinkle thereon excellent vinager or brandy , and then reduce the mass to a powder . chap. ii. of a mine . having spoken of powder , i thought fit next to discourse of its effects , and of the way how it is to be used for mines and artificial fires . molet's to put at the end of a torch . a fire arrow a wall of bustion with a mine . when a mine is made in a place where the earth is soft and yielding , the ground is to be supported by planks underpropt with little posts or girders , as fast as the chambers are wrought . the ancients made use of mines or subterranean wayes , but their designe was very different from ours ; they made them onely for a passage to go to the sap , or to enter towns , when our mines are intended to bow up and overturn the face of the bastion . chap. iii. of artifical fire-works . sect. 1. of the fuse . the fuses that are made for petards , bombes , hollow bullets and granado's , ought to be slow , otherwayes these pieces would do their effects before the time . this is the manner of the composition of fuses . take three parts of powder : six of sulphur , and nine of salt-peter , beat them apart into a subtile powder , then mingle them altogether with a small stick in a platter or charger , pouring thereon by degrees the oyl of peter , until all be made into a paste ; let it be dried in the shade , and the fuses charged therewith . sect. 2. of the sulphur match . the sulphur match is no more but cotton made into wieks , which are first steeped in brandy , and then in molten sulphur , and afterward dried in the shade . sect. 3. how to make the quick-match . take half a quartern of powder , a quartern of salt-peter , two ounces of brandy , half a septier or the fourth part of a french pint of vinegar , and a french pint of urine , melt all these together , and when they are dissolved , put therein cotton drawn out into gross threads : when the cotton has drank up all the warm matter , take it out whilst it is moist , and role it up into little matches or cords two , three , or four foot long , with the hand upon a table besprinkled with the dust of fine powder ; then stretch them out to dry in the shade ; and keep them in a dry place : that quick-match is very violent . sect. 4. how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets . take one part of common sulphur , melt it in an earthen pot , when it is dissolved put thereunto half a part of gross powder very dry , three fourth parts of a part of salt-peter , and half a fourth part of the powder of char-cole ; mingle all these materials together leisurely , and when they are well mingled , pour them on the floor , and this is the matter of fire-rockets . sect. 5. how to charge fire-balls . when one has a mind to charge bombes , hollow bullets , fire-pots , and all sorts of fire-balls ; let him take one part of the matter of fire-rockets , one part of salt-peter , the eight part of a part of camphire , and as much fine powdet , mingled therewith with the hand , and put all into a hollow bullet with quick match . sect. 6. how to make a fire-lance . take a piece of light wood three foot and a half or four foot long , bore it from one end to the other , and let the bore be an inch in diameter ; make the wood very smooth , both in the inside and out-side , which ought to be an inch thick in all parts : place into one of the ends a half pike , which must enter half a foot into the trunck , and be very well fastned . the trunck of the lance must be wooped round with strong pack-thread , well waxed with rosin and melted wax to defend it against water . the proportion of the mixture of the powders is twelve parts of salt-peter , six of sulphur , six of canon-powder , six of the dust of lead , two of glass beaten but indefferently small , two of quick-silver , and one of salarmoniac ; when all these materials have been beaten a-part , they are to be mingled together , and made into a paste , with the oyl of peter rather hard than soft : put afterwards hards into that composition , and incorporate them therewith , and make thereof pellets , or small balls suited to the bigness of the bore of the lance , which aro to be dried and tied up with fine wire . to charge the lance , put into the bottom of the trunck a charge of beaten powder ; without ramming it , but very little ; over that put a pellet , with a little of the composition , renew that until the wood be full , still encreasing the charges of the powder ; so that the last lay contain two charges . fire is to be set to this lance , with a quick match at the mouth . sect. 7. how to make tourteaus to shew light , or port-lights . take twelve pounds of black pitch , six pounds of suet , six pounds of linseed oyl , six pounds of colophonia , and two pounds of turpentine , in which steep arquebush match until it have drank up all the matter , and be incorporated therewith , then make it in tourteaus . sect. 8. of burning fagots . take fagots and rub them with the matter of the fire-rockets , or otherways with turpentine , or steep them if you please in melted pitch ; afterwards put fire to them , they not onely give light in the ditches , but serve likewise to burn the galleries , that the enemies may have made there . to make stuffed fagots for burning the cross works , take fagots steeped in liquid pitch , and stuff them with granadoes ; let them be lighted and thrown down from the ramparts upon the galleries , and the granadoes take fire instantly , and give such claps on all hands as suffer not any man to come near to quench the fire . sect. 9. of fire-hoops . fire-hoops are very proper for the defence of a breach , by rolling them down upon the enemies when they mount the assault . this is the way of making them , which i have learnt of a very skilful artist . take three large hoops , tie them together , furnish them with artificial fires , and with a dozen and half of common granadoes , which you are to tie to the in-side of the hoops , with good wire , that those which play first may not break off the others ; put fire to the wild-fire , just as you role down the hoop , the granadoes will take fire of themselves and do cruel execution . sect. 10. how to charge granadoes . take a pound of salt-peter , ten ounces of sulphur , six ounces of fine gun-powder ; pound them together , with two or three spoonfulls of brandy , and a little camphire ; and granadoes that are so made are excellent . sect. 11. how to make artificial fire-works , that burn under water . take tar , sulphur , camphire , colophonia , turpentine , rosin , quick-lime , lintseed oyl , of each a pound , incorporate them together with a french pint of brandy , and half a septier of aqua fortis ; put them into a barrel , to which add if you please , charged granadoes , pommels of swords , pistol-barrels , charged with powder and shot ; set fire to all at the bung-hole , with a slow fuse ; throw that engine upon what you please , you will see it burn , even under water , and no man dares approach it to quench the fire . the carcasses which have been lately invented produce the same effect . sect. 12. of provision for artificial fire-works . the arsenals and magazines of frontier places , should not onely be provided of arms and necessary instruments for the defence and attacking of towns , but likewise of all ingredients fit for the composition of fire-works , and therefore provision should be made of salt-peter , charcole , camphire , sulphur , pine rosin , oyl of peter , lintseed oyl , oyl of aspick , tar , venice turpentine , aliquitran of spain , black pitch , grecian pitch , or colophonia , spanish pitch , wax , tallow , varnish in grain , mastick , salarmoniac , common salt , quick-silver , vitriol , brandy , aqua fortis , vinegar , frankincense , dust of lead , pounded glass , of all sorts of fat and dry woods , hemp , ship-pitch , burning balls , granado's-burning or fire-hoops , lances and fire-trunks . chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . the romans , as well as we , made use of fire-works , and amongst others of those they called malleoloi , which were arrows of canes , encompassed with pitched-tow , to those they put fire , and instantly threw them against the engines of the enemies , which they quickly burnt , unless the fire was put out with dust , there being no other way to quench it ; and our fire-lances or trunks do very much resemble them both in shape and operation . they were besides accustomed to fill earthen pots with pitch , sulphur and tow , to which having set fire , they threw them with slings into besieged places : the flame of these spread on all hands and consumed every thing it met with . they made use also of torches of rosin , at the end whereof they had shard-pointed iron-heads , like to the rowels of spurs , which fastned in the engines , that the fire of the torches might the more easily consume them . infixae inhaerentesque machinis facile eas concremabant . besides the fire-works which they shot out of cross-bows , they likewise threw upon those who mounted an assault , boyling-hot oyl , pitch , melted lead , hot water , godrons or ship-pitch , lighted torches , and several other burning materials , as caesar affirms . picem re liquasque res , quibus ignis excitari potest fundabant . the third book of vvar-engines . amongst war-engines , we reckon all pieces that serve to overthrow and ruine the enemies works , and facilitate the taking of their places . it is my design to speak of every piece particularly ; yet i have thought that i should not swerve much from my subject , if i began this third book by a chapter of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . in casting of pieces of artillery , there is commonly allowed for every hundred weight of fine copper , twenty pound of metal ; by metal i understand bell-metal . in defect of this metal the finest tin is used ; and then for every hundred weight of fine copper , there must ten pound of the best tin be allowed ; or otherwayes ten pound of lattin , and eight of the finest tin ; but because the casting of pieces cannot be without some loss ; for every six pounds of metal , there is a pound allowed in over-plus . founders should have a special care of the preparing and mixing of the metals , as well as of the internal smoothness and neatness of the pieces , and therefore they ought to chuse the most proper materials , and take heed that the clay of the moulds be good , well beaten and wrought as they ought to be with flocks and hair , that the moulds and all that the piece is cast upon , be well greased with tallow , well bound and banded with iron , well baked and prepared , well placed and laid , that the tronions be so exactly set , that the piece may be almost in an equal balance , weighing as much in the chase as in the charged cilinder and breech ; so that a single man may easily either raise or let her down in her carriage . a piece must be alwayes strong at the place of the tronions , because there is the greatest stress , and the beginning of motion . a piece must be well repaired , tryed , and proved before she be mounted on her carriage ; and care must be had that there be no cracks , flaws , crevasses , nor honey-combs in her cylender or chace , which commonly happens when the metal is run too cold , when the mould is not well tempered , or when the tin is not well mingled and incorporated as it ought to be . chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . sect. 1. of a canon . there are six sizes of artillery , to wit , the canon , the culverin , the bastard , the minion , the faucon , and the fauconet . i intend to speak particularly of each piece , and to explain their size , their range , or carrying , their length and weight ; but i judged it not amiss first to give a representation of a canon , and its carriage , with an explication of theirs parts both internal and external . the coine . the linstock the rammer . the ladle . the spunge . the wheele . the explication of this figure . ab , the diameter of the bore or mouth of a canon is six inches and two lignes . cd , the thickness of the sides and metal , two inches . eg , the thickness of the metal at the breech , six inches . eb , the whole chase nine foot long , and the cylinder all of the same largeness . rs , the tronions six inches in diameter . k , the murrion or moulding of the muzzel . na , the chace of the gun five foot and a half long . nx , the chamber or charged cylinder in length four foot and a half and three lignes . l , the base ring . ex , the breech . tt , the cornish ring . ee , the re-inforce ring , distant from the mouth four foot and a half , and from the trunions half a foot .. i , the touch-hole . sect. 2. of the charge of a piece . the powder for the charge of any piece whatsoever , is a third part of the weight of the bullet , and the ladle of each piece ought to be made in such a manner , that it contain exactly the quantity of powder that is necessary for the charge . a piece that has just fired should never be charged again , untill it be first cooled with water , which does as well as vinegar , which was heretofore used , and which is at present thought fitter for sallades . sect. 3. how to level , or bring a gun to pass . every piece in a battery must have its necessary utensils , its magazine , men to traverse and serve it , and a gunner to level it , guiding his sight from the breech to the muzzel , which he causes to be raised or made lower , according as he judges convenient , by advancing or drawing back the coins that are under the breech . sect. 4. of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon . when pieces of artillery go into the field , they are always attended with wagons which carry their ammunition . wagons drawn by four horses carry each a thousand or twelve hundred weight ; one wagon carries thirty three canon bullets , there are therefore required six wagons and twenty four horses for the carriage of the ammunition that a canon may spend in a day , which is a hundred bullets , and two thousand four hundred weight of powder . a canon must likewise have its ropes and tackling , a cable fifteen fadom long , four inches and a half about , threescore ten pound in weight , and other smaller ropes and tackling which are known to all artists , and those that belong to the artillery . the utensils belonging to pieces , are the spunge , which is a long staff , the end whereof is covered with wooll , and serves to cool the guns ; an iron ladle to put the powder into the piece , the rammer to ram down the charge , and leavers or handspakes to re-place the gun into the port-holes or gaps after she hath fired . the linkstock , which is a staff of the length of a cane , the end whereof is furnished with a kind of double musket-lock ; wherein is put a match lighted at both ends . the coins or quoins , which are properly great wedges of wood , with a peg or pin that serves them for an handle to thrust them forward or pull them back , according as the gunner shall direct . the figure will represent all more intelligibly . sect. 5. of the carriage of a gun. the carriage of a canon consists of two sides , in length fourteen foot and a half , half a foot thick , and a foot and eight inches broad , the carriage in the timber towards the head , is thirteen inches broad , and at the end eighteen . the axel-tree is seven foot long , and the wheels , if they be shod , are five foot high . a a , the sides of the carriage . b b , the length of the carriage . c c , the body of the carriage . d , the axel-tree . e e , the drought-hooks . f f , the cape-squares . g g , the iron bands at the end of the carriage . h h , the ends of the axel-tree . i , the wheel of the carriage . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. 1. of the canon . the canon of france is in length about ten foot , its carriage fourteen , and being mounted on its carriage nineteen . the breadth on the axel-tree is seven foot , its metal weighs four thousand eight hundred weight , the bullet thereof is six inches in diameter , and weighs thirty three pound and a third part ; it carries blank about seven hundred common paces , three foot a pace , or three hundred and fifty fathom . the same piece may be fired an hundred times in one day . the bed of a canon ought to be fifteen foot broad , and twenty in length , for its recoiling ; for that end there is usually made a strong floor of good oaken boards , which sloaps a little towards the parapet , that the canon may not recoil too much , and that it may be the more easily again traversed into its place . sect. 2. of the culverin . the culverin is a foot longer than the canon , and being mounted on its carriage , is nineteen foot long , and on the axel-tree seven foot broad . the weight of its metal is three thousand seven hundred weight , the bullet of it is four inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs sixteen pound and a half . it s reach is three hundred and fifty fathom , and may be fired an hundred times a day . sect. 3. of the bastard canon . the bastard is nine foot long , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and on the axel-tree six foot broad ; it weighs two thousand five hundred weight ; its bullet is three inches and eight lignes in diameter , and weighs seven pound and a half : it carries about a thousand paces , and may be in one day fired an hundred and twenty five times . sect. 4. of the minion . the minion is eight foot in length , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and six foot in breadth ; the bullet is in diameter three inches and three lignes , and weighs two pounds three quarters : it carries not so far as the bastard , but may be fired in one day and hundred and fifty times . sect. 5. of the faucon . the faucon is near seven foot long , on its carriage eleven , and five and a half broad . it weighs eight hundred weight . the bullet of it is two inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs a pound and a half ; it may be fired in one day an hundred and fourscore times . sect. 6. of the fauconet . the fauconet is near five foot long , mounted on its carriage nine and a half , and four foot and a half in breadth . the metal thereof weighs seven hundred and forty weight . it s bullet is an inch and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs three quarters of a pound and a half . it carries two hundred and fifty fathom , and in one day may be fired two hundred times . fauconets are commonly planted in low places , or on the flancks of bastions , for scouring the ditches and ruining the galleries . a low place whereon are two canons planted , is commonly six fathom square . sect. 7. the effect and execution of the canon . the pieces of artillery which are most frequently used to ruin and demolish the works , are such as carry shot from thirty to forty five pound weight . a canon shot at two hundred paces , or a hundred fathom distance , may pierce between fifteen and seventeen foot into ground that is but indifferently setled , ten or twelve foot into ground long setled and well fastened ; two or three and twenty foot into sand or loose ground ; and a canon fired to purpose against a ground-work , within the distance that i have been speaking of , will ruin more than can be repaired with fifty baskets full of earth . the force of a canon shot from low to high , or from high to low , or on a level , is equal , as to the canon ; but in respect of the body which receives the shot , that which is fired from a low ground to a higher , shakes and over-turns more . sect. 8. the way of nailing up a canon . besieged make sometimes salleys out to nail up the canon , and attempt the batteries ; and whilst some throw down the parapets , others break or burn the carriages , some drive in a nail of steel which is hacked and notched , and break it in the touch-holes of the pieces , which afterward are good for nothing but to be cast again . chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. sect. 1. of stone guns . stone guns are for most part of iron , much of the shape of mortar-pieces that shoot bombes . they carry not far , and therefore are not used but in fortified places , to incommode the besiegers when they make their approaches ; the powder for the charge is regulated according to the number of stones and pieces of iron that are put into them ; and they are commonly filled up to the mouth . sect. 2. of the arquebuss a crock . the arquebuss a crock is made of iron , in form of a great musket . it may be fired three hundred times a day ; which comes to five and twenty shot an hour . the bullet of it weighs three ounces , and the charge of powder an ounce and a half . sect. 3. of mortar pieces . mortar-pieces are of iron or of cast metal , and serve to shoot bombes , they are not so long as stone-guns , and their bore is wider or narrower , according to the bigness of the bombes which they are to contain ; their carriages have no wheels , and are quite otherwayes shaped than those of a canon ; as may be seen in the figure . sect. 4. of bombes . bombes are of a late invention , and were never used in france before the year 1635 at the siege of dole . they are made all of iron , and are hollow , with two handles to carry them by ; but they are not all of the same size , nor of the same shape : some are round and others long . the first are called bombes and the other fire-pots . they are filled with fire-works and powder , and then are stopped with a bung or stopple well closed ; in the middle of which is left a hole to apply the fuse to . when bombes are to be shot , a convenient ground is chosen , not too far distant from the place which is intended to be galled ; and there , a platform is erected , which is provided with plancks of timber , on which the mortar-pieces are planted . before a bombe be put into the mortar-piece , there is thrown into the bottom of it a charge of powder proportioned to the weight of the bombe , which is laid above the bung-hole aloft . so soon as the mortar-piece is charged , the artist takes his heights and measures , that the bombe may directly fall into the place that he intends ; that is to say , he gives less or more elevation to his mortar-piece , according as he is near or distant from the place and stops it either with a coin , or with an iron pin , which he thrusts cross the carriage ; that being done , he sets fire to the fuse of the bombe , and then to the powder of the mortar-piece , which forces out the bombe and carries it up in the air : when it is come to its full reach , it falls and breaks in a thousand pieces . the shivers and pieces of it break and bruise every thing they meet with , and the fire-works that are within it , set fire in all places where it chances to fall . nothing gives greater terror to the towns-people of a besieged town , than bombes ; and the ravage that there they do is so extraordinary , and so gall men , women , and children , that they know not where to be in safety . sect. 5. of the carcass . the carcass is a warlike engine of very late invention , or rather it is a late imitation of these burning barrels , that keep fire under water ; whereof i have spoken before , in the book of powder and chapter of artificial fire or fire-works , and which takes its name from the figure , because it is made of two hoops of iron two inches broad , and two lignes thick , crossed oval ▪ wayes , and is filled with a bag of pitched canvas , stuffed with granadoes , and ends of musket barrels charged with small iron shot . carcasses are shot out of mortar-pieces , in the same manner as bombes , and the fire they make lasts above half an hour , no body daring to put it out . sect. 6. of the granadoe . there are granadoes of all sizes , but those which are used by our granadiers are all almost alike , and are commonly two inches and a half and two lignes in diameter . they are charged with powder within a finger of the hole , the rest is filled with hard pressed tow , and then the hole is stopped with a bung of wood made very close ; in the middle whereof is left a little hole or vent , through which is put a fuse or wild-fire of fine powder mingled with aqua vitae or brandy . granadoes are thrown with the hand , and must not be held long after they are fired . they are commonly used to drive enemies from trenches , in a covered way and in a lodging . the granadoes break so soon as the train is spent , and their shivers and pieces wound all they hit . sect. 7. of hollow bullets . we have at present long and hollow bullets , which are filled with powder , and put into guns as the others are ; all the difference betwixt them is , that they work a double effect ; they perform in the first place that which plain bullets might do , and besides they burst and break in the hole that they have made , either in a wall or in a ground , and blow up as much earth or as many stones as a small fourneau might ; and in this manner they are charged : when these bullets are filled with powder , their vent or opening is stopped with a bung , wherein is left a passage for a fuse ; to which afterward is put a sulpher match , by which the fire of the gun is communicated to the train of the hollow bullet at the same time that it is forced out of the piece . sect. 8. of red bullets . other bullets are likewise made use of , which the french call red bullets , because they are made red hot , before they are put into the canon . their effect is to burn what they meet with , but that succeeds not alwayes . sect. 9. of cartouches . cartouches may be called boxes of white lattin , half a foot deep , and sized to the bore of the piece , which are filled with great musket bullets , that scatter as they come out and spread abroad on all hands . canons are sometimes charged with nails , pieces of old iron , and chains with bullets fastened to their ends . canons charged with cartouches carry not so far , as when they are charged with bullets ; but they do greater havock , especially in approaches . chap. v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used . sect. 1. of petards . the petard is a kind of fire-pot , made of red copper , with a tenth part of brass , which is filled with powder , and is applied to the gates of places upon a surprise , to break them and throw them back ; as may be seen in the figure . the petard of a bridge ought to be twelve inches long , and without the breech seven inches and a half wide , and within five . the metal at the bombes . a morter peice . hollow bullet . grenade . petard . carcasse . cartouche . chaine bullets . breech ought ro be fifteen lignes thick , and six at the muzzel , without reckoning the murrion or moulding ; it hath ten inches in bore at the mouth , three handles , and the fuse joyning to the breech . the metal of it weighs from threescore to threescore and ten pound weight , and is charged with five or six pound of powder . petards of gates with cross-bars , ought to be nine inches long , five lignes thick at the muzzel , and an inch at the breech ; having seven inches in bore , six without the breech and four within ; it weighs forty pound weight , and its charge is from three to four pound of powder . the petard for gates with plain bars or palissadoes , ought to be seven inches long , at the muzzel four lignes thick , and at the breech nine ▪ the mouth four inches wide , without the breech three inches and a half , and within two ; it weighs about fifteen pound weight , and from one pound and a half to two pound of powder , is the charge of it . between the petard and bridge is put a madrier or plank of wood a foot and a half broad , two foot long , and three inches thick ; when the wood is not strong , it is covered with plates of iron laid on the one side cross-wayes , and on the other in length . petards are to be charged with the finest powder that can be had , knocked hard down into the petard , which must be stopped with a woodden trencher or woodden roler an inch thick ; which must be exactly applied , and whereon a little waxe is to be melted for stopping the chinks , and hindering the water to enter . a petard is charged within three fingers of the mouth , the rest is filled up with tow pressed very hard ; afterward a canvas cloth is put before the mouth of the petard , which is to be tied very fast with a cord about the muzzel , least the charge drop out . a flying bridg. a crow's foot or casting caltrop . a turn pike . a percullis . a battering ram. sect. 2. of the arrow and flying-bridge . petards are applied to a bridge with an arrow made in the manner following : the arrow ought to have a weight or counterpoise behind , it is mounted on two wheels three foot and a half high , and two foot and a half thick . the point of the arrow should be at least a foot wide , that it may contain the petard . the arrow is composed of three planks twenty six foot in length , each plank made up of four pieces , which are fastened together with iron rings , and are taken a sunder that they may be portable , and are joyned again with an iron pin. these three planks are made fast together by barrs an inch thick , two inches broad , and a foot distant from one another . on one of the planks is made a hollow crany to lay a train in , to give fire to the petard . the flying or roling bridge is made in the same manner as the arrow , except that it is as broad at one end as at the other , and that it is covered with planks ; as may be seen by the figure . sect. 3. the way of vsing and applying a petard . when there is a design to petard a gate ; the scituation of it is first to be viewed , and when a day is pitched upon for the execution , the petards , instruments and necessary utensils are loaded on mules ; detachments are made , and every one is ordered what to do ; all things being well disposed , they march out in good order about the evening , that by mid-night they may arrive in the neighbour-hood of the place which is intended to be surprized . the mules are unloaded half a quarter of a league from the gate , and every one takes hold of the tools whereof they are to make use . the petardier makes him that carries the madrier march first ; afterward he calls three for the petard , two to carry it , and the third to help , if need be . if the petard be fastened to the madrier , the four ease one another two and two by turns , and the two who carry not the petard , have each of them a smiths great hammer : after them the petardier commands two others to march , carrying each of them a great hatchet ; then another with a goats-foot ( or fearn ) another with a dark lanthorn , another with three or four pieces of lighted match ; and another with a turrel or good nails , and a club , so that every petard to be rightly served , requires at least ten men . when a petard is to be applied to a draw-bridge , the petardier makes the flying-bridge march first , or the arrow with seven or eight men , as well to carry as to push them . next he makes the madrier and the petard advance in the same order as i have said before ; after follow those who carry the ladders , and the floor of planks , to be thrown upon the breach which the petard may have made , who are followed by those who carry the hammers , hatchets , pinsers , and other instruments to pull out the barrs , and cut the chains . there is need rather of too many instruments , than that any one should be wanting ; and when the petardier asks any thing , he that carries it should be ready at hand to give it without making the least noise . all things being thus disposed , the petardier covers himself with a round buckler , or some planks made on purpose to secure him from musket-shot , or fire-works that may be thrown upon him ; he applies his petard , commands those that are to fall on to be in readiness , sets fire to the fuse , and with-draws whilst the petard is playing ; so soon as a breach is made , those that are commanded for the first brush , enter the place , and force all that resists them ; they who are to back them , do as much , and so successively do all who have any thing to put in execution . sect. 4. of tortoises . when a bridge joyns ill to a wall , it may be beaten down without a petard , with a brazen tortoise placed between the wall and the bridge , which by its shivers and pieces breaks it . this is the way of making it : take two shells of brass five inches deep , a foot wide , and two inches thick ; place the one upon the other , and fill them with powder , putting thereto a fuse . we may reckon among our engines of war , the herses , sarrasins , or cataracts , and the orgues , which are great pieces of hanging wood , and are let fall down thorow holes , when there is any fear of a surprise , or of the effort of a petard . turn-pikes , which are beam stuck full of sharp-pointed piles , which roles upon a pivot to stop a passage . the crow-foot , or casting caltrop , are iron pricks , made in such manner , that what way soever they be turned they have alwayes the point upwards . chap. vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . sect. 1. of machines or engines in general . we call all things engines , whereof the art and contrivance surpasses the matter , materiam superabat opus , says ovid. from thence comes the name of ingeneer . the ancients called all things that serve to attaque or defend places , warlike engines ; so does moses call them in the 20th chapter of deuteronomy , the last verse . onely those trees which thou knowest are not for meat , those shalt thou destroy and cut down , and make forts against the city that maketh war with thee , until thou subdue it . all these ancient engines were onely made of wood pieced together and made fast with iron ; which were placed upon the turrets and corners of the walls , to throw darts and stones of an extraordinary bigness : others there were onely for beating down of walls , and others for mounting an assault , and for a scalado . sect. 2. of the tortoise or testudo . the tortoise of the ancient gauls which the romans used , and called testudo , was nothing else but the crouding together of many souldiers , who covered themselves on the head and sides with a great many bucklers . the former ranks carried them higher than the following in manner of the tiles of a house ; that so whatever might be thrown upon them from the walls , might not stick , but more easily slide to the ground . homer speaks of these tortoises in this manner : scutum scuto haeret , galeae galea , atque vir viro. they made use of that invention for scaling of walls , by mounting one upon another ; as titus liviusdescribes it . testudine parti muri ad mota , cum armati spuerstantes subissent propugnatoribus , muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur . tacitus calls that engine a reiterated tortoise . super iteratum testudinem scandentes . they not only made use of these tortoises in attacking of places , but also in battels ; breaking through the legions of the enemy . all these tortoises were not in this manner composed of men and bucklers ; they had besides certain sheds of wood twenty five foot square , and covered with a shelving roof , which they called tortoises , whereof some served to cover the lodgings , others to shelter the workmen against stones and arrows from the town , and others to hang the battering-ram , and cover those who were to swing it ; these were called testudines arictariae . sect. 3. of ladders . the romans had ladders of all fashions , which were alwayes two foot higher than the walls they intended to scale . some folded , and could with little inconvenience be carried any whither ; these were called scalae compactiles . others were called reticulatae aut stupeae , because they were made with cords provided at the ends with strong hooks , to fasten them with to the walls . they had others that opened and shut in manner of zizack . and others at the end of which was a kind of a little watch-house ; whereinto they put some body to spie what was doing on the ramparts . they had besides another kind of ladder , which they termed rolling ladders ; at the end of which were bridges : and others which they called sambucae , which were carried in boats , to scale walls that were encompassed with water . sect. 4. of bulwarks . when the romans intended to attaque a place they caused bulwarks to be raised round the walls , which were in height twenty four foot , and in breadth three hundred ; upon which they built towers of vvood armed with iron on all sides ; which commanded the ramparts , and from which the besiegers threw upon the people of the town stones , darts , artificial fire , that they might thereby facilitate the approach of the battering rams and other engines for taking of places . sect. 5. of towers . the towers which were used by the romans in the attacking of places , went on vvheels , were very high , and on all sides covered with plates of iron , which rendered them more weighty , more difficult to be overthrown , and less obnoxious to the danger of fire . these towers were invented by one diades a souldier under alexander the great ; they had also other towers which carried bridges and battering rams . caesar caused to be built before marseillis towers of masons work five foot thick , and near the towers of the enemies , from whence he might incommode them , he caused moveable roofs to be made for them , from which hung skreens made of cables or other ship-ropes , behind which the workmen might under covert labour in the raising of the towers . sect. 6. of the battering ram. the original of battering rams which paulus diaconus calls , exterminatorium iustrumentum , is very ancient ; some attribute the invention of them to the greeks , and others to the carthaginians . however it be , they performed in those days what our canon and mines do at present , seing the onely use they were put to was to beat down the walls of towns which they intended to take . the battering ram was made of a large tree , like to the mast of a ship , which was in length six and twenty cubits , and five hand breadths in diameter , and within six cubits of the head was guarded with iron rings ; the head was of a knotty wood covered with iron , and represented the head of a ram with horns , and therefore the name of battering ram was given to that engine . the battering ram hung betwixt great beams of wood , by massive iron chains , and required a hundred men to swing and push it violently against the walls . repulsus magna virorum manu ; says flavius , the shape of it may be seen in the figure . sect. 7. of counter-engines . to hinder assaults and storms , the besieged made use of huge stones , wheels , wagons with four wheels filled with weighty matters , columns , cylinders , mill-stones , tuns , and artificial fire , which they threw upon the besiegers and their engines , with purpose to break them , or to reduce them to ashes . they hindered the effects of the battering rams , by opposing to them packs of wooll , or by catching hold of them with snares , or iron engines made in form of pinsers , which they called woolves , meaning that such woolves could catch the ram , because with these engines they drew the battering rams up , or broke them in the middle . the end of the third book . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war . it may perhaps seem strange , that i have comprehended in one and th● same book , and under one sole title , ensings , trumpets , and other instruments of war , considering the small analogy they have to one another . i frankly confess , that as to the form there is none at all ; but as to the use and property , i maintain there is a great deal . we call that a sign whichmarks any thing to us , signum a significatione . now ensigns have onely been so called because they signified to souldiers their camps , marches , their fields of batrel , and the places of their gathering together and rallying . are not drums and trumpets the signs of notice and advertisement ? do not the different sounds of both the one and other signifie the different commands which the souldiers are to put in execution , as to take arms , come to their colours , draw out into the field , charge , retreat , and many other things which they understand by the sound of those instruments : and therefore i thought it unnecessary to separate them from colours , standards , ensignes and guidons ; whereof i shall trea● in the following chapters . chap. i. of ensigns . the trojans were the first that made use of ensigns in their armies , that they might accustom young souldiers to know their companies , and facilitate their rallying , when they happened to be in a fight . vt tyrones assuescerent signa sequi , & in acie cognoscere ordines suos . says livie . the ancients in the beginning had no other ensigns but bundles of hay which they fastened on long poles : from whence comes the word manipule , a manipulis foeni , by the report of ovid. pertica suspensos portabat longa maniplos , vnde maniplaris nomina miles habet . but the mode of the rustick and wild ancients lasted not long , the roman custom came in place of it ; and then succeded ours which we at present carry , and which are different from the former ; both in form and matter . we give them several names according to their various shapes : to wit , colours , standards , ensigns , and guidons . the foot carry colours , which are of taffata , an ell and a half square , fastened to a half pike eight or nine foot long . every regiment has a particular colour to it self , except the crosses and the collonels colours , which are always white , because white is the colour of france , as the black eagles shew us the colour of the empire ; the red that of spain , and the orange that of holland . the horse carry ensigns , guidons , and standards . the first two are for the troops of the gens-d'arms . ensigns are above a foot and a half square , and are made of stuff embroidered with gold and silver , adorned with ciphers and devises , and fastened to a lance eight or nine foot long . guidons are longer than broad , of a stuff like to that of ensigns , divided in two points at the end , which are made a little round ; their lances are eight or nine foot long . standards are for the troops of the light horse , but a foot and a half square , and of a stuff embroidered , furnished with the arms and devises of the masters de camp of the regiments , and their lances a like to those of ensigns and guidons . the figures will more easily give you the meaning of what i say . sect. 1. of the oriflamme . the royal banner of france , to which the flames of gold , wherewith it was bespangled , have given the name of oriflamme , was properly the ensign general of the kingdom , which never came out of the church of st. denis , where it lay in custody ; but when the kings marched out to the wars : it was made of a red stuff , about two foot long , pointed and cloven , like the banderolle or penon of a ship , which was fastened to a lance , in the manner of the banners of the church . it was left off to be carried in the reign of charles the seventh ; and since that time , the oriflamme-bearer , which was one of the chief officers of the kingdom , has remained extinct . he that wrote the life of lowis the young , distinguishes the royal banner , from the banner of st. denis ; when he says , that geoffry of ranconay , one of the noblest barons of poictou , carried the kings banner , which according to custom came after that of st. denis , which was commonly called oriflamme . they who make a distinction between these two banners , call the kings oriflor , oriflour , oriflamme , karlir , and make it of azure taffeta , spangled with golden flowers de luce. it is the common opinion that it was presented to charlemain by pope leo the third , when he made him protector and defender of the church of saint peter . guidon enseigne coulours standard gonfanon or standard of the church oriflame , or the royall banner of s t. denys . sect. 2. of the gonfanon . the gonfanon is in the church , what the oriflamme was heretofore in france , and the office of great gonfanonier , is one of the most honourable charges of the ecclesiastick state. the colour of the gonfanon is red , and differs not in shape from the banners of the ancient cavalry , but that it is cloven into three ends a little rounded . most kingdoms have their ensigns or standards general in imitation of the romans , who had the banner of the consul , or of the general of the army , which they called labrum , of a purple coloured stuff , enriched with fringes of gold and precious stones . sect. 3. of the banner and penon . the difference between the banner and penon was , that the banner was square , fastened to a lance like colours and cornets ; and the penon had a long tail , which might be easily made a banner , by cutting off the tail. from these penons is derived the name of penonages , which has been given to the companies of the quarters of the city of lyons , whose captains are called captains penons . in england the penon of st. george was the chief banner of the kingdom . every lord carried his arms in his banner , or in his penon ; but none but lords banerets , were suffered to carry a banner to the wars . when a lord having for many years carried arms , had estate enough to entertain a troop of gentlemen to accompany a banner , he was allowed to raise a banner ; for that end he carried at the first battel where he was , a penon of his arms , and presented himself before the constable , or him who commanded the army for the prince ; from whom he asked leave to carry a banner ; and that being granted him , he took the heraulds at arms witnesses of it , who cut off the tail of his penon , and made a banner thereof . princes , mareshals , and barons , had their banners having their coats of arms quartered on them , carried before them by squires , to assemble their men about them in day of battel . sect. 4. of banderolles , pannonceaux , and faillions . the banderoll was a kind of little banner ; carried by knights in turnements , with which they made the sign of the cross , when they entered the lists , before they began to fight ; as oliver de la march reports in the eighteen chapter of his memoires . when the king gives holy bread , the swisses and officers that serve at these ceremonies , carry these banderolls with the kings arms quartered on them . panronceaux were little pennons , wherewith ships , the tops of towers , and the houses of gentlemen of quality , were beautified . the faillion , is a kind of standard made use of in the army , for assembling the baggage , and every regiment ought to have one of its colour , which conducts the baggage to the faillion general . s. p. q. r. the ensigne of the roman horse . the ensigne of the manipule . the ensigne of the roman legion . chap. ii. of the roman ensigns . the romans had one kind of ensigns for foot , and another for horse . every legion had its ensign general , which was the roman eagle , as we have a collonels colours in every regiment of foot , which is always of white taffeta ; besides that the manipules or companies had their particular ensigns , which were silvered pikes , at whose end was a little piece of wood laid a thwart , in form of a cross , with little globes fastened down along to the pikes , on which was the names of the emperours , as suetonius reports . artabanus transgressus euphratem aquilas & romana , caesarumque imagines adoravitsigna . the armies were reckoned by eagles ; as hirtius says . erat pompeii acies tredecem aquilis constituta . to intimate that the army of pompey was composed of thirteen legions . we have retained the same way of expressing the number of the horse , which we have in our armies ; for instance we say , the king hath detached or sent into the field , two hundred cornets , to signifie two hundred troops . the ensigns of the cavalry were of a shape different from those of the infantry . the romans named them vexilla , which to speak properly were little square sails , almost of the bigness of our standards , which were carried hanging at a pike , like to the banners of our churches . these sails were for most part of a purple stuff embroidered , whereon were set in golden letters , the names of their emperours , or of their commanders . aurea clarum not a nomen ducum vexillis praescriptum feriunt . the same is in use amongst our horse , whereof most part of the masters de camp cause their arms or devises to be put upon the standards of the troops of their regiments . the persians had eagles for ensigns , and the ancient germans carried the figures of wild beasts . chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war. the instruments of military symphony are not onely proper to give the souldiers the signal of what they are to do ; but likewise to animate them to fight after the manner of the lacedemonians . the cavalry make use of trumpets and kettle drums . the trumpet is an instrument of brass doubly crooked , which heginus says , was invented by thireime son of hercules . this definition vegetius gives of it : buccina quae in semetipso aereo circulo reflectitur . ovid in this manner describes it to us . — cava buccina sumitur illi , tortilis in latium quae turbine cresct ab imo . there is no troop of our gend'arms , nor light horse , which has not at least one trumpet , to sound to boots and saddle , to the standard , to horse , the charge , the challenge , and the retreat . kettle-drums are two brazen vessels , round at the bottom , and covered above with goat-skin , which is made to sound by beating on it with sticks . kettle-drums were more in use among the germans and spaniards , than among the french , who heretofore never carried any but when they won them from their enemies . that ancient formality is now out of date , and the king bestows them on whom he thinks fit ; especially on the troops of his houshold . drums , fifes , bagpipes and hautbois , are for foot , musketeers , dragoons , fusiliers , and horse-grandaiers . drums are made of a chesnut wood , hollow and covered at both ends with skins of parchment , which are braced with cords , and with snares underneath . these instruments serve to beat the reveilly , the general , the call , the march , the charge , the parley , the retreat , the banks or proclamations , and all the commands . the invention of them is not late ; as may be seen in the following chapter . chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans . the instruments of the roman militia , whereof they made use to signifie all the orders to the souldiers , were trumpets , horns , cornets , and hautbois , as well for horse as foot ; and the legions , cohortes and manipules , had each their several instruments . cohortium , turmarum , & legionum tubicines simul omnes canere jubet ; says salust . though drums and kettle-drums were not in use among the romans , yet other nations , and especially the indians , used them . indi tympana suo more pulsantes . curtius lib. 8. and suidas , tubis indi non utuntur , sed pro iis sunt flagella & tympana horribilem quendam bombum emittentia . the parthians made use of them also , but in all appearance ( according to the description that we have of them in suidas and plutarch ) the instruments of these people were rather kettle-drums than drums , because they were made of plam-tree wood , hollow and filled with little brazen bells , the mouth whereof was covered with a bulls-hide . isidorus defines the word ( tympanum ) in these terms : tympanum est pellis vel corium ligno ex una parte extensum . and that is the very shape and figure of our kettle-drums . he describes also another instrument which he calls symphony , which can be nothing else but our drums . symphonia , says he , vulgo appellatur lignum cavum ex utraque parte pelle extensa , quam virgulis hinc & inde musici feriunt . that instrument resembles the little tabers or drums which the turks carry before them , and which they beat on both sides with sticks . however it be , there is no doubt but that the invention of drums is as ancient as that of trumpets : i build not onely on the authority of prophane history , but on the testimony of the royal prophet , who says , let them praise his name with the flute ; let them sing praises to him with the timbrel and harp , psal . 149. praise him timbrel and flute , &c. psal . 150. a particular chapter of the arms which are at present in use , as well among the french as other nations . since gun-powder hath been invented , there is no people in europe but makes use of fire-arms , to which they have given several names , according to their different shapes , as muskets , arquebusses with match-lock , arquebusses with wheel-lock , carabines , choques , pistols with wheel-locks , holster or pocket pistols , musketons , and fusils or fire-locks ; as the ancients changed the names of their shields , pikes , swords , and darts , according to the divers alterations that happened , either in the form or matter : for instance , they called a●lides a kind of ancient dart , which they carried tied to the wrist with a long strap or thong , that thereby they might more easily draw it back when they wounded any therewith ; and they called gevum a dart that was intirely of iron : nevertheless these arms were still darts : as muskets , musketons , carabins , choques , and fusils or fire-locks , are all of them kinds of arquebusse of different lengths ; of which some fire with a match , others with a flint , and others with the wheel . arms with wheels are now no in use in use in france , the king hath not long ago taken them from the gardes du corps , and given them musketons ; and at present in the wars , are onely used the musket , fire-lock , musketon , and pistol ; as may be seen in the sequel of this chapter . the arms of the french cavalry . the kings guards du corps , the gens-d'armes , light-horse , cravats , the troops of light-horse , are armed with shables , musketons , snap-lock pistols ; and for instruments of war , have trumpets and kettle-drums . the guards du corps carry ensigns , the gens-d ' armes ensigns and guidons , and the light-horse standards . the kings musketeers , who fight sometime on foot , and sometime on horse-back ( like the dragoons of alexander called dimachae ) have for arms the half-shable , the bandeliers , the musket and pistols ; and for instruments , drums , and haut-bois , with an ensign and guidon ; and when they are on foot the officers march with the sword , the pike , and the gorget ; the ensign with the colours , and the quarter-masters with the halbard . the dragoons who fight on foot and on horseback , have for arms the sword , the fire-lock , and the bayonet ; for ensign the standard somewhat larger than that of the light horse , and for instruments of war , drums , bag-pipes , and hautbois : and when they march on foot , the officers carry the partisan , and the sergeants the halberd . none of the cavalry but the officers and the troopers of the regiment of the kings cuirassiers , now carry cuirasses . the horse-granadiers of the kings houshold , have for arms the cimeter , the battle-axe , the fire-lock , and the pouch or budget filled with granadoes ; and for instruments drums and haut-bois . the arms of the french infantry . the arms of the officers of foot , are the sword , the pike , and the gorget . the arms of the sergeants , the sword and the halberd ; and of the souldiers , the sword , the bandelier , the musket , and the pike . the instruments are drums , fifes , and haut-bois . the pikes of the kings guards carry the burgonet , corslet , vambraces , and tassets , or thigh pieces . the granadiers have for arms the sword and fire-lock , with a budget stuffed with granadoes , and a little battle-axe ; and the officers the partisan and gorget . the fusiliers have for arms the sword , the bayonet , and fusil or fire-lock , and the officers the pike and gorget . the suissers have no need of horse , because they live in a hilly countrey ; and therefore they make onely use of the sword with a great branched hilt , the bandeliers , musket , halbard , and partisan , and carry hardly any pikes , but when they serve foreign princes . their instruments of war are drums and fifes ; and their officers carry the pike and gorget . the pikes in the suisse-guards are armed with murrions , gorget , corslets , vambraces and tassets ; and the officers with the pike , gorget , cuirasse , tassets , and no more . the spanish cavalry . the spanish horse have for arms the shable , pistol , and musketon , or choque ; for ensign the standard , and for instruments , trumpets and kettle-drums . they have also some troops of lancers armed cap-a-pied , which they have retained for ostentation and to serve near the kings person . they have also troops of dragoons armed in the same manner as ours are . the spanish foot. the foot have for arms the sword , with a hilt so extreamly wide and deep , that it might very well serve for a drinking cup ; bandeliers which are none of the largest , the musket as heavy again as ours , and of a bigger size , which they cannot fire without leaning it on a rest ; and the pike longer and bigger than ours : and for instruments , drums and fifes . the officers carry no gorgets , but onely the pike , and the sergeants the halbard . the officers of the regiments of guards , mount the kings guard on horse-back , armed cap-a-pied , with a rondache or round buckler on the left arm. english forces . the english cavalry have for arms the shable , musketon , or carabin and pistol : and the infantry the musket and pike . the foot make but little use of their swords ; for when they have discharged , they fall on with the buts of their muskets . the officers carry the sword , pike , and gorget , and the serjeants the halbard and partisan . german forces . the german horse have for arms the shable , carabine , and wheel-lock pistol , with a shable hanging at the pommel of their saddles ; some of their troopers are armed with cuirasses and head-pieces . the foot carry the sword , musket , espadon , or two-handed sword , and the pike . the officers make use of swords , pikes , and gorgets , and some of partisans or half-pikes . hungarian forces . the hungarians , besides fire-arms , carry likewise shables , battle axes , partisans , half-pikes , &c. polonian troops . the polonians use fire-arms , pikes , partisans , the axes ( whereof we have spoken in the first chapter of staff-arms , the fifth sect. of the first book ) and darts or javelots . turkish cavalry . the turkish cavalry have no other arms but the damask shable , and some of them carry clubs or maces at the pommel of the saddle . they have some troops of lancers , whom they call fool-hardy ; these make use of shables , lances and bucklers : their ensigns are small guidons which they carry tied on their backs . turkish infantry . the infantry carry shables , long knives at their girdle , great muskets , bows , arrows , and darts , and their instruments are little tabors or drums ; on both sides of which they beat : haut-bois , bag-pipes , and musical cornets . persians , moors , and arabians . the persians , moors , and arabians , besides fire-arms , make use of zagayes , arrows and darts ; and most part of the people who have been lately discovered , used no other arms , but arrows , darts , and half-pikes . of the arms of the ancient french militia . infantry . the regiments of french infantry were divided into companies of arquebussiers , musketons and pikes . the companies of arquebussiers consisted of three hundred men a piece , whereof fifty were armed with the breast-plate , murrion that was proof , with sleeves of mail , the sword hanging at the girdle and halbards ; fifty were armed with swords , muskets , bandeliers , and musket rests , and two hundred were armed with swords , match-lock arquebusses , and a case , such as huntsmen carry , the charge whereof held half an ounce of powder . the captains of the arquebussiers , mounting the guard , or passing before the king or the general at a muster , carried the arquebuss , the case and murrion , with a great plume of feathers . the pikemen were armed with swords , pikes eighteen foot long , murrions , corslets , vambraces , and tassets ; and the captains were armed with compleat armor , a pike and murrion after the milanese-fashion , adorned with feathers , and caused their lackeys carry rondaches or round bucklers before them . the lieutenants and ensigns arms were the same with the arms of the captains , and the serjeants carried the cuirasse proof , with sleeves of mail , the plain murrion , and the halbards without swords . cavalry . from the reign of lowis the eleventh , to the time of henry the second , the cavalry was divided into men of arms , light horse , argolets and estradiots or albanian horsemen . the men of arms had for armature the corslet with the breast-plate , the cuirasse with tassets , the gorget of mail , supeters , whole greaves , tasses , gantlets , helmet with banners , arm-pieces , gossets , poldrons , all guarded with mail in the void spaces or intervals . their horses were barded and caparisoned , with the crannet and frontstall . for offensive arms they had , the sword by the side , the tuck at one side of the pommel of the saddle , and the battle-axe at the other , a long and great lance in hand ; a cassock which they called the souldiers coat , which was of the colour of their ensign , and guidon of the troop , and bigger than that of the light horse . the light-horse were armed with gorgets , corslet with tassets below the knee , gantlets , arm-pieces , great shoulder-pieces , head-pieces , with open visers , and the cassock of the colour of the standard . and for offensive arms , a large broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the lance in hand . the estradiots were armed in the same manner as the light-horse , and and instead of arm-pieces and gantlets , had sleeves and gloves of mail , a broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the zagaye in hand , which they called arzegaye , ten or twelve foot long , and headed with iron at the two ends . their coat over their arms was short , and instead of a cornet , they had a great banderoll hanging at the end of a lance. the argolets were armed in the same way as the estradiots , except the head ; which they covercd with a cabasset or casket , that hindered them not to take aim : their offensive arms were the sword by the side , the battle-axe at the left side of the pommel of the saddle , and at the right an arquebuss two foot and a half long , in a case of tanned leather , over their arms a short coat , like to that of the estradiots , and a long banderoll ( as they had ) to rally by . the cavalry under henry the fourth , and lowis the thirteenth . in the reigns of henry the fourth and lowis the thirteenth , the cavalry were divided into gens-d'armes , light-horse and carabins . the gens-d'armes were armed with compleat armour , and carried greaves and knee-pieces under or over the boots , the cuirasse carabin-proof before and behind ; and instead of a lance an escopette or petronel , which carried five hundred paces ; the holster pistols charged with a slugg of steel , a long and stiff tuck without an edge . their horses were armed with the frontstall and petrel . the light-horse were armed with compleat armour , a cuirass , that was proof , and the rest but slight ; they carried the pistol at the pommel of the saddle , under the bridle-hand , and on the other side the salade or head-piece . the carabins had for arms a cuirass voided and cut in the right shoulder , that they might the better present and take aim ; a gantlet reaching the elbow for the bridle-hand , a casket on head : and for defensive arms , a long sword , a long escopett or carabin , three foot and a half in length , a pistol at the pommel of the saddle , and two cartouches , after the manner of the reistres . the word ( carabin ) comes from the spanish word cara ▪ which signifies the visage or face , and the latine word binus , which signifies double ; as if one should say , men of double faces , because of their way of fighting . sometimes flying , and sometimes facing about . we have changed the carabins into souldiers that fight , both on foot and horse , whom we have called dragoons , in imitation of the dimachae of alexander the great ; which name comes from the greek word dimas , that signifies terror and fear ; because they carried dragons for their ensigns . finis . books printed for robert harford at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . 1. mare clasum , or the right dominion and owner-ship of our brittish seas , in two books , by john selden esq ; in folio . 2. a new description of the country of surinam , in 40. 3. the history of the turkish wars , in hungaria , transilvania , austria , silvesia , and other provinces of the german empire , from the first invasion of annirath the se-second , 1432 ; to which is added a short discourse of the state and goverment of the said provinces in 80. 4. the sage senator , or a discourse on the wisdom of such as are called to publick imployments for their country , prescribing a method to discharge a publick trust . in 80. 5. the history of portugal , describing the said country , with the customs aud uses among them . in 80. 6. an historical essay , endeavouring a probability that the language of the empire of china is the primitive language . in 8. and also you may there have all sorts of paper and paper books , and the best ink for records , the history of the persecutions of the protestants by the french king in the principality of orange from the year 1660 to the year 1687 with a particular account of the author's fall through the violence of the persecution / written by monsieur pineton. larmes. english. selections. 1689. chambrun, jacques pineton de, 1637-1689. 1689 approx. 215 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54909 wing p2265 estc r24057 07944543 ocm 07944543 40628 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54909) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40628) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1211:7) the history of the persecutions of the protestants by the french king in the principality of orange from the year 1660 to the year 1687 with a particular account of the author's fall through the violence of the persecution / written by monsieur pineton. larmes. english. selections. 1689. chambrun, jacques pineton de, 1637-1689. 74 p. printed for william rogers and samuel smith, london : 1689. translated and abridged from his les larmes. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -church history. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2007-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the persecutions of the protestants by the french king , in the principality of orange , from the year 1660. to the year 1687. written by monsieur pineton pastor of the church of orange , and professor of divinity , and chaplain to his highness the prince of orange . with a particular account of the author's fall through the violence of the persecution . licensed , jan. 25th 1689. rob. midgley . london : printed for william rogers at the sun over against st. dunstan's church in fleet-street ; and samuel smith at the princes arms in st. paul's church-yard mdclxxxix . the history of the persecutions , &c. the encroachments of the king of france upon the principality of orange , were the fore-runners of the persecution of the protestants there : in the year 1660 , that king making himself master of that principality , demolished those stately fortifications which were raised by prince maurice of glorious memory , as the monuments of his strength and power . for five years the state continued thus in the hands of strangers ; and god knows great were the churches troubles in that interregnum . the romanists , who till now , had kept themselves within the bounds of moderation , began now to lift up the standard of division , and establisht a fraternity , without the consent or permission of their lawful prince , and within a little time grew very powerful by the money which they drew from all parts , that so they might more easily oppress the reformed : they employ'd their money for the purchasing of converts , which was intended by those who furnisht 'em with it . these false zealots used their utmost skill to corrupt the childrens obedience they owed to their parents ; and they set up a house at avignon for the entertainment of 'em : and if they could not be won by favours , and milder courses , they served themselves with the authority of the officers , to take them by force . i may give you some taste of the beginning of our evils , by the following account : a child of nine years old , whose name was louis villeneve , was accused as guilty of some irreverence in the chappel that they made in the castle : the poor child was clapt up in a close prison , where it spent the night in continual cries and lamentations to its father and mother , for their help . the sunday following , the child was brought in open veiw , at the usual time when the protestants went to the temple ; and being tied neck and heels together , and whipt by the common hangman , which he did with tears and reluctance , being forc'd to it by the souldiers of the garison , who were about him ; and the drums beating at the four parts of the town . the edict about the relapst , was publisht at the same time in france . the governour of the castle sent four guards to bring me to the castle , thinking to fright me with this pageantry of war ; when i drew near him , he told me , the king intended this edict should extend to the principality : whereupon i answer'd him , the edict mention'd onely the king's subjects ; that he could not look upon these of the principality as such , since they lived under the edicts of another prince , and so could acknowledge any other laws but his . at this answer he flew out in a rage , and fell a 〈…〉 of me ▪ and seeing me resolved steadily to maintain it , he turn'd from me on a sudden , you shall quickly see ( says he ) who 't is you speak to . i was not concerned at his threatnings , but the more danger they carried , so much the more firm was i to my resolution : in effect , a few days after the papists , upon their fete-dieu , not contenting themselves with their allowed customs , but indeavouring to innovat● , by hanging their tapestry up , and carrying it farther then the bounds that were prescribed by the edicts of our princes : i opposed 'em so , till they were forc'd to return , notwithstanding they came backt with the authority of the governour and his garison . we now began to be forc't to continual disputes , to maintain the priviledges of our church ; 't was hardly any longer that we could find justice with the magistrates , tho' they exercised their power in the prince's name and authority ; for either through particular obligations , or through base courtship to the governour , they were not toucht by the churches calamities ; and instead of opposing this tide of oppression which broke in upon us , they suffer'd us to be run down by their compliances , or the intregues of state. before the cittadel was demolisht , the romanists carried themselves very quietly all the time of the advent , the lent , and octaves ; and the priests did not in their sermons annimate the people against the reformed , neither did they provoke us to disputes : and if it happen'd at any time that the priests spoke too freely against us , the romanists themselves used to tell 'em , that this was not the custom at orange , and that therefore they should use moderation . this gentleness held till a foreign power got ground , and then they quickly alter'd their maxims . and whereas before we saw very seldom any jesuites at orange , they were now saught after in great zeal , to supply the pulpits ; these gentlemen at their first coming ( according to their politick conduct ) gain'd upon the people , by a free conversation , and by the outward shew of promoting peace and agreement with each other . but before the advent was half over , they could no longer conceal their natural temper , and talkt of nothing but of heresie and damnation , and challeng'd all to the controversie . this task lay upon me , which for two and twenty years i discharged by god's assistance , with some advantage to his truth , and the confusion of errour . had they made use of no other weapons in their warfare , then arguments to maintain the dispute , it might then have ended with joy to me ; the contest would have been determin'd without loss , to me , or damage to my church ; nay , rather it might have reapt glory from the occasion . but the jesuites found that this would not do their work , and therefore they betook themselves to other courses , whereby they might gain those , whom they moved not by their controversie . hence their hatred against us was every day working , either by false witnesses , by lying or cheats ; and from this their design , the persecution , was modelled , that we have since seen in france , from the year 1660 ; and they seem'd to be learning the trade of cruelty against us , that they might be masters at it , when they were to exercise it upon others . it shall be sufficient for me to give you two instances , wherein they gave great trouble to our church : upon the birth of mr. le dauphin there was joy all over france , and 't was a custom among us of the principality , likewise to observe that day , which we used to do with more show and acclamations than the french themselves ; to testifie our affection to the king , at the end of november 1661 , 't was concluded upon , that bonfires should be made , and that all the prince's subjects of either religion , should rejoyce for the birth of the dauphin . the reformed seem'd most affected for the day , and readiest to perform those accustom'd solemnities ; however , the joy they exprest upon this feast , contributed to their misfortune , for many were accused of speaking ill of the king ; and the next day nothing was heard of but crimes and accusations , without mentioning the persons whom they accus'd . they were so well instructed by their malice , that i was brought in to the accusation ; and 't was whispered about , that i went to mr. armand , a merchant , and to other citizens , to perswade 'em not to encourage the rejoycings ; or at least , to vent some dis-respectful discourses , which they charg'd 'em with : upon this they immediately clapt up mr. armand in a dungeon , and in chains , and the rest made their escape by flight . i cannot here but reflect upon the furious zeal the romanists are inspired with , when they fixt an accusation upon myself , who that morning in the pulpit gave all the testimonies of my zeal for the prosperity of the king , for long life to the dauphin ; however i was not much concern'd at the report , seeing i found no man durst openly accuse me . i was not the only man in this matter ; the malice of our persecutors , who were mightily influenc'd by a woman of ill reputation , madam redonnet , gave great fears to others too of being brought into the same misfortune . they suborn'd false witnesses . mr. itier , and roussas were condemn'd to the gallies ; the latter died either through the slavery of it , or from the anguish of his mind , and mr. itier had his liberty , by the great application of the late mr. zuilychem , who was sent envoy to the french court , from the governours of the prince , to demand restitution of the principality . this excellent person did so manifestly convince mr. de brienne , councellor , and secretary of state , that as to the matters whereof we were accused , 't was all a cheat , and a malicious design ; so that both the accused ; and he that was condemn'd to the gallies , were acquitted ; which will be a lasting reflection upon the ill designs of our persecutors against us . the second instance i shall give , carried with it equal malice , but was of much worse consequence , 't was this : upon a sunday when the carmelites gave the blessing , over against the church-door , the late mr. de bedarrides , an eminent councellour , had a chamber whose windows lookt towards the church , where it happen'd a great many were , and the church was so crowded that many were forc'd to stay at the door , among whom there were several of the acquaintance of those who were in the chamber at a collation ; there being one in the room who held out a glass of wine to a friend of his , to invite him to drink , the people presently cried out , sacriledge , impiety ; and laid their accusation against those in the room : they charg'd 'em with counterfeiting the priest , and doing mockery to their mysteries , and demanded justice of the parliament : this did not satisfie 'em , but they wrote of it to the court , and had got such credit to the report , that the late mr. de besons , intendant of the province of languedock , was commanded to go to orange , to enquire into the truth of the matter , and to send an account of it . those who were the accused , were frighted at what happened , and retired from the state , nor durst ever return till by the protection of their lawful prince . mr. besons , according to his commission , came to the place ; went both to the altar of the church , and to the room where the accused were , to see if the altar and the room lookt to each other , so that persons might see each other from the chamber to the altar ; but found , when he saw the places , that neither could see each other , and that therefore that charge of imitating the priests , or mocking their ceremonies , could not be intended ; but was rather the forc'd interpretation of their malice and ill will : however , tho' mr. besons was satisfied in the matter , and was a man of good reputation , yet he seem'd not inclin'd to do the reformed any service in it ; but left 'um under an apprehension that some farther trouble would be brought upon 'um ; yet 't is probable , he represented to the court the innocence of the accused , since nothing more follow'd but the decree of the parliament of orange , which condemn'd 'em to fines and banishment . one cannot question the ill designs of these false accusers , when i shall tell you , that a year after this , making a visit to mr. besons , who was going by orange , the carmelites came to him at the same time , but not having confidence to speak of the matter while i was with him ; mr. besons coming out with me when i took my leave , stopt me of a sudden , and addressing himself to the carmelites , what do you desire fathers ? ( says he ) mr. de chambrun is innocent . the good fathers made a long speech to him , shewing him the great charge they had been at in the suit , and yet the parliament had not re-imburc'd 'em , which gave great disorder to the fraternity . mr. besons took 'em up , interrupting 'em , ye have ( says he ) taken up a cause without good grounds ; ye have not done well to these poor people : i have been at the place , and found no reason for the accusation ; if you have not wherewithal , you must sell your chalices , and be more cautious for the future . upon this the carmelites were surpriz'd at mr. besens's answer , and the more , i being there while 't was spoken . mr. besons turning to me , ( says he ) have i not treated them well ; these monks are the most troublesome of mankind . after this , upon the principality's being restored to the prince of orange , in the year 1665 , we continued in a pretty good state of quietness till the year 1672 , when the war broke out , and the king of france , by his edict , seized again the principality by reprizal , and gave it to the count d'auvergne : during the time it was in this count's hands , there were few things which malice could invent , but were practised against us . the country-men who labour'd to demolish the castle , thought good , before they went away , to set up two large crosses of wood , which had been made use of to other purposes about the magazeen , in the castle ; they placed one of the crosses upon the red bastion , looking towards the east ; and the other they placed upon the bastion du rhône , which faced the west . these gave offence , and occasion'd us much trouble . a little while after , these two crosses were pull'd down ; and they charg'd some men of considerable note with this pretended sacriledge ; but by good providence the design was found out , for 't was clearly proved upon the curé , father omagi , a man of very ill life , and ignorant , and of more than ordinary malice to the reformed ; who had suborn'd some young men , to accuse these persons of quality with it : however , this hindred not , but that this priest pusht the matter on farther ; he procur'd mr. aimard ( an advocate in the parliament ) to draw up a petition to the king , suggesting many falshoods , which were purposely designed to render us obnoxious ; and to put a stop to the collecting of money for the preachers , which was for the maintenance of the pastors , and of the professors and governours of the colledge . i had a sight of the petition ; and a friend of mine has still a copy of it , which possibly i may publish to the world , to give an instance of the character of those ecclesiasticks . but , however , the petition was not answer'd ; they had other matters in hand , and this lay by till a more favourable opportunity . this satisfied not the priest , he presented another petition to mr. le count d'auvergne , who enjoy'd the principality by reprizal , designing that st. martin's church might be restored to the papists , which my people possest by vertue of the edicts of our princes . but the count d'auvergne was wise and cautious , and would not innovate , after he had seen our princes edicts , which i sent him by his intendant . i did not so little understand how matters were carried , at orange , but that i clearly saw this priest was not the chief agent : there was mr. jean jacques d obeille abbot , and count de montfort , who was now come to fill up the bishoprick ; he so well insinuated himself into the peoples affections , by shewing himself disposed for peace , that they thought themselves happy in him , as the circumstances of the times then were ; and that there was now a bishop at orange who lov'd not strife and contention . for my own part , i was not won to the opinion by those appearances ; quickly discovering that the priest was but the bishop's instrument , to bring his mischief about ; and the event gave reputation to my conjecture : for the bishop being a person of good wit , he foresaw that the peace was like to be concluded , and therefore he would not appear against the reformed , least when his highness the prince was restored to his rights , he might repent of his acting against the edicts of the prince . in short , the peace of nimeguen being concluded , the principality was restored to its lawful soveraign , according to one of the express articles of the peace . there was upon this great joy at orange , in hopes that they might now have a calm : but the spirit of popery , that is ever wrestless , loves not the soft and still wind , which god is said to be in ; but quickly brought great difficulties upon my church . the day which was solemniz'd for the conclusion of the peace , afforded no great joy to the papists : the bishop was the first that was observed to be concern'd . the citizens of both religions went in crowds to his palace , where the musqueteers did him the honour of giving him a volley of shot : he took it ill of 'em , and lookt upon it , as if they did it to affront him . 't was there possibly , that 't was contriv'd that the two crosses should be pull'd down , and the reformed accused of it . the citizens had continued three whole days in arms , viz. sunday , munday and tuesday , and they were so wearied in their attendance , that they all fell asleep , which gave an opportunity to some to contrive mischief against 'em : for there was an hermite who had boasted , that this their joy would have no long continuance : upon tuesday or wednesday-night , he took two rogues with him to pull down the two crosses . 't is strange what veneration the papists have for crosses ; and yet that they should so prophane 'um , when 't is to do 'em service against the reformed . but there is nothing sacred or holy with them , but which they will abuse to serve their wicked designs ; prophanation , sacriledge , &c. are esteem'd nothing , if by that means they may destroy those who pass , with them for hereticks . we need not go farther for a proof then the relation before us : the bishop , who well knew what had been done , went full of rage to the two bastions where the crosses had been set up , that he might say , that he himself had seen it : and came down in great passion , promising that he would revenge it . he wrote to the court of france , heightning the crime , as if their whole religion was in danger . however 't was observ'd , that those crosses were set up by the workmen only , without the consent of publick authority ; and that they had never been blest ; so that they might well be lookt upon as things indifferent . but this hinder'd not but that it past for the highest act of sacriledge that had ever been done . there were a great many informations brought in ; and whereas the parliament might easily have made such an inquiry as to have discover'd the persons , they past it over as if they were affraid to find out the agents ; and contented themselves to put out a decree of the banishment of john poudrier ; tho' they had no manner of evidence against him : but tevenon , a papist , who had assisted the hermite , and upon whom the irons were found , which kept up the arms of the crosses , and who also fled upon the citation , him they let alone without pursuing him farther . this decree satisfied not the bishop , who never left writing to the court , till such time as mr. de rouillet sent him word , that he had received order from the court , to come with his troops to chastise 'em for their offence . a few weeks after the intendant's secretary came with order , to have the crosses put up again , and to set up another in the market-place ; and in case they refus'd to obey , that there should come a regiment of dragoons , who were in provence , to execute the the pleasure of the court. they would also have had the magistrates among the reformed , to have been present at the ceremony in their hoods and habits ; which i endeavour'd all i could to prevent ; telling 'em , that 't was better to suffer any misfortune , then basely to assist at their ceremony . but all that i could do , neither my prayers nor my tears could disswade 'em : their cowardise carried 'em from their duty ; and their fearfulness made 'em tell me , that i should be the ruine of the town . mr. de riomall , who was then at orange in quality of envoy for his highness the prince , opposed it as far as possible ; but not having power to prevent it , he went out of the town , resolving not to be present at the setting up of the crosses . they forgot nothing that might make the ceremony pompous ; they sent for musick from avignon ; all the diocess came in ; and many came in procession from far off , to solemnize this day ; the town was fill'd with the religious of all sorts ; and all the company went up to the place where once the castle stood , to see the bishop bless the cross , who was in all his pontifical robes ; they came down by the way which shooted down to my house , where the musick stood , playing for some time ; and the bishop , being near the secretary , ( says he , in rallery ) mr. chambrun will have no reason to complain , being so well treated . from thence they went to the market-place , where they set up a new cross with the same ceremonies . but all this was but as lightning that did forerun those cruel thunder claps which did break afterwards upon this principality : notwithstanding the peace of nimeguen , the king of france acted against them , as if he had been in actual war-against them ; he dismantled the city of orange , sent his dragoons into it in 1682 , who did miserably harass the poor people there . the intendant of provence caused seven or eight men to be seized there , under pretence of being relapst : they seized of the prince's natural subjects , who had all along profest the reformed religion ; they committed them to prisons that belong'd to the parliament of aix ; where , after they had endured great cruelties , and hard usage , some of 'em chang'd to obtain their liberty ; others who continued firm , were condemn'd to fines and penalties , and immediately to quit the kingdom upon pain of death . this sort of cruelty began to startle our people ; when no man could look upon himself safe , tho' in his own house ; they expected daily to find the officer at their doors ; and were not delivered of their fears , till they heard that mr. heinsius was to go in the quality of envoy extraordinary from l. h. p. to the court of france , who had very much resented the pulling down of the walls . but every one knows the success he had ; for they maintained , that they had right to do what they did : and tho' mr. heinsius proved it clearly to the marquess de croissi , that they had infring'd upon the peace of nimeguen , by pulling down the walls ; and that the principality of orange was independent upon france : yet he was forc'd to go back without reparation for the injury they had done . and tho' the roman catholicks ought to regard this pulling down of the walls , as a common evil , which they were as much concern'd in , as we of the reformed , yet they made this the subject of their joy , and began to create us more trouble then before : the priest whom we have before given a character of , brought in another fraternity of religious , which we had never before seen in orange . the prince's officers who perceived this innovation would have very ill effects , oppos'd their establishment here : but the bishop who had put the priest upon it , took his part , and wrote to the court of france , of the opposition which the prince's advocate , and proctor general , had made against the establishment of this fraternity . we know not exactly what answer this had ; but 't is very probable , they incourag'd 'em to go on ; otherwise they had never dar'd to have rais'd such a tumult as they did in june in the same year , upon the sunday after their fete-dieu : for upon that day there had like to have happen'd a terrible slaughter in orange ; this was the occasion of the tumult : this religious order went in procession about six a clock i' th' evening ; those who were the first that went out of the cathedral-church , furnisht themselves with clubs , and other sorts of weapons , which they kept under their robes , to fall upon the protestants whenever they met any . as they went they lookt on all sides to see if they could find any . but our consistory had given particular order to the people , exhorting them at the morning-exercise , to keep at their own houses , so as to give no occasion to these tumultuous people to offer any violence . our people behaved themselves very cautiously upon this occasion : but the religious , who chiefly design'd ill under pretence of religion , bethought themselves of flinging stones into the protestants houses , and upon ' em . the hermite , whom i have before spoken of , with a little crooked fellow call'd delaire , were the forward'st to commit this violence ; and tho' our people were extreamly provok'd , yet they suffer'd all with great patience : so that these tumultuous people finding no occasion to execute their wicked design , there coming some harvest-men from dauphine , who were a great way off of 'em , they quitted their order in the procession , and fell upon 'em with the greatest violence , knocking 'em down with their clubs ; they on the other side cried they were catholicks , ( as indeed they were ; ) but all this appeased 'em not ; they drag'd 'em along the streets , tore their cloaths , and had it not been for some of the more moderate of the papists , they had run them through with their swords , which they had under the robe . this tumult stopt the march of the procession . the bishop was in the church , just following the host ; he knew nothing of the occasion of the disorder , and they who were next to him , told him , the protestants had made an attempt upon the religious ; and that they were hard by , and advised him to escape , and save himself in his palace . the prelate took heels , and run cross the church in great haste to get to his house ; but as he was going , some honest gentlemen met him , and told him the truth of the matter , and so he came back again . now , whilst this ceremony was in the church , the hermite , with some few of the religious , broke off from the procession , and running about the streets , cry'd out , that the bishop was kill'd , and the host was seiz'd : and this cry those very men made , who were not above thirty yards from the bishop : so that all the papists of the town , especially those of the meaner rank , run to their houses , arming themseves with forks , or spits , or hatchets , and what came next to their hands , resolving to fall upon the reformed : and they were so transported with this alarm , that they would not hearken to any reason ; they were told that 't was a false report , and that the bishop was not dead ; but they would not give credit to it : so that had it not been for the courage and mediation of some of the gentlemen among the reformed , who went to the rabble to compose 'em , orange in a little time might have been seen without inhabitants ; for the reformed , seeing the papists betaking themselves to their arms for a massacre , they also arm'd themselves . i was in my house alone , whilst all this noise was ; and there came in a good woman to tell me , with tears , ah , monsieur , ( said she ) are you here alone ; they are devouring your flock , and you 'll be presently sacrificed to the fury of the religious . i then heard a great cry in the street ; i besought the good woman to call one of my servants ; she told me , there was none in the way . there then came in one of my neighbours , pale and languishing , who told me , that all our people were running to the place , to relieve our brethren whom they were massacring . i desired him that he would endeavour to stop 'em , and to tell 'em from me , that i would speak with 'em ; there came to me some of 'em , whom i constrain'd to go after the rest to prevent their going to the tumult . a little after they came all of 'em to me , and taking my advice , retired to their houses . mr. de bergairolles , who is now at the hague , was very active in calming some the most violent of their men : and by this means the tumult was appeas'd , and those of the seditious party , were disappointed of their design . i draw'd up a relation of all that past , and sent it to the late mr. de zuilichem , who signified to me in his answer , that god had miraculously deliver'd us ; and that he pray'd heartily we might never see such another sunday . the day after , the parliament intending to proceed against the authors of this uproar , at the request of the proctor-general , and the advocate ; the bishop did all he could to oppose it with mighty threatnings ; this gave great apprehensions to the reformed : we saw that the french court gave credit to all that the bishop wrote , and he had others that stood by him ; and that there needed nothing but the pretence of religion , to give authority to all they undertook . the parliament thought it not proper to push the information farther : but his highness the prince of orange being inform'd of this attempt , and that it had like to have cost him the lives of the best subjects he had , gave out a declaration , by the which he dissolv'd this fraternity , and charg'd the magistrates , that they should take care that they appeared not publickly . i have already spoke of the priests presenting a request , to have a stop put to the collection which was for the maintenance of the pastors , the professors and governors of the colledge , which was not answer'd . the time being now more favourable for the papists , they presented it a second time , in the year 1683. 't was now answer'd with a decree of the council , by which the treasurer was prohibited to raise that money , upon pain of disobedience , with an injunction upon mr. grignan , the lieutenant general of provence , to help forward the execution of the decree . 't was a great blow to the reformed churches of the principality , who had now no way to get subsistence for the pastors , or professors and governours of the colledge . but his highness the prince being acquainted with it , he provided for them according to his usual charity . the misfortunes which befel us came blow after blow , as the lightning is follow'd by thunder , which at last destroys all ; so that we might say , with st. john in the revelations , the second woe is past , and behold the third woe cometh quickly . in the year following we saw another decree of the council in july , and which we were advertized of in august following ; and this was the pretence of it . there was a youth , called dumas , a notary , who during the space of two years , had been much conversant in reading of the holy scripture ; he had took great pleasure in it , and from a desire which he had to be farther instructed in it , he came on nights to me to be resolved of difficulties , and to receive from me fresh instructions . at last , being perswaded and convinc'd of the truth , he came to the consistory , desiring to be received in our church , and shewed great reason , in giving us an account of the motives of his change . the sunday following he made his abjuration before the whole assembly , who were much edified by his discourse . this young man was of a family who were extreamly bygotted to the church of rome's superstitions , whose ancestors were recorded in our annals , among those who had committed that horrible massacre at orange , the second of february , in the year 71 of the last age. he reckoned in his pedigree , some of the richest , and of the chiefest quality of the roman catholick citizens of orange . this conversion of their kinsman had enraged them extreamly ; they went in a croud to the bishop , and begg'd of him with tears , to use all means imaginable to draw him off from this pretended error . the bishop could not find a more successful way then to raise us some trouble in the court of france , supposing we had received a relapsed subject of the french kings . his letter was quickly followed by a decree , which i am now going to speak of ; by which 't was prohibited for the ministers of orange , or for the elders , to receive in their temples any subject of the king of france's that was a relapse ; or to endeavour the perverting of the catholicks , to embrace heresie , upon the pains mentioned in the declarations , with an injunction to the count de grignan , to help forward the execution of the said decree . this unheard-of way of proceeding , with regard to the principality of orange , afforded me many reflections ; the title of heresie , which they had not put in any declaration or decree before , made me imagine they would no longer use any moderation ; and this regulating the affairs of religion in the principality of orange , perswaded me , that we had now nothing to hope for , but that very suddenly we should be more severely treated than the natural subjects . the year 1685 was such an epoche , that future ages shall look upon to be the most dreadful that hath happened . 't was in that year that the temples throughout france were pull'd down , and an universal dispersion of the people into all parts of the earth . we indeed saw our calamity hastning apace ; but we never thought the persecution would be so sharp , or that the dragoons would have thrown away common humanity . posterity will hardly believe i● true , and that which i write concerning my own flock , will pas● for fable , if more historians don't second me in the truth of my relation . 't was at easter in the same year , that we began to see the distress of the reformed churches in france ; those who in the neighbouring provinces had been forbid all publick exercise of their religion , came crowding to us for the sake of their devotion : we that were the ministers of orange , endeavour'd to support 'em under their calamities , and both in our sermons , and more private discourses , incourag'd them to a stedfastness and perseverance in the faith. from that time they brought children continually from all parts , to be baptiz'd of us . 't was a sight which would move compassion , to see fathers and mothers bring their infants fifteen or twenty leagues to be baptiz'd , some expiring in the journey . at whitsontide we had yet greater multitudes resorted to orange , than at easter , for then they of languedock also were forbid the exercise of their religion , together with cevennes , vivarets , dauphine , and provence . 't was at this time that we heard of the terrible persecution at guienne , and of the barbarous usage of those at montauban : till then we had heard little of it , but we had now the news of it so often confirm'd , that we could not doubt of it . storms drive not the waves with more fury , than this violent persecution threw troubles continually towards us , which at last swallow'd us up : we now saw that we were encompast on every side by the dragoons ; they were now in dauphine , as well as in languedock ; and the ill news came attested by no less than ten or twelve thousand souls who fled for refuge in the principality of orange . 't was indeed a miserable spectacle to see such numbers of poor people of all ages and conditions , where we might read calamity in their faces , and their discourses taken up with the story of those inhumane cruelties they had felt in those provinces . women ready to be delivered , put to the fatigues of travelling , widows with their little children following them ; old men afflicted by their fears of the dragoons more than by the inconveniences of old age ; we saw nothing but objects of compassion about orange , which gave us the afflicting sense of their miseries , together with a lively representation of the persecuted condition which was falling upon us . all this disposed us to receive them with a brotherly affection as became fellow-sufferers , and comforting them by those excellent discourses which our ministers suited to their condition . the retreat of these poor people to orange , drew down upon us the anger of the governours who were at montelimard : mr. de la trousse , st. ruth , and tesse cast out against us violent thretnings ; we heard daily of their discourses in their houses , and in the open streets , that they would plunder us , and pillage and burn us : and in this temper they wrote to the court , and did aggravate every thing beyond the truth ; and other stories they sent , that were down-right falshoods ; they inform'd the court , that there were sixty ministers who fled thither , and who preach'd in the open streets ; that they spoke reproachfully of the king , and that in the principality they would form a rebellion . and though these discourses had little appearances of truth in them , yet the council made an advantage of them against us , and made use of them as a pretence for their evil usage of us ; though 't is clear that these were not the reasons of their cruelty , which , as it may in part be discovered by what i have already said , so 't is too well known to the world , to need a more particular proof . upon the 11th . of october at night we were all alarm'd ; they told us , the dragoons were hard by our doors , and on a sudden there was nothing heard but out-cries about the town ; all the inhabitants , as well of one as the other religion , began to pack up ; every body was calling out for carts and horses , to remove their goods into the comtat . as much incommoded as i was by my indisposition , i desired seven or eight of our citizens to get on horse-back , and discover where abouts the dragoons were : they went with great hast , and came back and told me , that they had not found one man , so that i thought we had made a false alarm . the worst that befel us this night , was the great distress of those who took sanctuary with us ; for they were all upon the flight again , and run about where providence directed them ; some into the woods , which were filled with these poor people , and to the montagne , which is called the prince's , a frightful desart , which in a moment was turned into a well-peopled place . they all now resolved each person to go to his own habitation , or to get out of the kingdom . that which occasioned this alarm , was a letter which a gentleman wrote me from paris , by which he informed me , that i ought to look upon it as a thing certain , that it had been resolved of in council , to send the dragoons to orange , to seize of those who had fled to us for refuge , and to deal with us , as with the rest of the kingdom . whilst we were under this consternation , our parliament thought they could not do better , than to put out a decree , which should command all strangers within three days to go out of the principality : for as they made this a pretence that orange received the king's rebellious subjects ; so by this decree , we might take away all occasion of their falling upon us . before this decree came out , we perswaded those few who were left among us to retreat , lest by being found here , they might draw upon us the same misfortunes which they had felt : that to be plain with them , they could not hope for any security among us , considering what was preparing for us ; and that therefore they had better contentedly to retire , than that we should use forcible means to make them , which would be a sensible grief to us ; and that we might not be wanting in any thing that might serve us , we appointed two gentlemen to wait upon the duke de nouailles , and two more upon the governours whom i have before spoken of , who were at montelimard , to acquaint them with the decree of parliament which had been publish'd . the duke received them with great civility , telling them , he would write to court about it , and that in the mean time he could assure them they need not fear any thing , since the parliament had proceeded in that manner . but those who commanded at montelimar took another method . the marquiss de la trousse continued his furious language , and spoke of nothing to our deputies but hanging the ministers , and interdicting the whole principality . 't is certain he knew the court's mind , and 't was upon that account that he spoke such imperious and menacing language . the deputies were no sooner returned , but we understood the count de grignan was come post from court , with orders concerning orange . he came by the way of tarascon , to take with him the intendant of provence , and two companies of dragoons of the ord'nance for his guard. with this train he came to orange octob. 23. 1685. but before he made his entry , he resolv'd to shew himself a good neighbour ; for having made a halt at lieu de bedarrides , he sent the captain of his guards to pray mr. de beaufain to assure the inhabitants of orange that he was not coming to do them any injury . the captain found the whole city alarm'd , and in a terrible fright , which could not be quieted by all the speeches which mr. de beaufain took the pains to make from street to street . about three in the afternoon the count arrived there with the intendant ; they took up their quarters at the bishop's palace , and the dragoons were billited in the publick houses , where they continued without committing any disorders . after these gentlemen had conferred a while with the bishop , the count de grignan sent for the officers of the court of the revenue , of whom the president , mr. de lubieres , is the chief . he told them , he was sent thither by the king his master , to signifie that his majesty desired , that they would cause those of his subjects , who had fled into that principality , to depart thence ; that for the future , we should not receive them into our churches , nor multiply any more the exercises of our religion , as we had done at the last sacrament in september , upon which conditions we need not apprehend the least danger . to this mr. de lubieres answered , that as for entertaining the refugiees , the parliament had already provided against it by their decree , which he then presented to him ; that his majesty's subjects were already retired thence , and that if any yet remained , their number was was very inconsiderable ; that they would cause another decree to be publish'd , purporting that those who were yet left , should depart the state in three days . upon this , the intendant took occasion to tell the count , these gentlemen have acted very fairly , 't is fit we should do so too , and allow eight days time to the refugiees to retire in . to the point concerning the exercises of our religion 't was answer'd , that our church being now reduced to its former number , there would be no necessity of multiplying the use of them . this conference pass'd very amicably on both sides , with all the signs of a very good correspondence . but here i must intreat the reader to take notice , with what sincerity we proceeded with them in this affair . the count de grignan and the intendant assure us , as from the court , that if we perform what the king desired , we need not fear any danger : the prince's officers promise to do so , and perform that promise ; but alas ! how have they kept their word to us ? for there had not pass'd twenty four hours , but it was violated in a most execrable manner , and such as must needs strike all my readers with horror . however i must needs say for the count de grignan , that he acted like a man of honour ; he spoke sincerely , as being not privy to the court-intrigue , and he sufficiently express'd his dissatisfaction for being made an instrument to bring a promise , which has been so ill observed . this conference of his highness's officers with those of his most christian majesty , caused an extream joy in the reform'd inhabitants of the principality . they mutually congratulated their happiness , as thinking the assurances given them would have been made good ; and gave thanks to god , that it had pleased him ( though they were no better than their brethren ) to divert the fury of that approaching tempest . in this pleasing imagination , that they would let us be quiet , we slept securely in our beds ; it seem'd that our past inquietudes were as an easie cradle to rock us asleep : but it was soon interrupted by the sad news which was brought me at three a clock in the morning . for it happened that one of my neighbours as he was going out of the city , was stopt and turned back by a corps de gard of dragoons . he knock'd at my door , which my servants opened , and came into my chamber all pale , and in a panick fear , telling me we were all undone , that above a thousand dragoons had begirt the city , not suffering any of the inhabitants to go out ; and indeed the count de tesse having received such orders from court , had commanded the queen's regiment of dragoons , and du plessis believre's regiment of foot to repair instantly to paul trois chateaux , four leagues from orange ; these troops were no sooner come to their rendezvous , but they were commanded to march at the beginning of the night , without knowing whither they were to go . they came to the bridge of aigues an hour after midnight , and by the way meeting his highness's courrier , who was carrying letters to st. esprit , they stopt him , and took away his packet . the commander of the party caused a candle to be lighted , and unseal'd the orders which he had received from the count de tesse , and having read them , took his march to orange , and dispatch'd some companies to go and invest the towns of courtheson and jonquieres . he approached the city without being discovered , and posted his corps de gardes and sentries very near each other , before any of the city had notice of it . my neighbour , whom i before mentioned , was the first that gave the alarm ; every one started out of their beds , endeavouring to save themselves by all passages out of the city , but the souldiers were placed at so near a distance , that only some few who had most courage durst venture to get through . i leave others to imagine the cries and shrieks of the poor inhabitants ; as remote as i was from the street , their lamentations pierced my very heart ; and those torrents of tears which my poor sheep came to pour out in my chamber , put me into the condition of a dying man. at break of day the count de tesse entred the city , attended by several officers , breathing out nothing but punishments , blood , and slaughter , which augmented the consternation of those of the religion . after having marched about the streets to strike terror by his barbarous expressions , intermixed with horrid execrations , he alighted at the bishop's palace , the common rendezvous of all those who came to orange to oppress us . the companies of dragoons who were gone to invest courtheson and jonquieres , had made terrible work there . in the latter they had seiz'd a rich inhabitant , named garaignon , whom they had pinion'd , and made him march before them in that condition quite to orange . at courtheson they took mr. aunet , pastor of that church , and made him go in the head of a party of dragoons , who carried him to the count de tesse , by whom he was immediately sent to prison . my dear collegues , messieurs gondrand , chion , and petit , had attempted before day to make their escape , but being forced back by the guards , who fired at them , and mr. villet , minister of provence , who yet was so lucky to get away , they went to abscond in some of their friends houses . at three in the afternoon the count de tesse required to speak with the ministers , and for that purpose sent some officers to search for them at their houses . they brought him word , that they had found no body but me , who was not able to stir-in my bed for the extream pain of the gout and my broken thigh . this account put him into a terrible fury , whilest he was studying where it should be that my collegues had secur'd themselves . this grand converter spoke of nothing but demolishing our churches , and ruining the city , if the ministers were not produc'd . these menaces did so terrifie our people , that instead of concealing their pastors , as those of alexandria did once in the case of athanasius , they were the first to search for them , in order to their bringing them before the count de tesse , hoping thereby to appease the rage of that furious persecutor , not considering that they should thereby rather add to the weight of their persecution . but for as much as we had mutually promised to sacrifice our selves for our flocks , my blessed collegues came out of their retirements , and notwithstanding the tears of their wives and children , who begg'd of them not to expose themselves , as they were going to do , went to wait upon the count de tesse , who received them with threats of sending them to the gallows , particularly mr. petit , whom he told positively , that he should be hang'd the next day . he had scarce patience to suffer them one moment in his presence , before he sent them to prison , without being so civil as to hear them say one word in their own defence . these faithful servants of god were no sooner committed , but the count sent an officer with two dragoons to my house , one of which he posted by my bed-side , telling him , his life should answer for my appearance ; and the other at the door of my house , to hinder any from coming to me . when i saw my self under this confinement , i lifted up my heart to god in a fervent prayer , imploring the assistance of his grace to support me in this conflict , to perfect his strength in my weakness , and that he might be glorified , whether by my life or death . i can aver with a safe conscience , that though i was in such deplorable condition , i did not so much reflect upon my own sufferings as those of my dear collegues , and my poor flock . i entreated my wife , mrs. louise de chavanon , my nephews , and others of my relations , that could be near me , to give me their assistance , and not to discourage me by their tears , telling them , that in that miserable estate to which my pains and afflictions had reduced me , we ought all of us rather to arm our selves to fight together that good fight , and to defend the precious pledge of our faith , which god had put into our hands ; that as to my own particular , my trust in god was so strong , that i was firmly persuaded , that neither death , nor life , nor persecution , nor nakedness , nor the sword could ever separate me from his blessed love . that i fore-saw that i should be treated with the extreamest rigor , as well for reasons of state , as upon account of religion ; but whatever happened , i found i had courage enough to endure the utmost cruelties they could inflict upon me . but alas ! i have found by too sad experience , that the stoutest heart cannot bear up if it be not strengthened by the invincible power of grace , and that our strongest resolutions are but vain illusions , when they have no better foundation than meer confidence in our selves . when they had secur'd me and my collegues , they dismiss'd the guard which they had planted round the city , into which the dragoons made their entry as into a place conquer'd . they quarter'd one third part of them upon the romanists , and the other two thirds upon those of the religion . you may more easily conceive than i can express the outrages committed from that night forward . all that barbarity and violence could suggest to them , was employed in tormenting my poor flock . 't is true , their fury for seventeen days was not altogether so great ; and tesse gave out , that his business there was not to make us change our religion ; but yet he placed his guards at all the avenues of the city , to hinder any body from going out . — he was pleased likewise to remove the dragoon that was placed in my chamber , being informed of the sad condition i was in , and that there was no fear i should make my escape , the misfortune i lay under being a heavier chain than all the irons they could have loaded me with . — the bishop gave me to understand by a person that was sent to me , that i was obliged to him for those petty favours , and i returned him my thanks for the same . but for all that , the door of my house was guarded by sentinels that were relieved every hour ; and there were but a very few suffered to enter . — the guard that was placed in my chamber incommoded me extreamly , hindring me from discoursing freely with those persons that stood in need of comfort . but when he was removed , i had the opportunity of conferring with several that came to me a private way the dragoons knew not of . — the day after the arrival of these cruel persecutors , being the 26th . of october , came the first batallion of du plessis believre about two in the afternoon , and was followed the day after by the second . the great number of the souldiers obliged count de tesse to overcharge the inhabitants with those new guests ; who , though they had extraordinary pay , viz. the dragoons 30 , and the infantry 10 sous a day , yet for all that , they forced their landlords to give them free quarter : and happy was he that was forced only with dry blows to grant them what they demanded . no sooner was the first batallion come , but the count de tesse sent the major of the regiment , accompanied with the bishop's secretary , to me , to demand the keys of our churches . i answered him , that i was not the church-warden . this answer put him into a passion ; and he told me , he had orders to receive the keys from my own hands . i reply'd again , that i was not the church-warden ; and that it was in vain for him to expect that i should deliver him them . then he began again to use threatning language to oblige me to do what he required . but finding me , after all , firm to my resolution , he ordered some of the souldiers to go and see for the church-warden ; and they not finding him , made one of his daughters come along with them to me with the keys in her hand . the poor girle came into my chamber all in tears . the major ordered the maid to deliver the keys to me ; but i refused to receive them . he commanded me in the count de tesse's name to take them , and deliver them to him . i absolutely refused to do either the one or the other . at last , after a debate of about a quarter of an hour , he snatch'd them out of the maid's hand , and went to tell the count de tesse what he had done . the count in the mean time tarry'd at the gate of the great church , impatiently expecting the keys ; and as soon as he got them , he entred the church , accompanied by the bishop , saying , by way of derision , farewel , poor jerusalem . the first thing those honest gentlemen did in that holy place , was to tear in pieces the bibles , and the psalm-books . then they went up into the pulpit , where they uttered a thousand profane expressions . after that , they tore down his highness's arms , which were placed over the parliament-seat . and in fine , they shewed themselves so inhumane , as to do violence even to the ashes of the great christopher , count de dona , that were reposited in that sacred structure , which by his means had been built by order , and at the charge of the great prince fredrick-henry . the reader i hope will excuse me for not relating all the indignities they put in practice to profane our churches , which fills me with so great a horror , that my soul even sinks under it . it will suffice to tell him , that they ran to the poors box to take away the money , and finding but little there , they discharged there fury upon mrs. chion , my collegue's wife , whom they sent to prison . the next day they began to take away the seats , some of which they carried to the cathedral , and the rest to the chappels of the convents : then they proceeded to the pulling down the little church , called the church of st. martin . the curè did what he could to hinder it , alledging it belonged to his cure , but he could not be heard ; so it was razed down to the ground . but i must not omit to tell one thing very remarkable , of a souldier , who being of the religion , chose rather to be cudgell'd in a most cruel manner , and dragg'd along the streets , than to assist at the pulling down of it ; telling his captain , he would sooner die , than obey him in such an unjust command . this church was no sooner demolish'd , but these destroying angels set about reducing the other to a heap of stones . this was a very spacious one , and of an admirable structure ; the roof was supported by an arch carried from west , on which side stood the pulpit , to east , having on the right and left a range of three arches of free-stone , with their cornishes , which supported the galleries , to receive the rain-water falling on the roof , which was conveyed away . they spent fourteen days in pulling down this fabrick , and not being able to loosen the more solid parts of it with levers , nor any other instruments , they were necessitated to blow it up . at the same time they were at work in demolishing the church at courtheson , and the dragoons tormented the inhabitants with a thousand outrages which they committed upon those poor people , who being eat out of all , as well as those of orange , were not able to provide any longer for the subsistance of the souldiers . in the mean time my collegues were kept very close prisoners with two other ministers , messieurs rainaud , and de vignoles ; the former of which they had seized in dauphine , and the latter in the province of languedoc . very few persons were permitted to visit them ; but we sent each other little notes , to encourage us to fight the good fight , and to defend our religion , though with the hazard of our lives . but though these little opportunities of mutual correspondence gave us some little joy and consolation , we had every day some new subject of affliction . the poor people that were miserably harrass'd , and could not bear the great expence which they must lie under , of maintaining the dragoons , did most shamefully abate in their zeal . i sent as many as i possibly could to confirm them ; and gave my self no respite neither night nor day from performing the duty of my ministry , and praying with all those that came to my house . but at last , god , who intended to punish us for our hainous sins , suffered us to see those sad days , being wholly forsaken by our flocks , except only some few particular persons , who , notwithstanding all the cruelties that could be exercised upon them , continued firm to the last . november the 10th . in the morning it was publickly reported , that an express was come to the count de tesse , with orders , that he should execute the booted mission , i.e. that he should persecute us without mercy , to make us change our religion . i have by a woful experience observed , that the assembles that have been made at montaban , montpellier , nimes , usez , and all the other considerable cities , to consult what was to be done upon like occasions , have been snares , which those unhappy persons who have been drawn away , have laid for the simple , as likewise for those of better judgments , to make them also fall with the croud . this made me take all possible care that my flock might not be drawn into the same snare : 't was for that reason , that the day before i had desired mr. grenatier my kinsman , who was one of those happy persons , that , notwithstanding a thousand dangers he must meet with , and as many difficulties he was to run through in making his escape out of the kingdom , yet still preserved his religion . 't was , i say , upon an apprehension of this , that i pray'd him to go all about the city , and engage the inhabitants to decline all such assemblies , whatsoever might follow thereupon , assuring them , that contrivances of ruining them by such means would certainly be made use of ; and that all sorts of fair promises would be made them , but nothing of those promises would be afterwards observed . and though he acquitted himself in that affair with abundance of zeal and diligence , yet the success did not answer our pains , as we shall shew hereafter . tesse was at the count du suzes house , about three leagues from orange when the express arrived . he came immediately , and begun an open persecution , by removing the souldiers that were quartered upon the romanists : and all the troops were billetted only upon those of the religion . and no sooner was this new assignment of quarters made , but a thousand doleful cries were every where to be heard in the city ; the people running up and down the streets all in tears . the wife cry'd out for help to rescue her husband , whom they were either cruelly cudgelling about , or hanging up by the heels in the chimney , or tying to the bed's-feet , or threatning immediately to cut his throat . the husband implor'd the like assistance in behalf of his wife , whom threats and blows , and a thousand sorts of cruelties had made to miscarry . the children cryed out , help , help ! they are murthering my father , they are ravishing my mother , and spitting one of my brothers . — but here i must stop my pen , which is ready to drop out of my hand , and the very remembrance of their barbarities has so over-whelmed me with grief and tears , that i am not able to proceed in describing that tragical scene . from those cruelties neither sex nor age was exempt . nor was there any more regard had to persons of the greatest worth , or of the best families , than to the meanest peasants . nor had they any respect to the prince's officers , but even monsieur de lubieres , monsieur d'alencon , and monsieur de drevon were forced to receive dragoons into their houses . and it was well for my nephew , mr. convenent , who was chancellor of parliament , that he got away early that morning in a country-man's habit , that so while it was in his power , he might make his escape out of the kingdom : for i do not doubt , but that barely for his relation to me , he would have been worse used than all his collegues . the same day about four in the afternoon , the count de tesse came along with the bishop to my house ; he came into my chamber , where , having lately broke my thigh , i was constantly confin'd to my bed , having not been able to rise but only twice to have my bed made . he saluted me very civilly , and ask'd me kindly concerning the state of my health . and after he had plac'd himself at the head of the bed , and the bishop at the feet , he began to tell me , that he had a great concern for me , and that he had shewn me a particular favour above my collegues , in not throwing me into prison , as knowing that i was a gentleman , and that he had seen none else in the city , but monsieur de beaufain and my self to perswade to comply with the king's commands . and that the better to prevail with me , he had brought along with him monsieur the bishop , that if i had any scruples of conscience , he might give me satisfaction therein . i return'd him my thanks for his kindness , and said to this effect , that i had a master in heaven , whom i ought chiefly to obey ; and that as for a soveraign upon earth , i own'd none other but his highness the prince of orange ; that i was born his subject , and had the honour to be one of his domesticks ; that as for monsieur the bishop , we were well acquainted , and had been good friends , and had never had any dispute about religion , and that now , when so many swords were drawn to defend the romish religion , and to extirpate the reformed , it would be to no purpose to enter the lists with him . he was very importunate with me to enter into discourse . if , said he , you will not engage with the bishop , pray tell me , for my own satisfaction , why you abhor images so much , and what is the reason you will not come over to our communion ? sir , reply'd i , since you will have me speak my mind , i will tell you , that in order to the re-union you speak of , the prelates of france are to push the point which they contend for somewhat further . the condemning the four propositions seems to have somewhat that is good in it , or at least we make this advantage of it , that they agree with us in this particular , that the pope is not the infallible judge of controversies ; which is a point we all along eagerly contended for against the pretences of the jesuites , and the monks . after so hopeful a beginning , we expect that the gentlemen of the glergy should proceed to reform the manner of worship , as now practised in the church ; for really we cannot look upon it but as unlawful in it self . they ought therefore to do as serenus , bishop of marseilles did , who coming into his church , and seeing it curiously adorned with exquisite statues and pictures , ordered those objects of idolatry to be removed , and made every the smallest piece to be defaced . and if the pope should send his letters to reproach them for it , as gregory the great formerly did to serenus ; and that they should at least have spared the paintings , which might have served as so many instructors to the illiterate . they may answer him , as that great bishop did to gregory , that he had no need of such petty doctors to make men gross idolaters , and that he , the true pastor of his flock , was sufficient to shew them how they were to worship god. well , answered monsieur de tesse , but do you believe we adore the images ? that is not the thing we are to consider , reply'd i ; 't is enough that you give them a religious worship . your bishops should therefore follow the example of st. epiphanius , who going to jerusalem , upon his entrance into an oratory , tore a veil that had upon it the picture of a certain saint . till then , the bishop had kept silence , but then he interposed , saying , that that was the picture of a robber . then i began to smile , saying , that such an evasion would have come well enough from a jesuite , but i could not but wonder , that such an eminent prelate as he should shuffle over this action of st. epiphanius with a fiction so very ill contrived . you , sir , said i , being so very well versed in ecclesiastical history , i am surprized that you should not have taken notice of the epistle which st. epiphanius wrote to john , bishop of jerusalem , which st. jerome has translated out of greek into latin , and is his one hundred and first epistle to pammachius , where it is said expresly , that 't was the picture of christ , or else some saint , not particularly remembring whether it was the one or the other . the count de tesse would not permit us to dispute any longer upon that subject , but asked me , why we would not use confession ? no doubt , sir , said i , you understand latin , hear therefore what st. augustin saith , quid mihi cum hominibus ut peccata mea audiant tanquam morbos meos sanaturi , what have i to do to confess my sins to men , as if they were able to heal the diseases of my soul ? then he led me into a discourse about purgatory , saying , that it was highly necessary that our souls should be purged , and prepared to appear in the presence of god. i answered , that that was to be done by our saviour's blood ; and that in short , purgatory was nothing else but a meer fiction , whereof there was not so much as one word spoken in the primitive church . and , sir , said i , i will leave you to judge whether st. augustin believed a purgatory , when i have recited a few words of his ; primum locum fides catholicorum credit esse regnum coelorum , secundum gehennam ubi omnis apostata aut à fide deficiens cruciatur , tertium penitùs ignoramus , neque in scripturis esse invenimus . the word penitùs , added i , is very emphatical , and does so expresly exclude purgatory , that if you consider it well , you will not believe any such place . when the count saw me so resolute to maintain the truth , he chang'd his way of assaulting me ; he told me , the king his master made it a point of honour to make me a catholick ; and therefore i ought to consider with my self , and to accept those terms he was going to offer me . you have nothing to do , said he , but only to draw up in writing whatsoever you desire , and i have commission to grant it you . here is monsieur the bishop , who knows , and is ready to attest it . i answer'd him , that i knew very well that so great a prince , as the king his master , would not have any such concern for so inconsiderable a minister as i was . that as for the rest , i had no need of any thing ; and that all the favour i desired of him , was , that he would please to grant me a pass , as he had given to the ministers of france , that i might retire to my great master in holland . he immediately broke out into high elogiums upon the prince , saying , that he had a particular veneration for his extraordinary merits , that he highly admired him as a great hero , and that he had upon several occasions seen him behave himself both as a brave souldier , and a great general . if , sir , said i , you have such a veneration for that great prince , i beseech you have compassion upon his servant , and grant me a pass , that i may repair to him , which would be a great comfort to me in my present afflicted condition . that , reply'd he , is not in my power ; i have told you already , that the king makes it a point of honour to convert you . it is very well known that you are a dangerous person , and too much devoted to the prince ; you will never be suffered to go to him . how , said i , must my fidelity to my great master be charged upon me as a crime , to detain me contrary to all right ? it is to no purpose to argue , reply'd he in a rage ; you must obey the king , otherwise i shall proceed to execute my order against you . you dare not do it , said i. how , sir , said he , ( approaching my bed with a countenance flaming with rage ) dare not do it ? yes , sir , said i , i say again , you dare not execute your orders upon me . and then uncovering my self , i let him see my wretched body , saying , consider , sir , this carkass ; your compassion and generosity will not let you execute any cruelty upon it . adieu , sir , said he , you are too rhetorical for me . i bid you a third time consider of it , and obey the king , or else it will be worse for you . i told him , that i had considered every thing that i ought to consider ; i see that pity is a vertue that is not in fashion now adays . i shall with satisfaction see my self dragged along the streets of orange . the bishop tarried a little time after in my chamber ; he desired me not to suffer my self to be tormented , adding , that he bore a part in my misfortune ; and leaning himself down upon me , he embraced me with tears , which i believed came from his very heart . from my house these gentlemen went to the prisons : the count had given orders that my collegues should be kept apart , and that they should be put into deep dungeons . he visited them one after another , perswading them to turn : yet notwithstanding all the threats that the count could use , they remained firm and undaunted ; and by the piety of their discourses they sent away the count and the bishop very much ashamed , that they had succeeded no better in their undertaking . this example of constancy , which both my collegues and i had given those under our care , should have confirmed them in a resolution of suffering any thing , rather than quit the pure profession of the gospel . several persons that were in my closet , heard all that past between the count , the bishop , and my self ; and my discourse with them was related all the town over , as were likewise those of my collegues . but we had the misfortune to see that they proved not so effectual as we desired . the sense of what they already suffered , and the apprehension of what they were further to expect , prevailed with the people to assemble . god forgive those that occasioned that assembly , and who voted so wickedly therein . 't is true indeed , before any thing was concluded , a counsellor of parliament and an advocate were dispatched to count de tesse , to remonstrate the injustice of forcing his highness's subjects to change their religion ; and to pray him to grant pass-ports to as many as had a mind to leave their country . but they got no other answer than a positive denyal , and severe menaces . which when they had reported to the assembly , they resolved upon a change of their religion upon terms agreed to by the bishop , and comprised in these following articles . that they should not be obliged to pray to saints . that they should not be required to kneel-before images . and that the sacrament should be given to them in both kinds . together with some more sweeting concessions , which i do not particularly remember . thus these poor unhappy creatures suffered themselves in the agony of their minds to be trepann'd by those fair promises , not considering that whether they would or no , they should shortly be brought to kneel before an image , and in every particular to conform themselves to the romish way of worship . all this while i understood nothing of this assembly . there were some devout persons with me , who were come to pray with my family . i read to them the lamentations of jeremiah ; and as we were joyntly bewailing the ruin of our church , we were interrupted in that holy exercise by some that came to acquaint me with what had pass'd . upon these sad tydings we redoubled our sighs and our tears . i made a prayer for the assistance and protection of heaven in that extremity : for i was ready to expire with grief , as plainly fore-seeing that that assembly could produce nothing but the apostacy of my flock . i sent every where to get my elders together ; but the business was already concluded , and all my arguments to no purpose . no sooner was that unhappy re-union signed , but orders were given to the dragoons to live peaceably in the houses of the pretended converts : but as for those that remained stedfast , they were grievously harrass'd by the souldiers . and now came my turn to bear the fury of these merciless persecutors . the count de tesse had threatned to treat me with severity , and he was in that particular as good as his word : for without being touched with any sense of that sad condition he saw me in , within two hours he sent to my house 42 dragoons , and 4 drummers , who beat night and day about my chamber , to put me past sleeping , and , if possible , to make me submit . these new guests crouded into my chamber to demand monies of me , having one towel tyed about their heads instead of a cap , and another about their arms , to wipe their hands with . — to have given them every thing they asked for , you must have gone to all the cooks-shops in the city . for if when they had gorg'd themselves with the most delicious fowl , that did no longer please their palat , they would call for such rarities , as only the indies can furnish , and all this only for a pretence , that they might abuse my servants , and good neighbours , that were come to wait upon them , thinking thereby to mollifie their extravagant fury . in a few hours my house was turn'd topsy-turvy : all the provisions i had would not serve for one meal , they broke open the doors to search for whatever they found lock'd , and made havock of all they lay'd hands upon . my wife endeavour'd to oppose it with an undaunted courage , but her greatest care was how to preserve me , being afraid every time she came to me , lest the dragoons should do me some mischief . she suffered from them all imaginable insolencies , threatnings , and opprobious names , as whore , jade , and a thousand other filthy expressions , which these wicked wretches belch'd out every moment . the fear i was in lest they should grow more abusive , made me conjure her to retire to her father , mr. chavanon's house . she refused a long time to comply with me , but at length being overcome by my tears , she yielded to my request . no sooner was night come , but the dragoons lighted up candles all over my house . in my court-yard , and all my chambers you might have seen as at noon-day ; and the ordinary employment of those ruffians all night was , to eat , drink , and smoak . this would have been tolerable if they had not come into my chamber to intoxicate and choak me with the fumes of their tobacco , and the drummers would but have ceas'd their horrid din , and have let me taken some rest . but these inhumane monsters were not contented to disturb me in that manner , but added to it most hideous yellings : and if by good chance the fumes of their wine laid any of them asleep , the officer that commanded them , who , they said , was nearly related to the marquess de louvois , soon wak'd them with the discipline of his cane , that they might torment me afresh . what could i do in the midst of that hell upon earth , but only lift up my soul to god to beg his gracious assistance ? that was my only employment , which i accompany'd with my sighs and tears . these torments had so deprav'd the constitution of my body , that i was not able to take any nourishment . i received no consolation from any body but my wife , who came from time to time from her father's house to comfort me in my misery . the doors were shut against every body but two roman catholicks , who being touched with compassion at my cruel usage , hazarded themselves , to come and lend me their help . some of my flock , who had yielded under the persecution , found means , i know not how , to slip into my house : they came into my chamber , and throwing themselves upon the ground at my bed-side , conjur'd me to pray to god for them , that their iniquity might not be laid to their charge . it will not , said i , bursting into tears , my dear children , if you recover again by a speedy repentance ; for there is mercy with god , that he may be feared . having got over this ill night , the count de tesse sent an officer to ask me , whether i would obey the king. i answer'd him , that i would obey god. upon this , the officer went hastily out of my chamber , and order was given to quarter the whole regiment upon me , and to torment me with greater violence . all this day and the night following the disturbance was intolerable . the drums beat in my chamber , the dragoons smoak'd their tobacco in my face , and what through this infernal smoak , want of food and sleep , and the pains i suffer'd , my mind was confounded . and yet in the midst of all these torments , i sensibly felt the grace of god sustaining me . i was once more summon'd by the same officer to obey the king. i answer'd , that god was my king , and that i should soon appear before him to give an account of my actions ; and that they would do much better to dispatch me , than to make me languish under so many inhumanities . all this did not in the least soften their barbarous hearts , but made them a great deal worse ; so that being thus oppress'd with such a load of persecutions , on tuesday , the 13th . of november , i fell into a trance , in which i remain'd four hours compleat , with small appearance of life . the noise of this soon spread ever all the city ; the people run in crouds to my house , and several ladies forced their way through the dragoons , to give me assistance in this extremity : and 't was even reported , that i was dead . my flock prais'd god for my deliverance , and for taking me away in the midst of my troubles , out of the hands of my enemies . the dragoons came into my room , and strangely insulted over me ; one brought a another a pullet , and the rest brought joynts of mutton , &c. and mocking , said , we must rub his teeth with these , and he 'll come to himself . the noise of my death was quickly carried to the count de tesse . upon which he immediately commanded the dragoons from my house , fearing without doubt , the anger of the court ( who , it seems , is not willing that any should be kill'd ) for having let me dye in the midst of so many torments . and to save himself , he caused to be publish'd by his emissaries , that i was poison'd . there was left only four dragoons to guard me ; and in the evening i was no sooner come out of this trance , but this count sent the officer who had the command of my house , to tell me , that i must get me ready to be carried the next day to pierre-cise . with my weak trembling voice i told him , that i was even that moment ready to go wheresoever they would carry me . i omit to speak of the sorrow of my wife and all my kindred , and will only say , i pass'd over that night with strange perplexity of mind . the prison did not fright me , but i mistrusted the strength of my body ; i could not imagine that it would hold out so long a journey . they try'd to put on my cloaths , but my pains were so great , i could never endure them . in this great conflict between the flesh and the spirit , i commended my self into the hands of god , and sang the 11th . verse of the 40 psalm , that i , o lord , should do thy mind , &c. whilest i was in this combat , my wife went and threw her self at the feet of the count de tesse , and with a torrent of tears , which would have softned the most savage of mankind , conjur'd him to let me be carried to my country-house , and she would pay the guards that should be sent to secure me ; or if not this , that he would please to put me in prison with my brethren and collegues . but this hard and inhumane heart , with scorn deny'd her request , telling her , that i was called the pope of the huguenots , but that now my pontifical reign was expir'd ; and that it was to have been wish'd , that long ago i had been banish'd orange , from whence i did nothing but sow my heresies in all the provinces of the kingdom . the bishop and several others , who in my prosperity seem'd my friends , were present , but not one of them would speak a word in my favour . this shews the spirit of popery , which idolizes prosperity , but has not common pity for the miserable . the next morning the count de tesse sent me word , that i must be going . he had before-hand caused to be made a horse-litter , it being impossible to carry me any other way . they took me out of bed with the looks of a dying man ; my friends about me had much ado to get on my cloaths , and i endur'd a great deal while they were dressing me , and six men were forced to carry me into the horse-litter , which was ready for me in the outer court , some at my head , others at the middle of my body , and the rest at my feet . in my chamber , and at the bottom of the stairs i saw several of my friends , who spoke to me only by their sighs and their tears . when they had put me in the litter , they had much ado to find a posture in which i might be tolerably easie from my pains . the court where i stood was crouded with people , who melted into tears , and tore their hair from their heads . on one side of me i beheld two of my neighbours , who for a long time had been at great difference ; to whom i thus address'd my self . my dear children , why do you weep ? pour forth tears upon your selves , and your sins , which have pull'd down the wrath of god on you . if you love me , and are sorry for me , give me the comfort to see you embrace each other , and let your peace and agreement be the last fruit of my ministry among you . i had no sooner spoke these words , but they fell upon the ground , embracing each other , and with their faces in the dust begg'd pardon of one another . on the other side , i saw some ladies with their hair about their ears , gentlemen , citizens , and country people , who kissing my hand , begg'd my blessing . i gave it them with as much zeal , and as great elevation of soul as i ever did in my life . my wife , whom the count had refused the favour to follow me , was now with me , and hanging about my neck , melted into tears . she exhorted me in very pathetical terms , to patience and perseverance . i was in pain how to leave these good people ; but the dragoons which were commanded to guard me , made them withdraw , to make room for the horse-litter to march . i was hardly got without the court-gate of my house , but i beheld a multitude of people , which fill'd four streets and another place adjoyning to them . at the same time that these disconsolate persons saw me , they began to cry out , misericorde , misericorde , misericorde . there were among them even some roman catholicks which shed tears with my people . there was so great a croud , that one trod upon another to ask my blessing . some of them cry'd , adieu , my dear friend : others , adieu , my dear pastor ; and all together lifting their hands and eyes up to heaven , wish'd me a thousand good things . this sad sight , and these sorrowful voices even rent my heart , and i swoonded away in my litter , and was forced to take cordial waters to restore me . i was no sooner come to my self , but i conjur'd those nearest about me , to let me go in peace : but they again began to take me by the hands , the feet , and the arms , as if they would have kept me for ever . the dragoons themselves were so sensibly touch'd with this spectacle , that they were observ'd to change colour , and were not able to speak a word to these poor afflicted people . there was a person of worth in that country , who having enquir'd into all the particulars of this days action , said to one of my friends , who afterwards gave me an account of it , that he did not believe there were so many tears shed in rome , at liberius his going from thence ; nor at alexandria , when athanasius was banish'd , as was that day shed at orange . at last , having been often stopt in the street , i got out of the city by that gate which is nearest my house , where again i found more people weeping , than i had met with in the city . and here again we were forced to stop , to give them my blessing , which they begg'd with great earnestness . and on this manner i pass'd by three gates of the city , all the way accompanied with a continual croud of people . i was stopt again in the suburbs of the angel , where a dragoon gave a box on the ear to a poor woman , who was a roman catholick , only because she bewail'd my misfortune . the care i always took to do service to all persons of either religion , had gain'd me their hearts and affections , so that i did not much wonder to find a great many honest minds touch'd with my sufferings . i am perswaded some charitable person had inform'd the count de tesse of the sad condition i was in ; and that it was to be fear'd i might die before i arriv'd at pierre-cise . and upon this consideration it was doubtless , that he countermanded the orders he had given . an officer comes to him that commanded the party that guarded me , and bids him conduct me to a place call'd saint esprit , and put me into the hands of the chevalier de montanegues , who commanded there , and to whom the count de tesse writ . immediately upon this new order they march'd with me : abundance of my poor flock still continually follow'd me , the sight of them did but renew my sorrow , for which reason i beg'd them to let me go in peace , since i was in the hands of god , to whose mercy i recommended them . this multitude accompanied me near half a league ; but having got clear from them , i began to turn my thoughts upon my self : i lift up my heart to god in singing the 143 psalm , lord hear my prayer , &c. i recited not one verse without making holy reflections for strengthening me in this great tryal . after this , i sang the 69 psalm , save me , o god , &c. but i was interrupted in this holy employment by the violent pains of my broken thigh . the shaking of the litter , and the slips and false steps of the mules did so loosen my bones , that i fancied i heard them crack ; and very often my nephew , john convenent , and two footmen , which the count de tesse permitted me to take along with me , were forced to give me cordial waters to revive my spirits , and support my drooping heart . as i pass'd by mornas , a village of that countat , the inhabitants flock'd out to see me , and void of all pity , reviled me , and told me , i deserv'd to be thrown into the rhosne . a change in ones condition , makes a change in peoples behaviour ; heretofore when i us'd to pass this way , i met with all honour and civility . one of the guard of the vice-legat of avignon , to whom i had done some small kindness , being posted here to hinder any of the people of orange to pass , as his comrades were posted in other places , he advanced towards me , and dispers'd this mutinous company . he express'd a great trouble for my misfortune , and wish'd it had been in his power to make me happy . i thank'd him for his civility , and pursu'd my way to saint esprit , where at the foot of the bridge i met the chevalier de montanegues , who expected me . he came up to my litter , and whispering me in the ear , express'd a mighty grief at the hard usage i had met with , but assured me , that i might confidently expect from him whatever he was capable of . my wife had the honour to belong to this honest gentleman ; this , together with some little service i had done the marquess his brother , prevail'd with him not to put me in the castle , and he gave this reason to the court for not doing it , that the stairs were so inconvenient , that it was impossible to carry me up . they lodg'd me in the house of mr. robin , famous for his great wit , for the ingenious verses he hath publish'd , and for the honour he hath merited to be one of the most considerable members of the university of arles . mrs. robin his lady , in the absence of her husband , treated me with all the kindness i could desire , for which i shall pay an eternal acknowledgment . i was so disordered at my arrival with the toil of five hours being upon the road between orange and saint esprit , that i knew not where i was . they had much trouble to take me out of the horse-litter , and i endur'd incredible pain in their carrying me into the chamber which was to be my prison , and where for the space of twenty days i kept my bed , without being able to rise to have it made . i spent the first night in dictating to my nephew , john convenent , several letters for holland and paris , in which i gave an account of my sad adventures . as i passionately desir'd to get a pass-port , so i writ an importunate letter to the baron de spanheim , envoy extraordinary from his electoral highness of brandenburgh , in which i begg'd him to omit nothing to obtain it . i believ'd it would contribute to the success of my design , if i accompanied my letter with a short petition to the king , and which the said baron might please to present in my name . here 's the petition in the same terms i conceiv'd it . to the most christian king . sir , noble james pineton de chambrun , born and ▪ bred in the city of orange , heretofore minister in the same city , with the most humble duty represents to your majesty , that for these eleven years he hath been depriv'd of the use of his body by the pain of the gout , by reason of which he is continually confin'd either to his bed , or a chair , and from whence he cannot stir but by the help of his servants . besides this , he is actually tormented with the stone ; and to compleat his misery , he has one of his thighs broken , by a fall he had out of the arms of his servants . it was , sir , in this sad condition he was taken from his house , by order of the count de tesse , and carried by dragoons to your city of saint esprit , without being able to prevail with the said count to suffer his wife to follow him , and to assist him in his great necessities . for these reasons , he prostrates himself at the feet of your majesty's goodness , clemency , and mercy , humbly beseeching your majesty to give order , that he may have a pass-port dispatch'd to him , for himself and wife to go into holland , &c. accordingly i received an answer from mr. spanheim , by which he let me know , that he had sent away with all expedition my petition to the marquess de croissy , and that he writ a letter along with it , of which he sent me the copy , as also of the marquess his answer . and here truly i cannot forbear saying , that the most ardent charity , and most hearty friendship dictated mr. spanheim's letter . the reasons he urged for my gaining what i desired , were unanswerable , so the commendation which it pleas'd him to give of me , was a certain sign of his dear kindness , but not the right means , to make me obtain a pass-port . on these occasions , the more ones vertue is prais'd , the more it 's oppress'd : so that what at another time would have procur'd me favourable regards , was now partly the cause of a more severe persecution . in the answer which the marquess de croissy sent mr. spanheim , he told him , he had presented my petition to the king , and that on the tuesday following he should have a positive answer to it . now mind , i beseech ye , the intrigues of this world : the marquess de croissy's answer was dated the 27th . of november , and three days before that , which was the 24th . of the same month , the marquess de louvois had given order to the marquess de la trousse to send me to pierre-cise . the tuesday following mr. spanheim fail'd not to be at versailles , to receive the positive answer which the marquess de croissy had promised him , which in substance was this ; that the king had not yet resolved to give me a pass-port , and notwithstanding all mr. spanheim's importunity , he could get no other answer . nay , they hid from him the order which had been given to remove me to pierre-cise . while they were carrying me to the prison design'd , i received these two dispatches , and that too by the means of my said nephew , who stole away from the boat , and took post for orange . the day after my arrival at saint esprit i was visited by the chevalier de montanegues , who spoke to me in the most obliging manner , offering me both his purse and every thing else in his power . he told me , he would use his endeavour that i should be under his custody till i had received a pass-port : for , says he , they will not surely treat you worse than other ministers of this kingdom , abundance of whom i have seen pass along . during my stay here in this city , the said chevalier gave leave to all persons of quality to visit me . one day i entred very far into some controversies of religion with a judge of that place , whose name was mr. bernard . and for the ladies , who came in great companies to see me , i endeavoured to instruct them as dextrously as possibly i could . while i exercised my self in this good employment , i forgot not my poor wife , which i had left in much danger . i writ to her consolatory letters , and beg'd her to hide her self from the insolencies of the dragoons , and to keep out of the hands of the count de tesse . in a little time i was informed how cruelly this count did use her : he caused her father's house , where she had taken sanctuary , to be beset with fourteen dragoons ; they seized her , and because she would do nothing against her conscience , he ordered her to be dragg'd to my house , and there to be servant to the whole regiment of dragoons , without any body to help her . she was over-whelm'd with sorrow when she heard of a command so unjust , and which expos'd her honour and chastity to all the shameful practises of the dragoons . a religious person and a friend of mine , to whose family i had done some good offices , as soon as he knew of the misery she was to endure , immediately ran to mr. chavenon's house , and there he soon found means to give some ease to my wife ; for without making her , by any trick , to sign or abjure , he sent the count word , that she had done her duty , as they us'd to speak ; upon which the count withdrew the dragoons , and my wife came to me . the sight of her was a mighty comfort to me . we encouraged each other to perseverance , and as a help to it , every day i used those exercises of piety which it had been my custom to do at orange . at the same time i learnt that the count de tesse upon the 25th . of november with his troops dislodg'd from orange , and drove before them my collegues , till they came even to the prisons which are in the bishoprick of valence ; and this was an addition of grief to me and my flock . after i had been twenty days in my prison at st. esprit , mr. de vermenton , provost of valence , came with an exempt and his attendance to remove me to pierre-cise . and i am here obliged to say , that of his profession , there is not so gallant a man. he executes his orders punctually , but he does it with so much kindness and compassion for those he thinks innocent , that whoever is in his custody , seem as if they enjoy'd their full liberty . if i had a vote in the chapter , as they say , he should have it to be a bishop ; and there are bishops which i would vote to be provosts , because their inhumanity makes them fit for this place , and the goodness of mr. de vermenton makes him worthy of a bishoprick . before he would come to me , he ordered that i should be handsomely advertised of his arrival , that so i might not be surpriz'd . after this , he came where i was , and in the most friendly terms in the world ; he signify'd to me the regret he had that he must be forced to remove me . he had so much compassion for my sad condition , after i had shew'd him my body , that tears fell from his eyes , and forced him to say , he would have given a great deal to have been discharg'd from this commission . nevertheless a boat was prepared for my removal . all things being ready , they took me out of my bed , from whence i had not stir'd since the first day they put me in it . god knows what i suffered between my chamber and the boat , which lay about a quarter of a league off . my foot-men carried me in a chair , my wife and nephew held up my legs , and upon the least turning or jogging , i roar'd as if i had been upon the wheel . as i went , i took my leave of mr. de montanegues , and thanked him for all his kindnesses . it was very difficult to put me in the boat : six men took me out , as if i had been a dead corps , and i was but too sensible to feel a thousand pains . they laid me upon quilts , after which , six men which town'd the boat began to march . we were six days in going to anconne , which is but six leagues from the bridge of st. esprit . the north wind blew so violently , the coldness of which brought the gout upon me , which made my whole body as stiff as a bar of iron . they kept me upon the water from break of day , till ten or eleven a clock at night , which failed not to put me in the most pitiful condition that ever poor gouty man was in . my tongue to complain , and my pulses to let me sigh , were the only things i had at liberty . they put me to bed in my cloaths , either upon straw , or quilts laid upon the ground . when we came to anconne mr. de vermenton , fearing i might dye by the way , would not expose me , in pursuing the voyage . he staid therefore two days , as well in expectation of good weather , as to let me get a little strength . a great many persons of the city of montelimard came to see me ; these good people spoke to me only by their sighs and their tears , and lift up their eyes to heaven to beg of god , that he would revenge the cruelty which was exercised upon me . i should be too tedious , if i should relate all the discourse i had with these good souls . i told them , that it was a great glory for me to suffer for the name of jesus christ , but that my body made me afraid ; and that i feared lest the excess of my pains should make me say something contrary to the meaning of my heart . as to what concerned them , i told them , they ought to consider with themselves , and to rise from their fall by a speedy repentance , if they would expect mercy from god. and thus i endeavoured to edifie my neighbours in every place as i pass'd along . in the mean while the tempest still continued , and we had like to have seen the cardinal de bouillon , who came down the rhosne , to go to his banishment in the isles of provence , cast away . with leave of the curate , the provost caused to be made on the sunday a litter , the better to convey me forward . he employ'd twelve country-men , who carried me upon their shoulders , and all at my charges and expences , which sometimes amounted to four pistols a day . the noise that was abroad about me , had drawn a great many people in the way as i pass'd . the good people of dauphine came in troops with tears in their eyes to ask my blessing , testifying by their general regret how much they were troubled with my miseries . the exempt beat them back very severely ; yet this did not hinder them from coming up to me to kiss my hands , and send their good wishes after me . at sausse i met with a worthy gentleman , whose name was mr. du ferron , captain in the regiment of sault . he came up to me very ingenuously , and mightily comforted me by a thousand pretty things , which he entertain'd me with on the subject of persecution . he talk'd to me of the sermon which the incomparable mr. claude had publish'd upon these words you have not yet resisted unto blood. he even had that confidence in me , as to tell me of his design of leaving the kingdom , and that he was now on his way in order to it . god hath blest his good resolution , and i have had the good fortune to see him again at the hague . the 10th . of december i arrived at valence , just as it began to be dark ; mr. de vermenton went before to prepare me a chamber ; and his arrival having declar'd mine , i found in the suburbs a great multitude of people , and in the first court of the inn , a great many persons of quality of both sexes . some said , look , here 's that devil , the minister of orange ; others cry'd , this is the prince of orange's spy ; in a word , i heard nothing but railing and invectives , which yet did not trouble me much , calling to mind the words of the saviour of the world , mat. 5. 11. blessed are ye when men shall revile you , and shall say all manner of evil against you falsly . that which i was concern'd for , was , how to get out of my litter ; they were above half an hour before they could effect it , not knowing on which side to take me , being so helpless as i was of all the parts of my body . i beg'd the provost to have a little patience till i recovered my spirits ; and observing so much fine people round about me , i said , ladies , i beg your pardon for my rudeness , i am not able to lift my hand to my cap to salute you : doubtless you have heard talk of job , you see here his brother , or cousin-german . at this the ladies were touch'd with pity , and went away hastily , and i observed several who took out their handkerchiefs to wipe away their tears . at last they carried me from my litter to a bed , where they endeavour'd to get off my cloaths , that i might take some rest , after so many days fatigue , and want of sleep . the same night that i arrived at valence , there was a person of worth came to my bed-side . after he had pass'd some complements upon me , with a voice pretty loud , because he would give no suspicion to the exempt , of whom i have spoke , whose name is nardouin , and who never one moment left my chamber , nor the sight of me , and who besides placed sergeants at the door as sentinels night and day ; this honest man , i say , with a low voice told me , that he utterly detested the cruelty and barbarity which had been practised upon me . after that , he drew before me so hideous a draught of the state of his soul since his fall , that i was filled with fear : to which he added the torments which he suffered as oft as he was forc'd to go to mass , and the horrors of his mind when he there beheld the idolatries they committed . he beg'd me to give him some comfort ; but alas ! i was but in an ill condition to do it . there came some other persons of note , who could not forbear weeping , amongst whom there was a marquess of worth , whose name i shall conceal , who was going to the place of his banishment , and whom they would not suffer to speak to me . this night i pass'd mighty unquietly , partly through the terrible pains of the gout , and partly through the grief that they would not let me have the freedom to speak to those about me . the exempt lay in my chamber , he was the spy upon all my words and actions , so that i had hardly the liberty to complain . the next day the provost , who had been conferring with the bishop of valence , came into my chamber to tell me , that he would leave me that day to take my rest , and that in the mean time he would prepare a boat. i told him , that i had much rather go in a litter , because i should endure the pains of the wheel in their carrying me to the river-side , which was a quarter of a league from my lodging . he seemed to consent to it , but though i had secur'd one for the next day , yet he refused to carry me this way . in the mean time , i know not whether it was not from a motive of compassion which made mr. de vermenton unwilling i should go any further than valence ; but this i am sure of , that he feared exreamly lest i should dye in his hands . for this reason the two physicians of the university , and two chirurgions were sent to visit me . they had no sooner seen my miserable body , but they turn'd away their eyes , and lift up their shoulders ; and when i told them , that these were not all my ills , i was besides tormented with the stone . they said , they could not give a judgment concerning that , unless they made a search ; but however they had already seen but too much : and upon this they with-drew . in my journey my thigh was unbound , which caused me horrible pains ; and those of the gout increased furiously upon me : yet notwithstanding this sad condition , i was impatient to be quickly carried to pierre-cise . i beg'd the provost to satisfie my desire , and he promised me , that the next morning we should set forward ; but instead of that , i saw coming into my chamber that morning the bishop of valence . it was easie to imagine that there was some contrivance laid , which made me stand upon my guard. my arms were so stiff through the effects of the gout , that it was impossible for me to lift my hand to my cap to salute him . after he was set by my bed's-head , he began to tell me , that he was sorry to see me in so much trouble , that this ought to make me consider with my self , that i might not go to pierre-cise , where i should suffer much ; that i had much better re-unite my self , by which means i should be at ease , that the king would allow me large pensions ; that his intention was not only upon his own subjects to reunite them to the church , but that his piety incited him to cause all other protestants to enter into the church ; and that i should be a very proper person to contribute to so good a design , and that through my means , there might be a good understanding , and that some satisfaction might be given to protestants concerning some points ; and that for his part , he would make no scruple to consent to the taking away some images out of churches , and that even he had already taken away a great many out of his churches , where very few are seen ; and that the cup would be given to the people again . but that it was necessary to have some considerable man of our party , who should promote this business , and that for certain , i was the man the most fit . this in substance is what this prelate said to me at this first interview . to which i answer'd , that i thanked him for the honour he had done me ; that as to the sufferings he mentioned , i was fully resolved to undergo them ; that if i had believed i could have been saved in the roman church , i should never have let my self have been thus tormented for these two months . as for pensions , through the goodness of god i had no need of them ; as mean a gentleman as i was , i had where-withall to live . as for the praises he bestowed on me , in thinking me fit to labour towards a reformation , i was very sensible of my own weakness ; but yet i could willingly spend my blood to effect so good a work : but in the condition affairs are , there 's no likelihood that things should conclude by lenity and friendship , that are begun by force of arms ; and that therefore i should be extreamly obliged to him , if he would obtain a pass-port for me to go where providence should direct me . do not flatter your self about it , sir , reply'd he , you are a prisoner of state , and you ought not to expect any pass-port . it will be thought an honour if they can make you a catholick . it is very well known that you are closely engaged to the prince of orange , and you 'll never be suffered to go near him . but pray tell me , says he , do you think it would not be more for your advantage to serve the king , than the prince of orange ? is not he a greater master ? i know very well that 't is your engagement to the interests of that prince which sticks at your heart , and that you are afraid to displease him in changing your religion ; but i do assure you , that we have certain news , that he is getting himself instructed . pardon me sir , reply'd i , if i tell you , that i do not believe a word on 't . i had the happiness to know him in his most tender years , he was then perfectly well instructed , and i doubt not but his understanding has encreas'd with his age ; and as i am perswaded he hath no scruple of conscience upon the account of his religion , so neither does he need any further instruction . you are not the first sir , who hath told me this news , there are a great many others who publish it , but there are reasons for all this , and 't is not hard to discover the design for which all these reports are spread throughout europe . i know that your king is a great king , but i know also that my prince is a great prince , who hath always done me much good , and honours me with his kindness : and i should be very ungrateful if i did but think of changing my master . what have i done to deserve to be a prisoner of state ? i have never medl'd with things of this nature ; so that sir , i must once more beg you to procure for me a pass port , or if mr. vermenton find that i cannot be remov'd , because of my pains , be pleas'd to let me be put in one of your prisons with my brethren . after this discourse , he still very pressingly sollicited me to a change , always offering me both riches and honours , to all which i only answer'd him , ( that i might rid my hands of him ) that people do not change their religion as they do their shirts , and that i should have time to think on 't in my prison of pierre-cise . it was by his order that they made a shew of my tarrying in valence , till they receiv'd orders from the marquess de la trousse who commanded in dauphine ; they remov'd me to an ordinary house in the city , where i was continually guarded by the exempt , and by serjeants . my dear brethren , who as yet were not thrown into dungeons , as afterwards they were , sent to me a trusty person to tell me that they offer'd up their prayers to god for me , and beg'd that i would pray for them : and i did the same in their behalf . as they continually consulted in valence to find out some way to make me yield , so they were of opinion that it would be best to take from me , my wife and my nephew , and deprive me of all my servants ; they accus'd the two first of encouraging me in my resolution not to change . the exempt it seems had heard us discourse about it ; and for the others , they knew that they were absolutely necessary for me , since they only understood how to manage me in my bed , and to serve me in all my natural necessities . in effect , i was to be dealt with , as if i had been a new-born infant , and i had rotted in my own filth , if i had been in the hands of other persons , since i could never have endur'd them to have done such vile and unpleasant work . but they told my wife and my nephew that they must withdraw , and me they told , that i should have dragoons or serjeants to wait on me . this discourse was to me as a mighty clap of thunder , and disorder'd me so extreamly , that i knew not where i was . i was very well aware that they us'd me after this manner , on purpose to reduce me to the last extremity , and to throw me into pains a thousand times worse than those of hell ; for if my servants who were us'd to my miseries , could not touch me without causing me excessive pain , what could i expect from the hands of dragoons , and serjeants , people void of pity and mercy ? my only refuge was prayers and tears , and i beg'd god that he would have pity on me , but my sins were too great to obtain from his assisting grace what i beg'd of him , having a mind to put on my cloths to try whether i could endure them when i was to go to pierre-cise , as they had given me notice to be ready for that purpose , i suffer'd so much torments that i let slip these cursed words , well , i will re-unite my self . the exempt who was present , immediately run to the bishop , without saying a word to me ; the bishop comes the same moment accompanied by the provost and some other persons , and having presented me with a paper to sign , and pronouncing some words in latin , which i protest i never heard , i refus'd to do it , as i have constantly refus'd as oft as i have been sollicited to it . he told me , that they had acquainted him that i said , i would re-unite my self ; i answer'd him , that it was true , but it was the violent pains i endur'd which forced those words from my mouth , in the distraction of my mind , and that if i should re-unite my self , it would be no great conquest gain'd , since the condition he saw me in had depriv'd me of my reason . and really , i knew not what i did , my reason was so disorder'd ; nay , i had hardly the use of my senses . i doubt not but the bishop caus'd to be sign'd in the paper , that he had presented before me the provost and some other persons , as witnesses of my pretended conversion : but i appeal particularly to the conscience of mr. de vermenton , whether he ever heard me say in the presence of the said bishop , that i would re-unite my self . and i make the same appeal to all the other persons as to this matter , as i take them for honest people , so i hope they 'l bear witness to the truth . in the mean time let not any believe i say this to excuse my fault . to my sorrow , i am but too sensible that i have faln away , and that the fatal words which i utter'd , have separated me from the external communion of the true church , till thro' the mercy of god , and the ministery of his servants i shall be re-admitted . if i had not thought so , and if i were not yet of the same mind , i should not have shed so many tears ; on the contrary i should have rejoyced at my sufferings , and should have thought i might have had a place in the catalogue of the most illustrious confessors ; but alas ! i look upon my self as a cowardly souldier , who turn'd my back in the day of battle , and as an unfaithful servant , who hath betray'd the interests of his master . although my fall was after that manner , and of the nature i have been representing , yet the bishop of valence did not fail to boast of it as a mighty honour to himself ; he continually talkt of it to all comers and goers , and he writ of it to the court , and triumpht upon it , as the greatest of his victories . but my condition was vastly different from his ; that which was the subject of his glory was the matter of my shame ; and the honour he claim'd in perverting me , was an eternal reason for my sighs and tears . is it possible for me to express my grief to that degree i felt it ? is it possible for me to describe the state of my soul in colours equally black with the sorrow that overwhelm'd me on that sad occasion ? can i tell forth my groans to all europe with as mournful a voice as i did the moment immediately after my pronouncing those cursed words ? whilst i was in this affliction , the bishop of valence receiv'd letters from court in answer to those he had writ concerning my pretended change : he pleas'd himself mightily in the congratulations which he receiv'd from the archbishop of paris , and father la chaise , upon his imaginary victory . the marquess de louvois writ to him also concerning it ; and immediately upon his reception of these letters the roman catholicks publish'd in valence that there was a pension of two thousand livres settl'd upon me . this prelate came to me , and told me , that it now depended only upon my self , whether i would be very happy ; that they writ him from gourt , that i might ask whatever i had a mind to , and it should be granted me . and that the king only wisht that i would continue a little while at valence . i told him , that i had no occasion of any thing , and that were i in the greatest necessity , i had rather dye , than it should be said , i sold my religion and conscience for money ; that they did me great wrong in detaining me at valence , and that they would be much more just in granting me a pass-port . nay , to try him , i desir'd him however to procure me leave to go to orange , though in truth i had no great mind to return thither . he told me that with time this last might be , as soon as i had given any proofs of my obedience and fidelity to the king ; but for a pass-port , i ought not to expect that . and he added , that he observ'd me mightily cast down , and askt me why i was so . it seems the exempt and serjeants had given him constant information , for they had their haunts about the place where i was , and never fail'd every day to give him a faithful account of every thing that pass'd . how is it possible , sir , said i to him , that i should not be cast down after having receiv'd and do still receive such cruel usage ? i must needs tell you , that i am in continual tears by reason of torments i suffer both in body and mind . you fancy that you have gain'd a mighty victory by those words i spoke , but how easie is it to triumph over a poor miserable ? upon this first visit , i was not in circumstances to let him know more of my mind . but he made me seven other visits while i stay'd at valence , what our discourses were upon them all , i shall here in few words relate . he was continually telling me , that there was nothing so fatal as schism , nor no greater blessing than a re-union . i told him , 't was very true , that unity was a most pleasing thing to god , when it could be maintain'd ; but that yet we must mind what st. paul says , who teaches , that we must follow peace with all men as much as 't is possible ; from which doctrine we may observe , that when the unity endangers our salvation , we are indispensably oblig'd to break it , and that for as much as the same apostle teaches us , that we must not so much as eat with idolaters , and that there can be no agreement between the temple of god and idols . upon this he began to discourse to me of the schism of the donatists , but it requir'd not ●n extraordinary judgment to perceive that he was but little vers'd in that history . i told him that certainly the donatists were in the wrong to make a schism about a matter of discipline ; but that our reformers separated about essential matters of doctrine and worship , as well as about the government of the church , and for this reason 't is impossible to make them guilty , unless it can be demonstrated that they have err●d in the truth of their pretensions . he did not persue this point very far , and he only told me , that as he had already said , that some things might be reformed in the church , and that he esteemed me a very fit person to assist in this good work . i do not very well remember how we began to discourse of the present persecution , but i perfectly remember that he said these very words to me ; it is believed that the bishops are the authors of the methods that are now taken for a re-union , but certainly 't is a great mistake ; we have indeed upon this occasion , represented what we thought our duty , but 't is the king's will , which no body ought to oppose . while he discoursed to me on this manner , i lift up my eyes to heaven , as astonish'd to hear a bishop able to talk so directly against truth . in his discourse he seemed to me , as if he had detested all violence , and yet he was no sooner gone from me , but i heard he was on horse-back at the head of the dragoons , going to torment all those in his diocess , who would not either abiure , or go to mass . the prince my master , i found , troubled his mind much ; we seldom discoursed together , but he would tell me , these head-strong people still fancy that the prince of orange will come to their assistance ; which made me say one day to a friend of mine , that the name of the prince my master , was as terrible to the bishop of valence , as the drum which was made of the skin of ziska was heretofore to the emperors . at another of our meetings we sell to discourse about the canon of the mass ; he gave me so particular account of it , as if he had believed it the composition of angels . i told him , that to speak truth , there were very good things in 't ; but yet , that it seem'd like a cloak made of so many different pieces , that those who considered it throughly , did not see those fine things in it which he did . as for example , sir , said i , who can endure this passage in 't , where the priest says , we present to thee this sacrifice in honour of the holy virgin , st. peter , st. paul , &c. what , offer to god that blood by which these saints were redeem'd , in honour to them ! is not this esteeming less of the blood of jesus christ than of those saints ? all the answer i could get from him was this , that we ought to understand these words in the sense of the church . as to transubstantiation , i cited to him that incomparable passage of theodoret , which is found in his dialogues ; god does not change the nature of bread , but adds grace to nature . i quoted it to him in greek . he told me , that heretofore he understood this language , but that he had now forgot it . yes , sir , said i to him , i do believe it ; you have had other business than to mind your grammar . he acquitted himself not much better from what i shewed him in the decretals . he laid much weight upon these words , this is my body ; telling me , 't was impossible to be deceived in believing what jesus christ had said . upon which i shewed him the explanation which the decretals themselves give of this passage , under the title of the consecration . your decretals , said i to him , ought not to be suspected by you ; and these words of jesus christ , this is my body , they thus explicate : coeleste sacramentum quod vocatur caro christi dicitur etiam corpus christi , non propriè sed impropriè , non rei veritate , sed significante mysterio , ita ut is sit sensus , hoc est corpus meum , id est , significat . to this , he also gave me the same answer , to wit , that it must be understood in the sense of the church . but said i , sir , it is in these decretals which the church explains her meaning , and she says , that we must understand these words , this is my body , not that the body of jesus christ is truly in the sacrament , but that it is represented and signified by the sacrament . the answers which this prelate made me , let me clearly see , that he had studied more politicks than divinity ; that he was more conversant among the leaves in the archives of his diocess , that he might increase his revenues , than in the holy scriptures , that he might be perfect in all good works , and be the man of god , according to st. paul's precept ; and in a word , his mind was more set upon the greatness of this world , and the intrigues of the court , than upon the humility of a true bishop , or upon the unfolding of the mysteries of religion . to perswade me , that it was lawful to use force , to make erring persons come into the church , according to that saying , coge eos intrare , compel them to come in ; which was , it seems , much in use in those days . he sent me the two epistles of st. austin , which some had lately taken the pains to translate into french : the first was to vincent , a donatist bishop ; the other was to boniface , general of the emperor's army . i was prepared to answer these two epistles , but i was gone so far with him , that i prevented his asking my opinion of them . i had before quoted to him this incomparable passage of one of the ancients ; nova haec & inaudita praedicatio quae verberibus fidem suadere conatur . this is a new and strange way of preaching , which goes about to perswade men into the mysteries of religion by blows and stripes . however i had got ready for him some passages of the same father , and was resolved to tell him , that although st. austin was endow'd with a great many rare gifts , that yet , he was but a man , and for that reason , suffered himself to be a court-bishop . i should be too tedious if i related the particulars of all i talk'd of with this bishop concerning religion ; i think it sufficient to say , for the edification of my neighbour , and my own satisfaction , that since i let slip those rash words , there hath not gone out of my mouth any that have in the least been against my knowledge , or contrary to the dictates of my own conscience ; on the contrary , i have endeavoured as much as 't was possible for me to edifie the church of god , exhorting all those i met with , either to perseverance , in case they were not yet fallen , or if they were fallen , to rise again by a speedy repentance : i never omitted the accustomed exercises of piety ; i prayed with all comers and goers ; i sang psalms with a loud voice ; and although they continually told me , if i took not care , i should ruin my self ; i answered them , that i would glorifie my god , and that death was far more dear to me than life . one day the bishop reproach'd me , i answered him briskly , that i should all my life think my self obliged to thank him , that he could not reasonably speak against my devotion , seeing he had told all his diocess , that our prayers were good , and that there was no fault to be found with our psalms . two months and a half i continued in that city with a dejection of mind not to be conceiv'd . my thoughts were so taken up , that i scarce was sensible of the pains of my body , which has almost perswaded me into that opinion , that pain subsists only in the thought . the bishop's commissary of war for the province of dauphine came to see me ; he was going to orange to carry 500 pistols to free those roman catholicks which were poor from quartering souldiers , by which one may judge at the expence the protestants have been put to . this commissary offered me money , for which i did not vouchsafe to thank him . he exhorted me also to write the motives of my pretended conversion , and set before me the example of the minister vigné . i told him , i was not such a one as he took me for ; that he had forgot the dragoons and drummers which he sent me , whose terrible noise had made me forget my latin ; and thus i briskly sent him away , laughing at him and his offers . and since the mention of this commissary hath brought to my mind the minister vigne , i cannot forbear noting here , that this apostate being come to valence to get himself received a counsellor in the presidial court , came to see me , accompanied by two of the bishop of valence his men. he came into my chamber all trembling and pale ; i received him very coldly , and after a short discourse of civility , which he thought fit to make me , i spoke to him in latin , because there were some persons i had no mind should understand us . i desired him to tell me , in what condition his conscience was since his change : he was extreamly surprized at my question , and seemed at a great loss : but nevertheless , after a short silence , he answered me with a stammering voice , that his conscience was at rest ; upon which i told him , that mine was in hell , although i had not done what he had done . i have no quiet night nor day , for an ill word which i spoke , and yet you say , that your conscience is in perfect peace . ah! sir , you do not consider as you should ; you had much better confess your sin to god , than to withstand truth unjustly . says he to me , i am re-united to the roman church , that so i may not be guilty of schism , which is so hurtful to our salvation : i am re-united positively , but i am separated from her negatively . said i to him , if you were speaking to some ignorant country-man , you might throw some dust in his eyes by this distinction , but do you believe me so ignorant , as not to understand your jargoon ? can you say , that you are separated negatively from the roman church , in rejecting the doctrine and worship which we disapprove ? have not you very lately publish'd a letter , directed to your pretended new converts , in which you maintain what you tell me now is not the object of your faith ? have a care , that in lying to men , you do not lie to god. in all likelihood he did not expect that i durst talk to him with so much courage , but that in policy i would dissemble with him my opinions ; so that he withdrew in some confusion , and went directly to the bishop's house , where 't is very likely he made him a partial recital of our discourse ; but yet the bishop never took the least notice to me of it . as soon as i was a little recovered from the swelling of my heart , which had almost deprived me of the use of my reason , i presumed to write to his highness ; the letter was dated the 12th . of january 1686 , and in that i gave him a short account of all my sad adventures . this excellent master had the goodness to cause mr. de schuylemberg to write to me , that he was very much concerned at all my miseries , and that i ought still to hope that god would not forsake me . this answer was a mighty assistance to me , and contributed much to my comfort ; for as god had still design'd more afflictions and sufferings for me , so these marks of kindness to one so unworthy , help mightily to support me in my combats . a few days after i had received this answer , the bishop of valence made his last visit to me , and it was very troublesom : until then he had never press'd me , but then he told me , that i seem'd as if i intended to live without the exercise of any religion ; that i would create to my self troublesom businesses , for which he was sorry ; but however he was to take care of me , that as i had importuned him , either to procure a pass-port for me , or leave to go to orange , he had obtain'd leave for me to go to romeyer , which is near die , where there is good air to recover my health . i was very sensible that he was unwilling to tell me , that this was to be the place of my banishment ; but yet i was overjoy'd that i was suffered to go out of valence , which i esteemed as hell. and i went away as soon as 't was possible , notwithstanding my pains . but before i left the place , i failed not by this letter to take my last farewel of my dear collegues . i bid you farewel , my dear brethren , if you can yet think me worthy of so honourable a relation . i am leaving this place , which has been so fatal to me , and am going to withdraw my self into a desart , which i must look upon as a sort of banishment . my weakness and infirmities have separated me from you , and i am no longer a faithful and loyal servant : i already endure the punishment of my fault even in this life , for i am in the most melancholy circumstances which 't is possible for you to imagine . i envy your bonds , and i think the dust of your feet a thousand times more worthy to be presented to god , than all my person . learn by my sad example to be more faithful to him whom you serve , than i have been : this divine master knows what prayers i offer up to him for your perseverance . i beseech you do not forget me in yours , which will be of great efficacy in the presence of god. i have a greater value for those dark holes where you are kept , than for the most stately palaces in the world. the prayers of good men will open them , that you may enjoy the fruit due to your perseverance , and you know the blessed recompence which god has prepared for his excellent vertue . farewel then , my dear brethren , my heart with all its affections embrace you ; and in what part of the world soever providence shall dispose of you , i beseech you publish my sighs and tears , that if my fault has scandaliz'd the church of god , the tears of my repentance may serve to edifie her . upon the second of march i arriv'd in that horrid desart to which i was banish'd . upon the road i was in great perplexities of mind . divers ministers who had yielded , some through violence , others most willingly , were at die , a town which i was to pass through . is it possible , said i to my self , that thou art sent near such a nest of apostates , the remembrance of whose crime will continually reproach thee with thy fault ? i made my complaint with such vehemence , that a gentleman travelling by the litter where i lay , askt one of my servants whether i was not mad . i will say nothing of the tears which abundance of good people shed for me as i went along ; i receiv'd from them a thousand kind wishes , for they very well knew the truth of my heart , and the regret i had for having let slip those words . the frightful desart into which i was banisht , is a little narrow valley , into which you cannot enter neither , but through the opening of an inaccessible rock to the west of the said valley . to the east there 's a barren mountain call'd glandasse , of so prodigious a height , that to arrive at the top of it , it will require three hours time . to the north , and to the south , there are hills which are joyn'd by heaps to one another , and which cast such a shadow , and so far , that in winter one can hardly see the sun-shine . that which is the only pleasant thing there , is a little brook which takes its source from the said mountain of glandasse , and by its pretty murmurs might serve to divert the mind when 't is free from dismal thoughts , which mine was not . before these last revolutions , all the inhabitants of the three or four villages which are in this vale , were of the reform'd religion , except two or three families , which was a great satisfaction to me ; for while i staied in this place of exile these good people came to pray with me , and to comfort me . the news of my arrival in this melancholly abode was no sooner spred in the neighbourhood , but there resorted to me people of all sorts , of each sex , which stole away to see me , and to mix their tears with mine . there came to me some from every province thereabouts , and they all assur'd me , that my fall was so far from giving a scandal , that every body had compassion on me , knowing to what a sad condition they had reduc'd me , and that they pray'd and hoped the example which i had furnished the church would be of great edification to her . what edification said i , can any receive from so great a sinner as i am ? i do indeed beseech god with all the powers of my soul , that he would please to give me the grace to glorifie his name , but i fear the fault i committed , will keep him from hearing my prayers . i am firmly resolv'd rather to dye than make any profession of the romish religion : but alas ! what am i ? and how do i know but the torments which they may yet make me endure , may cause me once more to fall ? i told the count de tesse that i would be dragg'd thro' the streets of orange , and yet i was not as good as my word . what 's past makes me fear what 's to come . during the five months that i was in this place of banishment , the chief employment in my bed of affliction , was , every day to bath it with my tears . i never ceas'd praying and sighing , and afflicting my soul ; and if sometimes they forced me out of my bed , and carried me into a garden , as oft as i saw those terrible mountains , i repeated what david said in the 121 psalm , i will lift up my eyes unto hills from whence cometh my help . my help cometh from the lord which made heaven and earth . the feast of easter being near , the bishop of valence came to die , which is about a league from the place of my banishment , to confess and communicate the pretended new converts . i had reason to believe he would come and disquiet me , and accordingly he did not fail ; there happen'd to be with me one mr. julian an advocate of die , and a very honest man , and one who hath glorifi'd god by his retiring ; i intreated him to hide himself behind my bed , that he might have the pleasure of hearing what i said to the bishop . he granted my request , and quickly , the bishop accompanied with a great many priests , and some officers of the army come in . for half a quarter of an hour our discourse ran upon things indifferent ; but upon his coming up close to my bed-side all the other people withdrew , and putting his head very near mine , he askt me , if i would not think of signing the writing which he had shew'd me , and of doing what a good christian ought to do . i answer'd him , that for the writing i could not sign it , and to live as a good christian , i should endeavour all the days of my life . he press'd me extreamly . but at last i told him for a full answer , that i would beg him never more to urge me , and conjur'd him to order the curate of the place not to require me to exercise any act of the romish religion , since that being recovered from the distraction of my mind , i was in a condition to speak of my life . he appear'd not much troubl'd at this discourse , he only said , well , you 'l think on 't , and so left me with great civility . the advocate came out of his secret place , and falling upon my neck , embrac'd me with abundance of tenderness and tears , telling me that my discourse had extreamly edifi'd him , that he must leave me to go to die , where the bishop would not fail to report , that i had promis'd him every thing ; which accordingly happen'd : for this bishop was no sooner at die , than in the presence of a great many people , he said , that he came from me , that i was a very honest man , that he was pleas'd with my conversation , and that i had promis'd to confess , and to communicate . the advocate who was there present while the bishop said this , whisper'd in the ears of some of his friends ; this is not true i am witness of it ; and afterwards unfolded the whole mystery , assuring them that the bishop said all this only to seduce them . the continual troubles of my mind quickly threw me back into the condition i was in at valence . i was seiz'd by a violent feaver , which distracted me , yet i was quickly well , without using the least medicine ; but though my body was eas'd , yet my mind was so tormented with sad thoughts , which continually prepresented themselves to me , that i knew not where i was . it seem'd as if god himself had imprinted my sin on my heart , to make me the more sensible of its horrible foulness , and to the end that i might run to him by prayers , sighs and tears . i must confess , that i was forsaken of all comfort , for i was able oftner than once to say with job , c. 3. v. 3 , 4. let the day perish wherein i was born , and the night in which it was said , there is a man-child conceiv'd : let that day be darkness ; let not god regard it from above , neither let the light shine upon it . to this i added , what follows in the same chapter which here i care not to write . to call in the consolations of my god , i often repeated these words in the 77th psal . v. 7. 8. is his mercy clean gone from us ? and is his promise come utterly to an end for evermore ? hath god forgotten to be gracious ; and will he shut up his loving kindness in displeasure ? alas ! how often did i say , have mercy upon me , o god , after thy great goodness : according to the multitude of thy mercies , do away mine offences . cast me not away from thy presence ; and take not thy holy spirit from me . o give the comfort of thy help again ; and establish me with thy free spirit , psal . 51. v. 1 , 11 , 12. i endeavour'd to moderate my grief by considering the difference which st. cyprian made of those who were faln . i knew the ancients distinguish'd between those which were call'd sacrificati , that is to say those who had sacrificed to idols and thurificati , those who had presented incense , and libellatici , those who gave money to the judge , that they might not go into the temple of the idols , and who afterwards had a certain work to deliver themselves from the persecution by cunning shift . i very well saw that i was of this last sort , but yet this did not satisfie me , because i had not the courage to suffer persecution for the sake of my saviour , which by the by , i desire , may be an admonition to those who have escap'd it , by any art whatever , to look upon themselves as great sinners . many may say that they have not sign'd any abjuration , but i desire them to ask their consciences , whether they have done no action , by which they have deny'd their religion . i consider'd with my self the fall of many great men , who yet afterwards glorified god by their repentance . st. peter was the first who presented himself to my imagination : but i found my infidelity far greater than his . i forgot not the great hosius who presided at the council of nice ; the love of his sepulchre , as st. hillary elegantly calls it , meaning his body , grown weak through his great age , made him sign the detestable heresie of arius . but said i , hosius because of his age was in a kind of dotage ; but thou was in the vigour of thy mind . liberius came next to my thoughts , but i perceiv'd it was only the uneasiness of banishment that made him fall . and that the fears of death made berengarius as well as jerome of prague recant , as also the great cranmer archbishop of canterbury : although there was no comparison betwixt these great men and me , but inregard of my fault , yet i could not forbear making a parallel of their conduct with mine ; for at last , said i to my self , all these great lights regain'd their former brightness after they had been sometime obscur'd : but miserable that thou art , can thou expect that god should raise thee , seeing thou hast so basely forsaken him ? in the exercise of such thoughts as these did i pass the greatest part of the time of my banishment ; they were interrupted by the curate of the place , who came to me about whitsontide , to exhort me by order of monsieur de valence , to communicate . he told me easter was past , and that it was his duty to make me this exhortation , to the end i might do mine . he was accompanied by two or three prebends of die , but they durst not propose this to me , fearing to engage with me . the curate seemed much disturb'd while he spoke to me ; i thank'd him for the care he took of me , but that my conscience forced me to tell him that i was not in a condition to do what he requir'd me ; and that i was surpriz'd that monsieur de valence should give him this commission , seeing i had so fully informed him of my intentions therein . in good earnest , mr. curate , would you oblige a man to communicate that does not believe your mysteries ? hereupon i made a long discourse to him to let him know the sentiments of my soul. when i had ended , he arose , and told me , he would never while he lived speak more to me about this matter , but that he was indispensably obliged to let his bishop know all that i had said to him . this curate was a man of his word , for never since , did he ever speak to me of religion . nevertheless , with an extream passion i wish'd i might glorifie god , either by a retreat , or by prison , or by death , god having put it into my heart , that i must suffer every thing , rather than defile my self by any act of idolatry . it was upon this consideration that i writ to the bishop of valence , to let him know , that i could no longer live being so horribly tormented with the stone . and truly , for several days i endured the pain of such a stoppage of urine , that i could find no ease , till i had voided a stone as big as a bean. this prelate never saw me but in bed , which i usually kept , as well for the ease of my mind , as that of my body ; for when i was up , i was in continual pain . by my letter i intreated him to get leave for me to go to lyons to be cut . he answer'd me very civilly , that with all his heart he would use his endeavour for that as well as for my entire ease . he prophesied without thinking on 't ; for the permission which he obtain'd some time after , was the cause of my deliverance , by which i was discharg'd of a stone , which i had in my head , a thousand times more troublesom than any that could afflict a man in that strange distemper . every day seem'd a year ; i waited for this permission with great impatience , and not hearing any news of it , i again writ to the bishop to the same effect , and after a strange manner aggravated my evil . he got his desire , and i mine . he delay'd the time , that so my pains and anguish might determine me to what he wish'd ; but my thoughts were quite contrary . therefore while he deferr'd procuring me this satisfaction , i endeavour'd by way of grenoble , to find a favourable occasion to make my escape out of the kingdom . god bless'd my contrivance , and heard my ardent prayers . there was found for me a party , which to me seemed able enough to execute my design . but when i had made all ready to be transported by twelve peasants over the high mountains , even to the side of the lizere , advice was brought me , that grenoble was full of dragoons , and so that my design was ruin'd . my affliction was great to have fail'd of my aim : but god , who rules all things by his wise providence , was pleas'd to bar up this way against me , that he might open me one more easie and commodious . i knew not then , that i was under the guard of the chief magistrates of the neighbouring corporations , to whom , it seems , the bishop of valence had given order to take care that i made not my escape . infallibly i had been taken , if i had offered to go away without express leave , which a thousand times has made me adore the providence and favourable protection of my good god over me . at the beginning of the month of july the bishop of valence came into his diocess of die , to bring his people to confession and the communion . a great many troops came before him to use force and violence towards those who would not obey him . he was no sooner come , but he let a friend of mine know , that he had obtain'd the permission which i desired , to go to lyons . as much as i was cast down by my continual tears , yet this good news reviv'd me , and i plainly perceived my bodily pains to diminish ; from whence i infer'd that the great god would by this means enable me to gain my end , which through his aid i have done . but in the midst of this little joy , i was still troubled in my mind , fore-seeing that i should meet with furious attacks from this bishop , either to force me to sign , or do some other thing against my conscience . i strengthened my self in the resolution that i had made , by the help of my prayers , my fastings , and extraordinary humiliation to consent to nothing . these pious exercises made me a little sensible of the grace of god , and the effects of this divine comforter , which before had withdrawn from my soul. but before this bishop came to me , to torment me , he went the circuit of his diocess , where he exercised unheard-of violence to make people confess and communicate . the people escap'd into the woods and mountains ; they were pursu'd thither , as if they had been wild beasts ; they were knock'd down , bound fast , and then as quickly as they could were thrown into deep ditches . in a word , there was nothing heard but desolation and misery . what honour is this these gentlemen do to their religion , to drag folks to the foot of their altar , and make them sacrifice to their idols ? heretofore god refused a victim which went not chearfully to the altar ; and can they expect that a sacrifice made with an ill will by reasonable creatures can be pleasing to him ? they shall bear this iniquity , and the great judge of the universe will not fail to impute this crying sin to them , and to chastise these horible attempts . the best of it is , that monsieur de valence set before the eyes of these good people my example to induce them to confess , and to communicate . what , says he , are you wiser than monsieur de chambrun ? he hath done every thing , and why do you refuse to follow his pattern ? at the same time i received from divers places dispatches to know how it was . as i was never byass'd , so i answered , that they should take great heed not to give credit to such discourses ; that i was resolved to die , rather than give them this scandal ; and that they need only to inform themselves how i had behav'd my self , not to be catch'd with such cheats as these . good god! what religion is this ? what bishops are these , that dare add lies to violence , to deceive poor innocents ? and here , to the glory of my god , i must needs own , that what i did upon this occasion was with singular edification , and produc'd abundance of good effects , because whole societies or corporations chose rather to expose themselves to the rage and fury of the dragoons , than to confess , and to communicate . the comptroller of dauphine about this time came to die , to assist the bishop in this fine mission . the last preach'd by the mouth of the dragoons , and the first sued those who would not obey . every day i heard that they sent away troops of women and girles to that cruel robber , who had committed a thousand outrages against so many poor innocents who pass'd through his hands while i was at valence . i was told that this comptroller one day as he was at dinner discours'd of me . i am told , says he , that this minister which is at romeyer , will do nothing , tho' he has promis'd to confess , and to communicate , but we 'll quickly bring him to reason . he has refused two thousand livres pension ; he is very nice , to despise the favours of a great king. mr. de vermenton , who was there also at dinner , began to speak , and told him , sir , you have him not yet ; i have observed him till he came at valence , and i am perswaded , that the extremity in which i saw him made him say , that he would re-unite himself , but that the secret meaning of his heart is quite contrary . after the bishop had been the whole circuit of his diocess , he failed not to come and see me : he came alone into my chamber , and began to tell me , that he had obtain'd the permission which i had so much wish'd : but before he would give it me , i must make my self ready to sign , confess , and communicate . i answer'd him , that i thank'd him for the care he had taken ; but i begg'd him to let me go in peace to lyons without further pressing me ; that in likelihood i should there die in the operation of cutting me , and so should give him no more trouble . he reply'd , to me , what , sir , the king is not to be thus mock'd ; i have writ to court , that you were in good earnest converted , and what will they say of me , if i do not make you do your duty ? i have caused all the ministers which were at die to confess and communicate , and will you be the singular huguenot in france ? i answered him , that i live not by example . i have no intention to mock or deceive any body ; you are too reasonable , sir , to force me to do a thing against my conscience ; i beseech you let me go to lyons . a little after , he took out of his pocket a book , in which the author had collected several passages of the fathers to prove the real presence of the body of jesus christ in the eucharist . there were some of st. athanasius , st. cyril , st. ambrose , st. augustine , and divers others . as fast as he read them , i immediately gave him an answer to them , but he did not reply the least word to my answers . but he insisted particularly on that passage of st. austin , in his explication of 33 psalm , according to the vulgar edition , and the 34 according to the hebrew , where this father did say , that jesus christ did bear or carry himself in his hands when he gave his last supper to his disciples . se ipsum ferebat in manibus suis . this passage appeared to him unanswerable . what can be said , says he to me , to so strong an expression of st. augustin ? i began to smile , and told him , that if i had here my st. augustin , i would quicly let him see that what he fancied never entred into the mind of that father . how , says he , is your st. augustin different from that which is cited here ? no , sir , said i , and you need but turn the leaf to see his opinion . in the exposition following he lets us understand , that his people were offended at these words ; which was the reason he commented upon them in that place i speak of , and told them , se ipsum quodammodo ferebat in manibus suis . after a manner , &c. well , says he , let this pass . but here are others , to which there is no reply . he pursu'd reading his book , without ever giving me any reply to my answers . he very well saw by my manner of acting , that he should not be able to gain any thing upon my mind ; and that all those passages which he alledged to me , were not capable to convince me ; which obliged him to shut his book , and then he told me , that as a friend , he would advise me to obey the king , if not , strange ill things should be done unto me ; after which he embrac'd me , and bid me farewel . the same evening he sent souldiers to the inhabitants of my desart , who committed a thousand disorders to force them to do any thing . i concluded that i should be oppress'd by them as well as others ; but instead of these troublesome guests , the next morning i saw come into my chamber a jesuite , sent by him to endeavour to corrupt me . there came before him a canon , named reinaud , to whom i said so many things about religion , that in all appearance he had given glory to god in any other time . this jesuite made himself known to me , in making me call to mind some observations which i made in one of my sermons preach'd about controversie . do you remember , sir , said he , the two anagrams upon cornelius jansenius , and upon joannes calvinus ? i have retain'd them , says he . did not you find in cornelius jansenius , calvini sensus in ore , and in joannes calvinus , an non es via lucis ? yes , sir , said , i , the memory of them is very fresh . are you the man with whom i had then to do ? yes , says he , i am the very man , and i come now to offer you my service . i come to tell you , that monsier de valence is extream angry with you ; he talks of nothing but deep ditches , or sending you to pierre-cise . i should be very sorry that any ill should come to you , for i can assure you , that i most perfectly honour you , and that all our fathers have a very particular esteem for you . believe me , sir , and suffer not your self to be tormented ; you need only make a little confession to me , and i will speedily go to die and pacifie the mind of monsieur de valence . as to the confession of my sins , said i to him , i do it every day to my god ; and 't is to him only i ought to do it , according to the opinion of st. chrysostom , in one of his homelies upon the epistle to titus , where he says in formal terms , i do not ask thee that thou shouldest confess thy sins to me , it is to god alone thou ought to confess them . and you know what st. augustin says , quid mihi cum hominibus ut peccata mea audiant tanquam morbos meos sanaturi . i will not , says he , dispute with you . i know sir that you are my master . the fear i am in least any ill happen to you , hath brought me hither to conjure you to have pity on your self . i fear nothing , said i to him , i have put my self into the hands of god. let him dispose of me according to his will. this jesuite put himself into all shapes , and acted all parts to bring me to what he wisht . he embrac'd he sigh'd , he wept ; but all those artifices were in vain , and he was forced to withdraw without being able to prevail over my mind ; but yet he was not discourag'd for all this . the next morning he came again , and entred my chamber , all frighted , as if the dragoons had been at his heels ready to carry me away and load me with chains . he employ'd all his eloquence in a lively representation what would happen to me ; nay , he went to my wife to terrify her by his discourse , and to sollicite her to conjure me by her tears that i would prevent the mischief that was preparing for me . but he found himself every where rejected , so that he went away the second time without being able either by his flatteries or his threats to make the least impression on my spirit . news was brought me , that monsieur de valence was in a great passion upon the report this jesuite had made to him , and said , he knew not what should hinder him from causing me to be thrown into a deep ditch : that i troubl'd him more than all his diocess : that i might go to the devil , and that at lyons i should meet with those that durst talk to me . the next day he caus'd another onset to be made me , but seeing me immoveable , he gave order to one of my friends to tell me , that i might go when i would to lyons , where the archbishop had receiv'd orders , and should yet receive more , to make me pass my time uneasily enough . and here one ought to admire providence in my behalf , that the bishop of valence , who is one of our most bitter persecutors , should let me go out of his diocess in the manner i did ; for night and day i said my prayers with a loud voice , and in company sung psalms , and exhorted every body to perseverance , and all this too was not unknown to him ; besides that he could never force me to make the least step against my conscience ; and that i should have disputed against him , explicated my opinions to his curate , to certain canons , and to a jesuite ; certainly in all this there must be something of divine , and very extraordinary , and hereupon i have often with great diligence try'd to discover the ways of god in this affair . and after i had well consider'd it , i concluded , that god made use of the vanity of this bishop to bring me out of my misery . he did write to court that he had converted me . he durst not contradict himself , least he should pass for a man of little sense ; and besides i verily believe that i hit right of his thoughts , if i say , that he argu'd with himself after this manner . every body believes that this man is really converted , and i have taken care to spread this news throughout the kingdom ; if we throw him into prison we give the lye to what we have publish'd ; it is better to let him go to lyons , where infallibly he 'l dye in the operation of his cutting , and so we shall be deliver'd of him , and after his death , we can say of him what we please . in all likelihood these were his thoughts . but here god cries from heaven , your thoughts are not my thoughts , neither are your ways my ways . the good prelate could never imagine that i ●●uld be able to do what i did ; he was an eye-witness of all my miseries , and he knew that i was rather a dead carkass , than a living man. he had little reason to suspect that which i had so vehemently desir'd in my heart . but it is thus god confounds the wisdom of those who think themselves wise . i had no sooner the liberty to go to lyons , but i left my desart the first day of august 1686. carry'd in a litter by twelve peasants . the poor people of diois came in crowds to see me pass along the road. i will not tell here , with how many blessings , and with what tears i was accompanied . every where i beheld pale and dejected looks , which fill'd me full of compassion . i endeavour'd to comfort them by my prayers , and my benedictions . my people perceiv'd that i was follow'd from place to place by the curates and other persons ▪ who had receiv'd order from monsieur de valence to watch me upon my way . near the town of crest an honest man gave me information , and told me that assuredly i would be stopt there . notwithstanding all i still persu'd my way without the least fear , and i got safe to lyons the fifth of the same month , i took up my lodging in a great inn , both to take away all suspition ; and also the better to perswade that i was there with a design to be cut of the stone . the next morning i sent to look for one call'd hermite , a chirurgeon for the stone , to know of him when he could cut me . he view'd my body , and after he had examin'd it well , he told me it would be very dangerous to perform this operation in the condition i was in : but that he would consult of the best-means to do it . here it was i met with a very pious lady , who with me shed abundance of tears . she was just upon going for geneva . i had so great confidence in her , that i told her my design , and injoyn'd her to beg the pastors of geneva , to put up their prayers to god for me . she took me by the hands , and kissing them , said she hoped that these same hands who had so often administred to her the seal of grace and pardon might yet be imploy'd in giving her the same consolation . this great inn where i went to lodge was not convenient to execute my design ; but a private house more convenient , was procur'd for me , where i was no sooner fixt , but i sent for the ablest physitian in lyons , whose name is mr. falconnet , and of whom the archbishop made use . i gave him an account of all the symptoms of my imaginary evil ; he concluded that i had the stone , but that he must also search me for the greater certainty . he pitied the condition i was in , and though i was a stranger to him , yet he was extreamly friendly . he was a man of learning , and i took great pleasure in his conversation . i cannot tell whether it was my illness , or some observation which i made upon the greek and latine poets , which pleas'd him , and oblig'd him to be much with me . but let it be what it will , he made use of all his skill to give me ease , and to please him ; i told him i did find benefit by his remedies . it happen'd that as he was one day to visit the arch-bishop , he told him that he had a patient who was a stranger to him , but a gentleman in a very bad condition . without doubt , says the arch-bishop , this must be a minister of orange , of whom i have order from court to look after , and calling to his secretary , bid him bring his little box of papers , where he found the said order . he communicated it to the physitian on purpose that he might tell it me , the substance of which was , that the archbishop should not let me go from lyons , and that he should take care that i held no meeting ; when this was signify'd to me , i answer'd , that as for holding meetings , my condition would not let me run about the city ; and for going from lyons , they need but look upon my body to be satisfy'd in that point . but because i would avoid lying , i resolv'd not to say , that i would not go thence without order . in the mean time , finding my self so narrowly watcht , i concluded that i should quickly be in pierre-cise , if i did not take some speedy course . i had made a bargain with a waggoner of franche counté , who promis'd me for a hundred louises he would carry me to switzerland in his waggon cloath'd like a peasant , and as if i was his servant , and that the waggon had run over me and broke my legs . several of my friends were against this way for two reasons ; the first , that i should never be able to endure so long a journey in the waggon ; and the second that being so strictly observ'd as i was , i should be no sooner mist in lyons , but immediately they would dispatch messengers upon all the great roads , and that the great distance between lyons and switzerland by way of the franche counte , would undoubtedly cause my being taken ; and so that i ought rather to think of some way both quicker and shorter . after much thinking , i fancy'd that i should certainly gain my point , if i went out post in a callech , with the attendance of some great lord , my great distemper oppos'd this design ; for indeed it was very plain , that without an extraordinary assistance from heaven , i could never succeed . nay , there were some that ever laught at me when i propos'd it . but in short , notwithstanding all their arguments , i was so well confirm'd in my design , that the very same day i caus'd a callech to be bought for me , and order'd it to come by a private way . i had a mind to try whether i could endure this sort of travelling , that so i might not hazard my self to no purpose . i went upon the key by the river side , and as soon as i perceiv'd pierre-cise , where my dear brethren and collegues are kept , i could not possibly forbear weeping , a whole torrent of tears fell from me , as well in compassion of the sad condition of persons so dear to me , as at the remembrance of my own fault which deprives me of the sweet comfort of enjoying the company of such blessed confessors . if my nephew had not earnestly sollicited me to quit that place , and give some intermission to my tears , i believe i should not have stirr'd from thence before night . i had not gone thence thirty paces before an officer was at my heels , and commanded me to retire home . this accident surpriz'd me , and let me see that i was narrowly watcht , being i was so closely follow'd the first time of my coming abroad . but indeed my servants had often told me , that they had observ'd certain persons hovering about my house which they suspected to be serjeants . this made me tell my wife , that i was now satisfy'd that i had spies set upon me ; but yet that i would so well time my business , that i would steal from the sight of my guards . and that i might the better succeed , i sent for my doctor , and told him that my pains were so excessive that i could no longer live . he was accompanied by his son , and the operator who was to search me . this was the fifth of september that i endur'd this cruel operation . the operator could find no stone , and for his excuse , pretended that my lying cross the bed was not a fit posture to perform it , and that he must search me in a chair . i beg'd the doctor to put off this second search to another time ; that i had suffer'd so much in the first , that i did not feel my self strong enough to undergo a second , and the season in the month of october would be cooler , and so more favourable to me . this was approv'd of , and thus i got rid of my doctor , and my operator . but this operation made me endure two terrible nights , yet this did not hinder for putting my affairs in order to go away the sunday following , which was the eighth of the same month. a particular person for whom i shall all my life pray , lent me two footmen , with order to do whatsoever i bid them . he set them out very handsomly , and at my own cost i fitted two others suitable to them . the two first i thought fit to call parisien and campagne , and those two which belong'd to me , i nam'd flower and river . as for my self , i was in a suit cover'd with gold , a hat edg'd with gold , a fair perriwig , and a point of venize cravat , with a scarlet ribbon . the horses that were necessary for me , i procur'd and sent them out of the city , and kept only two for my self and boy . i fancied that the best time i could take would be about seven a clook in the evening , when every body was taking their pleasure in walking . my wife and i pray'd together , and after i had embrac'd her full of tears , i caus'd my self to be put in my callech which was there ready for me , conjuring her to go away the same moment from that house to another i had prepar'd for her . my grief was extream to forsake a person so dear to me , and who had been so great comfort to me in all my afflictions : but as she could not ride post , as i did , i took care that another party should assist her , and in a few days to follow me . at the hour resolv'd on i began my journey . i pass'd quite through that great city in the midst of an incredible throng of people . calleches and coaches , and upon a good round trot quickly came to the end of the bridge of rosne , whither a friend had follow'd me at a small distance to observe whether i was known ; but he told me all was well , so we shak'd hands and bid adieu . at the same time i commanded my footman to mount his horse and make the best of his way . it was just night when i came up to my other footmen with five horses , who waited for me behind the ruines of a house ; they presently harnass'd another horse and added him to my callech , and all being mounted , we pursu'd our way with a strange expedition , i was made fast to my callech with two leather thongs , which kept me so close to my engine , that it was impossible to know that i was indispos'd . order was given to parisien , who was a witty fellow , always to ride before , and to get the post horses ready , and never to speak of any but my lord , who travail'd in great hast upon urgent affairs . this little precaution succeeded wonderfully . i always found the horses ready at my coming to the stages ; i was call'd nothing but my lord. this together with my great liberality to the postillions , carry'd me with such diligence , that at break of day i arriv'd at the bridge of beauvoisin . all that night i employ'd in singing the praises of god , i began with the 91 psalm . being come to the bridge of beauvoisin , i could get but two post-horses ; a courrier that i had met upon the road , who carried the news of the creation of cardinals , had taken the rest . i found parisien engaged with the post-master ; i heard him say as i arriv'd , my lord will not be thus content ; you must find horses at any rate . the good man immediately came up to me , and calling me , my lord , askt my pardon a thousand times , that he could not presently furnish me with horses necessary for me ; but in a little time i should have enough very fit for my service . i made as if i was very angry , and it may be i was so in good earnest , and told him , that the service of the king ought not thus to be hindred . he begg'd me to walk into a room , where i might be more at my ease . i briskly answer'd him , that i must go forward . while he was arguing with me , the people of the town , who began to get out of their beds , flocked about my callech , to make their observations of it , and my equipage . they paid abundance of respect , taking me for a lord. i stir'd my hat a little to them , and then sat cover'd , letting them stand bare-head , the better to perswade them that i was some great lord. after i had askt something for breakfast , tho' i had no stomack at all to any , i invited them to drink my health . i hope i shall be excused , if here i do not relate all the particulars of what i did and said upon this adventure : let it suffice to say , that i left the quality of a minister , to take that of a great officer of the army . and truly , my manner of acting did so well perswade all those sort of people of being such , that those who had the guard of the bridge , and the commissaries of the custom-house , askt my nephew , if i did not command the regiment of guards to the duke of savoy . it may be so , says he to them . yes , we did think so indeed , reply'd these commissaries to him ; we have seen him pass this way heretofore , he hath good fortune in his looks . while this dialogue lasted , i was in great disquiet of mind , for i had been tarrying there near two hours , and could get no horses , notwithstanding my earnest pressing for them . but at last they came , and all things being ready , the postillion turned to me , and askt if i would please to go a good pace ; we had need , said i to him , to redeem the time we have lost . i pass'd the bridge as quick as could be through the midst of a dozen souldiers , who were upon the guard , and who open'd for me to the right , and to the left . the joy i had to see my self out of a kingdom , where i had so much suffered , was inconceivable : i rais'd up my heart to offer my most humble thanks to god , and sang the 125 psalm . but when i thought my self entirely delivered from the hands of my enemies , there fell out an accident which i no way expected . at the entry into that inaccessable rock , which a duke of savoy caused to be cut to ●ake a large passage ; where one sees a fine inscription , dedicated to the glory of that prince ; i found a guard of seven 〈…〉 postillion gave me notice , that they prepar'd to stop 〈…〉 d him push on his horses , and run over these rascals : 〈…〉 e of them having presented his musket to the horses , made 〈…〉 them rise upon his hind-legs , and was very near tumbling 〈…〉 wards upon me . i called this souldier to me , and askt him , 〈◊〉 he stopt me ? he answer'd me , that he had order to let no 〈◊〉 pass without a pass-port . how , rascal , said i to him , do 〈◊〉 carry it in my looks ? is it thus thou darest hinder the king 's 〈…〉 ss ? as soon as i come at chambery , i le cause thee to be th●●wn into a ditch . upon this he put off his hat , and call'd 〈◊〉 lord , and begg'd my pardon . i presently found he did not 〈◊〉 and his trade , which made me use greater threats to him , 〈…〉 m , that if i came out , i would run my sword through 〈◊〉 askt him who was his officer , and where he was ? he 〈◊〉 , his name was favier , and that he was in such a piece 〈…〉 nd , which he shewed me , eating of grapes . he deserves , said i , to be thrown into a ditch as well as thou , for leaving his post . let him be called , and let him come and speak to me . they called him ; but whether the threats that i had made frighted him , i know not , however he was satisfied to call out to his people , to let my lord pass ▪ this word reviv'd my heart , which before began to grow sad . it was no sooner pronounc'd , but i commanded my postillion to make all haste possible . i pass'd through chambery with all speed , only stopt a little to mend my callech . and although i must cross the country , yet i made use of post-horses to carry me even to geneva . the bad ways , and the precipices which in this country one meets with , made me go more slowly than i desired , lest i should be pursued by some courrier . sometimes it was necessary to make use of the country folks to hold up my callech in the ill way , for i had very often liked to have been over-turn'd . but yet notwithstanding all these toils and dangers , the great god , who hath visibly sustain'd me , brought me safe to geneva about six a clock in the morning . i was hardly upon the bridge of arve , but i found my heart began to melt into tears for my deliverance . i began to give thanks to this divine protector , in singing the 8th . verse of the 26 psalm . and here i cannot omit one remarkable thing ; the very last step which the horses made after they were within the inn , one of the shafts of my callech broke short in the middle ; upon which i made this reflection , that god , by this silent voice , told me , it was he who had sustained and carried me in his hands , since there was much more likelihood , that this accident should have happened in the midst of rocks and precipices . i reflected also , how weary all my people were , and yet that i was as fresh as when i left lyons , notwithstanding all my indispositions . for this i rendred my hearty thanks to god , as well as for the deliverance he had given me . though i had taken great care to be private here , yet the noise of my arrival was quickly spread all over geneva . they came in crouds to congratulate my escape . amongst all the consolations which i received at geneva , i ought to reckon that which i had by communicating the next sunday after my arrival , as the greatest and most efficacious . but before i did this , i presented my self before four of the faithful servants of god , to whom i opened my whole heart , and by my tears gave them so many marks of my repentance , that they could not forbear mixing some of theirs with mine . i was admitted to the communion of the church by these four excellent persons . the dean , whom i esteem as my father , made a prayer so ardent , and so sensible , and directed a discourse to me so piercing , that i believe i shall never receive that pleasure and comfort which i did at that time . the thursday before the communion i was carried into the temple of magdalen . to tell the ravishing joy i had at my entring into this holy place is impossible . i was very sensible of it , but i cannot express it . according to their ordinary course they sung the 86 psalm . it suited so exactly to my condition , that i thought the pastor had chosen it on purpose to comfort me . there was not one verse which i did not apply to my self ; and i shed so many tears in singing it , that all those who saw me , wept with me , as they have often acknowledged to me . it was in the temple of st. peter that i receiv'd the communion . i hope i communicated worthily , since i presented to god a broken and a contrite heart , psal . 51. which , according to holy david , is the sacrifice which god requires of us . after i had rendred to god part of these acknowledgments i owe him , in order to the making my peace with him , i thought i was indispensibly obliged to give notice to the prince my master of my escape . here follows that letter which i took the freedom to write to him . sir , the compassion which your royal highness was pleased to take of all my miseries , and the goodness with which you gave me assurance of it by mr. schulemburg , makes me presume to acquaint you with some good news . i am , sir , by the grace of god , delivered from my slavery and hard servitude ; for by a strange miracle i find my self among my brethren in the city of geneva . but before i relate my escape to your royal highness , i most humbly beseech you to permit me in few words to give you an account of what past concerning me , since my unhappy fall. in the letter which i took the liberty to write you in that time , i acquainted you that i was still detain'd in the city of valence , where they kept me for the space of two months and a half , though they would perswade me that i had my full liberty . during this , the bishop visited me eight times . i always let him know that he had made no great conquest ; that my great infirmities were the cause of those words which fell from me , and that day and night i wept for the fault i had committed ; i pray'd him not to press me to any profession of the roman religion ; for being delivered from my weaknesses , i was a man that could speak for my self . we often disputed together ; and on these occasions i was very sensible of the divine assistance to maintain the truth i had preach'd . in one of his visits he shewed me a letter , in which monsieur de louvoy writ him , that i should be allowed a pension of two thousand livres , if i would give any assurance of fidelity to the king. i answer'd him couragiously , that i had rather feed upon grass , than accept of any pension ; and that i would chuse rather to die , than be thought a man , who like so many others , had sold his religion and his conscience ; that as mean a man as i was , i had enough to keep me , and so thanked him for the kindness he thought to do me . it would be too tedious to tell your royal highness all that past in our other conversation , and common prudence will not let me commit to paper many things which i may tell your royal highness , if god gives me leave , as with passion i wish it , to come near your sacred person . at the end of two months and a half , they put me in a frightful desart , still telling me that i enjoy'd my full liberty . it was here i lived five full months , feeding upon my sighs and tears . after i had been there a month , the same bishop came to see me , and feigning my self grievously troubled with the stone , i beg'd him to get leave for me to go to lyons to be cut . he delay'd me with fair promises for four months , but at last wearied with my importunity , he writ to court , and was answer'd , that they might let me go to lyons to be cut of the stone , but charged him to take care how i behaved my self there . as i was preparing my self for my journey , he came once more into his diocess of die , to confess and communicate those which were called new converts . and he came again to my desart , to exhort me to do my duty , as they call it . he br●ught along with him a book newly composed to support by the authority of the fathers , their doctrine of transubstantiation . as fast as he read the passages to me , i answer'd them , so that seeing me resolv'd to do nothing of all that he requir'd of me , he sent to me some jesuits and other ecclesiasticks , whose labours prevail'd as little upon my mind , as he had done . this vext him so extreamly , that he threatned me severely , and spoke of nothing but throwing me in a ditch , and by way of favour , into pierre-cise . but yet notwithstanding all his anger , i left my desart , and went to lyons ; whether he caus'd me to be follow'd and watch'd by his curates and other persons . i was no sooner arriv'd there , but i sent for , and consulted the ablest physicians and operators about the best means to cut me . i suffer'd them even with their instruments to search me ; and the physicians having acquainted the archbishop with my pitiful condition , he sent me word that he had orders to observe my actions , and that i should take heed not to hold any meeting at lyons ; this did not hinder me from thinking of my escape . and the great god heard my prayers , and put a contrivance into my head , how to be deliver'd from my severe captivity , which one day i hope to relate to your royal highness . but , sir , that a man depriv'd of the use of his limbs , continually watch'd by officers , should yet get out of lyons , and arrive at geneva , by ways through rocks , and in the sight of guards , in two days time , add to this , that he should be able to endure the fatigue of riding post in a callech , and tire four servants well fitted , and should never meet with one soul that so much as askt whither goes thou ? except at one place where i was stopt some few minutes , and from whence i clear'd my self by personnating a resolute man of honour ; and that they should every where take me for some great officer ; and that i should be able to hide my illness and distempers , and never come out of my callech ; this doubtless will appear like a fable to all europe ; but as for my own part , i shall look upon 't as the work of the great god , who hath given his holy angels charge to bear me up in their hands . this , sir , is a short abridgment of my history ; i expected when i should come into another country to be regarded as a dog for my falling away . but god who hath without doubt had mercy on me , hath order'd things quite otherwise ; i can assure your royal highness , that i have been receiv'd in this city , as if i were an angel from heaven . nay , i am very much troubl'd with people who come in great numbers to shed tears of joy for my deliverance ; insomuch , that the first syndic hath earnestly press'd me to lodge in his house , but for several reasons i have refus'd it , and acknowledge to him that i was very sensible it was for the sake of my great master he was desirous to do me this honour , and assured him i would not fail to let him know it . but , sir , this is not all , for within two days after my arrival , the news of it was spread all over switzerland , and continually i receiv'd from thence letters of welcome : and that which fills up the measure of my joy , is to hear that your royal highness is pleas'd with my escape . but as there is nothing which i wish , with greater passion , than to be near your person , and that methinks i should then be content to die , if once god would please to let me behold him whom i most love , respect and honour in the world ; but then on the other side as my unhappy fall makes me dread appearing before my great master , so i shall wait for the orders which you will please to send me , before i dare begin my journey . i hope , sir , and this hope is my comfort in the midst of my great affliction , that you who are so bright an image of god upon earth , as well by your greatness , as by your piety , will shew mercy to your servant ; as i am perswaded god himself has done to me . for this reason , i throw my self into the arms of your royal highnesses goodness and charity , from whence i hope for all the favour imaginable , being assured that you are throughly convinc't that there is not any of your subjects , or servants , who is with greater obligation and veneration , than sir , your highnesses most humble and most obedient servant and faithful subject , j. p. de chambrun . within a few days after my arrival at geneva , i receiv'd abundance of letters of congratulation , which persons of great merit did me the honour to write me . i could produce divers of them , which would not be a little for the edification of the world , if i had not some good reasons which hinder me to publish them . several fugitive pastors dispers'd in switzerland did me the honour in person to come and rejoyce with me . all this did but renew my tears , for i think my self unworthy of so much goodness as was shewn to me . but the charity of these good servants of god extended a great deal farther ; for as i signified to them , that there was nothing i desir'd more earnestly than to be restor'd to the holy ministry from whence through my fault i was faln , so there were some of remarkable merit , who maintain'd , that as i had neither sign'd , nor exercis'd any act in the romish religion , so that they judg'd that i was not so faln , but that i might perform my ministry , without being re-establish'd ; and that i might without the least scruple do my function whenever god was pleas'd to give me opportunity : nevertheless , i was not satisfy'd with this , but told them , that i perceiv'd by this , they design'd to comfort me , and conjur'd them not to flatter me in my sin ; and that i had need of being more humbled by their reproaches for my horrible cowardice ; and that far from extenuating my crime , they ought rather to aggravate it . let the righteous , said i , psal . 141. 5. smite me , it shall be a kindness ; and let him reprove me , it shall be an excellent oyl , which shall not break my head . upon this they all appointed a general meeting , where i appear'd before them , and where i spoke more by my tears , and my sighs , than by my words . i made them a short relation of all my sad misfortunes , and of all that i could remember , that i either did or said during my captivity ; and beg'd them to make an exact enquiry into all , as well for the edification of the church of god , as for my own comfort and satisfaction ; and in a word , i assur'd them , that if my weak condition would allow me to cast my self to the ground , i would there humble my self in dust , and of god ask pardon for my sin , and of the whole church pardon for the scandal i have given . after the formalities usual upon these occasions were perform'd , i was re-establish'd in the honour of the holy ministry . the support and charity of my brethren was a very great comfort to me : i thought my self quite another man after this re-establishment ; yet nevertheless i found my soul continually to groan under the heavy burden of my sin ; and i was also now tormented with the fear left my wife should be taken , she was to have follow'd me in a few days , and yet there were several gone , and did not so much as hear that she was ready to come away from lyons , a little to divert my grief , and to pay my duty to the count de dona : i made some little journies to copet , where i was by this illustrious lord and his lady , receiv'd with all the kindness and marks of good will , that it is possible to imagine ; this lord , whose ancestors from father to son have always shew'd great favour to my family , omitted nothing that he thought would comfort me in this my extream affliction ; for i was no sooner in his presence , but a stood of tears hindred me at the first sight of him , to give him that respect which is owing to his rare virtues and merits . it was at his house i receiv'd the answer of the letter which i writ to his royal highness : monsieur de schulemberg sent me word , that the prince was extream joyful at my escape , that i should immediately come away for holland ; and that orders were given at geneva to furnish me with all things that should be necessary . and indeed , this great master hath shew'd so much goodness to me , that it is through his generous liberality , that i have been able to bear the excessive charge which i was forc'd to be at , in getting my wife from lyons , and my self to be near his person , in pursuance of the command which he sent me . at my return from this little journey to copet , i found at geneva divers letters from france , in which persons of great worth rejoyced with me at my happy escape . they also let me know how glad an infinite of good souls were at this news , and what grief my persecutors had , that i should steal from them in their very sight . they also acquainted me with the discourse that was among the great ones upon this occasion ; and yet after this manner some of them reason'd . who would ever have thought that so lame and weak a man in his body , would have undertaken to run away , or that he had the courage to expose himself so strangely as he has done ? in all likelihood there is some secret in this matter ; without doubt 't is the prince of orange , who hath caus'd him to escape , and with a great expence of money has corrupted the guards . the greatest occasion which i found in these letters to rejoyce at , was the good effect which my escape has produced ; for this has not only awak'd some minds which before seem'd to be asleep , but in imitation of me , the most fearful persons have had courage enough to fly the kingdom . but whilst i was busie in answering so many letters , i receiv'd , divers from my wife , which much afflicted me ; she gave me notice that those she had agreed with , prov'd unfaithful to her ; that the captain of that quarter , at midnight entred the house where she was with an intention to seize her ; and that she sav'd her self from him , in hiding her self in a pile of faggots : but that she was yet in great fear that she should fall into the hands of those he employs to persecute us ; because it was known that she lay hid in lyons . i neglected nothing to get her out of the danger to which she was expos'd ; and at last i thought i had met with a safe convenience to bring her to geneva ; but she fell into the hands of dishonest people , where she narrowly escap'd ruin. in the night , after they had travel'd two hours from lyons , her guides forsook her and three ladies , who were in her company and design . these poor creatures were nine days going from lyons to geneva , endur'd the rigour of the winter , walk'd in snow , upon the ice , and over mountains , waited for by thirty armed peasants at certain passages , and closely pursued by an officer , her companions seeing themselves beset with such dangers , would fain have return'd back to lyons ; but she couragiously oppos'd them , declaring to them , that she had much rather perish than go back ; for which resolution , she has had from these ladies a thousand praises and thanks , after their arrival at geneva . i had notice from lyons of the day of her coming away ; her tarrying so long made me believe she was taken , which infinitely afflicted me , thinking that if this misfortune was befaln her , that they would use her cruelly upon my account . but this great god who hath every way comforted me , hath restor'd her to me , even then when i concluded she was lost ; for the very minute when they were at shutting the gates , which was the last day of the year 1686 , a souldier of the garison came in all hast , and brought me the news of her arrival , and the next moment i saw her at my bed-side , where my illness kept me . our joy was extream , and we immediately gave solemn thanks to this great god , who to our mutual comfort hath so mightily assisted and blest us . after this unhop'd for happiness , i thought of nothing but my journey for holland ; i set forward the first of february the year following , notwithstanding the rigour of the season , but the abundance of snow , and the earnest sollicitations of the count de dona and his countess , staid us at copet , where i and my wife were receiv'd with a thousand marks of kindness by these illustrious persons . from the windows of this agreeable seat i could divert my sight upon the lake leman , and upon the inaccessible rocks of the alpes , which brought to my remembrance the poem of beza , which is found at the head of some of our psalms ; for every day i heard the poor fugitives , as they pass'd upon the lake , singing psalms to their god , which resounded to the banks , and eccho'd into the midst of these horned rocks . methought i heard the quire of angels , which is represented to us in the revelations , singing allelujahs , which even pierc'd heaven , giving thanks to god for the deliverance of these poor fugitives , and begging that his gracious protection might accompany them whethersoever it pleas'd his good providence to direct them . i pursu'd my way by lausane , where i met with a great number of illustrious fugitives , and with whom i mixt my tears ; and i was receiv'd with so great kindness by the renown'd family of chabot chandieu , and by mr. du vernan , so celebrated for his zeal , his piety , and his rare merit , that i shall eternally preserve the memory of it . in all the cities of switzerland and germany i was most kindly entertain'd . i no sooner shew'd the pass-port of the prince my master , but they offer'd me a thousand services , and i had so much honour done me , that i was even asham'd ; but there happen'd to me in this long and tedious journey a very sad accident , as i was laid in the horse-litter , which was the only way i could endure to travel ; one of the horses fell , and i fell with so great violence upon my face , that i remain'd as dead ; all my body was so bruis'd with this fall , and the nerves of my legs and my arms so very much hurt , that the pains which i felt differ'd but little from those of the rack . nevertheless the impatience that i was in to be at the hague , would not let me loose one day , and the eight and twentieth day of march i arriv'd there , whether god hath visibly by his good providence conducted me . finis . the treaty of peace called the pyrenaean treaty, between the crowns of france and spain concluded and signed by his eminency cardinal mazarin and dom lewis mendez de haro, plenipotentiaries of their most christian and g[c]atholick majesties, the seventh of november, 1659 / printed in paris by his majesties command, and now faithfully rendred english. treaties, etc. spain, 1659 nov. 7 france. 1659 approx. 163 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49237 wing l3140 estc r1302 11875844 ocm 11875844 50234 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50234) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 501:16) the treaty of peace called the pyrenaean treaty, between the crowns of france and spain concluded and signed by his eminency cardinal mazarin and dom lewis mendez de haro, plenipotentiaries of their most christian and g[c]atholick majesties, the seventh of november, 1659 / printed in paris by his majesties command, and now faithfully rendred english. treaties, etc. spain, 1659 nov. 7 france. france. treaties, etc. spain, 1659 nov. 7. 44 p. printed for t. collins, j. wright, t. sawbridge, and m. pitt, london : 1678. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder 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assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -foreign relations -1643-1715. france -foreign relations -spain. france -foreign relations -treaties. spain -foreign relations -1621-1665. spain -foreign relations -france. spain -foreign relations -treaties. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the treaty of peace , called the pyrenaean treaty , between the crowns of france and spain . concluded and signed by his eminency cardinal mazarin and dom lewis mendez de haro , plenipotentiaries of their most christian and gatholick majesties , the seventh of november , 1659. printed in paris by his majesties command , and now faithfully rendred english . london : printed for t. collins . j. wright , t. sawbridge , and m. pitt , 1678. the treaty of peace between the crowns of france and spain , concluded and signed by his eminency cardinal mazarin , and dom lewis mendez de haro , plenipotentiaries of their most christian and catholick majesties , in the isle called of the pheasants , in the river of bidassoa , upon the confines of the pyrenaean mountains , the seventh of november , 1659. lewis by the grace of god , king of france and of navarra , to all those who shall see the present letters , greeting : whereas , by vertue of the powers respectively given by us , and the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince the catholick king of spain , our most dear and most beloved good brother and uncle , unto our most dear and most beloved cosen the cardinal mazarin ; and to the lord dom lewis mendez de haro and gusman , they have in the isle called of the pheasants , in the river of bidassoa , upon the confines of both the kingdoms , towards the pyrenean mountains , the seventh of the instant month of november , concluded , agreed and signed the treaty of peace and reconciliation , the tenor whereof is as followeth . in the name of god the creator . to all present and to come , be it known ; that whereas a long and bloody war , hath many years since caused great miseries and oppressions to be suffered by the people , kingdoms , countries , and dominions under the obedience of the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince lewis the xiv , by the grace of god , most christian king of france and navarra ; and of philip the iv , by the grace of god catholick king of spain : in which war , other princes and republicks , their neighbours and allyes having also taken part , many towns and countries of both the parties have been exposed to great evils , miseries , ruines , and desolations . and although at other times , and by several ways , diverse overtures and negociations for an accommodation , have been made ; yet none of them , through the mysterious secrets of the divine providence , could take the effect most earnestly desired by their majesties , until at length that supreme god who hath in his hand the hearts of kings , and hath particularly reserved to himself alone , the precious gift of peace , hath had the goodness , through his infinite mercy , to inspire at the same time , both the kings , and so to guide and direct them , that without any other interposition or motives , but the only 〈…〉 of compassion they have had of the sufferings of their good subjects , and of a fatherly desire of their good and relief , and of the peace of the whole christendom , they have found the means how to put an end to so great and long calamities , to forget and extinguish the causes and the seeds of their divisions , and to settle to the glory of god , and the exaltation of our holy catholick faith , a good , sincere , entire and lasting peace and fraternity between them and their successors , their allyes and dependants ; by means whereof the dammages and miseries suffered , might quickly be repaired in all parts , which to attain unto , both the said lords and kings having given order unto the most eminent lord messire julas mazarin , cardinal of the holy roman church , duke of mayenne , head of the most christian kings councils , &c. and unto that most excellent lord , the lord dom lewis mendez de haro and gusman , marquis of carpier , earl-duke of olivares , perpetual governour of the royal palaces , and of the arcenal or magazine of the city of sevella , great chancellor perpetual of the india's , one of his catholick majesties council of state , great commander of the order of alcantara , gentleman of his majesties chamber , and gentleman of his horse , these two first and principal ministers , to meet upon the confines of both the kingdoms , towards the pyrenaean mountains , as being the two persons who are best informed of their holy intentions , of their interests , and of the most intimate secrets of their hearts ; and consequently the most able to find out the necessary expedients to end their differences ; and to that end having given unto them most large powers , the copies whereof are inserted at the end of these presents , both the aforesaid principal ministers , by vertue of their said powers , acknowledged on both sides , to be sufficient , have granted , established , and concluded the following articles . i. first ; it is concluded and agreed , that for the future , there shall be a good , firm and lasting peace , confederation and perpetual alliance and amity between the most christian and catholick kings , their children borne and to be born , their childrens successors , and heirs ; their kingdoms , dominions , countries and subjects , who shall love one another as good brethren , procuring with all their power the mutual good , honor and reputation one of the other , and shuning bona fide , as much as in them shall lye , the damage one of the other . ii. in consequence of that good re-union , the cessation of all manner of hostility , concluded and signed the eight day of may of this present year , shall continue according to its tenor , between the said lords and kings , their subjects , vassals , and adherents , both by sea and other waters , and by land ; and generally in all places , where the war hath been hitherto between their majesties . and if any new thing , or ways of fact should hereafter be attempted by the arms , or in any manner whatsoever , under the name of the authority of either of the said lords and kings , to the prejudice of the other , the dammages shall be presently repaired , and things put again in the same state , as they were in upon the eighth day of may aforesaid , when the said suspension of arms was agreed on and subscribed , the tenor whereof ought to be observed until the publication of the peace . iii. and for hindering lest the differences , that might hereafter happen betwixt any princes or potentates in alliance with the said lords and kings , be able to alter the good correspondency a●● amity between their majesties , which every one of them is desirous to make so sure and lasting , that no accident may disturb the same , it hath been concluded and agreed , that in case hereafter any difference should arise betwixt their allies , which might carry them to an open breach between themselves , neither of the said lords and kings shall assault or disturb by his arms , the ally of the other ; or shall give an assistance , publick or private , against the said ally , without first , and afore all things , treating in the court of the other king , by his ambassador , or some other particular person , about the occasion of the said difference , hindring as much as in them shall lye , and by their authority , the taking up of arms betwixt their said allies ; until either by the judgment of both the kings , if their allies will yield to their decision , or by their interposition and authority , they might have endeavoured an amicable composure of the said difference , so that every one of their allies be satisfied with it ; shunning on both sides , the taking up of auxiliary arms. after which , if the authority of both the kings or their offices and interposition , cannot produce the accommodation , and the allies do at last take the way of arms , every one of the said lords and kings shall be free to assist his allie with his forces , without incurring thereby any breach betwixt their majesties , or any alteration of their amity : each of the two kings even promising in that case , that he will not suffer that his arms , nor the arms of his allie should enter into any of the dominions of the other king , there to commit any hostility ; but that the quarrel shall be ended within the limits of the dominion or dominions of the allies , that shall fight together ; so that no warlike action , or any other done in that conformity , shall be deemed a breach of this present treaty of peace . as likewise , whensoever any prince or state in alliance with either of the said lords and kings , shall be directly or indirectly assaulted by the forces of the other king , in what he shall hold and be possessed of at the subscribing of the present treaty , or what he ought to possess in consequence of it , it shall be lawful to the other king , to help or assist the assaulted prince or state ; and yet whatsoever shall be done in conformity to the present article , by the auxiliary forces , whilst they shall be in the service of the assaulted prince or state , shall not be deemed a breach of the present treaty ▪ and in case it should happen that either of the two lords and kings should be first assaulted , in what he now is possessed of , or ought to possess by virtue of the present treaty , by any other prince or state whatsoever , or by many princes and states in league together , the other king shall not joint his forces to the said assaulting prince or state , though otherwise his ally , nor to the said league of the likewise assaulting princes or states , as aforesaid , nor shall give to the said prince and state , or to the said league , any assistance of men , money or victuals , nor passage or retreat in his dominions , to their persons or forces . as for the kingdoms , princes and states , that are now in war with either of the said lords and kings , and could not be comprehended in the present treaty of peace ; or that having been comprehended therein , would not accept of it , it hath been concluded and agreed , that the other king shall not have power , after the publication of the said treaty , to give them , directly or indirectly , any manner of assistance , of men , victuals or money ; much less to the subjects that might hereafter rise or revolt against either of the said lords and kings . iv. all occasions of enmity or misunderstanding , shall remain extinguished and for ever abolished : and whatsoever hath been done , or hath hapned , upon occasion of the present wars , or during the same , shall be put into perpetual oblivion : so that for the future , of neither side , neither directly nor indirectly , shall any inquiry be made for the same , by justice , or otherwise , under any pretence whatsoever : nor shall their majesties , or their subjects , servants , or adherents , of either side , shew any manner of remembrance of any offences or damages suffered during the war. v. by means of this peace and strict amity the subjects of both sides , whatsoever ▪ shall have liberty , they observing the laws and customs of the country , to go to and fro , to dwell , trade and return into one anothers country , merchandising or as they shall think best , both by land and by sea , or any other fresh-waters , to treat and trade together : and the subjects of the one shall be maintained and protected in the others countreys , as their own subjects , paying reasonably the duties in all accustomed places , and such others , as by their majesties and their successors shall be imposed . vi. the towns , subjects , merchants , and inhabitants of the kingdoms , dominions , provinces , and countreys belonging to the most christian king , shall enjoy the same priviledges , franchises , liberties , and sureties , in the kingdom of spain , and other kingdoms and dominions belonging to the catholick king , as the english have by right enjoyed , by the last treaties made between the two crowns of spain and england ; and no greater duties or impositions shall be exacted of the french and other of the most christian kings subjects , either in spain , or any where else , within the lands or other places of the catholick kings obedience , than have been paid by the english before the breach , or than are paid at this time , by the inhabitants of the united provinces of the neatherlands , or any other strangers that shall be there the more favourably intreated . the same shall be done , within the whole extent of the obedience of the said lord the most christian king , unto all the subjects of the said lord the catholick king , of what country or nation soever they be . vii . in consequence of this , if the french ▪ or any other of his most christian majesties subjects , are found in the said kingdoms of spain , or upon the coasts thereof , to have shipped , or caused to be shipped upon their vessels , in what manner soever it may be , any prohibited goods , to transport them out of the said kingdoms , the penalty shall not extend further than hath been heretofore practised , in such cases , towards the english ; or than it is , at this time practised towards the hollanders , in consequence of the treaties made with england or the united provinces : and all inquiries or processes hitherto made , about the same , shall remain null and be extinguished . the same shall be observed towards the towns , subjects and inhabitants of the kingdoms and islands belonging to the said lord the catholick king , who shall enjoy the same priviledges , franchises , and liberties , throughout all the dominions of the said lord the most ▪ christian king. viii . all the french and other subjects of the said lord ▪ the most christian king , shall have liberty , freely and without any hindrance , to transport out of the said kingdoms and countries of the said lord , the catholick king , the proceed of the sale by them made of corn within the said kingdoms and countries , after the same manner as they wanted to do afore the war ▪ and the same shall be observed in france towards the subjects of the said lord , the catholick king. ix . of neither side , shall the merchants , masters of ships , pilots , or mariners , nor their ships , merchandises , commodities or other goods to them belonging , be arrested or seised on , either by vertue of any general or particular mandate , or for any cause whatsoever of war , or otherwise ; nor even under pretence of using them for the preservation and defence of the country ▪ and generally , nothing shall be taken from the subjects of the said lords and kings , within the lands of the obedience of the other , but with the consent of those to whom such things shall belong , and paying ready money what shall be desired of them . yet it is not understood that therein should be comprehended such seisures and arrests of justice , by the ordinary ways , because of debts , obligations , and valid contracts of those , upon whom such seisures shall be made ; whereunto it shall be proceeded , as it is wonted , according to right and reason . x. all the subjects of the most christian king , shall ▪ with all security and liberty , fail and trade in all the kingdoms , countries and dominions , that are or shall be at peace , amity , or neutrality with france , ( excent portugal only , with their conquests and adjacent countrys , whereof it is otherwise disposed by an article of the present treaty ) and shall not be troubled or molested in that liberty , by the ships , galleys , frigots , barks , or any other sea-buildings , belonging to the catholick king , or any of his subjects , because of the hostilities that are or might be hereafter between the said lord the catholick king , and the aforesaid kingdoms ▪ countries , and dominions , or any of them , that are or shall be at peace , amity or neutrality with france : provided , that the exception made of portugal , in this and following articles , concerning the commerce , shall only be in force , during the time the said portugal shall remain in the condition it is at present : and that if it should happen that the said portugal should be reduced under the obedience of his catholick majesty , the same should be then observed ; as to the commerce in the said kingdom of portugal , in regard of the french , as in other dominions now possessed by his said catholick majesty , according to the contents of the present and following articles . xi . that transportation and that traffick shall extend to all kinds of merchandizes and commodities , which were wonted freely and securely to be transported into the said kingdoms , countries and dominions , afore they were in was with spain : provided yet , that during the said war , the most christian kings subjects shall abstain from carrying thither any merchandizes of the growth of the catholick kings dominions , such as may be serviceable against him and his dominions ; much less shall they carry thither any contrebanda-goods . xii . by that kind of contrebanda-goods , are only understood all sorts of fire-arms , and all things belonging to them ; as canons musquets , mortar-pieces , petards , bombes , granadoes , saucidges , pitchd circles , carriages , forks , bandaliers , gunpowder , cords , saltpeter , bullets , pikes , swords , caskes , headpeices , cuirasses , halberts , javalins , horses , saddels for horses , holsters for pistols , belts , or any other warlike furnitures . xiii . in that kind of contrebanda-goods , shall not be comprehended , wheat , corn , or other granes , pu●●e , oyles , wines , salt , nor generally any thing belonging to the nourishment and sustentation of life ; but they shall remain free , as all other merchandizes and commodities , not comprehended in the aforegoing article , and the transportation of them shall be free , even to places in enmity with the crown of spain , except portugal as aforesaid , and the towns and places besieged , blockt up , or surrounded . xiv . for the execution of the premises , it hath been agreed , that it shall be done in the manner following , viz. that the ships and barks , with the merchandizes belonging to the subjects of the lord , the most christian king , being come into any haven of the lord catholick king , where they used to come and trade before the present war , and being willing from thence , to pass unto the ports belonging to the said enemies , they shall only be bound to shew to the officers of the spanish port , or of any other of the said lord and kings dominions , from whence they are to go , their passes , containing the specification of the lading of their ships , attested and marked with the ordinary hand and seal , and acknowledged by the officers of the admiralty of the places from whence they came first , with the declaration of the plate , for which they are bound ; the whole in the ordinary and accustomed form. after which exhibiting of their passes , in the form aforesaid , they shall not be disturbed or molested , detained nor retarded in their voyages , under any pretence whatsoever . xv. the same shall be done , as to the french ships and barques that shall go into any roads of the catholick kings dominion , where they used to trade before the present war , and shall be unwilling to enter into the harbours , or being entred there , yet will not unlide or break bulk ; who shall not be obliged to give any account of their lading , but only in case of suspicion , that they are carrying any contrebanda-goods unto the enemies of the said lord the catholick king , as aforesaid . xvi . and in the said case of apparent suspicion , the said subjects of the most christian king , shall be obliged to show in the ports , their passes , in the form above specified . xvii . but if they be entered into the roads , or be met in open sea by any of the said lord the catholick kings ships , or by private men of war of his subjects ; the spanish ships , to avoid all kind of disorder , shall not come nearer to the french , than the reach of the canon , and shall have power to send their cock-boat or shallop abord the said french ships or barques , and cause two or three of their men only to go into them , to whom shall the passes be shewed by the master or patron of the french ship , in the manner aforesaid , according unto the form that shall be inferred at the end of this treaty : whereby it might appear , not only of their lading , but also of the place of their abode and residence , and of the name both of the master and patron , and of the ship it self : that by those two means , it may be known whether they carry any prohibited goods : and that it may sufficiently appear , both of the quality of the said ship , and of its master and patron ; unto which passes and sea letters , full faith and credit shall be given . and to the end their validity might be the better known , and that they might not in any wise be falsified and counterfeited , there shall be given in , certain marks and subscriptions of both the said lords and kings . xviii . and in case there be found in the said french vessels and barques by the means aforesaid , any merchandizes and commodities , before declared to be prohibited and contrebanda , the same shall be unladen , denounced and confiscated before the judges of the admiralty of spain , or any other competent judges ; yet for all that , neither the ship and barque , nor any other of the lawful and permitted goods , merchandizes and commodities found therein , shall in any wise be seised on or confiscated . xix . it hath further been agreed and concluded , that whatsoever shall be found to have been laden by the subjects of his most christian majesty , aboard any ships belonging to the enemies of the said lord and catholick king , although not contrebanda goods , shal be confiscated , together with all that shall be found in the said ship , without any exception or reservation : but , on the other side , whatsoever shall be found in the ships belonging to the subjects of the most christian king , shall be free and freed , although the lading , or part thereof should belong to the enemies of the said lord the catholick king , except the prohibited goods ; in regard whereof they shall carry themselves according to what hath been disposed in the aforegoing articles . xx. all the subjects of the said lord the catholick king , shall mutually enjoy the same rights , liberties and immunities in their trade and commerce , within the ports , roads , seas and dominions of his most christian majesty . and what hath been abovesaid , that the subjects of the said lord , the most christian king , shall enjoy in his catholick majesties ports , or in open sea , ought to be understood , that the equality shall be mutual , in all manner , on both sides , even in case hereafter the said lord the catholick king , should happen to be at peace , amity and neutrality with any kings , princes and states , that should become the enemies of the said lord the most christian king ; each of both the parties being mutually to use the same conditions and restrictions expressed in the articles of the present treaty , concerning the trade and commerce . xxi . in case of either side there happens any contravention to the said articles , touching the commerce , by the officers of the admiralty of either of the two lords and kings , or any other person whatsoever , the complaint thereof being addressed by the interessed parties , unto their majesties themselves or their councils for the navy , their said majesties shall presently cause the damage to be repaired , and all things to be executed in the manner aforesaid . and in case , in progress of times , any frauds or inconveniences should be discovered touching the said commerce and navigation , nor sufficiently provided against by the aforesaid articles , new ones shall be added thereto , of such other precautions , as shall be thought convenient on both parts : the present treaty remaining yet , in the mean while , in its force and vigor . xxii . all goods and merchandises arrested in either of the kingdoms , upon the subjects of the said lords and kings , at the time of the declaration of war , shall be uprightly , and bonâ fide restored to the owners ; in case they be found in esse , at the day of the publication of the present treaty . and all debts contracted before the war , which upon the said day of the publication of the present treaty , shall be found not to have been actually paid unto others , by vertue of judgments given upon letters of confiscation or reprisal , shall be bonâ fide acquitted and paid : and upon the demands and pursuits that shall be made about them , the said lords and kings shall give order unto their officers , to render as good and speedy justice unto the forreiners , as unto their own subjects , without any distinction of persons . xxiii . the actions that have been heretofore , or shall hereafter be intented before the officers of the said lords and kings for prises , spoils , and reprisals against such as are not subjects to the prince , in whose jurisdiction the said actions shall have been intented or begun , shall , without any difficulty , be returned before the officers of the prince , whose subjects the defendants shall be . xxiv . and the better to secure , for the future , the commerce and amity between the subjects of the said lords and kings , for the greater advantage and commodity of their kingdoms , it hath been concluded and agreed , that there hapning hereafter any breach between the two crowns ( which god forbid ) six months time shall alwaies be given to the subjects on both sides , to retire and transport their persons and goods , where they shall please : which they shall be permitted to do , with all liberty , without any hinderance ; and during that time , there shall be no seisure made of their said goods , much less their persons arrested . xxv . the inhabitants and subjects of either side , shall every where within the lands of the obedience of the said lords and kings , make use of such advocates , proctors , notaries , and sollicitors as they shall please ; whereunto also , they shall be committed by the ordinary judges , when need shall be , and when the said judges shall be desired so to do . and it shall be lawful to the said subjects and inhabitants of both sides , to keep in the places of their abode , the books of their trade and correspondence , in such a language as they shall like best , either french , spanish , flemish , or any other , without falling thereby into any molestation or trouble . xxvi . the said lords and kings shall have power , for the commodity of their subjects trading in one anothers kingdoms and dominions , to settle some consuls of the same nation of their said subjects , who shall enjoy the rights , liberties , and immunities belonging to their exercise and employment : and that the establishment shall be made in such places , where with a mutual consent it shall be thought necessary . xxvii . all lettees of mart and reprisals that may have been formerly granted , for what cause soever , shall be suspended ; and none shall be granted hereafter by either of the said lords and kings , to the prejudice of the subjects of the other , unless in case of a manifest denial of justice onely ; whereof , and of the summons made about the same , such as shall sue for the said letters , shall be bound to bring good proofs according to the form and manner required by the law. xxviii . all the subjects of both sides , both ecclesiastical and secular , shall be restored to their goods , honours and dignities , and to the enjoyment of such benefices as they were invested with afore the war , either by death or resignation ; either by way of coadjutorship or otherwise . in which re-establishment into goods , honours and dignities , are namely understood to be comprehended all the napolitan subjects of the said lord , the catholick king , except only the charges , offices and governments , they were possessed of . and it shall not be lawful for either side , to refuse to place , or to hinder the taking of possession to any of those who have been invested with prebends , benefices , or ecclesiastical dignities afore that time ; nor to maintain therein such as have obtained any other provisions of the same , during the war ; unless it be for the curates canonically provided , who shall remain in the enjoyment of their parsonages . both the one and the other shal likewise be restored to the enjoymeet of all and every one of their goods , unmoveables , and rents , either perpetual , or during life , or to be redeemed , seised on or taken from them since that time , either upon the occasion of the war , or for following the contrary part ; together with all their rights , actions and successions to them accruing even since the beginning of the war ; yet so , that they shall not demand or pretend any fruits or revenues received since the seisures made of the said goods , immoveables , rents and benefices , until the day of the publication of the present treaty . xxix . nor likewise make any demand of such debts , goods and moveables , as have been confiscated afore the said day : so that the creditors of the said debts , nor the depositaries of such goods , nor their heirs or assigns , shall never be admitted to prosecute or pretend the recovery of them . which reestablishments , in the aforesaid form , shall extend to those who have followed the contrary part ; so that , by means of the present treaty , they shall be restored to their king and soveraign princes grace , as also to their goods , such as shall be found extant upon the conclusion and subscribing of the present treaty . xxx . and the said re-establishment of the said subjects on both sides , shall be made according to the tenor of the xxviii article aforegoing , notwithstanding any donations , concessions , declarations , confiscations committed , sentences preparatory or definitive , given by contumacy in the absence of the parties , and without hearing of them : which sentences and all judgments shall be void and of none effect , and as not given or hapned , with full & entire liberty to the said parties , to return into the countries from whence they had formerly retired themselves , to enjoy in person their goods , unmovables , rents and revenues , or to settle their abode out of the said countries , in such places as they shall think best , it remaining in their choice and election ; so that , in that respect , no manner of compulsion shall be used against them . and in case they rather chuse to inhabit elsewhere , they shall have power to depute and appoint such persons , not suspected , as they shall think best , for the government and enjoying of their goods , rents and revenues , but not of such benefices as require a residency , which ought personally to be administred and served . yet so , that the liberty of a personal so journing mentioned in this article , shall not extend it self to those , of whom it is otherwise disposed , by any other article of the present treaty . xxxi . such as shall have been provided on either side with benefices being of the collation , presentation , or any other disposition of the said lord , and kings , or any other , either ecclesiastical or lay persons , or such as shall have obtained provisions from the pope , of any other benefices situate within the obedience of either of the said lords and kings , by whose consent and permission , they shall have enjoyed the same during the war , shall remain in the possession and enjoyment of the said benefices during their lives , as being well and duly provided . yet so , that thereby no prejudice is intended for the future , to the right of the lawful collators , who shall enjoy and use the same , as they were wonted to do afore the war. xxxii . all prelates , abbots , priors , and other ecclesiastical persons , that have been nominated to their benefices , or promoted to the same by the said lords and kings , before the war , ordering the same , and whereunto their majesties were in possession to provide and nominate , afore the breach between the two crowns , shall be maintained in the possession and enjoyment of the said benefices ; and shall not be molested therein , for any cause or pretence whatsoever ; as also in the free enjoyment of all the goods that shall be found to have belonged to the same of old , and in the right of conferring the benefices depending of the same , in what place soever the said goods and benefices be found situate . provided yet , that the said benefices be filled with able persons , having the requisite qualifications , according to the reglements observed before the war : and for the future , it shall not be lawfull , of either side , to send any administrators to govern the said benefices , and enjoy the fruits thereof , which shall not be received but by the titulars only , lawfully provided unto the same ; as also all places that have formerly acknowledged the jurisdiction of the said prelates , abbots and priors , in what part soever they be situate , shall likewise acknowledg the same for the future . provided their right appears to have been setled of old ; although the said places should be found within the extent of the dominions of the contrary party , or depending of some chastellenies or bayliwicks belonging to the contrary party . xxxiii . and to the end , this peace and union , condeferation and good correspondency , might , as it is desired , be so much the more firm , lasting and undissolvable , both the said principal ministers , the cardinal duke , and the marquis earl duke , by vertue of the special power they have had , for that end , of the two lords and kings , have concluded and agreed , in their names , the marriage of the most christian king with the serenissime infanta the lady maria theresa , eldest daughter to the catholick king , and the same day , bearing the date of these presents , have made and subsribed a partcular treaty , whereupon they refer themselves , touching the mutual conditions of the said marriage , and the time of its celebration ; which treaty by it self , and capitulation of mariage , are of the same force and vigor with the present treaty of peace , as being the chiefest part thereof , and the most worthy , as well as the greatest and the most precious earnest of the surety of its duration . xxxiv , because the length of time , and the difficulties that would have met in case the several rights and pretentions of the said lords and kings , should have been put to a particular discussion , might have much retarded the conclusion of this treaty , and put off the good that whole christendom doth expect and will receive by it ; it hath been concluded and agreed , in consideration of the peace , touching the retention and restitution of the conquests made during the present war , that all the differences of the said lords and kings , shall be ended and composed , after the manner following . xxxv . inprimis , it hath been concluded and agreed , concerning the low countreys , that the lord the most christian king shall remain seized , and shall effectually enjoy the places , towns , countreys and castles , dominions , lands and lordships following , first , within the county of artois , the town and city of arras , and the ▪ government and bailiwick thereof ▪ hesdin and the bailiwick thereof ; bapaume and the bailiwick thereof ; bethune and the government or bailiwick thereof ; lillers and the bailiwick thereof ; lent and the bailiwick thereof ; the county of st. pol ; terroane and the bailiwick thereof ; de pas and the bailiwick thereof ; as also all the other bailiwicks and chastellenies of the said artois , whatsoever they be , although not here particularly named and mentioned , except only the towns , bailiwicks and chastellenies or governments of ayre and st. omer , with their appurtenances , dependences and annexes , which shall remain all unto his catholick majesty : as also the place of renty , in case it be found to be of the said dependences of ayre or st. omer , and not otherwise . xxxvi . secondly , within the province and county of flanders , the said lord the most christian king shall remain seized , and shall effectually enjoy the places of graveling , the forts philip , of the sluce , and hannuin bourbourg and the chastelleny thereof ; and st. venant , whether it belongs to flanders , or to artois , and their dominions , appurtenances , dependences and annexes . xxxvii . thirdly , within the province and county of hainaut , the said lord the most christian king shall remain seized , and shall effectually enjoy the places of landrecy and quesnoy , and their bailiwicks , provostships , or chastellenies , dominions , appurtenances and dependences . xxxviii . fourthly , within the province and dutchy of luxembourg , the said lord the most christian king , shall remain seized , and shall effectually enjoy the places of thionville , montmedy and damvilliers , their appurtenances , dependences and annexes , provostships and lordships : the provostship of ivoy , chavancy , chasteau and the provostship thereof ; and the place and post of marville scituate upon the small river called vezin , and the provostship of the said marville ; which place and provostship did formerly belong , partly unto the duke of luxembourg , and partly unto the dukes of bar. xxxix . fifthly , his most christian majesty having strongly declared that he could never consent to the restitution of the places of la bassee , and bergh st. wynox , chastelleny of the said bergh , and the royal fort erected upon the chanel , hard by the town of bergh ; and his catholick majesty having condescended that they should remain to the french , unless an exchange of the said places , with others of the like consideration and mutual conveniences could be agreed upon , both the said lords plenipotentiaries , have at last agreed that the said two places of la bassee and bergh-st . wynox , the chastelleny and royal fort of the said bergh , should be exchanged with the places of marienbourg and philippeville , situate on the rivers sambre and maez . their appurtenances , dependences , annexes and dominions : and therefore his said most christian majesty restoring , as it will be said hereafter , unto his catholick majesty , the said places of la bassee bergh-st-wynox and the chastelleny thereof , and the royal fort , with thei appurtenances , dependances , annexes and dominions , his catholick majesty shall at the same time put into the hands of his most christian majesty , the said places of marienbourg and philippeville , his said most christian majesty to remain seised of them , and effectually enjoy them , and their appurtenances , dependences , annexes , and dominions , in the same manner , and with the same rights of possession , soveraignty , and others which his majesty shall enjoy , or may enjoy , by the present treaty , in such places , as have been gained by his arms during the war , and which are to remain unto him by this peace . and even in case hereafter , his most christian majesty should happen to be troubled in the possession and enjoyment of the said places of marienbourg and philippeville , by reason of the pretensions of other princes , his catholick majesty doth bind himself to concur to their defence , and to do on his part whatsoever shall be necessary , that his most christian majesty might peaceably , and without dispute enjoy the said places , in consideration of that his majesty hath yielded in exchange the said la bassee and bergh-st-wynox , which his most christian majesty might have kept and possessed without trouble , and with all security . xl. sixthly , his catholick majesty , for certain considerations hereafter particularly expressed in another article of the present treaty , doth promise & oblige himself to put into the hands of his most christian majesty the town and place of avennes , situate between the sambre and the maez , with the appurtenances , dependences , annexes and dominions thereof , with all the artillery and warlike ammunitions that are therein now , to remain to his said most christian majesty seised of the said place of avennes , and effectually to enjoy the same , and the said appurtenances , dependences , annexes and dominions , after the same manner , and with the same right of possession , soveraignty and other things , which his catholick majesty doth now enjoy there . and because it hath been reported , that within the said place of avennes , and the appurtenances , dependences , annexes and dominions thereof , the ordinary jurisdiction , the rents and other profits do belong to the prince of chimay , it hath been declared and agreed between the said lords and kings , that whatsoever is contained within the walls and fortifications of the said place , shall remain to his most christian majesty ; so that the said prince shall have no kind of right , rent , or jurisdiction within the said walls and fortifications ; it being only reserved unto him to keep whatsoever in time past did belong to him out of the said place , in the villages , countreys and forrests of the said dependence of avennes in the same manner as he hath hitherto possessed the same , provided also , as hath been said before , that the soveraignty and the high dominion of the said villages , countreys and forrests of the said dependence of avennes , shall belong and remain to his most christian majesty ; the said lord the catholick king having taken upon himself to indamnify the said prince of chimay for the interest he may have in what is taken from him by the present treaty within the precincts of the said place as aforesaid . xli . the said places of arras , hesdin 〈…〉 bethune , and the towns of lillors , lens , county of st. pol , teroan●… and their bailiwicks ; as also all the other bailiwicks and chastellenies of artois ( except only as aforesaid the towns and bailiwicks of ayre & st. omer , their appurtenances , dependences , annexes and dominions ) as also renty , in case it be not found to be any of the dependences of ayre or of st. omer ; together with the places of graveling , and the forts philip , the sluce and hannuin , bourbourgh and st. venant , in flanders ; the places of landrecy and quesnoy , in the haynaut ; as also those of avennes , marienbourgh and philippeville , which are to be put in the hands of the most christian king , as aforesaid : and likewise the places of thionville , montmedi , and damvillers , the town and provostship of ivoy , chavency , chasteau and the provostship thereof , and marville , in luxembourgh , their bailiwicks , chastellenies , governments , provostships , territories , dominions , lordships , appurtenances , dependences and annexes , shall remain , by the present treaty of peace , unto the said lord the most christian king , and to his successors and assigns , irrevocably & for ever ; and with the same rights of soveraignty , propriety , regality , patronage , wardianship , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives and preeminences upon the bishopricks , cathedral churches , & other abbeys , priories , dignities , parsonages , or any other benefices whatsoever , being within the limits of the said countreys , places & bailiwicks so yielded , of whatsoever abbies the said priories may hold and depend , and all other rights formerly belonging to the said lord the catholick king , though not particularly related here . and his most christian majesty shall never hereafter be troubled nor molested by any way whatsoever , either of right or of fact , by the said lord the catholick king , his successors , or any prince of his house , or any other whatsoever , under any pretence or occasion that may happen , in the said soveraignty , propriety ▪ jurisdiction , prerogative , possession and enjoyment of all the said countreys , towns , places , castles , lands , lordships , provostships , dominions , chastellenies and bailiwicks , and of all the places and other things depending of them . and for that effect , the said lord the catholick king , for himself and for his heirs , successors and assigns , doth renounce unto , quit , yield and transport , as his plenipotentiary in his name by the present irrevocable treaty of peace , hath renounced to , quitted , yielded and for ever transported , in the behalf and to the benefit of the said lord the most christian king , his heirs , successors and assigns , all the rights , actions , pretensions , regalities , patronage , wardianship , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives and preheminences upon the bishopricks , cathedral churches , and other abbies , priories , dignities , parsonages , and any other benefices whatsoever within the precincts of the said countreys , places , and bailiwicks so yielded , of what abbies soever the said priories do hold or depend : and generally , without retaining or reserving any thing , all other rights which the said lord the catholick king , or his heirs and successors have and pretend , or may have and pretend for what cause & occasion soever , upon the said countreys , places , castles , forts , lands , lordships , dominions , chastellenies and bailiwicks , and upon all the places depending of them as aforesaid : which , together with all the men , vassals , subjects , boroughs , villages , hamlets , forrests , lands , and other things whatsoever depending of them , without keeping or reserving any thing , the said lord the catholick king , both for himself and for his successors , doth consent to be from this time forth and for ever united and incorporated to the crown of ▪ france ; all laws , customs , statutes & constitutions made to the contrary , even such as may have been confirmed by oath , in any wise ▪ notwithstanding : to which , and to all clauses derogatory to former derogatory clauses , it is expresly derogated by the present treaty , for the effect of the said renuntiations and cessions ; which shall be valid and shall take place , the particular expression or specification not derogating to the general , nor the general ▪ to the particular , and excluding for ever all exceptions , upon what right , title , cause or pretence soever they may be grounded . and the said lord the catholick king doth declare , consent , will and understand , that the men , vassals and subjects of the said countries , towns and lands , yielded to the crown of france as aforesaid , be and remain quitted and absolved from henceforth and for ever of the faith , homage , service and oath of fidelity , they ▪ all , or any of them may have done to him ; or to his predecessors the catholick kings ; and withall of all obedience , subjection and vassallage which they for that cause might owe unto him . the said lord the catholick king willing that the said faith and homage , and oath of fidelity become and remain void and of none effect , as if they had never been taken . xlii . and as concerning the countries and places taken by the arms of france , during this war towards spain : as it had been formerly agreed by the negotiation begun in madrid , in the year 1656. upon which this present treaty is grounded , that the pyrenean mountains , which antiently had divided the gauls from spain , should also make henceforth the division of both the said kingdoms . it hath been concluded and agreed , that the lord , the most christian king , shall remain in possession , and shall effectually enjoy the whole county and viquery of roussillon , and the county and viquery of conflans , the countries , towns , places , castles , burroughs , villages and places , which make up the said counties and viqueries of roussillon and conflans : and to the lord , the catholick king , shall remain the county and viquery of cerdana , and the whole principality of catalonia , with the viqueries , places , towns , castles , burroughs , hamblets , places and countries , that make up the said county of cardena , and the principality of catalonia . provided , that if there be found any place of the county and viquery of constans onely , and not of roussillon , that be in the said pyrenean mountains toward spain , it shall likewise remain to the catholick majesty : as likewise , if any place be found of the said county and viquery of cardena onely , and not of catalonia , that be in the said pyrenean mountains towards france , it shall remain to his most christian majesty . and that the said division might be concluded , commissioners shall be presently appointed on both sides , who shall together bona fide , declare which are the pyrenean mountains , which according to the tenor of this article , ought hereafter to divide both kingdoms , and shal mark the limits they ought to have : and the said commissioners shall meet upon the place at the furthest , a month after the subscribing of the present treaty , and within the space of another month after , ought to have concluded the matter , and declared , with common consent , the premises . provided , that if then they cannot agree among themselves concerning it , they shall presently send the grounds of their opinions to the two plenepotentiaries of both the lords and kings , who taking notice of the difficulties and differences happened thereupon , shall conclude the business betwixt them : so that it shall not be suffered , that arms be taken up again about the same . xliii . the whole county and viquery of roussillon , county and viquery of conflans , except the places that shall be found to be situate in the pyrenean mountains towards spain , in the manner aforesaid , according to the declaration and agreement of the commissioners that are to be appointed for that purpose ; as also that part of the county of cerdana , that shall be found situate in the pyrenean mountains towards france , according unto the same declaration of the commissioners , the countries , towns , places , castles , that make up the vigueries of roussillon and conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid , appurtenances , dependences , and annexes , with all the men , vassals , subjects , borroughs , villages , hamblets , forests , rivers , lands , and any other things whatsoever depending of them , shall remain irrevocably , and for ever , by the present treaty , united and incorporated to the crown of france , to enjoy the same by the said lord , the most christian king , his heirs , successors and assigns ▪ with the same rights of soveraignty , propriety , regalities , patronage , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives , and preheminences , upon the bishopricks , cathedral churches , and other abbeys , priories , dignities , parsonages , or any other benefices whatsoever , being within the limits of the said county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid ( except , as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain ) of whatsoever abbeys the said priories be holding and depending ; and all such other rights formerly belonging to the said lord , the catholick king , though not here particularly mentioned : and that his most christian majesty shall never , hereafter , be troubled or molested by any way whatsoever , either of right or of fact , by the said lord , the catholick king , his successors , or any prince of his house , or by any other whosoever , or under any pretence or occasion that might happen in the said soveraignty , propriety , jurisdiction , power , possession and enjoyment of all the said countries , towns , places , castles , lands , lordships , dominions and bailiwicks : and withal , of all the places and other things whatsoever , depending of the said county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid ( except , as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain . ) and for that end , the said lord the catholick king , both for himself , and his heirs , successors , and assigns , doth renounce unto , quit , yield and transport , as his plenipotentiaries , in his name by the present treaty of peace , irrevocable , hath renounced to , quitted , yielded and transported , perpetually , and for ever , in the behalf , and to the benefit of the said lord , the most christian king , his heirs , successors , and assigns , all the rights , actions , pretensions , regalities , patronage , jurisdiction , nomination , prerogatives , and preheminences upon the bishopricks , cathedral churches , and other abbeys , priories , dignities , parsonages , or any benefices whatsoever , being within the limits of the said county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid ( except as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain ) of what abbeys soever the said priories be depending : and generally all other rights , without keeping or reserving any thing , which the said lord the catholick king , or his said heirs and successors , have and pretend , or may have and pretend , for what cause and occasion soever , upon the said county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid , ( except as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain ) and upon all the places depending of them as aforesaid ; which together with the men , vassals , subjects , burroughs , villages , hamblets , forests , rivers , lands , and other things whatsoever depending of them , without keeping or reserving any thing , the said lord the catholick king , both for himself , and for his successors , doth from henceforth and for ever consent , to be united and incorporated to the crown of france : all laws , customs , statutes , constitutions , and conventions made contrary thereunto , even such as may have been confirmed by oath , in any wise notwithstanding : to which , and to the clauses derogatory of any other derogatory clauses , it is expresly derogated by the present treaty , for the effect of the said renounciations and cessions , which shall be valid , and shall take place , the particular expression or specification not derogating to the general , nor the general to the particular : excluding for ever , all exceptions , upon what rights and titles , causes , or pretences soever the same may be grounded ; and namely , that that might hereafter be pretended , that the separation of the county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid , ( except as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain ) and of their appurtenances and dependences , should be against the constitutions of the principality of catalonia ; and that therefore the said separation cannot have been resolved nor concluded , without the express consent of all the people assembled in their general estates : and the said lord the catholick king , doth declare , will and intend , that the said men , vassals , subjects of the said county of roussillon , viguery of conflans , and part of the county of cerdana , in the manner aforesaid , ( except as to conflans , what shall be found to be in the pyrenean mountains towards spain ) their appurtenances and dependences , be and remain quitted and absolved , from henceforth and for ever , of the faith , homages , service , and oath of fidelity , all and every of them , may have made unto him , and to his predecessors the catholick kings ; and withal of all obedience , subjection , and vassalage , which therefore they might owe unto him : willing that the said faith , homage , and oath of fidelity , remain void and of none effect , as if they had never been done or taken . xliv . the said lord the catholick king , shall re-enter into the possession and enjoyment of the county of carrolois , to enjoy it by him and his successors , fully and peaceably , aud hold the same under the soveraignty of the most christian king , as he held it afore the present war. xlv . the said lord the most christian king , shall restore to the said lord the catholick king , in the low-countries the towns and places of yperen , oudenaerd , dixmude , furnes , with the fortified posts of la fintelle , and la quenoque , merville upon the river of lys , menene , and comines , their appurtenances dependences , and annexes . as also his most christian majesty shall put again into the hands of his catholick majesty the places of bergh , st. wynox , and its royal fort , and the place of la bassee , by way of exchange for the places of marienburgh and philippeville , as hath been said in the xxxix article . xlvi . secondly , the said lord the most christian king , shall restore in italy , unto the said lord the catholick king , the places of valance upon the po , and of mortara , their appurtenances , dependences and annexes . xlvii . thirdly , in the county of burgundy , the said lord the most christian king , shall restore unto the said lord the catholick king , the places and forts of st. amour , bleverans and joux , and their appurtenances , dependences and annexes , and all the other posts , fortified or not fortified , which the armies of his most christian majesty have taken in the said county of burgundy , without keeping or reserving any thing . xlviii . fourthly towards spain , the said lord the most christian king , shall restore to the catholick king , the places and ports of roses , the fort of the trinity , cap-de quers , la sèau a'vrgel , toxen , the castle of la bastide , the town and place of baga , the town and place of ripol , and the county of cerdana , wherein are belvet , puicerda , carol , and the castle of cerdana , in such a condition as they be now , with all the castles , ports , fortified or not fortified towns , boroughs , villages , and other places , appurtenances , dependences and annexes , belonging to the said places of roses , cap-de quers , seau d'vrgel , and county of cerdana , although not named nor specified here : provided , that if any of the said posts , towns , places and castles aforenamed , should be found to be in the viguery of cerdana , in the pyrenaean mountains towards france , they shall remain to his most christian majesty ; according unto , and by vertue of the 42 article of the present treaty , any thing in the present article contained , notwithstanding ; whereunto in that case , and in that respect it is derogated . xlix . the the said lord the catholick king , shall restore unto the lord the most christian king , the towns and places of rocroy , le catelet , and linchamp , with their appurtenances ; dependences and annexes ; so that for any reason ▪ cause , or excuse whatsoever , foreseen or not foreseen , even this , that the said places of rocroy , le catelet , and linchamp , are at this present in the power , and in other hands , than of his catholick majesty , he shall not be dispensed of the said restitution of those three places , to the said lord the most christian king ; his said catholick majesty ingaging and taking upon himself the real and faithful execution of the present article . l. the respective restitution of the said places , as it is aforesaid in the five next foregoing articles , shall be made by the said lords and kings , or by their ministers , really and bona fide , without any delay or difficulty , for what cause or occasion soever , unto such as shall be appointed by the said lords and kings respectively , within the time , and in the manner that shall be here under appointed , and in such condition , as the said places are at this time , without demolishing , weakening , imbezzeling , diminishing or damnifying any thing therein , in any wise ; and without pretending or demanding any reimbursement for the fortifications made in the said places , nor for the payment of what might be due to the soldiers and garisons that are in them . li. the said lords and kings , in restoring of the said places respectively , shall have liberty to take and carry away all the artillery , powder , bullets , victuals or other warlike ammunitions , that shall be in the said places , at the time of the restitution . likewise , the officers , soldiers and others , that shall go out of the said places , shall have liberty to take and carry away the moveable goods , to them belonging ; but it shall not be lawful to them , to exact any thing of the inhabitants of the said places , nor of the country people , nor to wrong their houses , or carry away any thing belonging to the inhabitants : as also the said lords and kings , shall be bound to pay unto the said inhabitants of the places , from whence they shall withdraw their arms , and which they shall restore , all what may be justly due unto them by the said lords and kings , for things taken by the governors of the said places , or other ministers of the said lords and kings , to be employed to their services , whereof they shall have given receipts or bonds , to such as have furnished them with the same . as also the officers and soldiers of the said garrisons shall be obliged to pay what they lawfully owe to the inhabitants upon their receipts or bonds ; provided , that for the performing of that satisfaction to the inhabitants , the yielding and restoring the said places be not retarded ; but that the same be done by the time and day that shall be agreed on and prescribed hereafter , in the other articles of the present treaty . the creditors , in that case remaining in all the right of the just pretensions they may have ▪ lii . as the place of hesdin and the bailiwick thereof , ought , by the present treaty of peace , to remain to the most christian king , as before hath been expressed , it hath been concluded and agreed , in consideration of the offices of the said lord the catholick king , who had taken under his protection the officers of war , or the soldiers of the garrison of the said hesdin , who had revolted in that place , and had drawn themselves from the obedience of the said lord the most christian king , since the death of the governor of the said place , that in conformity to the articles , whereby the said lords and kings do pardon each of them , all such as have followed the contrary party , provided they be not found guilty of any ▪ other crimes , and do promise to settle them again in the possession and enjoyment of their goods : his most christian majesty shall cause his letters of amnisty and pardon to be dispatched , in good form , in the behalf of the said officers of war , and soldiers of the garrison of the said hesdin ; which letters being offered and put into the hands of the commander of the place , upon the day designed and appointed between their majesties , for the restitution of the said place , into the power of his most christian majesty , as shall be said hereafter upon the same day , and at the same time , the said commander , officers and soldiers , shall be bound to go out of the said place , without any delay or excuse , under what pretence soever , foreseen or not foreseen , and to surrender the said place , in the same condition it was when they revolted , to the power of such as his most christian majesty shall commit for to receive it in his name ; and that without altering , weakning , imbezzeling , demolishing or damnifying any thing , in any sort or manner whatsoever , in the said place : and in case the said letters of amnisty and pardon , being offered to the said commander himself , or the other officers and soldiers of the said garrison of hesdin should refuse or delay , under what cause or pretence soever , to surrender the said place in the said condition , into the power of such as his said most christian majesty shall have appointed to receive it in his name ; the said commander , officers and soldiers shall forfeit the grace of amnisty and pardon procured unto them by his catholick majesty , and his said majesty shall make no further instance in their behalf : and in the same case his said catholick majesty doth promise , upon the word of a king , not to give , directly or indirectly , unto the said commander , officers and souldiers , nor suffer to be given them ▪ by any in his dominions , any assistance of men , arms , victuals , warlike ammunitions or money : but to the contrary , shall assist with his forces , in case he be desired , the said lord the most christian king , for the assaulting of the said place , that it might the sooner be reduced to his obedience , and the present treaty may the sooner have its full effect . liii . as the three places of avennes , philippeville and marienbourg , with their appurtenances , dependences and annexes , are yielded by the present treaty , as aforesaid , unto the lord the most christian king , to be united and incorporated to the crown of france , it hath been concluded and agreed , that in case between the said places and france , there be found any boroughs , villages , places or lands , which not being of the said appurtenances , dependences or annexes , ought to remain in the propriety and soveraignty of the said lord the catholick king , neither his said catholick majesty , nor the kings his successors , shall have power at any time to fortifie the said boroughs , villages , posts , or countries , nor to make any new fortifications between the said places of avennes , philippeville , and marienbourg , by means of which fortifications , the said places or any of them , might be cut off from france , or the communication between them disturbed : as likewise it hath been concluded and agreed , that in case the place of renty in artois remain to his catholick majesty , as it ought to remain to him , in case it be found to be of the dependences of ayre or st. omer , neither his said catholick majesty , nor the kings his successors shall have power , at any time to fortifie the said renty . liv. all papers , letters and documents , concerning the countreys , lands and lordships that are to remain to the lord the most christian king , by the present treaty of peace , shall be furnished and delivered him , bona fide , within three months after the exchanging of the ratifications . lv. by vertue of the present treaty , all the catalonians and other inhabitants of the said province , as well prelates , ecclesiastical persons , religious persons , lords , gentlemen , and burgesses , as other inhabitants , both of the towns and of the country , none excepted , shall have power to re-enter , and shall effectually re-enter , and be left and established in the possession and peaceable enjoyment of all their goods , honours , dignities , priviledges , franchises , rights , immunities , constitutions , and liberties , and shall never be prosecuted , troubled , or molested , either in general , or in particular , upon any cause or pretence whatsoever , for any thing done since the beginning of the present war. aud for that end , his catholick majesty shall grant and cause to be published , in good form , his declarations of amnisty and pardon , in the behalf of the said catalonians , which publication shall be made upon the same day , as the publication of the peace ; in consequence of which declarations , it shall be permitted to all and any of them in particular , either personally to return to their houses , and to the enjoyment of their goods ; or in case they be willing to settle their habitation any where else out of catalonia , they shall have liberty to do it , and to send into the said country of catalonia , their agents and attorneys , to take in their names , and for them , the possessions of the said goods , to improve and administer the same , receive the fruits and revenues , and transport the same whether they shall please ; so that they shall not be obliged personally to go and do homage for the lands and manors , whereunto their attorneys shall have power to satisfie in their name : and their absence shall not hinder their free possession and enjoyment of the said goods ; which they shall have also liberty and all faculty to exchange , or alienate , by sale , gift , or otherwise . yet upon that condition , that those they shall so commit for the management and improvement of their said estates , be not suspected to the governours or magistrates , of the places where such estates are scituated ; in which case , the owners shall appoint other persons , that be acceptable and no way suspected . yet it remaining at the will and power of his catholick majesty to prescribe the place of the abode to such of the said catalonians whose return into the country shall not be acceptable to his majesty . yet so that the other liberties and priviledges granted unto them , and which they enjoyed , shall not be repealed nor altered . as also it shall remain at the will and power of his most christian majesty to prescribe the place of abode to such of the county of roussillon , appurtenances and dependences , who have retired themselves into spain , whose return into the said county , shall not be acceptable to his majesty . yet so , that the other liberties and priviledges granted to the said persons , shall not be repealed nor altered . lvi . the testamentary successions , or any other donations whatsoever between living persons or others of the inhabitants of catalonia , and of the county of roussillon , mutually made to one another , shall remain equally permitted and inviolable ; and in case about the said successions , donations , or other acts and contracts , there should happen betwixt them any differences whereby they should be obliged to plead and go to law , justice shall be done on both sides with equality and bonâ fide , although they be under the obedience of the other party . lvii . the bishops , abbots , prelates , and others , who have been promoted during the war , to ecclesiastical benefices , with approbation of our holy father the pope , and by apostolical authority , dwelling in the lands of either of the parties , shall enjoy the fruits , rents and revenues of the said benefices , which shall be found to be within the limits of the lands of the other party , without any trouble or molestation , upon what causes , reason , or pretence soever : and for that end they shall have power to appoint ▪ for the said enjoyment and receiving of the said fruits , such persons as are not suspected , having first obtained the good liking of the king , or of his officers and magistrates , under whose nomination the said fruits , rents and revenues shall be found to be scituated . lviii . such inhabitants of the principality of catalonia , or of the county of roussillon , who shall have enjoyed , by donation or confiscation granted by either of the two kings , such goods or estates as were belonging to any persons of the contrary party , shall not be bound to make any restitution to the owners of the said estates , of the fruits by them received by vertue of the said donations or confiscations , during the present war. provided that the effect of the said donations or confiscations do cease from the day of the publication of the peace . lix . commissioners shall be appointed on both sides , two months after the publication of the present treaty , who shall meet at such a place as shall be respectively agreed on , there to end in an amicable way all such differences as might be yet betwixt both parties : which commissioners shall have care to see the subjects on both sides to be equally and well intreated , and shall not suffer the one to re-enter into the possession of their estates , but at the same time when the other shall also re-enter into the possession of theirs : as also the said commissioners , if it be so judged fit , shall be injoined to make a just valuation on both sides of the estates of such as shall not be willing to return into the country they have forsaken , or of such as the two kings shall not be willing to receive , having prescribed unto them their abode somewhere else , as aforesaid ; that the said valuation being made , the same commissioners might manage in all equity the exchanges and compensations of the said estates for the greater conveniency , and with equal advantage to the interessed parties , being careful that none be wronged . and in a word , the said commissioners shall regulate all things concerning the commerce and the mutual frequentation of the subjects on both parts , and all such things as they shall think the most conducible to the publick utility , and to the strengthening of the peace . and whatsoever hath been said in the four immediately foregoing articles , and in this concerning the county of roussillon and the inhabitants thereof , ought in the same manner to be understood of the viguery of conflans , and that part of the country of cerdana , that may or ought by the present treaty to remain in the propriety of his most christian majesty , by the declaration of the aforesaid commissioners , and of the inhabitants of the viguery of conflans , and the aforesaid part of the county of cerdana : as also it ought reciprocally to be understood of the county of cerdana , and of the part of the viguery of canflans , that may or ought to remain to his catholick majesty , by the present treaty , and the declaration of the said commissioners . lx. although his most christian majesty hath never been willing to engage himself , notwithstanding the pressing instances made to him heretofore , backed even with very considerable offers , not to make the peace without the exclusion of the kingdom of portugal , because his majesty hath foreseen and feared least such an engagement might be an unsurmountable obstruction to the conclusion of the peace , and might , consequently reduce the two kings to the necessity of a perpetual war ; yet his said most christian majesty , wishing , with an extream passion , to see the kingdom of portugal enjoy the same quietness , which so many christian states shall get , by the present treaty , hath for that end , proposed a good number of parties and expedients , such as his majesty thought might be satisfactory to his catholick majesty ; among which , though as aforesaid his majesty was no way ingaged in that affair , his majesty hath even gone so far therein , as to be willing to deprive himself of the principal fruit of the happiness and success his arms have had , during the course of a long war , offering , besides the places his majesty doth now restore by the present treaty unto his catholick majesty , to restore yet unto him all the rest of the conquests generally made by his arms during this war , and wholly to restore the prince of condae ; provided , and upon that condition that the affairs of the kingdom of portugal should be left as they are now : which his catholick majesty having refused to accept , but only offering that in consideration of the mighty offices of the said lord the most christian king , he would give his consent for setting all things in the said kingdom of portugal , in the same state they were afore the change arived there in the month of december , in the year 1640 , pardoning and giving a general amnisty for all what is past , and granting the re-establishment into all estates , honours , and dignities , to all such , without distinction of persons , as returning under the obedience of his catholick maiesty , shall put themselves again in posture to enjoy the effect of the present peace , at length , in consideration of the peace , and considering the absolute neeessity his said most christian majesty hath been in , to perpetuate the war by breaking off the presen● treaty , which his majesty found to be unavoidable , in case he would have any longer insisted upon the obtaining , upon that affair of his catholick majesty , other conditions than such as he offered , as aforesaid : and his said most christian majesty willing to prefer , as it ought to be , and is most just , the general quietness of christendom , to the particular interest of the kingdom of portugal , for whose advantage , and in whose behalf , his said majesty hath never omitted any thing of what depended of him , and did lie in his power , even to the making of such great offers as aforesaid , it hath been at length concluded and agreed between the said lords and kings , that it shall be granted unto his said most christian majesty , a space of three months time , to begin from the day of the exchanging of the ratifications of the present treaty , during which his said majesty may send into the said kingdom of portugal , to endeavour so to dispose things there , and to reduce and compose that affair , that his catholick majesty may remain fully satisfied . which three months being expired , if his said most christian majesties cares and offices have not had the desired effect , his said majesty will no further meddle with that affair , and doth oblige and engage himself and promise upon his honour , and in the word of a king , for himself and his successors , not to give unto the said kingdom of portugal , either in general , or to any person or persons in particular , of what dignity , state , condition , or quality soever they be , now or hereafter , any help or assistance , publick or secret , directly or indirectly , of men , arms , ammunition , victuals , ships , or mony , upon any pretence , nor any other thing whatsoever , by sea or land , nor in any other manner . as also , not to suffer any levies to be made in any parts of his kingdom and dominions ; nor to grant passage to any that might come from other srates , to the assistance of the said kingdom of portugal . lxi . his catholick majesty doth renounce by this treaty , both in his name , and of his heirs , successors and assigns , unto all the rights and pretensions , without keeping or reserving any thing , which his majesty may , or might hereafter have upon the upper and lower alsatia , the zuntgaw , the county of ferrese , brisac , and dependences thereof , and upon all the countries , places , and rights left and yielded to his most cristian majesty by the treaty made at munster , the 14 of october , 1648 to be united and incorporated to the crown of france : his catholick majesty approving , for the effect of the said renunciation , the contents of the said treaty of munster and not any other thing of the said treaty , as not having intervened therein . in consideratiòn of which present renuntiation , his most christian majesty do offer to satisfie to the payment of three millions of livers , his majesty is obliged to pay , by the said treaty , to the archdukes of inspruek . lxii . the duke charles of lorraine , having shewed much sorrow for his conduct towards the lord the most christian king , and to have a firm intention to give him more satisfaction for the future , both of himself and of his actions , than the time past , and the occasions have formerly enabled him to do , his most christian majesty , in consideration of the mighty offices of his catholick majesty , doth from this time receive the said duke into his good grace , and in contemplation of the peace , without looking to the rights his majesty may have acquired , by several treaties made by the late king his father , with the said duke , after the demolishing , which shall be first made , of all the fortifications of both the towns of nancy , which he shall not have power to raise again , and the drawing and carrying away of all the artillery , powder , bullets , arms , and ammunitions of war , that are at present in the magazines of the said nancy , shall put again the said duke charles of lorrain into the possession of the dukedom of lorrain , and even of the towas , places and countries , by him formerly possessed , depending of the three bishopricks of metz , thoul and verdun , except first , moyenvie , which though within the marches of lorrain , yet belonged to the empire , and hath been yielded to his most christian majesty , by the treaty made at munster , the 21 of october , 1648. lxiii . secondly , except the whole dukedom of bar , countries , towns , and places , making up the same , as well that part thereof as doth hold from the crown of france , as that which might be pretended not to hold of it . lxiv . thirdly , except the county of clermont , and the dominion thereof , and the places , provostships , and lands of stendy , dun and jametz , with the whole revenue thereof , and the territories belonging to them . which moyenvie , dukedom of bar , therein comprehended the part of the place and provostship of merville , which part , as it hath been said before , did belong to the duke of bar , places , county , provostship , lands , and dominions of clermont , stenay , dan and jametz , with their appurtenances , dependencies , and annexes , shall remain for ever united and incorporated to the crown of france . lxv . the said duke charles of lorrain , afore his re-establishment into the dominions aforesaid , and afore any place be restored unto him , shall give his consent to the tenour of the three immediately foregoing articles : and to that effect , shall deliver to his most christian majesty , in the most valid and authentick form his majesty might desire , the acts of his renunciation and cession of the said moyenvie , dukedom of bar , therein comprehended the part of merville , both the part holding and pretended not to hold of the crown of france , stenay , dun , jametz , the county of clermont , and the dominion thereof , appurtenances , dependencies and annexes ▪ and the said duke , not his successours , either now or ever hereafter , shall pretend or demand any thing of the price the late king lewis xiii . of glorious memory , had bound himself to pay unto the said duke , for the said dommion of the county of clermont , by the treaty made at liverdun , in the month of june , 1632. because the article containing the said obligation hath been annullated by the subsequent treaties , and again afresh , in as much as need might be , is wholly annullated by this present treaty . lxvi . his most christian majesty , in restoring unto the said duke charles , the places of his dominions as aforesaid , shall leave therein , except only in such as are agreed to be demolished , all the artillery , powder , bullets , arms , victuals , and ammunitions of war , that are in the magazines of the said places , without imbezling , weakning , and damnifying the same in any manner whatsoever . lxvii . neither the said duke charles of lorrain , nor any other prince of his house , or of his adherents and dependents shall have power to remain in arms , but both the said duke , and the other aforesaid , shall be bound to disband their forces at the publication of the said peace . lxviii . the said duke charles of lorrain , afore his re-establishment into his dominions , shall likewise prepare an act in good form , unto his most christian majesty , that he doth desist and give over all intelligences , leagues , associations and practises , he hath or may have , with any prince , state , and potentate whatsoever , to the prejudice of his majesty and the crown of france : and that for the future , he will give no retreat into his dominions to his enemies , rebels , or suspected subjects , and will not permit any levies there , nor gathering of souldiers against his service . lxix . the said duke charles shall likewise give , afore his re-establishment , an act in good form unto his most christian majesty , whereby he shall bind himself , both for himself and all the dukes of lorrain his successours , to grant at all times , without any difficulty , under what pretence soever the same might be grounded , free passage upon his dominions , both to such persons and forces , horse and foot , whom his said majesty and the kings of france his successours , shall have occasion to send into alsatia , or to brisac and philipsbourg , as often as he shall be desired of it by his said majesty , and his said successours ; and to cause victuals , lodgings and other necessaries to be afforded unto the said forces in his said dominions , by way of estap , the said forces paying their expences at the ordinary rate of the country . provided , they be but meer passages , at regular marches and reasonable journeys , without so journing in the said dominions of lorrain . lxx . the said duke charles afore his re-establishment into his dominions , shall put into the hands of his most christian majesty , an act in good form , and satisfactory to his majesty , whereby the said duke shall oblige himself for himself , and for all his successours , to cause the farmers and administrators of the salt-pits of rosieres , chasteau-salins , dieuze , and marsal , which his majesty doth restore unto him , by the present treaty , to afford unto his majesty , all such quantity of measures of salt , as shall be necessary for furnishing all the salt store-houses , that ought to be filled for the use and ordinary consumption of his majesties subjects , within the three bishopricks of metz , thoul , and verdun , dukedom of bar , and county of clermont , stenay , jametz , and dun , at the same rate for each measure of salt , as the said duke charles was wonted to afford it to the store-houses of the bishoprick of metz , in time of peace , during the last year of the said dukes possessing his whole dominions ; and neither he , nor his successours shall have power to raise the price of the said measures of salt. lxxi . and because since the time the late most christian king of glorious memory , hath conquered lorrain by his arms , a great number of the subjects of that dukedom have served their majesties , in consequence of the oaths of fidelity their majesties have desired of them , it hath been agreed , that the said duke shall not like them , nor use them the worse for it , but shall consider and use them as his good and faithful subjects , and shall pay them off such debts and rents , whereof his dominions may be charged ▪ which his majesty doth so particularly desire , that had it not been for the assurance his majesty takes of the faith the said duke will engage to him for that purpose , his majesty would have never granted him so much as he doth by the present treaty . lxxii . it hath been farther agreed , that the said duke shall not have power to alter any thing in the provisions of the benefices granted by the said lords and kings , untill the day of the present treaty ; and that such as have been provided , shall remain in the peaceable possession of the said benefices ; wherein the said duke shall not disturb or molest them , nor have power to turn them out of their possession . lxxiii . it hath been further agreed , that the confiscations given by his majesty , and his father the late king , of the estates of such as were in armes against him , shall be of force , as to the enjoyment of the said estates , untill the day of the date of the present treaty ; and such as have enjoyed the same , by vertue of the said gifts , shall not be troubled , nor molested for the same , in any wise , and for no cause whatsoever . lxxiv . it hath been further agreed , that all proceedings , judgments and arrests , issued by the council , judges and other officers of his most christian majesty , upon any differences and processes , prosecuted both by the subjects of the said dukedoms of lorrain and bar , and others , whilest the said dominions were under the obedience of the said lord the most christian king , and of the late king his father , shall stand and shall have their full and intire effect as if the said lord and king should remain lord and possessor of the said country : and the said judgments and arrests shall not be called to any question , nor recalled , nor the execution of them any way retarded or hindered . yet it shall be lawful to the parties , to sue a revision of the cause , according to the order and disposition of the laws and ordinances ; the said judgments remaining in the mean while , in their force and vertue . lxxv . moreover it hath been further agreed , that all other gifts , graces , remissions and alienations , made by the said lord the most christian king , and the late king his father , during the said time of things escheated and accrued unto them , or adjudged to them either by confiscation for crime or offence , ( other than of war , for having followed the said duke ) or by reversion of lands , or for want of lawful successors or otherwise , shall be and shall remain good and valid , and shall not be recalled ; nor shall those , to whom the said gifts , graces , and alienations have been made , be disturbed or molested , in the enjoyment of them , in any wise , and for any cause whatsoever . lxxvi . as also that such as ▪ during the said time , have been received to faith and homage , by the said lords and kings , or their impowred officers , because of the said lands and lordships , held and depending of the towns , castles or places , possessed by the said lords and kings , in the said country , and have paid for the same the rights and duties belonging to the lord , or have obtained a gift and remission of the same , shall not be troubled nor molested , by reason of the said rights and duties , but shall remain acquitted , and shall be lyable to no demand about the same . lxxvii . in case the said duke charles of lorrain , be not willing to accept and ratifie what hath been agreed by the two lords and kings , concerning his interests , in the manner aforesaid : or having accepted of the same , he should happen hereafter to fail in the execution and performance of the tenor of the present treaty , his most christian majesty , in the first case of non-accepting of the treaty by the said duke , shall not be bound to execute on his part , any of the articles of the said treaty ; and yet he shall not be deemed , for this cause , to have in any thing infringed the same : as also in the second case , that the said duke having accepted of the aforesaid conditions should hereafter happen to sail on his part , in the execution thereof , his said majesty hath reserved and doth reserve unto himself all the rights he had acquired upon the said dominions of lorrain , by several treaties made , between the late king his father of happy memory , and the said duke , to prosecute the said rights in such manner as he shall think best . lxxviii . his catholick majesty doth consent that his said most christian majesty be not obliged to the foresaid re-establishment , unto the said duke charles of lorrain , but after the emperor shall have approved and ratified by an authentick act , which shall be delivered to his most christian majesty , all the articles stipulated as to the said duke charles of lorrain , in the present treaty , none excepted : and his said catholick majesty doth oblige himself to procure of the emperor , the speedy expedition and delivery of the said act : as also in case it be found that of the dominions , countrys , towns , lands or lordships , remaining to his most christian majesty , in propriety , by the present treaty , of such as formerly belonged to the dukes of lorrain , there be any fief held of the empire , for reason whereof his majesty had need and should desire to be invested with the same , his catholick majesty doth promise , sincerely and bonâ fide , to sollicite the emperor for the obtaining of the said investitures , in the behalf of the said lord most christian king , without delay or difficulty . lxxix . the prince of conde having let cardinal mazarin the plenipotentiary of the most christian king his soveraign lord to understand , that he might acquaint his said majesty with it , how extreamly sorrowfull he was to have some years since followed a course displeasing to his majesty ; that he wished he could redeem with the best part of his blood , all the hostilities he hath committed within and without the kingdom of france ; whereunto he protesteth that his sole unhappiness , rather than any evil intention against his majesties service , hath engaged him : and that if his majesty be pleased to have so much generosity as to use towards him his royal bounty , forgetting what is past , and keeping him in honor of the his good graces , he will endeavor as long as he shall live to acknowledge that benefit , by an invioable fidelity , and to repair what is past by a full obedience to all his commands : and that in the interim , to begin and shew by the deeds that might be presently in his power with how great a passion he desired to recover the honour of his majesties benevolence , he pretends nothing in the conclusion of that peace , for all the interests he may have therein , but from the meer bounty , and of the own motion of the said lord the king his soveraign lord ; and doth even desire his majesty should be pleased fully to dispose , and according to his good pleasure , in such a manner as he shall please , of all the indamnifyings , the lord the catholick king shall be pleased to grant him , and which he hath already offered him either in estates or lands , or in places or money , which he submits all to his majesties feet : and besides that he is ready to disband all his forces , and to put in his majesties power the places of rocroy , le chastelet and linchamp , whereof the two first were remitted to him by his said catholick majesty : and that as soon as he may have obtained leave , he will send an express to the said lord the king , his soveraign lord , to protest yet more expresly of all the same intentions , and of the truth of his submissions , and to deliver unto his majesty such act or writing subscribed by him , as his majesty shall be pleased to prescribe for assurance that he renounceth to all leagues , treaties and associations he might have made heretofore with his catholick majesty : and that for the future he will not take nor receive any establishment , pension , nor benefit of any foreign king or potentate : and finally , for all the interests he may have , in what thing soever they may consist , he wholly remitteth them to the good pleasure and disposition of his majesty , without any pretension . his said most christian majesty being informed of all the premisses by his said plenipotentiary , and being sensible of the said princes proceeding and submission , hath desired and consented that his interests should be regulated in this treaty , after the manner following , granted and agreed on between the two lords the kings . lxxx . first , that the prince shall lay down arms at the furthest within eight weeks , reckoning from the day of the subscribing of the present treaty , and shall effectively disband all his forces both horse and foot , french and foreigners , who make up the body of the army he commands in the low-countries ; and that after such manner as his most christian majesty shall be pleased to prescribe ; except the garisons of rocroy , le chastelet and linchamp , which shall be disbanded at the time appointed for the restitution of the said three places . and the said laying down of arms and disbanding shall be made by the said prince really and bona fide , without transporting , lending or selling either really or feignedly , unto any other princes or potentates whatsoever , either friends or foes , or either allies of france . lxxxi . secondly , that the said prince , sending an express to his majesty to confirm more particularly unto him all the things aforesaid in his name , shall deliver unto his majesty an act subscribed by him , whereby he shall submit to the execution of what hath been concluded between the two lords and kings as to his person and interests , and as to the persons and interests of those that have followed him . and in consequence thereof , he shall declare that he sincerely departeth from , and bona fide renounceth to all leagues , intelligences and treaties of association or protection he may have made and contracted with his catholick majesty , or any other kings , potentates or foreign princes whatsoever , or any other persons within or without the kingdom of france ; with promise never to take or receive at any time hereafter of the said foreign kings or potentates , any pensions , establishments , or benefits , that may oblige him to a dependance of them , or to any tie to any other kings or potentates , but to his said majesty his soveraign lord ; upon the penalty , in case of breach of the said writing , to forfeit from that time the restoring and re-establishing granted to him by the present treaty , and to return to the same condition he was in about the latter end of march in this present year . lxxxii . thirdly that the said prince , in execution of what hath been before concluded and agreed between the said two lords and kings , shall really and indeed put into the hands of his most christian majesty the places of rocroy , le chastelet and linchamp , upon the time and day appointed by another article of this same treaty . lxxxiii . provided that what is abovesaid be executed , his most christian majesty , in contemplation of the peace and in consideration of the offices of his catholick majesty , using his royal clemency , shall sincerely and with a good heart receive the said prince into his grace , will pardon him , and with the same sincerity will forget all what for the time past he hath done and undertaken against his service , within or without the kingdom ; and will like his return into france , even where his majesties court shall be . in consequence whereof his said majesty shall restore and re-establish the said prince really and indeed into the free possession and enjoyment of all his estates , honors , dignities and priviledges of first prince of his blood : yet so , that as to the said estates and goods , of what nature soever , the said prince shall never pretend any thing , for the time past , for restitution of the fruits of the said estates , by whomsoever they may have been enjoyed by order of his majesty , nor for payment and restitution of his pensions , salaries , or any other rents and revenues he had upon demaines , farms , or general receipts of the said lord the king , nor by reason , or under pretence of what he might pretend to be due unto him by his majesty , afore his going out of the kingdom ; nor for demolitions , degradations , or damages made by his majesties orders or otherwise , in what manner soever , upon the estates , towns , places fortified or not fortified , lordships , chastellenies , lands and houses of the said prince . lxxxiv . and concerning the charges and governments of provinces or places , whereof the said prince was provided , and which he possessed afore his going out of france , his most christian majesty hath for a long time constantly refused to restore him thereunto , until being sensibly affected with the proceeding and the submission aforesaid of the said prince , when he wholly referred to his good pleasure and disposition all his interests without any pretension , and whatsoever was offered to him by his catholick majesty for his in damnifying , his most christian majesty hath at length inclined to grant him what followeth , upon certain conditions hereafter specified , concluded and agreed on by the said lords and kings , viz. that in case the lord the catholick king , on his part , instead of what he intended to give to the said prince towards the in damnifying of him , will draw out the spanish garison that is in the town , place and cittadel of juliers , and leave the said place and cittadel free of the said garison unto the duke of newburgh , upon the conditions , and in the manner that shall be hereafter more particularly specified in another article of this present treaty : as also if his said catholick majesty , besides the drawing out of the town and cittadel of juliers , the aforesaid spanish garison , doth put in the hands of his most christian majesty , the town and place of avennes , situate between the rivers of sambre and maez , with the appurtenances , dependances , annexes , and dominions , after the manner his said catholick majesty hath above obliged himself to do , by an article of this present treaty , ( which place of avennes his said majesty intended also to have given among other things , unto the said prince . ) provided , his majesty doth perform the premisses as aforesaid , that is to say , by way of compensation for the said remitting and yielding of one of the said places to the said lord the most christian king , to be for ever united and incorporated to the crown of france ; and of the going of the spanish garison out of the other , in the behalf of a prince , who is a friend and an ally of his said most christian majesty , whom his majesty hath desired to oblige , by vertue of the treaty of the said alliance : his said most christian majesty , for all things generally whatsoever that may concern the charges and governments formerly possessed by the said prince , or which any of those that belong to him had ground to hope , none excepted , will give unto the said prince the government of the province of burgundy and brescia , wherein are understood to be comprehended the countries of bugey , gex , and veromey : as also will give him the particular governments of the castle of dijon , and of the town of st. john de laune ; and to the duke of enguien his son , the charge of grand master of france , and of his houshold ; with briefs or declarations of assurance unto the said prince to secure it , in case the said duke of enguien should die before him . lxxxv . his said majesty shall cause his letters patents of amnesty to be dispatched , in good form , for whatsoever the said prince , his kindred , servants , friends , adherents , and domesticks , either ecclesiastical or secular , have or may have done or undertaken , heretofore , against his service ; so that neither he , nor they shall ever be prejudiced or suffer for it , at any time , nor their heirs , successours and assigns , as if those things had never happened . and his said majesty shall never at any time , make any inquisition against the said prince , nor his , nor against his servants , friends , adherents , or domesticks , either ecclesiastical or secular , for any moneys he or they have taken out of the general or particular receipts , or out of his customs and farms . and his majesty shall not oblige them to any restitution of the said moneys , nor of all the levies , of contributions , impositions , exactions upon the people , and acts of hostility committed in france , in what manner soever it might be : the which shall be more particularly expressed in the said letters of amnesty , for the entire security of the said prince and of those who have followed him , that they shall never be prosecuted , troubled , nor molested for the same . lxxxvi . after the said prince of conde hath on his part satisfied unto the contents of the three articles , 80 , 81 , 82. of the present treaty , all dutchies , counties , lands , lordships , and dominions , even those of clermont , stenay and dun , as he had them afore his going out of france , as also that of jamets , in case he had it then , which formerly belonged to the said prince ; together with all his other estates and goods , real or personal , of what quality soever , in the manner aforesaid , shall be restored unto him really and indeed , or to such as the said prince , being in france , shall commit and appoint , to take in his name the possession of the said goods , and to serve him in their administration : as also shall be restored unto him , and to his said deputies , all titles , documents and other writings left , at the time of his going out of the kingdom , in the houses belonging to his said lands and lordships , or elsewhere . and the said princes shall be re-integrated into the true and real possessions of all the said dutchies , counties , lands , lordships and dominions , with such rights , authorities , justice , chancery , royal cases , garners or salt store-houses , presentations and collations of benefices , graces and preheminences , which he or his predecessours have enjoyed , and as he enjoyed afore his going out of the kingdom , provided that he shall leave bellegarde and montrond in the state they are at present . whereupon shall be dispatched unto him , in as good form as he shall desire it , all letters patents of his majesty necessary thereunto ; and he shall not be troubled , prosecuted , nor molested in the said possession and injoyment by the said lord the king , nor by his heirs , successours or officers , directly nor indirectly , notwithstanding any donations , unions , or incorporations that might have been made of the said dutchys , counties , lands , lordships and dominions , estates , honours , dignities , and prerogatives of first prince of the blood , and any derogatory clauses , constitutions , and ordinances contrary thereunto . as also neither the said prince , nor any of his heirs and successours by reason of things that he may have done , either in france afore his going out , or out of the kingdom , after his said going out , nor for any treaties , or intelligences whatsoever , by him had or made with any princes and persons whatsoever , of what condition and quality they be , shall not be molested , troubled , nor prosecuted : but all kinds of proceedings , arrests , even that of the parliament of paris , of the 27 of march , 1654. judgements , sentences , and other acts , that may already have been made and issued against the said prince , both in civil and criminal matters , unless in the civil matter he hath voluntarily debated it , shall remain void and of none effect , and no pursuit shall ever be made concerning the same , as if those things had never happened . and in respect of the dominion of albres , which the said prince injoyed afore his going out of france , and whereof his majesty hath since otherwise disposed , his majesty shall give unto the said prince the dominion of bourbonoïs , upon the same conditions upon which the exchange of those two dominions had already been agreed , afore the said prince went out of the kingdom . lxxxvii . as to the kindred , friends , servants , adherents and domesticks of the said prince , either ecclesiastical or secular , who have followed his party , they shall have liberty , in consequence of the pardon and amnesty in a foregoing article mentioned , to return into france , with the said prince , and settle their abode in such place as they shall think best ; and they shall be re-established , as the other subjects of the two lords and kings , into the peaceable possession and injoyment of their estates , honours and dignities , except the charges , offices and governments which they were possessed of , asore their going out of the kingdom , to injoy by them the said estates , honours and dignities , as they held and possessed them . yet they shall not pretend any restitution for the enjoyments of the time past , either from such to whom his majesty had given the same , or in any other manner whatsoever . as likewise they shall be re-established into their rights , names , reasons , actions , successions and inheritances to them accrued , or to the children and widdows of such as are deceased , during their absence out of the kingdom ; as also such moveables by them left , shall be restored unto them if they be found in esse : and his majesty , in contemplation of the peace , doth declare null and of none effect , ( except as to their said charges , offices and governments ) all proceedings , arrests , even that of the parliament of paris of the 27 of march , 1654. sentences , judgements , adjudications , donations , incorporations , and other acts , that may have been made against them or their heirs , for having followed the said princes party ; and that both in civil and criminal matters , unless in the civil matters they have voluntarily debated : and neither they nor their heirs shall ever be prosecuted , troubled or molested for the same . upon all which things aforesaid , his most christian majesty shall cause to be dispatched both unto the said prince , and to his kindred , servants , friends , adherents and domesticks , as well ecclesiastical as secular , all the necessary letters patents , containing the premises , in good form : which letters patents shall be delivered unto them , when the said prince shall have performed on his part the contents in the three articles 80 , 81 and 82 , of the present treaty . lxxxviii . in conformity to what is contained in the 84. article of the present treaty , whereby his most christian majesty doth oblige himself to give unto the said prince of conde , and unto the said duke of enguian , his son , the governments and the charge therein mentioned , his catholick majesty doth promise and oblige himself , of his part , and in the word of a king , to draw out of the town , citadel or castle of juliers , the spanish garrison that is in the said town , citadel or castle , and all such other forces as might have lately gone into the same , or might yet go in to reinforce the garrison thereof , leaving in the said town and citadel all the artillery marked with the coat of arms of the house of cleveland or of juliers , or that hath belonged to them : and as to the rest of the said artillery , arms , ammunition , and instruments of war , which his majesty hath in the said town and castle of juliers , delivering them unto the duke of nubourgh , or such as shall be appointed by him to receive the same , in the same quality he hath the possession of the estate of juliers : the said duke delivering before into the hands of his catholick majesty a writing in good form signed with his hand , satisfactory ▪ to his said catholick majesty , whereby he shall engage not to sell , alienate nor , pawn the said town , citadel or castle to any princes , or any other private persons ; and that he shall not put therein , nor settle there any other garrison but of his own forces : as also to grant unto his said catholick majesty , whensoever he shall have need of it , the passage for his forces , either through the said town , or through the state of juliers ▪ his said majesty paying at his own charges the expence of the passage of the said forces , which shall be regulated journeys and reasonable marches , and shall not sojourn in the land ▪ the said duke taking , in such occasions , the necessary precautions for the safety of the said town and citadel . and in case the said duke should fail in the performance of what he shall oblige himself unto , as well of not alienating the same , as not of putting any other garrison in the said place and citadel , but what is his own , or that he refuseth to give passage to his catholick majesties forces , in paying their expences , the said lord the most christian king doth promise in the word of a king , not to assist the said duke with money or soldiers , nor in any other manner , by himself , or by interposed persons , to uphold the said contravention ; but to the contrary he will lend his own forces , if need be , for the accomplishing of the premises . lxxxix . it hath been expresly concluded and agreed between the said plenipotentiaries ▪ that the reservations contained in the 21 and 22 articles of the treaty of vervins , shall have their full and entire effect ; and no explication contrary to their meaning shall be used : and that in consequence thereof to the said lord the most christian king of france and navarre , his successors and assigns are reserved , notwithstanding any prescription or space of time that might be alledged to the contrary , all the rights , actions and pretensions he conceives to belong unto him , because of the said kingdoms , countries and lordships , or any where else , for any cause whatsoever , whereunto it hath ever been , either by himself , or by his predecessors , expresly renounced , to prosecute the same by an amicable way and of justice , and not by arms. lxxxx . likewise shall be reserved unto the said lord the catholick king of spain , his successors and assigns , notwithstanding any prescription or space of time that might be alledged to the contrary , all the rights , actions and pretensions he conceives to belong unto him , because of the said kingdoms ▪ countries and lordships , or any where else , for any cause whatsoever , whereunto it hath never been , either by himself or by the king 's his predecessors expresly renounced , likewise to prosecute the same by an amicable way and of justice , and not by arms. lxxxxi . whereas the said cardinal mazarin , his most christian majesties ▪ plenipotentiary , hath represented , that for the better obtaining of a good peace , it is necessary that the duke of savoy , who hath intermedled in this war , joyning his arms to those of the crown of france , whose ally he is , should be comprehended in the present treaty : his most christian majesty loving the welfare and preservation of the said duke , as much as his own , because of the propinquity of blood and alliance whereby they are related ; and his catholick majesty finding it reasonable that the said duke be comprehended in that peace : upon the instances and by the interposition of his most christian majesty ; it hath been concluded and agreed , that for the future there shall be a cessation of all manner of acts of hostility , as well by sea and other waters , as by land , between his catholick majesty and the said duke of savoy , their children , heirs and successors , born or to be born , their states , dominions and lordships , a restablishment of amity , navigation and commerce , and good correspondency between the subjects of his said majesty and the said duke , without distinction of places or of persons : and the said subjects shall be restablished , without difficulty or delay , into the free and peaceable possession and enjoyment of all their goods , rights , names , reasons , pensions , actions , immunities and priviledges of what nature soever , which they possessed in the dominions one of the other , afore the present war ; or that might have escheated to them during the same , and which by reason of it may have been seized on : yet so that they shall not pretend or demand any ▪ restitution for the enjoying of the same for the time past , during the war. lxxxxii . in consequence of the said peace , and in consideration of the offices of his most christian majesty , the said lord the catholick king shall restore unto the said duke of savoy , really and indeed , the town , place and castle of verceil , and all the territories thereof , appurtenances , dependences and annexes : and shall therein demolish nothing , nor damnifie the fortifications that have been made there ; but shall restore it in the same condition , as to the artillery , ammunitions of war , victuals , and any other things , as it was when the said verceil was taken by his catholick majesties arms. and as to the place of cencio in the langs , it shall likewise be restored to the said duke of savoy , in the same state it is now in , with the dependences , and annexes . lxxxxiii . as for the dower of the late serenissima infanta catharina , about which there hath been some difference betwixt the houses of savoy and of modena , his catholick majesty doth promise and engage , to see effectively paid unto the duke of savoy , the arrears that may be due to his house , since the said dower was appointed , until the 17 of december , in the year 1620. at which time the late duke charles emanuel of savoy gave in appanage the said dower , to the late prince philbert his son , as it shall be verified by the date , out of the books of the royal chamber of the kingdom of naples . and for the payment , for the future , of the current of the said dower , and other arrears , what is further disposed about it , hereafter , by another article of the present treaty , shall be followed . lxxxxiv . and because the divisions , or contrary pretensions of the houses of savoy and mantua , have several times caused some troubles in italy ▪ because of the assistances the said lords and kings have at divers times given , each of them to his ally ; that for the future , no subject or pretence may be left , that might afresh after the good intelligence and amity of their majesties ▪ it hath been concluded and agreed , for the good of the peace , that the treaties made at querasque , in the year 1632 ▪ about the differences of the said houses of savoy and mantua , shall be executed according to their form and tenor . and his catholick majesty doth promise and engage his royal word , never to oppose , nor in any wise to do any thing contrary unto the said treaty , nor to the execution thereof , for any reason , action , or pretence whatsoever , and not to give any assistance or favour , directly nor indirectly , in any manner whatsoever , to any prince that shall offer to infringe the said treaties of querasque ; whereof his most christian majesty shall have power to maintain the observation and execution of it , by his authority , and if need be , with his arms. and his most catholick majesty shall not have power to make use of his own to hinder it ; any thing of the third article of the present treaty ( whereunto it is expresly derogated this present article , only for that regard ) contrary thereunto , notwithstanding . lxxxxv . whereas the difference remaining betwixt the said duke of savoy , and the duke of mantua , about the dower of the late princess margaret of savoy , grand-mother to the said duke of mantua , could not be composed in several conferences had by the commissioners of the said dukes about the same , both in italy and in this place , before the plenipotentiaries of their majesties , because of the too great distance of the one , and the exceptions of the other : so that they could not agree afore the conclusion of the said peace , which ought not to have been retarded , because of that interest onely : it hath been concluded and agreed , that the said dukes shall cause their commissioners to meet in italy , within thirty days after the subscribing of this treaty , and sooner , if it may be , at such a place as shall be agreed on between the duke of navailles , and in his absence , between the ambassador of the most christian king residing in piedmont , and the count of fuensaldana , or in such manner as they shall think it most fit ; to the end , that with the intervention of the ministers of both the lords and kings , which may happen to contribute much for facilitating and carrying on of that accommodation , they might attend the composure of that difference ; so that within other forty days , after their first meeting , the said accommodatoin may be concluded , and the parties may agree about the sum that is due . and in case that new conference do not produce the intended effect , afore the spring , then both the plenipotentiaries of the two lords and kings shall meet again together , upon this same frontier of both the kingdoms . and then their majesties , having been acquainted by their ministers of the reasons on both sides , and of the expedients propounded unto them shall make choice of that which they shall judge to be just and reasonable , to mediate the accommodation of that business in an amicable way ; so that the said dukes might and be obliged to remain satisfied on both sides . and their said majesties shall concur afterwards , unanimously to procure that their determinations may be executed , so that nothing might remain that may alter the publick tranquility of italy . lxxxxvi . and because , since the death of the duke of modena hapned in piedmont , the last year 1658. his catholick majesty hath been informed , by his ministers in italy , that the duke of modena his successor hath shewed his pleasure for the things hapned during this war , and to have a firm intention to give satisfaction to his said majesty concerning his person and his actions , and to merit by his conduct his royal good will , the said duke having made for that end , divers offices to the count of fuensaldana , governor and captain-general in the state of milan . upon this consideration , and of the lord the most christian kings interposition , his catholick majesty doth from henceforth receive into his grace , the person and the house of the said duke , who shall for the future live and proceed in a good and free neutrality with the two crowns of france and spain , and his subjects shall have power to have and to hold a free-commerce within the dominions of both the crowns : and the said duke and his subjects shall enjoy such rents and graces , as they have obtained , or hereafter may obtain of their majesties , as they wonted to enjoy them , without difficulty , afore the taking up of arms. lxxxxvii . likewise his catholick majesty hath consented and granted never to send any more into the place of correggio , the garrison he used to have there , for the time past : so that the possession of the said place of correggio shall remain free of the said garrison , and even for a greater security and advantage of the said duke , his catholick majesty doth promise to make most pressing offices towards the emperor , that he may be pleased to grant unto the said duke , to his satisfaction , the investiture of the aforesaid dominion of correggio , as the princes of the said correggio formerly had it . lxxxxviii . as to the dower of the serenissima infanta catharina , assigned upon the customs of foja in the kingdom of naples , of 48000 duckets of yearly revenue , or such other quantity as shall appear by the books of the royal chamber of that kingdom ; about which dower , there is some difference betwixt the duke of savoy and the duke of modena , his catholick majesty acknowledging without any difficulty , that he oweth the same , and having intention to pay it to any of the said dukes , to whom the propriety of the said dower shall be adjudged by justice , or by any particular convention or agreement made between them , it hath been concluded and agreed , that his said catholick majesty shall forthwith settle all things concerning the said dower , in the same state they were , when the payment of the said dower began to cease to be paid , upon the occasion of the taking up of arms ; that is to say , if at that time , the monies of the said dower were sequestred , they shall continue so still for the future until the differences betwixt the said dukes be ended , either by a definitive judgment of justice , or by a mutual agreement between them : and if at the aforesaid time , the late duke of modena was in possession of ▪ enjoying the same dower , and the monies thereof not sequestred , his majesty shall continue from this time , to pay unto the duke of modena his son , both the arrears that shall be found to be due for the time past , and what shall run for the future , of the revenew of the said dower , yet defalking upon the arrears all the enjoyment of it during the time the house of modena hath been in arms against the state of milan . in that last case , shall , in the mean while , remain to the said duke of savoy , all reasons , actions and rights to prosecute the same in justice , and cause it to be declared , to whom doth the propriety of the said dower belong . after which judgment or particular convention , that may intervene between the said dukes , his catholick majesty shall pay , without difficulty , the revenew of the said dower , to such of them to whom the same shall be found to belong by a definitive sentence of justice , or by an accommodation made between the said dukes of savoy and modena . lxxxxix . and because the said lords and kings have considered , that the differences of the other princes their friends and adherents , have often drawn them , against their wills , and the kings their predecessors , of glorious memory , to the taking up of armes : their majesties desiring , as much as in them lies , to remove , by the present peace , in all places , the least occasions of dissention , the better to secure the continuation thereof , and chiefly to settle the tranquility of italy so often troubled by the particular differences happened between the princes , who do possess any dominions there ; the two lords and kings have concluded and agreed , that they will jointly interpose , sincerely and pressingly , their offices and supplications towards our holy father the pope , until they may have obtained of his holiness that he might be pleased to cause the difference to be ended without delay , either by an agreement or by justice , which the duke of modena hath had so long since , with the apostolicall chamber , touching the propriety and possession of the valleys of comachio : the said kings and lords hoping of the soveraigne equity of his holiness , that he will not refuse the just satisfaction that shall be due to a prince , whose ancestors have so well deserved of the holy see , and who , in a most considerable interest , hath hitherto consented to take even his own adversary's parties for judges . c. the two lords and kings , upon the like consideration of plucking up the seeds of all differences , that might trouble the peace of italy , have also concluded that they will jointly interpose , sincerely and pressingly , their officers and supplications towards our holy father the pope , untill they may have obtained of his holiness , the grace which their majesties have so often demanded of him singly , in the behalf of the duke of parma , that he may have power to discharge , at several convenient intervals of time , the debt he hath contracted to the apostolical chamber by like intervals ; and that by that means , and with the engaging or alienating of part of his dominions of castro and roneiglione , he may find such monies as are necessary unto him for the preservation of the rest of his dominions . the which their majesties do hope of the goodness of his holiness ; no less by the desire he will have to prevent all occasions of discord in christendom , then by his disposition to favor a house so well meriting of the holy apostolical see. ci. the said lords and kings judging that they can not better acknowledg towards god , the grace they have received of his meer soveraigne bounty , who hath inspired them the desire , and opened them the means of reconciling themselves , and granting peace unto their people , then by applying themselves , and endeavouring , with all their power , to procure and preserve the like tranquility unto all other christian states , whose peace is either troubled , or like to be suddenly altered ; their majesties seeing , with a great grief ▪ the present disposition of germany , and of other northern countries , where the war is kindled , and may yet inflame the empire , by the division of the princes and states thereof , have concluded , agreed and resolved , to send without delay , their ambassadors , or cause those they have already in the empire , jointly to act for the managing , in their name , and by their interposition , a good and speedy accommodation , both of all differences that may trouble the peace of the empire , and of such , as some years since , have caused the war in the other parts of the north. cii . and because informations have been had , that notwithstanding the accommodation made some years since , of the divisions happened then betwixt the cantons of the leagues of switzerland catholicks and protestants , there remains yet under the ashes , some sparks of that fire , that might if not wholly quenched , take fire again , and cause new troubles and dissentions betwixt those people allyed with both the crowns ; the two lords and kings have judged it necessary to apply themselves , on this part to the prevention of that danger , as much as in them shall lye , afore things grow worse : and therefore it hath been agreed and concluded between their majesties , that they shall send , upon that occasion , some particular ministers every one of them to the cantons of his alliance ( unless they judge those they have there in ordinary to be sufficient for the end they have proposed unto themselves , ) with orders , when they have exactly informed themselves of the motives and causes which have occasioned the misunderstanding and disunion of the said nation , to meet and endeavor , joyntly and uniformly , to procure there a good concord , and cause all things there to return to the peace , quietness and fraternity , wherewith the said cantons were wonted to live formerly : acquainting their superiors with the satisfaction their majesties will receive of it , because of the affection they bear to their states , and how much that establishment of union will be pleasing to them , because of the great desire they have for their welfare and publick tranquility . ciii . the differences hapned in the countries of the grisons , about the valtoline , having several times obliged both the kings and several other princes to take up arms ; to avoid , lest for the future , they might alter the good intelligence of their majesties , it hath been agreed , that within six months after the publication of the present treaty , and after information had , on both sides , of the intention of the grisons , touching the observation of the treaties heretofore made , it shall be agreed , in an amicable way , between the two crowns , of all the interests they have in that affair : and that for that end each of the said lords and kings shall give sufficient power to treat of it , to such ambassadors as he will send to the court of the other after the publication of the peace . civ . the prince of monaco shall be restored , without delay , into the peaceable possession of all the goods , rights and revenues belonging unto him , and which he injoyed afore the war , in the kingdom of naples , dutchy of milan , and other places of the obedience of his catholick majesty : with liberty to alienate the same as he shall please , by sale , donation , or otherwise : and shall not be troubled nor molested in the injoyment thereof , for having put himself under the protection of the crown of france , nor for any other subject or pretence whatsoever . cv . it hath been likewise agreed and concluded , that his catholick majesty shall pay ready money to the lady duchess of cheureuse the sum of 55000 philippuses , each of ten reals , amounting to 165000 livers french money : and that for the price of the lands and lordships of kerpin and lommerscin , with the aids and dependences of the said lands , the said duchess had purchased of his catholick majesty , according to his said majesties letters patents of the second of june 1646. out of which lands and lordships , the said lady hath since been turned by his catholick majesties ministers , because of the present war ? and his said majesty hath disposed of them in the behalf of the elector of cologne : and shall the said payment of 55000 philippuses , each of ten realls , be made by his said catholick majesty , unto the said lady of cheureuse , by the two terms , the first within six months from the day and date of these presents ; and the rest six months after ; so that in a years time they may have received the whole sum . cvi. all prisoners of war , of what nation or condition soever , being detained on either side , shall be set at liberty , in paying their expences , and what they may otherwise owe ; but without paying any ransom , unless they have agreed before otherwise ? in which case the treaties made by them afore this day , shall be executed according to their form and sense . cvii . all other prisoners and subjects of the said lords and kings , who by the calamity of the wars might happen to be detained in their majesties gallies , shall be speedily delivered and set at liberty , without any delay , for any cause or occasion whatsoever , and without demanding any thing for their ransom , or for their expences . as also , shall be set at liberty , after the same manner , all french soldiers that shall be found to be detained prisoners in the places held by his catholick majesty upon the coasts of africa , without demanding of them , as aforesaid , any thing for their ransom or expences . cviii . provided all the premises be duly observed , it hath been concluded and agreed , that the treaty made at vervins in the year 1568 , is again confirmed and approved by the said plenipotentiaries , in all its points , as if the same was here inserted word for word , and without innovating any thing therein , nor in any of the other former treaties , which shall remain in their full force in whatsoever it is not derogated unto by this present treaty . cix . and as touching the things contained in the aforesaid treaty of 1598 , and in a former made in the year 1559. which have not been executed according to the tenor of the said treaties , the execution shall be made and performed , in such things as are yet unperformed : and for that end commissioners shall be appointed on both sides , within two months , with sufficient power to agree together ; within the space that shall be mutually agreed on , concerning all things to be yet executed , either touching interests of of the said lords and kings , or the interests of the commonalties and private persons , their subjects , who shall have any thing to demand , or complaint to make on either side . cx . the said commissioners shall likewise have care , by virute of their powers , to regulate the limits , as well between the dominions and countries that of old have belonged to the said lords and kings , about which there have been some debates , as between the dominions and lordships that are to remain to each of them , by the present treaty , in the low countries . and particularly a separation shall be made by the said commissioners of the chastellenies and other lands and lordships that are to remain to the said lord the most christian king , from such chastellenies . lands and lordships as are to remain to the said lord the catholick king ; so that hereafter there may arise no dispute about the same , and that the inhabitants and subjects on both sides might not be disturbed . and in case they cannot agree touching the contents of the present article , and of the next foregoing , arbitrators shall be appointed by common consent , who shall take conusance of whatsoever shall remain undecided between the said commissioners : and the judgments that shall be rendred by the said arbitrators , shall be executed on both sides without any delay or difficulty . cxi . for the satisfaction and payment of what may be due on both sides for the ransom of the prisoners of war , and for such expences as they may have made during their prison , since the beginning of the war until the day of the present peace , in conformity to the treaties made for the exchanging of the said prisoners , and namely that of 1646 , made at soissons , the marquis of castel rodrigo being governor of the low countries , it hath been concluded and agreed , that the expences of such prisoners as have been already released , or are to be released without ransom by virtue of the present peace , shall be presently paid , ready money on both sides ; and that as to the other prisoners that have been released by virtue of the particular treaties of exchange made during the war , and afore the present treaty , commissioners shall be appointed on both sides , within a month of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty , who shall meet at such place as shall be agreed on , towards flanders , whither also the accounts concerning the prisoners made in the kingdom of naples and sicily , and their dependences in the state of milan and in piedmont , in the principality of catalonia , and in the counties of roustillon and cerdana , and other places of spain , besides what concerns the frontiers between france and the low-countries , shall be carried ; and the said accounts being stated by them , both for their expences for diet , and for this ransom , after the manner practised upon other treaties of that nature , the lord and king who shall be found debtor to the other , by the stating of the said accounts , doth oblige himself to pay ready monies , bonâ fide , and without delay , unto the other of the said lords and kings , the sums of money whereof he shall remain debtor to him , for the expences and ransoms of the said prisoners at war. cxii . as it might well happen that the particular persons interested on both sides , in the restitution of the goods , into the propriety and enjoyment whereof they ought to re-enter , by virtue of the present treaty , should find under divers pretences , difficulties and resistance in their re-establishment by such as are now in possession of the said goods ; or that any other obstructions should arise in the full execution of the premises , it hath been concluded and agreed , that the said lords and kings shall appoint each of them one of their ministers to repair to the court of the other , and other places if need be , to the end that hearing jointly , at the place where the said ministers shall meet , such persons as shall apply themselves unto them about those affairs , and taking conusance of the contents of the articles of the treaty , and of what the said parties shall offer unto them , they might declare together unanimously , briefly and summarily , without any other formality of justice , what ought to be executed , issuing thereupon the necessary . act and instrument of their declaration , which act shall be performed without admitting or leaving any room to any contradiction or reply . cxiii . the execution of the present peace , in what regardeth the restitution and surrendring of the places which the said lords and kings are to restore and put in the hands one of the other respectively , or of their allies , by virtue of , and in conformity to this treaty , shall be made at the time , and after the following manner . cxiv . first , without staying for the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty , to the end the forces which make up the army of the most christian king , and the garrisons of the places he holdeth in italy , might repass the alpes afore the ice doth shut up the passages , both the said plenipotentiaries have concluded and agreed , that they take upon themselves to have the orders of their majesties respectively , forthwith sent by expresses unto the duke of navailles , & the count of fuensaldagne ; as also to the marquis of caracent , for what concerneth him , to make , upon the 30th . of the instant november , the following restitutions , viz. upon that day shall be restored by the lord the most christian king unto his catholick majesty , the places of valence upon the po , and of mortara in the state of milan : as likewise upon the same 30th . day of november , shall be restored by the lord the catholick king unto the duke of savoy , the place and cittadel of verceil in piedmont ; and towards the low counties , unto his most christian majesty , the place of castelet ; the said lords and plenipotentiaries having taken upon themselves , by vertue of the particular orders they have of their majesties for that purpose , the punctual execution of that article , afore the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty , as aforesaid . cxv . the exchange of the ratifications being made within the day that hereafter shall be named , on the 27th . day of december , of this present year , shall be restored , by the said lord the most christian king , unto his catholick majesty the places of oudenard , marville , menene , and comine upon the river lys , dixmude and furne , with the posts of la fintelle and la quenoque . as also , upon the same 27th . day of december , shall be restored by the said lord the catholick king , unto his most christian majesty , the places of rocroy and linchamp . cxvi . eight days after , which will be the 4th . of january , of the next year 1660. shall be restored by the said lord the most christian king , unto his catholick majesty , the places of ypre , la bassee , bergh st. wynox , and the fort royal thereof ; and all the posts , towns , and castles , taken by the french arms in the principality of catalonia , except roses , fort of the trinity , and cape de quiers : as likewise upon the same 4th day of january , shall be restored by the said lord the catholick king , and put into the hands and in the power of his most christian majesty , the places of hesdin , philippeville , and marienbourg . cxvii . after the prince of conde hath rendred his respects to the most christian king , his soveraign lord , and is setled again into the honours of his grace , the places of avennes and juliers shall be by the lord the catholick king , put into the hands and in the power of his most christian majesty and of the duke of newbourg . and the same day , the said lord the most christian king shall restore unto his catholick majesty , the posts , towns , forts , and castles taken by the french in the county of burgundy , after the manner , and at the time more particularly agreed upon by their said majesties . cxviii . upon supposition and condition that the said commissioners , that are to be appointed to declare the places that ought to belong to each of the said lords and kings , in the counties and vigueries of conflans and cerdana , shall have before concluded and unanimously made the declaration that is to regulate for the future the limits of both kingdoms : as also , when all the aforesaid restitutions are made and punctually performed , his most christian majesty shall restore upon the 5th . of may of the next year 1660. unto his catholick majesty , the places and posts of roses , the fort of the trinity and cape de quiers , upon the conditions more particularly agreed on by their majesties . cxix . it hath likewise been concluded and agreed , that in the exchange that shall be made of la bassee and berg st. wynox , and its royal fort , with philippeville and marienbourg , there shall be left in the said places as much artillery , both in number , and of the same weight and quality , as well in the one as in the other ; as also as much ammunition of war of all sorts , and victuals , as the commissioners appointed on both sides shall agree bona fide , and shall see it performed : so that what shall be found over and above , as well in the one as in the other , may be taken out of the said places , and transported any where else ; where the lord and king shall please , to whom that greater quantity of the things aforesaid shall be found to belong . cxx . their said majesties have likewise concluded , agreed , resolved and promised , upon their royal word , to send , each on their part , their orders to the generals of their armies , or governors of their arms and countries , to have them give their assistance for the execution of the said respective restitutions of places upon the certain days before prefixed , advising together , bona fide , about the means and all other things that may regard the faithful execution of what hath been promised and agreed between their said majesties , after the manner , and at the time aforesaid . cxxi . the duke charles of lorrain accepting , as to what concerns him , this present peace , upon the conditions afore stipulated between the said lords and kings , and not otherwise , his most christian majesty shall re-establish within four months , from the day of exchanging of the ratifications of the present treaty , the said duke into the dominions , lands and places expressed before , except such as are to remain to his most christian majesty , in propriety and soveraignty , by the said present treaty ; provided , the said duke , afore his re-establishment , besides his accepting of the conditions that concern him in the present peace , doth furnish unto his most christian majesty , and at his satisfaction , all the several acts and obligations , he is to put into his hands , according to this treaty . and after the manner specified and stipulated before . cxxii . besides the duke of savoy , the duke of modena , and the prince of monaco , who , as allies of france , are of the chiefest contractors in this treaty , as aforesaid , by the common consent of the said lords the most christian & catholick , shall be comprehended in this peace and alliance , if they will be comprehended therein , on his most christian majesties part , first , our holy father the pope , the holy apostolical see , the electors & other princes of the empire , allies and confederates with his majesty for the maintaining of the peace of munster , viz. the three electors of mentz , cole● , and the count palarine of the rhine , the duke of newburg , the dukes auguste christiane , lewis and george william of brunswick and luneburge , the landgrave of hessen-cassel , and the landgrave of darmstat , the duke and the seigniory of venice , and the thirteen cantons of the league of switzerland , and their allies and confederates , & all other kings , potentates , princes and states , towns and particular persons , to whom his most christian majesty , upon a decent requisition made by them for it , will grant on his part , to be comprehended in this treaty , and will name them , within a year after the publication of the peace , unto his catholick majesty by a particular declaration , to enjoy the benefit of the said peace , both by the aforenamed , and by such as his majesty shall name within the said time . their majesties giving their declaratory and obligatory letters , required in such case respectively ; and the whole with an express declaration , that the said catholick king shall not have power , directly , nor indirectly to molest , by himself , or by others , any of those who on the said lord the most christian kings part , have been above , or hereafter shall be comprehended by a particular declaration ; and that if the lord the catholick king hath any pretensions against him , he shall only have power to prosecute him by right , before competent judges , and not by force , in what manner soever it may be . cxxiii . and on the said lord the catholick kings part , shall be comprehended in this treaty ( if they will therein be comprehended ) our holy father the pope , the apostolical see , the emperor of the romans , all the archdukes of austria , and all the kings , princes , republicks , states and particular persons , who , as allies of this crown , were named in the treaty of peace made at vervins , 1598. and who shall have preserved , and do at this day preserve themselves in that alliance . to whom are added now the united provinces of the low countries , and the duke of guastale ; as also , shall be comprehended all such others , as by common consent of the said lords and kings , shall be named within a year after the publication of the present treaty , to whom , as also to the aforenamed , if they desire it in particular , letters of nomination respectively obligatory shall be given to enjoy the benefit of the said peace , & with express declaration , that the said lord , the most christian king , shall not have power directly nor indirectly , by himself , or by others , to molest any of them : and if he hath any pretentions against them , he shall have power only to prosecute them by right before competent judges , and not by force . cxxiv . and for greater security of this treaty of peace , and of all the points and articles therein contayned ; the said treaty shall be published , verified and registred in the court of the parliament of paris , and in all the other parliaments of the kingdom of france , and in the chamber of accounts in the said paris . as likewise the said treaty shall be verified , published and registred as well in the grand council , and other councils , and chambers of accounts of the said lord the catholick king , in the low countries , as in the other councils of the crowns of castile and arragon , according unto , and after the manner contained in the treaty of vervins , of the year 1598. whereof the expeditions shall be delivered on both sides within three moneths after the publication of the present treaty . which points and articles before set down , together with the whole contents of any of them , have been treated , granted , passed and stipulated between the aforesaid plenipotentiaries of the said lords , the most christian and catholick king , in the name of their majesties . which plenipotentiaries , by virtue of their power , the copie ; whereof are inserted at the bottom of this present treaty , have promised and do promise under the obligation of all and every the goods and estates , present or to come of the kings their majesties , that the same shall be by their majesties inviolably observed and performed , and to cause them to ratifie the same meerly and singly , without adding any thing thereunto , and to give and deliver reciprocally one to the other , authentical and sealed letters , wherein the whole present , treaty shall be word for word inserted ; and that within 30 days , from the day and date of these presents , and sooner if it may be . besides , the said plenipotentiaties have promised and do promise , in the names aforesaid , that the said letters of ratification , being exchanged and furnished , the said most christian king , as soon as it may be , and in the presence of such person or persons as the said lord the catholick king shall be pleased to appoint , shall solemnly swear upon the cross , the holy evangelists , the canons of the mass , and upon his honour , to observe and perform fully , really , and bona fide , the whole contents of the articles of the present treaty . and the like shall be done also , as soon as possibly may be , by the said lord the catholick king , in the presence of such person or persons as the said lord the most christian king shall be pleased to appoint . in witness whereof the said plenipotentiaries have subscribed the present treaty with their names , and set the seals of their coat of arms thereunto . we , having the aforesaid treaty acceptable , in all and every the points , and articles therein contained and declared , have , both for us , and for our heirs , successors , kingdoms , countries , lands , lordships and subjects ; accepted , approved , ratified and confirmed , and do accept , approve , ratifie and confirm the same ; and do promise , in the faith and word of a king , and under the obligation and engagement of all and every our goods , present and to come , inviolably to keep , observe , and maintain the whole , without ever doing any thing contrary thereunto , directly , nor indirectly , in what sort and manner soever . in witness whereof , we have signed these presents with our hand , and thereunto caused our seal to be set and apposed . given at thoulose the four and twentieth of november , 1659. and of our reign the seventeenth . finis . warrs with forregin [sic] princes dangerous to our common-wealth: or, reasons for forreign wars answered with a list of all the confederates from henry the firsts reign to the end of queen elizabeth. proving, that the kings of england alwayes preferred unjust peace, before the justest warre. answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain military-men to prince henry cotton, robert, sir, 1571-1631. 1657 approx. 222 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34727 wing c6505 estc r221452 99832758 99832758 37232 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34727) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37232) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2167:06) warrs with forregin [sic] princes dangerous to our common-wealth: or, reasons for forreign wars answered with a list of all the confederates from henry the firsts reign to the end of queen elizabeth. proving, that the kings of england alwayes preferred unjust peace, before the justest warre. answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain military-men to prince henry cotton, robert, sir, 1571-1631. f. s. j. e. french charity. [2], 96, [2], 10 p., [1] leaf of plates : port. printed for william shears in westminster-hall, london : 1657. "warres with forreign princes" signed at end: robert cotton bruceus. originally written in 1604 as: "an answer to such motives as were offered by certain military men to prince henry to incite him to affect arms more than peace". frontispiece portrait of sir walter raleigh may not be part of the original publication. "the french charity: written in french by an english gentleman, upon occasion of prince harcourt's coming into england; and translated into english by f.s.j.e.", has separated title page dated 1655 and separate pagination; the register is continuous. "an english gentleman" = robert cotton. french title not traced. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry, -king of england, 1207-1272 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -henry iii, 1216-1272 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -1154-1399 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2005-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vera effigies cearissmi viri domni gualtheri ralegh eqv aur. etc warrs with forregin princes dangerous to our common-wealth : or , reasons for forreign wars answered . with a list of all the confederates from henry the firsts reign to the end of queen elizabeth . proving , that the kings of england alwayes preferred vnjust peace , before the justest warre . london , printed for william shears in westminster-hall , 1657. propositions of warre and peace delivered to his highness prince henry by some of his military servants . arguments for warre . frames of policy , as well as works of nature , a are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on . by armes was layd the foundation of this state , whether we respect the saxon or the norman . it was warre that of seven crowns in the heptarchy made one fit for that monarchy , that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatnesse , and crowned thereby this state with an eternall peace . times nor our owne vertues are not changed : necessity , benefit , and facility of warre being the same that they were before to our forefathers . reasons of forraign war drawn from 1. necessity , for 1 preservation of our own peace . 2 venting of factious spirits . 3 instructing in arms our people : 2 benefits . 1 wealth , by 1 spoil of the enemy . 2 addition of revenue by subjected territories . 2 honour , by addition of 1 title . 2 dominion . 3 a more facility to effect then heretofore , by 1 addition of new strength . 2 substraction of diversions . we never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad , as at home by the calm government of henry the sixth . for france by the awfull hand of his father reduced , it fared with us as with the mistress of the world , a remoto carthaginis metu , et imperii aemula , when the fear of carthage her competitour for the empire was removed , that fell not by degrees , but praecipiti cursu ab armis ad voluptates , à negotio ad otiū , rushed headlong from arms to pleasures , from employment to idleness . and from hence as greatest nations , cū ab externis causis tutae videntur , ipsae suis viribus onerantur , when there is no longer fear of forreign enemies , their own strength becomes a burthen to them : so after many conquests abroad , we were at home prest down w th the unnatural weight of civil armes : for cum foris non habent hostem , domi inveniunt , when people have no enemies abroad , they 'l find some at home ; as all warlike & fruitful nations will , not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people . to add to this necessity , the sending away of our fatious spirits , it wil remove the seat of bloud from our own doors , and prove the cheapest school to train up in armes the better dispositions , whose military skil may after serve to defend the state ; and by the late accession of another nation wil be now more needful , a ne novus populus otio et nimia pecunia lasciviret , lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idlenesse , and we in the end be enforced with the satyrist b to confesse nunc patimur longae pacis mala , savior armis luxuria incubuit . — we suffer now the harm of a long peace , whilst riot , worse then war , doth thus increase . the benefis arise from profit and honour . the spoils we have brought away in our french & spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting ; and the revenues of the subjected signiories , as normandy , aquitain , &c. supporting with much advantage the expence in keeping : our honour , as the stile of our kings , by confluence of so many titles increased ; and by accession of so many territories as we held in france , our dominions and liberties so far unlarged , the facility to effect this being now more then ever by the addition of strength , and substraction of diversions , in this happy union of the britain empire . an answer to the former arguments made by the command of his highnesse . as he can give best rules to preserve the health of a body naturall , that by observing the divers humours , accidents and dispositions thereof , findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected , and so by mixture of art and observation sets to his patient rules of exercise and dyet : so is it in a kingdome or commonwealth . if then out of the registers of record and story , the true remembrancers of art and errour in passages of state , it shall appear that those times which have been answers to the former arguments . 1 affections of our wisest princes ever to peace . 2 forraign expeditions 1 rebellions at home . 2 cause of 1 endless taxations 2 vassalage . 3 danger to the state. 3 confederacy & alliance the means of former victories , no waies to be restored as heretofore . glorified with the mightiest princes and wisest councells , would ever acknowledge that a pax una triumphis innumeris potior ; one peace outgoes for worth innumerable triumphs ; that combustions at home were like meteors , ever kindled in another region , but spent themselves there ; that our men instead of lawrell and olive garlands to adorn with victory & peace our gates and temples , have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our cities ; that forreign spoyls have been summed up with taxes and penury ; that this addition of revenue hath tyed us to a perpetuall issue of our own treasure ; that by these titles of honour we have bought slavery , and by extenture of territories , danger ; and that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forreign enterprise now is much more then in any age before ; i think that no englishman will either love his own errour so much , or his country so little , as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security . it is manifest by warrant of our own examples , that the kings of england , ( except in some heat of youth , which is not the best directour of counsell ) preferred unjust peace before the justest war : none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending territories , or imaginary humours of licentious soveraignty ; every one willing to passe his time with content of his private fortunes . upon this ground henry the second gave 20000. marks a expensarum nomine , under the notion of expences , to the french king , ut firmior pax haberetur , that he might have a firm and setled peace . his succeeding sonne pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda , for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister , which was like to make a fraction , gave to the french king b decem millia librarum , ten thousand pounds . three hundred thousand marks iohn gave to the french king , to match his calme entrance to secure peace . until the confederacy with c scotland , and invading of the land by charls de valoys the french king provoked edward the first , he never disquieted france with noyse of war , as after he did by the d earls of richmond and lancaster , although boniface the pope incited him thereunto . his sonne , the second edward , anno 20. requireth the bishops and clergy to pray and offer alms for him , and the people of this stae ; the words are , c ut deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus , that god would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world ; for that having sought all means with france he could for peace , ut guerrarum discrimina vitaret , that he might avoid the dangers of war , he reaped nothing but bitternesse , and detention of his messengers , son , and part of his dutchy of gascoigne , his rebels injoying all protection , and his merchants all inhospitality , whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit , et mercatores interfecit , took in a hostile sort , and slew the merchants . the parliament quinto of edward 3. a was especially called to a consult how pace might be procured . in his 17 year b the peers and commons petition him to labour a peace with france , and to sollicite the pope for mediation . the truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate , but in the 20 th . year moveth peace by all the offers he c can , as contracts , intermarriage , and to take up the crosse with france , in succursum terrae sanctae , for succour of the holy land. but all he could do could abate no whit of the french fury , d who invaded by themselves aquitain , england by the scots , surprizing in breach of truce his nobility of britain , whom at paris ignominiosae morti tradidit , he put to shamefull deaths ; there and in gascoign murdering the rest of his subjects , and rasing his castles , nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace . war then was left his last refuge ; e et pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis spes est , war is to that man just and lawfull , who hath no hope of help but by war. and this his clergy was injoyned to open in sermons , that he might eschew the infamy of christian bloud-shed . in his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people f gravia onera et multa mala , heavy burthens and many mischiefs , as the record saith , and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur , when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking ; he passed over into france to seek peace divers times ; and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes , he injoyneth all the bishops of england to offer a devotas preces suppliciter ad deum , humble and devout prayers to god , to direct his actions to gods glory and the peace of his country , nec non ad totius christianitatis commodum , and the advantage of the whole christian world ; which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours . this is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five & twentieth year b in parliament , declaring the great means he had wrought by the pope , but could not effect it : and in the third year after c calleth again the body of the state , to devise with him the means to obtain it ; for that he saw his subjects by war so greatly wasted . but d when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken , and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis christiani , quantum potuit , vel decuit , pacem quaesivit , the shedding of christian bloud , he sought peace as much as in him lay , and as far as was fitting , sending the duke of lancaster to avignon in intercession , but all in vain ; he stood upon his own strength . by which his confident adversary ( the year following captive ) that was afore obdurate , justly found , that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora , at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for . and we may truly conclude of this kings successe , as livy e of the romane fortune , propterea bella felicia gessisse , quia justa , that therefore his wars were prosperous , because they were just . to obtain his desire and subjects quiet , he was contented to disclaim f the interest that right and fortune had cast upon him . and after , though often again incited , yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war ; for improbe neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit , he blames neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time : until the french king a contra juramentum & formam pacis , contrary to his oath and the form of peace , had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed , invaded his dominions in france , and with a fleet intended to attempt england , ad ipsum regem viribus subvertendum , utterly to undo the king by force of arms. richard the second , whom as well he left successour to his troubles as to his kingdome , entred in the decline of his grandsires fortune , and after many years of war and much losse , had in the end an expectation of peace ; which opened to his commons and councel in parliament , b their longing affection was so much inclined thereto , that they advised the king , though it were in doing homage for guien , callis and the rest , he should not let slip that opportunity . untill charles of france had received c that dangerous rebell owen glendowr , by the name of metu●ndissimi principis walliae , the most dread prince of wales , into a strict confederacy against his master ( whom he vouchsafed no other title then henricus de lancastria ) by contract , and had harrowed the isle of wight by the duke of orleans and earl of saint paul , entred into gascoign himself , and prepared a fleet and an army to invade this land , henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace ; and after many prorogued truces , would not break out again , untill burgundy d ( that had wrested into his hand the government of france ) meant with all his force to besiege callis , and annoy this realm . the uncle and chancellour to henry the fifth declared in a parliament the desire his master had to procure peace , and how the french king had refused all reason , denying to render his prisoners , or ransome those 〈…〉 agin-court battell : so that the king was driven to his last hope , which was by dint of sword to seek his peace , concluding thus his speech ; bella faciamus ut pacem habeamus , quia finis belli pax est : let us fight , that we may obtain peace ; for the end of war is peace . henry the sixth , to save the expence of his people and treasure , offered b many large and liberall conditions , but received in exchange nothing but scoffes : he was contented to part with the dutchy of mayne , to make up a peace with his uncle of france . against the duke of somerset it was objected c by the duke of york , that he ( contrary to the oath and councell , by breaking the amity between the two princes ) was the only ground of the losse of normandy . there is extant in the treasury d a petition of 9. of hen. 7. from the captains and military men , pro pace habenda , that they might have peace . neither interest of right , not jealousie of increasing power , could draw henry the 8. unto the quarrell of france ; until the church complained against lewis the 12. ( e who neither esteeming of god , good fame , nor conscience , deteined the revenues of the clergy , supported the cardinall william to aspire to the papacy , aided in the siege of boucy alfonso of ferrara , and the bentivogli , both traytours to the papall sea , where he intended to lay the foundation of his empire to usurp all italy , ) & besought him for the pitty of our saviour , and by the virtue of his famous ancestours ( for i use the words of the popes briefe ) a that never forsook the church of god in distresse , and by his filiall obedience , ( the strongest bond ) to enter into that holy league , they having elected him against lewis , caput foederis italici , head of the italian league . edward the sixth , b until urged with the touch of his honour , being by his neighbours neglected in the marriage of their mistresse , never attempted any war against them . the quarrells of france in the time of his succeeding sister , after the marriage with spaine , were neither properly ours , nor begun by us , although in the end we onely went away with the losse . her sister of holy memory , to effect the peace with france , forbore c the demand of callis for 8. years , & neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that crown . d and the labours she spent to confirm amity with spaine , by many friendly offices of mediation , are apparent to the whole world ; though in the end of her desires she failed : whether happily in prevention of the spanish monarchy eternizing her memory , or that this work of peace was by divine providence reserved for him that could and hath best effected it , i know not . onely i conclude , that as the first monarch in rome , so the first in britain might justly write , pace populo britanno terra marique parta , ianum clausi , having setled britain in peace by land and sea , i have shut up the doors of ianus temple . forreign armes the ground of trouble at home , by the enemy , who to divert will attempt . subjects wearied with toyl . taxation . feared with the effect of tyranny . inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life . it is evident by our own examples , that for the most part , the civil or forreign armies that have oppressed this state , have been either bred out of our first attempting of others , or out of the grievance of the nobility & people , either wearied with the toil and charge , or feared with the effect of tyranny , which might corrupt the good fortune of their king , or else ( a plague no lesse of war ) that the better sort inured to command abroad , have forgotten to obey at home , and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase , unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry . there is in the register of state no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in waking an adversary , as that of edward the third . out of many examples i will select some few , beginning with the tenth of his reign ; at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in france , but diverted by philip , who , mustring in partibus britanniae ad invadendum regnum angliae , in the parts of britany to invade the kingdome of england , a puissant army , enforced edward the third to fall from his first purpose , and insist upon his own guard : for which cause , to the infinite charge of himself and people , he levied 80000. men out of the shires of this kingdome . to withdraw his forces from france , in the thirteenth of his reigne , they invaded the realm , and burned the towns of plymouth and southampton , places that suffered from the same motive the like calamity . in the first of richard the second , after the battell of cressy , when they feared our too much footing , and we too much believed our own fortune , for she cito reposcit quod dedit , quickly calls for back what she gave us ; the a duke of a normandy , to draw home our forces levieth an army of forty thousand men at armes , and forty thousand foot , sharing by idle contracts before-hand with his confederates not the spoils only , but the kingdome it self : the honour and some other portion of benefits he reserved as his own meed ; the possessions of many english subjects in pure alms he voweth to the church of normandy , and to the french king an yearly tributary fee of twenty thousand pound . in these termes this realm stood almost all the time of edward the third . the coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation , as in the thirteenth year the king commanded the earle of richmond b and other peers to reside at their border houses ; and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by ordinance , that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari , six leagues of the sea . it was no whit altered under his successour richard the second ; for in is entrance the french burnt the town of rye , and in the third year after gravesend . and in the tenth year of his reigne , to change his intended journey for france in person , the french king prepareth an army to invade this land . this quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at sea , and in the northern limits , they and our neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid : by whose desperate and perpetual incursion ( for nescit plebs jejuna timere , an half-starved rabble feare nothing , ) the fattest parts of our borders were left wast , the men and cattel of england ( as 16. edw. 2. ) impetus scotorum fugientes , being fled for safety to the forrests and desert places . the like i find in the first of edward the third : they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into france ; as in 20. ed. 3. in the first and second of richard the second , in the fifth of henry the fifth , and in the fourth of henry the eighth , when he undertook his holy voyage against lewis the twelfth . and either being no lesse ready to nourish the least spark of rebellion in this state , as that of the french king to counterpoize king iohn ; or work out henry the third from his dutchy of normandy , as france did ; or moving underhand by the duke of britain , the earl of hartford to reach the crowne of richard the second , and when he had got the garland , suborning owen glendowr ( with whom he contracted as prince of wales ) to busie the same king at home , that he might divert his intended purpose from france or scotland . when henry the third had devoured in his mind the kingdome of sicily , the nobility finding the expence of treasure , and fearing the exposing of their own persons , grew so unwilling , that by the bent and course of the record it apappeareth a appeareth not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the king and his son to so foul conditions . a judgment there must be between powers and undertakings , that though affections may carry a man to great things , they make him not attempt impossible : for where great minds are not accompanied with great judgements , they overthrow themselves . as in this prince , who by the popes incitement simplicitatem regis circumveniens , circumventing the king in his honest meaning , ( they are the words of the authour b ) intending to rifle the fortunes of others , was in the end inforced to play at dice for his own stake . the earls of hartford , bohun and bigot , made the grounds of their commotions the distast they took at edward the first for exacting their service in the quarrel of gascoign , a forrein country . and they might seem to have some colour to refuse , but in a more mannerly fashion , either attendance or charge in recovery or defence of provinces in france , since so many consents in parliament , as c 20. of rich. 2. 6. and 9. of henry the fourth , the first and seventh of henry the fifth affirm the commons not to be bound pour supporter ses guerres en la terre de france ou normandie , to support his wars either in france or normandy ; declaring no less by publick protestation , then they did by undutifull denial . for the burden of charge , it was no lesse distastfull then the former of service , this kingdome being ( as it is sayd d of the roman provinces occasioned by war ) made desert , and the people desperate by exactions . in the conquerours time the bishop of durham was killed by the tumultuous people , opposing an imposition levied by him . there was a murmuratio et imprecatio praelatorum in regem ioannem , mutterings and curses from the prelates against king iohn , for demanding in the eighth of his reigne a relief of them and the layety for his wars . in the 16 th . year cives londinenses ioannem odio habuerunt pro injustis exactionibus quibus regnum fatigaverat , the londoners detested king iohn for his timing out the kingdome with unjust taxations . b the sink of his expence in war was so bottomlesse , that ( as the story saith ) he was constrained desaevire quotidie cum incremento , to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage towards the church and commonwealth , eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando , by despoiling them severall wayes of their goods . c hinc secutum est bellum inter regem et barones quod cum morte ioannis solum finem habuit : this was it which kindled that war betwixt the king and his barons , which nothing could quench but the death of iohn himself . in the 26 th . of henry the third , ob exactionum frequentiam est regi cum baronibus contentio , by reason of the continuall exactions there arose a contention betwixt the king and his barons d at the parlee of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action , they answer that since he came to the crown , being not twelve yeares , multoties ei auxilium dederunt , they had many times supplyed him ; and expressing the particulars besides in the same place , he had received tot escaetas , so many escheats , by the vacancy of rich bishopricks , death of so many barons and others that held of him , that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed . that the itinerant justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near , that per illa amerciamenta et alia auxilia prius dataomnes de regno ita gravarentur & depauperarentur , ut parum aut nihil habeant in bonis , by those amercements & the subsidies they had formerly given him , all the kingdom was so crushed & impoverished , that they had little or nothing left them . and that was the ground of their resistance . a archiepiscopus cantuariensis et alii praelati resistunt regi , the archbishop of canterbury and other prelates resist the king , when in his fifteenth yeare he demanded scutage . and although he laid open to the parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis , occasioned by his foreign expeditions , was answered by ranulph earle of chester , the mouth of the layety , that in the former aides pecuniam suam effuderunt , quod inde paupers omnes recesserunt , unde regi de jure auxilium non debebant , they had powred out their mony so liberally , as that being all impoverished by it , they were not obliged to assist him any farther . and thus b dissolved the parliament . the clergy of the realm in the 24. of edward the first denyed the demand of contribution c in expeditionem regis contra gallos et ad reprimendos scotos , towards the kings expedition against the french , and the repressing of the scots . and ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter regem et barones , by reason of these frequent extorsions , there arose a great difference betwixt the king and the barons . one of the articles of treason objected against mortimer a in parliament 4. of edward 3. was the offence he bred in the commonwealth , by causing a subsidie to be exacted . this humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the inhabitants of trevers , b who stoned to death proclerus for perswading theodoret the goth to crave a subsidy . the clergie in the 12. of edw. 3. c deny such a grant of their wools as the laiety had yielded to , for supplying the king in his affairs of france . the like answer they make 44. of the same king , when he d demanded in parliament a subsidy of them & the commons of 100000l . and the same king grown doubtfull of his people prest down with impositions , requireth the archbishop , e quod cum populus regni sui variis oneribus , tallagiis & imposittionibus praegravetur , ut idem archiepisc . indulgentiarum muneribus , piis exhortationibus , & aliis modis , eundem populum placare studeat , & ipsum regem excuset , that since the subjects of his kingdom were over-charged with many burthens , tallages , and other impositions , the said archbishop would by grant of indulgences , seasonable exhortations , & otherwaies endeavour to pacify the people , and excuse the king. by reason of the census per capita , pol-mony imposed by parliament 3. of richard the second to defray the warres in france , there were f dirae imprecationes in regem , & magnae post perturbationes in regno ex plebis insurrectione , heavy and bitter imprecations against the king , which were followed with great troubles in the nation by the insurrection of the commons . and as well in the reign of this king , as some other of his predecessours and successours , the parliament was so tender in grant of subsidy & other taxes , that they added into their act , a quod non trahatur in consequentiā , that it should be no example for the future , appointing peculiar treasurers of their own to give account upon oath the next parliament : and such grants , which they professed to proceed b ex libera & spontanea voluntate dominorum & comitatuum , from the free & voluntary grant of the lords and respective counties , to be void if conditions on the kings part were not performed . and this unfortunate king had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern , the exacting of so great subsidies , and extorting so much money from the shires that submitted their fortunes unto his mercy . and when henry the 6. in anno 20. would have had a relief from his subjects c de aliqua summa notabili , of some considerable summe ; he had in answer , propter inopiam , &c. populi illud non posse obtineri , that in regard of the poverty , &c. of the people it could not be granted . the like 24. of the same king. great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of treasure in their princes , either to subject power by need to their devotion and awe , ( for princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use ; ) or to force necessity to extend praerogative so far , untill by putting all into combustion , some may attain unto the end of their ambition , others the redresse of supposed injuries . d thus did the faction of hen. the fourth in the one , and the nobility under hen. the third in the other ; who hereby quitted the state oppressed ( as they thought ) with the kings half-brothers , the poictovins and other strangers . subjects feare to have the enemies of their soveragins too much weakned , least themselves become tyrants . and it is in the farthest respect in the a baronage under john , henry his son , and b edward the second , to feare asmuch the absolute greatness of their soveraign , as they did the diminution of their own estates . and therefore when they found their king to grow too fast upon any neighbour adversary , then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune ; least by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness , he might forget and become a tyrant ; as one saith of henry the first , c assumpserat cornua audacia tam contra ecclesiam quam regni universalitatem , roberto fratre & aliis inimicis edomitis , having once overcome his brother robert and other enemies , with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the church , as the rest of the kingdome , breaking his seal , his charter , and his oath . the memory of this caused the nobility d to call in the french kings son , when john their soveraign began to know his own authority ( as they thought ) too much . and the french subjects aided on the other side henry the third against their mr. when he was almost cooped up in his britain journey . this ( as the stories report ) being a practice usuall in those dayes . the last mischief is the disposition that military education leaveth in the mindes of many ; for it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace , but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature . it is rarely found that ever civil troubles of this state were dangerously undertaken , but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused . king iohn had been after a sine regno without a kingdome , as he was at first sans terre without land , if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyall designs of fitzwalter and marshall , ( whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the norman services ) then either his rebated sword or blasted sceptre could . b if simon montfort had not been too much improved in experience and his own opinion by the many services he underwent in the government of gasco●gn , he had never so much dared against duty , as to come over at the first call to make head against his master , and pursue him with that fury of ambition , untilt he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his imperiall crown : and to set himself so far below the seat of majesty , as to capitulate with them upon even conditions , which not performed ( i use his own words ) c liceat omnibus de regno nostro contra nos insurgere , it shall be lawfull for all persons in our kingdome to rise up against us , and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant , ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur , so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them , as if they were by no ty obliged to us . if richard duke of york had never learned to be so great a souldier at the cost of his master henry the sixth in another state , he had never disquieted the calm of his times , or given just occasion to his opposite somerset to say , that if he had never learned to play the king by his regencie in france , he had never forgot to obey as a subject when he returned into england . our own times can afford some , whose spirit improved by military imployment , and made wanton with popular applause , might have given instance of these dangers , if good successe had been a relative to bad intentions . and every age breeds some exorbitant spirits , who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions , seeking rather a great then a good fame ; and holding it the chiefest honour to be thought the wonder of their times : which if they attain to , it is but the condition of monsters , that are generally much admired , but more abhorred . but warre some may say mouldeth not all men thus : for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their friends , against enemies for defence . and to those men their own goodness is not safe , nam regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt , for kings suspect good men sooner then bad . kings must have their ministers pares negotiis fit for their businesse , and not supra above it , or too able for it . for another mans too-much sufficiency ( as they take it ) is a diminution of their respectiveness , and therefore dangerous . the meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of warre , which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness , and the means of getting to their own justice , can never again endure either order or labour ; and so return but to corrupt the common-wealth with their lawlesse manners . for living more riotously then the rapine of forrein victory could warrant , ( as for the most they doe ) in contempt of their own private want and fortune , they desire a change of the publick quiet . in tumults and uproars they take least care for their livings , howere the world goes they can be no loosers : for like silla's army , making no difference between sacred and profane robberies , ( for the vitors sword seldome teacheth either mean or modesty ) they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their country-men at home . for who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their armes with moderation ? against the fury of such seditious outrages many parliaments , as a in the 22. of hen. the 6. have been sollicited for redresse . and that example in b champaign after the peace at callis 1360 , where this licentious rout at the close of those warres slue the duke of bourbon , and besieged the pope at avignon , may suffice to expresse this mischief . it hath no lesse weakened the bond of mutual trade ; since our marchants , whom the necessity of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended , do now teach , as a maxime of their mysterie and our state , that the directest way either to wealth or security is by rapine and spoile : and to cloake their own ends pretend the common good ; as if the state stood by their affections , when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters ; & therefore would have incendium patriae a bonefire of their country , if it be but to keep warm & a wake their own humours . the last motive from necessity is , the ease warre bringeth to a surcharged state. intending it seemeth warre but as the sinck , and souldiers but as the corruptions of commonweals ; whereas besides the inevitable use of the one , and the noble condition of the other , ( an errour in the argument ) nature doth never oppresse further by increase , them she again dischargeth . the brest of the mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth ; proportioning to the number of the children the condition of their strength and appetites . it is then accession of our own that may surcharge ; for parents by such indulgent admission may soon famish whom in motherly affection they intend to cherish . but admitting the former ground , whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at pleasure to gage the issue ( when such elective power is left to him onely qui suis stat viribus , non alieno pendet arbitrio , who stands by his own strength , and not at the pleasure of another ) is considerable ; since to begin cuivis licet , deponere cum victores volunt , is easy for any man , but the laying down will be at the conquerous pleasure . for the wasting of our people in ambitious enterprizes ( as that for an empire by constsantine in france ) left this land as a prey to the barbarous frontiers , a omni milite & floridae iuventuts alacritatespoliata , being left naked of souldiery , and robbed of the choicest flower of youth . and when we were tied to make good our undertaking in france , the waste of our people was so great , that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium , the dreggs of townes , ( as curtius saith of alexander ; ) a need hiring the bankrupts by protection , as in 22. of edward the first ; and enforcing , against the rule of justice , the judges to put placita eorum in respectu qui in obsequium regis profecturi sunt , pleas in the behalf of such as were to go in the kings service . and as tacitus of a declined majesty saith , emunt militem , non legunt , they buy their souldiers rather then make choice of them ; we made purchase of generall pardons of all that were utlegati , banniti , aut de feloniis indictati , si cum rege transitare voluerint , out-lawed , excommunicated , or indicted of fellony , in case they would go over with the king. as in the same year of the former king and in the year after were discharged out of all prisons in the realm to the number of 97 notorious malefactours . b and in the 18. of edward the second , and 8. of edw. the third , and 12. of edw. fourth we did the like . an army better apted by necessity then election to live upon the enemy , quibus ob egestatem & flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est , whose indigency and former ill way of life must needs make them ready for any mischief . in the end of this king last remembred , and entrance of his heir richard the second , the state began to be sensible of consuming issue ; which not lying in the kings power ( now as the strength of france , set on revenge , stood ) to stay at pleasure , ( for — arma tenenti omnia dat qui justa negat — deny the souldiers due , you give him all you have ) it was urged to him in parliament a 7. of his reign , as an errour in his government : whereto he answered , that they ought not to lay the cause upon him , for that together with the crown the warres descended unto him . and the chauncellor 4. of henry the 4. declared publickly in the higher house , that by the mischance of warre and want of reasonable peace , ( for i use the words of the roll ) occasioned by dissension and private desire , the flower of chivalry and rock of nobless within the realm was in a manner consumed . nobilitas cum plebe perit , lateque vagatur ensis , & à multo revocatū est pectore ferrum . the peer and peasant falls , and hating rest bloudy the sword returns from many a breast . and the whole state by warre had been thus subverted , had not god as a mean raised that king. but since the end of mans creation is not for the slaughter , nor education of armes to make men castawayes ; the course most answerable either to charity , or example , ( for rome did by colonies inlarge and confirm her empire ) is to transplant that we may best spare . in ireland we may increase the king many subjects , and in the indies god many servants : a world from our forefathers lookt up by divine providence , as onely best to glorify and purify these times . and as in warre conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus , souldiers are rather to be listed then disbanded ; so post bellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae , after warre forces are rather to be cherished then wasted . and thus much in answer of necessity . answer to the arguments of profit . the profits gained by forrain expeditions cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed , as by setting down the expence of mony , men , and munition , by which we have made purchase of them . i will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the impositions , taxes and lones , whether by general grant , or praerogative power levied of the people ; summing after up , as i go along the times of our princes , the number of men , ships , and vast provisions of victualls raised to supply the necessity & expence of war. vvilliam the conquerour in the entrance of his government took of every hide-land 12d , a due of the subjects to the soveraign both before and since the conquest . to defray such charge as either the defence of the land from spoile , or the sea from piracy , should expose the prince to . it is called dane-geld , gelda regis , or hidage , and was sessed by the hide or plough-land , like to that jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in rome , yet by no rate definite with this as with another exaction , taken , as the monk of s. albans a saith , sive per fas sive per nefas , by fair means or by foule . he passed over into france , into the list of charge he ranked the bishops and abbots , sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of souldiers for his service , exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome . william rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the french wars 10. shil . a man , and so discharged them . in an . 9. he to the same end spoiled the churches of their ornaments and holy vessels , and levied 4 hidages of every plough-land , a tributis angliam non modo abradens , sed excorians , not only shaving , but even flaying england with his impositions ; so that wearied with warre and expence , ne respirare potuit anglia sub ipso suffoc●ta , england was quite stifled by him , and could not so much as breath . — b quid jam non regibus ausum ? aut quid jam regno restat scelus ? — what durst not kings then do ? what mischief could the nation suffer more ? in this kings time . c henry the first anno 5. magnam à regno exegit pecuniam , exacted a great summe of his kingdome , with which the passed into france : and by this means d gravabatur terra angliae oppressionibus multis , england was born down with many oppressions . e he took in the 10. year 6. shillings danegeld . f and in the 17. quod inter eum & regem francorū magnū fuit dissidium , anglia fuit variis depressa exactionibus , & bonis sine peccato spoliata , by means of the great difference betwixt him and the king of france , england was oppressed with divers exactions , & men spoild of their goods for no offence at all . of king stephen there need no more then the words of the monk of gisborn , g post annum sextum pax nulla , omnes partes terrebat violenta praedatio , after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet , but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men . henry the second , alluding not unlike to the feoda given the eremitae in the decline of the empire , as salaries by which they stood bound to defend the frontiers against the incursions of the barbarous nations , continued the policy of his progenitours , who allotted the land into such and so many equall protions , as might seem competent for supportation of a knight or man at armes ; from whom ( as occasion required ) they received either service or contribution . this tenure , now esteemed a thraldome , began upon a voluntary and desired submission ; for who from his gift would not of the prince accept land upon the like conditions , so it toucheth not the soveraign as a wrong to the subject , but as in right his own ? and therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the crown , which is a great part of the kings honour , their duties and escheats a great benefit , and their attendance by tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least , ( for the knights fees in england are no lesse ) a great ease , strength , and security to his state ; for they are totidem hostagia , so many hostages , as bracton saith ; it were a thing perillous now to alter , after such a current of time & custome . this king to understand the better his own strength , publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet praelatus & baro , quot milites de eo tenerent in capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent , he caused it to be proclaimed that every prelate and baron should notify by publick deed how many knightships they held of him in capite . by this rule of scutage , constant in the number , he levied alwayes his subsidies and relief , though divers in the rate . of the first , which was neare the beginning of his reign , there is no record . the second scutage , a which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti , thousand pounds of silver ; which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil . the ounce , whereas that was not five groats , will amount to near 400000l . an. 7. a scutagiū fuit assessum ad duas marcas pro exercitu tholosae , a scutage was assessed 2 marks for the army at tholouse ; w ch if summed up by the received number of knights fees , being 60216 in the hands of the layety onely , of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l . the like in the next year . in an . 11 b there was an aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu , to find men to serve in the wars , of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound . and 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis , in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men , the estates of mens fortunes being delivered upon their oaths . in the 14. yeare a scutage was assessed c ad marcam unam de singulis feodis , one mark on every fee. and anno 18. d scutagium pro quo libet feodo , a scutage for every fee. a tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his reign . in which year dying , 900 e millia librarum in auro & argento , praeter utensilia & jocalia reliquit , he left in mony 900000 pounds , besides plate and jewels . f richard the first in the beginning besides scutagium wallae assessum , a scutage assessed upon wales at 10. shil . levied as in the succour of the holy land a subsidie out of all the moveables in the realm to his own use ; g et eleemosynae titulo vitium rapacitatis inclusit , cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes . a contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 h millia marcarum argenti ad pondus columniensium , 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome : as also a scutage assessed at 20 shil . in the i 7. he imposed for his warrs a contribution called tenementale . extremity ( for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the state ) invented nova & varia praedandi vocabula , new and sundry words to expresse his exactions , as tacitus a saith , of centesima & quinguage fima , an hundredth part and a fiftieth part , ( names that since have found reception and use with us . ) this was 2. shillings of every plough-land from the husbandman , and from the gentry and nobility the third part of their military service . he inforced the cistertian monks b to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine pecuniaria , at a fine . for his army into normandy c he took a scutage assessed at 20 shillings . d and 4. years after of every plough-land 5. shillings , and of every borough and e city duos palfridos & totidem summarios , 2. horses and as many summaryes ; and of every abbot half asmuch . then loosing of purpose his great seale , proclaimed that f omnes chartae & confirmationes novi sigilli impressione roborarentur , all charters and assurances should be confirmed by the new seal . whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their liberties . this fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his successours ; as g of henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui suis volebant libertatibus gaudere , as many as would enjoy their liberties , ut innovarent chartas suas de novo regis sigiilo , to renew their charters from the kings new seal . some reason h richard had in the end to becoma a gatherer , that had not long before by accompt of chancellour hubert then archbishop , spent infra blennium undecies centena millia marcarum argenti de regno angliae , within less then 2 yeares eleven hundred thousand marks of silver current english money . his brother iohn succeeding a took in the first of his reign a scutage assessed at two marks . b for the two next years 3 shil . of every plough : c and the year following , besides a scutage as before , the 40. part of the revenues of the clergie and layety . d in the 4. year hee took the like scutage , and the e seventh part of the moveable goods of the baronage & clergie . a scutage assessed at 2 marks f in an . 5. g the like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil . scutage ; and the 13 part of moveables aswell of the church as layety in the year following . in h an . 9. he exacted by redemption of the concubines of the clergie a great summe : in the 11. i extor sit tributum grave , scil . 140 millia librarum à viris ecclesiasticis , he extorted a great tribute , viz. 140000 pounds of the church-men . and to furnish his army , k clericorum horrea invadit , he came upon the barns of the clergy . in l the 12. a scutage assessed at two marks , besides an exaction m of 22000l . from the cistertians . he took n in the 13. year a scutage assessed at 20 sh . pro excrcitu walliae , for his welsh army ; exacting o from the ministers of the church in the year following 40000 marks . p and in the 16. year scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu pictaviae ad 3 marcas , a scutage was assessed at 3 marks so the army in poictou . thus in the space of 17 years the state was delivered but thrice from impositions . in the time of henry the third , q upon the clergie , nobility and gentry there was assessed 15 scutages ; one at 10 shillings , two at 20 , eight at two marks , and 4. at 40 shillings the knights fee. a the land of the inferiour sort twice taxed ; first at 2 shillings , after at half a mark the plough . b and two tallages upon the land of the crown . c from out of the lay subjects moveable goods hath been taken 5 times : as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts , d and once the 16. of the clergie for this king. e a tenth he 9. times imposed upon the church : six times for a yeare onely , and by it self ; once accompanied with the first-fruits ; once for 3. yeares ; and once for 5. f besides 2. aides , the one moderate , the other called g gravis exactio , a heavy exaction , and worthily , if to the 800. marks imposed upon h s. edmunds bury all the other abberes were rated accordingly . i and by the accompt of willihelmus de midleton k he received in the time of his government de exitu iudaismi 4020000l . and as in all the 56. yeares of his reign ( excepting five ) either the church or common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war ; so were they grieved with other exactures , either for cariages , or victualls , or personall attendance . in the 16. yeare the inhabitants of winchelsey were enjoyned l ut providerent decem bonus naves & magnas ad transfertandum in pictaviam in servitium regis , to provide ten good and stout ships for the kings service in poictou . m and at another time 20. dunwich and ipswich 5. a piece , and the ports proportionable , all at their own charge . in the same yeare n and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart . of wheat , 5000 of oates , and many bacons . the church not forborn in those charges : for from winchester a 2000 quarters of wheat and oates , and 1000 of bacons was taken . b the other bishops and clergie bearing their parts of victualls in the like exactions , coming — ut unda supervenit undae : ac si esset anglia puteus inexhaustus , as wave follows wave , as if england were a pit never to be drawn dry . c in the 12. and 14. the king levieth souldiers for his wars beyond sea , collecting pro exercitu suo de singulis duabus hidis cur . upon every two hides so much for his army , and to bring secum victualia victualls with them : and those for whose service the king dispenced , et quos rex vult remanere in partibus suis , and such as he pleased should continue at home , to contribute victuals to those that went for 40. dayes : commanding the sheriffs d to sweare all ad arma qui post eum remanebant in anglia , in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore ioannis patris sui , to armes , who stayed behind him in england , after the manner they were sworn in the time of king iohn his father ; by which ordinance of king iohn all able subjects from youth to decrepite age were bound to arme themselves , and be in continuall readiness e à sero usque ad mane from night to morning , ( for so the record is ) to attend the kings pleasure . and therefore henry the third in anno 14. f mandavit vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum regis homines juratos ad ferrum , commanded the sheriffs to send all those to his army who had been so sworn , bringing with them loricas , habergiones , &c. coats of maile , habergeons , &c. and to such as neglected this service he sent his writs , reprehending them at first , a jurgatorie e quòd , &c. tartly for that , &c. and after fining them according to their abilities and tenures . taking b an . 26. of willihelm . de umfrevile pro quietatione passagii , for the securing of his passage into gascoign 100 marks ; and so in proportion of many others . edward the first exacted from the land of his subjects 4. times scutage , assessed every time at 40. shillings the knights fee. and once an aide called auxilium novum , a new aide , which he farmed out for ready money . of the rents of the clergie he took a tenth part twice for one yeare , and once for six ; and the 20. part twice from both the provinces , and once for two yeares from canterbury only . the possessions of the priors aliens he seized once into his own hands , putting the monks to a bare pension of 18. pence a week . of the goods of the clergie he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once , the moietie three times , and the tenth seven times ; whereof the grant was first for two yeares , and then for three yeares , and once for six yeares . c of the goods of the commons the 8. the 9. and the 12. part he took once , twice severally the 10. and 11. the sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly . three times he had the 15. part , and once the moiety of a 15. from the clergie and laietie together the king had granted of their moveables a 10. a 15. and a 30 , part . of the cities and boroughs , besides a great loan , once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part . from the merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their commodities ; imposing a new custome of a noble upon every sack of wooll which he let out to farm. and under pretence of some breach of amity with those parts whether his merchants traded , he seized anno 22. a all the woolls into his hands , and made of them instant sale to the best value , leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment . he took b the same yeare , to the distaste of the pope and murmure of the clergie , all the money gathered in sub sidium terrae sanctae , for the succour of the holy land , to furnish his journeyes . upon the persons of his subjects he imposed one tallage , c sessed either in communi in generall , or per capita by the poll. and twice the like upon the iews : whereof the one amounted to 50000 marks . neither were his people by continuall payment ( for there was but one yeare of intermission all his reign ) freed from attendance in their persons . for in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the sheriffes : as d an . 31. de poditibus eligendis de tota anglia , for the chusing of foot-souldiers throughout all england ; and to be found and furnished by their severall countryes : calling e his earls , barons and knights to personall service according to their tenures . his son the second edward assessed upon the lands of his subjects twice scutage ; once at two marks , & once at 40. sh . the knights fee. from the revenues of the clergie rated by the book of tenths , he at distinct times took 4d. 5d. and 12d. in the mark ; and once the 15. part of the whole . from the goods of the clergie a tenth for three yeares . and twice f a loan from the abbots and bishops . from the layetie ( besides a tallage of their moveables ) in cities and boroughs once a tenth , twice a 15. and twice a 20. part of their goods . besides a loan from the commons , and 10. shillings borrowed upon every sack of wooll from merchant strangers , and a noble from others . a from the clergy and layetie together of their goods a tenth , a 15. and twice an 18. part , besides a loane . he augmented his fathers new custome with an imposition of a noble more upon every sack of wool. and anno 10. b quia exitus regni sui & terrarum , because the profits of his realm and dominions elsewhere , together with all the money granted by the church and layetie , ad sumptus belli sufficere noluit , was not enough to defray the charges of his wars , and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere , spend a vast deal of mony ; he sesseth and increaseth an imposition upon all commodities inward and outward to an extreme rate ; and caused the commons in every shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his souldiers ; and took from the nobility and gentry a large contribution towards his wars ; and seized c omnes lanas & coria mercatorum , data securitate possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solvendo , all the woolls and hides of the merchants , giving security to the owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards . he charged the ports and sea-townes 12. severall yeares ad costos suos & sumptibus villarum , at their own costs , and the charge of the villages about them , ( as the record saith ) to set to sea in his service ships furnished armis & victualibus , with armes and victualls ; sometimes for one month , as anno 11. d sometimes for 4. as e 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno f 4. the number of ships more or lesse as occasion required . in an . 17. a southampton was charged with six , and 118. sea-towns more with rateable proportions for the kings service . sometimes , as anno 18. b embarguing all the ships in any port that were of forty tunnes or upwards , or of 50. tunnes and upward , as an . 20. c contra hostiles aggressus gallorum , against the hostile attempts of the french. causing the town of southampton anno 6. d to build a galley for himself of 120. oares . commanding all the sheriffes for provision of victuall , as anno e 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 9. to provide de exitibus comitatuum certum pretium , at the charge of the county a certain rate , to the proportion sometimes of 30500 quarters of corn and many bacons , as anno 16. f and to send them to the kings army . as also g carrecta & carra cum equis & bobus , carts and waggons with oxen and horses out of the countyes severally for the use of war. sometimes he made the ports to send provision themselves , as anno 7. h and not to suffer any ships with victualls i ibidem discariari , to be there unladed , but to order them by security for those parts where the kings army was lodged . and not sparing the church , exacted k his three first yeares frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu suo , corn and other victualls for his army from them . besides the former charges , the persons of men , aswell of the nobility as meaner rank , were at their own charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars . l as in 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and 16. m of this king , when they were called singulatim man by man , aswell widowes as knights n and noblemen , and such as held 40. l. land according to their tenures , a sub forisfactura terrarum & catallorum equis & armis , sumptibus propriis , to appear with horse and armes , at their own charge , under penalty of forfeiting their lands and chattels ; & to provide de hominibus ad arma ultra famulos suos consuetos , men for the service besides their ordinary servants : according to augustus b rule , viri foeminaeque ex censu coactae dare militem , both men and women were forced to find their souldiers . and of this the clergie was not exempted c anno 16. of this king. and out of every town one sumptibus propriis , at their own charges , for 40. dayes , as anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9. 1. or pro 7. septimanis for 7. weeks , as anno 4. d sometimes 1000. in one countrey , as anno 3. e sometimes an entire army of 18300. an . 11. and f 48800. at the charge of all the countyes anno 15. g london sumptibus civitatis at the cities charge , found 500. men for 40. dayes anno 12. h and the like anno 18. contra insultus regis franciae , against the invasions of the king of france . i the king commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil . land & upwards should rateably send to his service men ; k and annis 9. 10 , 15 , and 16. that all jurati adarma , sworn to armes , or from 16. to 60. secundum statutum wincestriae , according to the statute of winchester , should attend their services . l and anno 13. injoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge . m and commanded the sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of england so furnished , that parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad regem quando vocati fuerint , they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the king when he should call them , their weapons to be provided ad sumptus incolarum , at the charge of their neighbour dwellers ; and themselves enjoyned to muster and train every six weeks . if any neglected his appointed service , there was sent ot the sheriff a a writ de habendo illos coram concilio , qui praemoniti non venerunt in expeditione regis , to bring them before the councel , who knowing of it before , refused the expedition , as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned , and their goods seized into the kings hands , as b anno 9. et 16. or else redemption by fine , as the c sheriffes of buckingham and bedford did their men for 600. marks anno 15. the owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default d cum tertia parte bonorum , with the 3. part of his goods ; the second , cum tota residua , with the remaining parts ; at the third , sint corpora eorum ad voluntatem regis , their bodies to be at the kings disposall ; and of knights , qui non fuerunt in exercitu regis , 20. l. de qualibet hida , which were not in the kings army , 20. l. for every hide , as c anno 13. i have the longer insisted upon this king , that tanquam in speculo , as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the nobility and commons inseparably accompanying the times of war. edward the third charged f the lands of his subjects twice 40. shillings of every knights fee ; and 5. l. 16. shillings of every parish in the 48. yeare of his reign . out of the goods of the commons he took once the 9. part , and 15 th . of forest and wast ; twice the tenth , thirteen times a fifteenth for one yeare , and twice for three yeares : and once the 20. part of all moveables , and 30000. sacks of wooll upon conditions . of the boroughs and cities , 4. tenths , and one for three yeares . from the lords the tenth sheaf , lambe , and fliece : who with the bishops and knights grant 20000. sacks of wooll for payment of the kings debts , giving in the interim security themselves by bond to the earle of brittain , to whom their soveraign stood ingaged . of the clergy alone one tenth for 4. yeares , three for three yeares , and one for one yeare . besides a contribution in the 12. of his reign , seizing in the same yeare all the goods of the cluny and cistertian monks . of the church and laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their moveables . from the merchants and state a subsidy of wool for 3. yeares . imposing anno 33. 26. shil . 8d. upon every sack transported : which doubled the impositions of his father and grandfather . advancing it after for 6. yeares to 40. shillings ; and in an . 38. ( being the yeare he resumed his stile of france , ) to 46. shillings 4d. the sack of wooll . taking poundage 6d. of all commodities inward and outward , and enjoyning the marchants for every sampler of wooll transported to return in 40. shillings bullion to his minte . a himself becoming merchant of all the tinne in devonshire and cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum belli , to help him bear the burthen of his wars : assessing upon the heads of his subjects a fine of 4d. severally anno 51. besides in b anno 20. he took a loane of the bishops , abbots , justices , et aliis potentioribus regni , de diversis pecuniarum summis inter summas de 1000. l. & 40. l. and other wealthy men of his realm , in several summes of mony , betwixt the summes of 1000. l. and 40. l. in the first of his reign a he commandeth all the sea-towns to attend with ships his service , sumptibus propriis & duplici esk●ppamento , at their own proper charge , and with double skippage , and to provide as many as they can of 60. tun and upwards . and the yeare following b layeth the like charge upon 76. port-townes for all ships of 40. tunne and more . and anno 10. c the like at their own charge , besides a contribution of mony , d for payment whereof the officers are commanded , ut eas per districtiones & alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent , to force it by distraining , and what other punishments they shall find expedient . injoyning such merchants of london , qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt , who had traffick in forreign parts , to furnish ships for war at their own charge . e and anno the thirteenth the cinque-ports set out to sea 30. ships , and maintain them during the service , half at their own , half at the councells charge . fourscore ships being furnished & defrayed by the out-ports , the admirall directed to embargue all other ships for the kings service . f and although the subject found this an infinite grievance , yet could he ( upon humble complaint in parliament ) receive no further relief , then that the king would not have it otherwise then before . g for provision of his armes , the king took at one time , and at a rate of losse to the subject , 19000. quarters of grain , 2200. oxen salted , & 3000. bacons ; besides of other provisions an infinite quantity . a the like very frequent all his reign , pro guerris necessariis , ubi id magis commode fieri poterat , for the necessities of his wars , where it could be done with more conveniency . the persons of all his meaner subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth b to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum , at 5. dayes warning ; the decrepite to contribute ad expensa praemissorum , towards the expenses of the rest : and to arrest the bodies of the disobedient , that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam , they might be dealt withall as enemies . c the gentry and nobility supplying the king in his wars , and at their own charge , d sometimes with 7. or 800. men at armes , and 2. or 3000 archers , as anno 13. with other proportions at divers yeares following . and the bishops ordered e to furnish armis & equis competentibus , serviceable armes and horses , so many as occasion required : and their persons ( together with the laye nobility ) commanded f quod sint parati equis & armis & toto servitio debito , with horse and armes and all necessary accoutrements to attend the king in his wars . these wars ( which as edward the third professeth himself in parliament , g could not without his great danger and losse of honour be maintained , unlesse by perpetuall aide from the subjects ) were so grievous to them , that in anno 22. they complain in parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby : as of their aides advanced to 40. shillings fine , that by law should be but 20. shil . their setting forth of men , and the kings taking of their victualls without payment ; the sea left to the charge of their keeping , and from their woolls by way of subsidy 60000. l. yearly exacted without law ; besides the lending of 2000. sacks , and themselves restrained from transporting any . but such was the necessity of these times , that neither they had redresse of their complaint , nor the state one yeare discharged of contribution all his reign . richard succeeding his grandfather declareth both a anno 2. and 14. that the great wars he was left in , and the territories he inherited beyond sea could not be maintained , except the subject of this realm gave supply of means thereto . he therefore of the clergie and laiety took once the tenth of all their lands , and thrice of the goods of the commons the like entirely , and six times the half , twelve times a fifteenth , and six times the moiety : and had anno 21. granted one tenth to him , and a 15. and a half of either of them yearly for term of life . from out the boroughs and cities thrice a full tenth , and once a moiety . out of the merchandises he received three years 6d. in the pound , and once twelve pence . and for every tunne of wine , and such commodities , for 2. yeares 6d. doubling it for as many , and trebling it for three yeares after . the custome of woolls , &c. by edward the first rated at a noble the sack , and under his son increased as much more , was to this king advanced to 22. shil . 8d. which singly for 8 yeares he had granted unto him , besides once for 3. yeares , and once for 4. having it after improved to 34. shil . 4d. and again to 43. shil . 4d. the sack. the summe of one of these subsidies in anno 14. amounted to 160000. l. from out of the goods of the clergie he had 8. tenths and a half ; and one out of those and the laiety together ; besides a loan anno 5. of 60000. l. by the poll or heads of all his people from above 15. yeares , he collected twice a contribution , assessed proportionall from the begger to the duke : besides in strength of praerogative only , of every ship and fisherman 6d. the tun : the like of newcastle coals , and of every last of corn inwards or outwards the like summe . to furnish his journey for ireland he took their horses , armour , cattell . a hinc factus est suis subditis invisus , hereupon he came to be hated by his people , saith the bishop of london . and so it seemed : for at his deposing , it was one of the objected articles against him . he the first yeare of his reign imposed upon his subjects , as formerly his ancestours had done , a personall service ab anno primo , that all the clergy should array armis & equis competentibus , with serviceable horses and armes , from the age of 16. to 60. et eos in millenis & centenis poni faciant , and cause them to be entred into regiments and companyes . and two yeares after commanded all according to their tenures by service to fit themselves equis & armis , with horse and armes to attend the wars . but these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered , and the king for the most part ever supplied in his wars by contract with the nobility and gentry , to serve him with so many men , and so long , and at such a rate as he and they by indenture accorded ; of which there are in the pell plenty yet remaining . thus under grievous burdens did the state labour continually all his time ; for his treasury being wastfully emptied , was , as tacitus saith of tiberius , a scelere replendum , to be filled some ill way ; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people . hence was it that often in this kings time b the subjects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable tallages . but he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartlesse people , answered them as an . 4. that their petition and his honour could not consist together . c they again plead extreme poverty , in barre of further relief ; complaining that good mony was transported , and the state enforced to use base ; and that the price of wooll by warrs ( to their utter impoverishing ) was fallen , and that the kings want was onely the ill government of his revenues ; and therefore crave to have his present officers removed : and very hardly would be drawn any more to taxe themselves , but conditionally , and with this limitation , that their mony should be received , expended , and accompted for to themselves , and by treasurers of their own election ; and are content to lend in the end ; loading this poor kings dejected fortune with the reproachfull weight of these their many burthens . henry the fourth in 13. yeares out of the land of his people received twice relief ; once auxilia de medietate feodorum , an aide of the moiety of the fees , and again a noble out of every 20. l. throughout all the realm . out of the goods of the commons 4 times a tenth , besides one for 3. yeares , and the like one and a half for 2. by severall grants and yeares five fifteens , besides one for 2. and one for 3. yeares . out of staple commodities of wooll , fells , &c. one subsidy for one yeare , foure for two apiece , and one for 3. yeares . a poundage at 8d. once , four times 12d. whereof the last was for 2. yeares . the like number and yeares of the tunnage , the first onely rated at 2. shil . the rest at 3. shil . the tun. out of the moveables of the clergie thrice a tenth , and twice a moiety ; as also of every stipendary minister , frier , and such manner persons 6. shil . 8d. apiece . besides all these of all he took an . 8. a a contribution ita gravis , so heavy , that it was granted ea conditione , ne trahatur in exemplum , & ut evidentiae post datum computum cremarentur , upon this condition , that it should not be made an example to following times , and that after the account the evidences should be burnt . next his succeeded his son the 5. henry ; in whose 9. yeares reign i find no charge imposed upon the land of the subjects . out of the goods of the commons he received 6. times the 10. and the 15. entirely , and once two thirds onely of staple wares ; a subsidy once for 4. yeares , and after for life : three shillings tunnage , and 12d. poundage for the like terms as the former subsidies . thrice he had the tenth of his clergie . and in the eighth of his reign , when the chancellour bewailed to him in parliament the feeblenesse and poverty of the people by reason of wars and scarcity of mony , he ( who of as many attempts as he undertook , totidem fecit monumenta victoriae , raised himself so many monuments of victory , ) yet for redresse and ease of those miseries ( as livy saith of an excellent souldier ) pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit , he preferred peace because he knew he could overcome . and left in the 9. yeare of his reign a peaceable succession and heire , nimium felix malo suo , too happy to his own undoing , as the event proved . for retaining nothing ex paterna majestate praeter speciem nominis , of his father's greatness more then the specious name of a great king , by fear and facility he laid the way open to his factious ambitious kindred , to work themselves into popular favour , and himself into contempt : which was soon done by leading the easy king by expence into extremity . for besides the resumptions he took of his own and fathers grants , ( which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of duty and affection towards him ) he out of the old inheritance of his subjects exacted 6d. in the pound anno 14. and doubled twice that valuation , not onely on all lands purchased from the entrance of edward the first , but of all free-hold and coppy-hold under 200. l. and two in twenty of all above . he further imposed first 6. shil . 8d. and then 20. shil . upon every knights fee. out of the goods of the commons he had 6. tenths , whereof one for 3. yeares , besides 3. moieties , and one third ; of fifteens 3. halfs , one third , and eight entire , of which there was of two a 3 yeares grant . besides these former , out of the woolls he had 37107 l. raised by a moiety of a 10 th . and 15 th . and again of all goods 6. shil . 8d. in the pound . of the merchant of subsidies rated as in former times , he had then by grant once but for a yeare ; trebled for three and a half . this subsidy advanced to 33. shil . 4d. of denisons , and 53. shil . 4d. of aliens . the sack of wooll was twice granted for 4. years at a time , and an . 31. for term of the kings life . besides a subsidy alone of aliens goods , tonnage and poundage improved to six shillings 8d. he took in his 18. yeares . and after the rates of his fathers time he had it first thrice by his severall grants and yeares , then as often for two yeares , and again by a new grant for 5. yeares , and in the end for term of his life . of the clergy he had besides one half of dismes , 4. entire tenths . and by the state in generall anno 31. 2000. archers maintained for half a yeare at the common charge . by the poll he exacted anno 18. of every merchant stranger if a householder 16. shillings a piece , if none 6d. and anno 27. 6. shillings 8d. every such stranger , and 20d. of their clerks . an. 13. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all inhabitants mere aliens , and a third lesse of denizons , and 20 shil . of every stranger merchant that came into the land ▪ the first monopolies i find were grounded upon the extremities of these times ; for in anno 29. the spinellos , merchants of genua , had by grant for 8000. l. the sole trade of many staple-commodities . as the merchants of southampton had all allome for the like summe . yet for all the contributions , taxes and shifts , ( whereby the impoverished people were enforced to petition redresse ; for which a parliament was anno 10. summoned onely , ) the kings coffers were so empty , and the yearly revenues so short , as the lord treasurer was constrained a an . 11. to complain in parliament of the one , and declared there the other to want 35000. l. of the needfull expence , as the best motive to work a relief from the common-wealth : which was by the people in part effected . a but by an . 18. the debts were swoln again so great , that the parliament was reinforced not onely to see them , but to support and victuall his houshold . thus was this unhappy princes reign all war and waste : and in the end , as one saith of b lepidus , à militibus & à fortuna deserebatur , being forsaken both of souldiers and fortune , he was left a while to a disgraced life , spoliata quam tueri non poterat dignitate , and despoiled of that dignity which he was not able to maintain . edward the fourth , c besides two resumptions not only of the grants of such kings as he accounted de facto , and not de jure to reign , but also of those made by d himself , and that sea of profit that by infinite attaintures flowed daily into his treasury , took notwithstanding of the lords spirituall and temporall onely a tenth of their yearly possessions , and of the commons six tenths , three quarters ; and the like proportion of fifteens : a benevolence in an . 14. which e fabian calleth a new contribution : and charged them f anno 12. with wages of his archers to a summe of 51117. l. of the merchant he had tonnage and poundage for term of life . besides of strangers , as well denizons as others , a subsidie the g 22. yeare of his reign . leaving his kingdome in the next to the few dayes of his son edward the fifth . for ostendunt terris hunc tantum fata , nec ultra esse sinunt . — the fates only shewed him to the world , and took him away again . richard his uncle succeeded , homo ingeniosissime nequam , & facundus malo publico , a man mosting eniously mischievous , and full of art to beguile the people . he to make a just semblance of his unjust entry , besides his act of parliament full of dangerous untruths , dissembled the part of an excellent prince , making the commons believe by a statute , to which he gave first form , as life , discharging them for ever from all exactions called benevolences , that his opinion was , ditare majus esse regium quam ditescere , that it was more kinglike to enrich his subjects then to grow rich himself . whereas he did but lively imitate nero , that took away the law manlia de vectigalibus , only ut gratiosior esset populis , to ingratiate himself the more with the people . and so all his short reign i find recorded but once any tax upon the people , and that was tenths granted by the clergy of both provinces . henry the seventh succeeding , resumed in the 3. of his reign most of the grants of office made by the usurper his brother , & assessed upon the land onely of his subjects but one aide in an . 19. out of their goods and lands a tenth peny , and of their goods onely 3. times the tenth , five fifteens , besides a tenth and fifteenth arising to 120000. l. he took three subsidies , whereof the last was not above 36000. l. a and one benevolence , the proportion of every alderman being 300. l. and the entire summe of the city of london 9688. l. 17. shillings 4d. of the clergie he had twice the tenth , & 25000. l. by way of subsidie . b and of them and the commons 2. loans ; the city of london rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion , but so assessed as commissioners and the lenders could agree . and aswell to ease the expence of wars , as issue of the good money going over to bullen , a he stamped an allayed coyn then usually termed dandeprats : a course that necessity after enforced his son and successors to practice , and is an apparent symptome of a consumed state. but that whereby he heaped up his masse of treasure , ( b for he left in bullion 4. millions and a half , besides his plate , jewells , and rich attire of house ) was by sale of offices , redemption of penalties , dispencing with laws , and such like , to a yearly value of 120000. pounds . his successour , reaping the fruit of his fathers labour , gave ease of burthen to the subjects his first two years ; taking within the compasse of his other 34. three tenths of the commons , four fifteens , 6. subsidies , whereof that an . 4. amounted to 16000. l. and that an . 7. 110000. l. tonnage he had and poundage once for a year , and after for term of life . of the clergy 4. tenths by one grant , and 3. by severall , every of them not lesse then 25084. l. of subsidies he had one of the province of canterbury , another of both ; the stipendary ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages . in an . 22. they granted a moiety of all their goods and lands , payable by equal portion in 5. years , every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly revenues of his crown , by an inhumane spoil of sacred monuments , and impious ruine of holy churches , if gods blessing could have accompanyed so foul an act. and as these former collections he grounded upon law , so did he many upon praerogative : as benevolences and loans from the clergy and commons . of the first there were two remarkable , that in an . 17. acted by commissioners , who as themselves were sworn to secrecy , so were they to swear all those with whom they conferre or contract . the rates directed by instructions , as the thirds of all goods , offices , land above 20. l. and the 4 th . under . and although the recusants ( whether from disobedience or inability ) are threatned with convention before the councell , imprisonment , and confiscation of goods ; yet in the a designe originall under the kings hand , it hath so fair a name as an amicable grant. the other about b an . 36. exacteth out of all goods , offices , land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8d. in the pound , and of all above , 12d. and amongst the many loans , there is none more notorious then that of an . 14. c which was 10. l. in the hundred of all goods , jewels , utensils , and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above , as far as the subjects fortune , revealed by the extremity of his own oath , would extend . and to stop as well intentions if any had been , as expectations of repayment of such loans , d the parliament in an . 21. acquitteth the king of every privy seal or letter missive . edward the sixth his son , besides tonnage and poundage for life , an . 1. received of his law-subjects six fifteens , and of both three subsidies , leaving one of the temporalty ungathered : which his sister mary remitted in an . 1. of her reign ; yet after ( incited by the french king succouring her rebells , and suffering her money adulterated in his dominions , purposely to be hither transported , as also to side the quarrell of philip her husband against him ) being drawn into wars , she was inforced to presse upon her people , and ( besides the loan in an . 1. for term of life granted unto her by parliament ) took five fifteens of the commons , and of them and the clergie three years subsidies . her sister of happy memory succeeding , besides divers loans of her people and others in forraign parts , ( as anno 5. when william horle was dispatched into germany to take up at interest for 6. years great summes of money , the like an . 18. from the merchants of colen and hamburgh upon bond of the city of london , and again of spinello and pallavicini upon the former security , strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest councellors , ) had by grant of her subjects 38. fifteens , 20. subsidies of the commons , and 18. of the clergy . all which together rose to a summe of two millions and 800000. l. having thus far ( with as light a hand as i could ) drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the common-wealth , if but with a touch of the princes extremities beyond the ease of these former helps i heighten up this draught , it will with much more life and lustre expresse the figure of wars misery . a the credit of kings it hath brought to so low an ebbe , that when by force of necessity they borrowed money , they could not take it up but by collaterall security , and extreme interest . as edward the 3. in the patent to b william de la poole confesseth , that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata , for want of money his affaires were dangerously delayed , ( they are the words of the record ) and the honour of him and his royall army magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus , & progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus , he was brought to a manifest low condition , and his proceedings to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered ; if de la poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his security , as with the best ability of his own purse . for which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of baronets , and 500. l. land of inheritance . the interest of henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras adscenderat , ita ut imminenet tam clero quam populo angliae deso latio & ruina , came to more then a hundred pound a day , so that present ruine & desolation hung over the heads as well of the clergy as the people . q. mary a borrowed in flanders at 14. in the hundred , besides brocage upon collaterall security . the late queene was inforced b to the like thrice with strangers upon the city of londons assurance , as before , and with her c own subjects after upon mortgage of land. a course more moderate then either that of the first william , that took out of churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security : d or that of charles the fifth , that to repaire the waste of his italian wars , went in person to barcilona , to seize into his hands a masse of money called depositum tabulae , which as well strangers as subjects had there laid up in sanctuary . but these are not the conditions of princes of our times onely : for in the lives of caligula , nero , and vespasian , suetonius of them severally writeth , exhaustus & egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum , being drawn dry and grown poor , they bent their minds to calumnies and rapines . for perni●los●●res est in imperante tenuitas , want in a prince is a dangerous thing ; and as theodoricus said , periculosissimum animal est rex pauper , a poor king is the most dangerous creature living . it hath abated the regalties of houses ; an . 16. of richard the second , and 18. a of henry 6. when as well from want of means , as the subjects petitions in parliament , ( for expeditissima est ratio augendi census detrahere sumptibus , the readiest way to raise the revenue is to take down expenses , ) they have much lessened their hospitality ; their tables being either defrayed by their subjects , as of henry the 6. or as henry the 3. when by necessity b ita consueta regaiis mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit , ut ( posposita solita verecundia ) cum abbatibus , clericis , & viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit & prandia ; the wonted hospitality of the kings table was sunk so low , that ( without farther shame ) he many times lodged and dieted with abbots , clerks , and very mean persons . it hath caused our kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the crown : as henry the c 3. who gave to edward his son licentiam impignorandi terram vascon●ae , leave to pawn the dutchie of gascoign ; and caused himself not long after by the like occasions , to sell for 300000. l. ( except some pittances reserved ) the d entire signiorie of normandie . what our late mistris and her father did , is yet fresh in memory . but this mischief hath trenched deep into the fortunes and affections of the subjects , when princes to repair the breach of their own revenues , have often resumed the possessions of their people ; as a edward the second anno 5 , 8 , & 10. omnes donationes per regem factas ad damnum & diminutionem regis & coronae suae , all the grants made by the king to the lessening and prejudicing of the king and his crown . b richard the second an . 1 ▪ did the like of all grants made to unworthy persons by his grandfather , and recalled all patents dated since 40. of edward 3. thus did henry c the 5. an . 1. and d henry the 6. in the 28. of his reign , edward the 4. in an . 3. with all offices of his crown granted either by the usurper or his brother . neither is this in it self unjust , since as well by reason of state as rules of best government , the revenues and profits e quae ad sacrum patrimonium principis pertinent , which belong to the sacred patrimony of the prince , should remain firme and unbroken . but when neither credit , frugality , or sale of lands would stop the gulf of want , our princes have been so neer beset , as with n●rva and antonius the emperors to sell and pawn their jewells . the archbishop of york had power from henry 3. an . 26. f ( in wars beyond sea ) impignorandi iocalia regis ubicunque in anglia pro pecunia perquirenda , to pawn the kings jewells any where in england to raise money . g edward the first sendeth egidius andevar ad iocalia sua impignoranda , to pawn his jewells . h edward the 3. pawneth his jewells to pay the l. beaumont and the strangers their wages in war. the black i princes was constrained to break his plate into money to pay his souldiers . a richard the second pawned vasa aurea & diversa iocalia , vessels of gold and divers jewells to sir robert knowles . b henry the 4. an . 3. to a merchant for money invadiavit tabellam & trisellas suas argenteas de hispania , ingaged his tablet and stools of silver which he had from spain . c henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the cardinal of winchester and others an . 10 th . 12 th . and 29. d many parcells of his rich jewells . and the late queen in the end of her dayes ( to ease her subjects ) did the like with many in the tower. and extremity hath yet stretched some of our kings to so high a stain of shift , that edward the third e invadiavit magnam coronam angliae , pawned his imperiall crown 3. severall times ; an . 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts , and twice to sir iohn wesenham his merchant , first in the f 24. and after g an . 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares . to henry bishop of winchester henry the 5. invadiavit magnam coronam auream , gaged his imperiall crown of gold in the 5. of his reign . and when henry the third had laid to gage h omnia insignia regalia , all his robes and kingly ornaments , and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawned aurum & iocalia feretri s. edwardi confessoris , the gold and jewells belonging to the shrine of s. edward the confessour , ( a course more moderate then by force to have taken , as william the conquerour did the chalices and shrines of other churches , or as i glement the 7. who to pay the souldiers of charles the fifth melted the consecrated vessels ) was in the end , when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others , constrained to beg relief of his subjects in this low strain , a pauper sum , omni destitutus thesauro ; necesse habeo ut me juvetis : nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam ; i am poor , and have no treasure left ; ye must needs relieve me : neither do i demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy : and turning to the abbot of ramsey , to say , amice , obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo , my friend , i beseech thee for gods sake to help me with 100. pound : adding withall majorem eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve , quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti , that it would be a greater deed of charity to contribute to his wants , then to give to one that begged from door to door . so that of the waste of these times and want of those princes i may truly with the satyrist say , ossa vides regum vacuis exuta medullis . thou seest the bones of kings spoi'ld of their marrow . it now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what wealth we have returned home , loaden with the spoils of our enemies ; since no motives are so powerful to the common greedy people as the hopes of gain , which will easily enforce them b ire super gladios , superque cadavera patr●● , et caesos calcare duces , — tread upon swords , and on their fathers graves , and spurn their slaughter'd captains . — in the expeditions of henry 3. their purchases were so great , that the a londoners were more grieved at the intolerable beggeries that the king and his army brought back , then for the expence of their own moneyes : for cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas , when toil brings loss , begg'ry must needs increase . the same king , although called in by the nobility of france b in faction against their master , returned no better rewarded then consumpta pecunia infinita , & nobilibus & militibus innumeralibus vel morti datis vel infirmitati , vel fame attenuatis , vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem , with the having spent an infinite deal of money , his nobles and souldiers without number being either slain , or sickly , or maimed , or half-starved , or else reduced to extreme poverty . innocentius the pope repayed the expence of henry the 3. and his people in his sicilian service with no better wages then this scoffe , that england was c puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare , a well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry . what the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many petitions in parliament , 22. edward 3. 4 , and 7. of richard 2. 8. of henry 5. and 10. of henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme beggery the people brought home , and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 relief . the treasue d henry the 8. spent in aide of munimi 〈…〉 recovery of verona nullum alin● factu●● nisi damnum & dedecus peperit , brought him nothing else but loss , and dishonour . for the emperour having his turn served , delivered , contrary to contract , that city to the french , threatning to confederate with them , ni rex ei continuo per solveret , unless the king would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money ; believing ( as the words are ) minis & terrore ab hoc rege pecuniam posse haberi , that this king would part with his money upon threatnings and great words . for the great army of this king sent over into france , and the million almost of crowns he supplied the emperour and duke of burbon with in their wars of millan , his people enduring new and unheard of taxes at home , and his souldiers great extremity abroad , he was himself at the last of all , ( their ends effected ) having spent the treasure of his father , and the bounty of his subjects , forsaken and left as the pasquill painted him , inter moysem , christum & mahumitem , betwixt moses , christ and mahomet , with this word , quo me vertam nescio , which way to turn me i know not . for 2. millions of a crowns bestowed in purchase of tournay , not without suite of his own , he delivered it with little or no recompence : & rated his potentiall interest of france at no greater summe then an annuity b of 100000. crowns . what from the 30. of this king untill the last of his son edward the sixth for c 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at sea and land in forraign wars , this state received of inrichment , it seemeth so mean , as not worthy any place either in story or accompts . untill the late queen was drawn into wars , she had in treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled , it cost her before the 30. of her reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future charge : for the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the low-countries , from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for a flushing and the brill 28482. l. the debts of the states 800000. l. and the aides of the french king since he attained to that crown to above 401734. l. was after that time . thus by reason of warre , besides taxes upon her people to the summe of two millions , and 800000. l. by subsidies , tenths & fifteens , she hath spent of her lands , jewells and revenues an infinite proportion . as for the imaginary profit grown by the many rich spoils at sea and attempts in spain , it may be well cast up by two examples of our best fortunes . the journey of cales b defrayed not the charge to her majesty by 64000. l. and our times of most advantage by prizes between c anno 30. and 34. of the queen , wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the charge of her navy , arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. as to the greatest losse , expence of christian blood , it may well suffice to be moan with * horace , parumne campis atque neptuno superfusum est latini sanguinis ? neque hic lupis mos nec fuit leonibus unquam , nisi in dispar feris . is there as yet so little latine bloud spilt on the fields and flouds ? nor wolves nor lions do we ever find so cruel to their kind . the last motive from utility is , increase of revenues to the publick treasury by addition of forreign dominions . which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction , as to instance the particular summes , exhausted in every age to retain them . beginning first with the dutchie or normandy : for retention whereof william the conquerour from hence , ( as the a author saith ) laden thesauris innumeris , with uncountable treasure , exacted sive per fas sive per nefas , in normanniam transfretavit , gathethered together by hook or by crook , wafted over into normandy . his son b ad retinendam normanniam , angliam excoriavit , to retain normandy flayed off englands skin . the same end by c henry the first , anglia fuit bonis spoliata , england was despoiled of its goods . his d grand-child took scutagium pro exercitu normanniae , a scutage for his army in normandy 3. times at a high rate ; and was inforced then against incursions of the french to build and man e 13 castles de novo & integro , intirely new . richard the first f exacted heavily upon his people , ut potentes homines regis franciae sibi conciliaret , ut terram propriam normanniae tutaretur , therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull courtiers of france , so to keep quietly his possessions in normandy . king iohn g as wearied with the charge neglected it : and his son h feeling a burden more then benefit , resigned his interest there for a little money . when it was again reduced by henry the fifth , i the judgement in councel was , that the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all france . in the quiet possession of his son henry a ( iohn duke of bedford then regent ) this dutchie cost the crown of england 10942. l. yearly . in an . 10. it appeareth by the accompts of the lord cromwell treasurer of england , b that out of the kings exchequer at westminister the entertainment of the garrison and governour was defrayed , the rents of the dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary . c when richard duke of york was in the 15. year of henry the 6. regent , the certain expence overballanced the receipt 34008. l. and an . 27. d the lord hastings chancellour of france declareth in parliament , that normandy was not able to maintain it self . but thus it continued not much longer ; for this crown was both eased of the dutchy and charge shortly . of the principality of aquitain , the duchie of gascoign , guien and the members , i find the state thus in record . in the 26. of henry 3. e there was issued from the treasurer & chamberlains at westminster 10000 l. for paiments in gascoign ; besides an infinite proportion of victualls and munition thither sent . to retain this dutchie in duty and possession , f this king was inforced to pawn his jewells , being aere alieno graviter obligatus , thesauris , donativis , tallagiis , & extersionibus in anglia consumptis ; very much indebted , and having spent all his treasures , grants , tallages , and other sweepings in england . besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia marcarum , forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. marks . and a story of that time saith of ann . 38. g ille per multos labores & expensas inutiliter recuperavit castra sua propria vasconiae , with a great deal of toyle and expense , he unprofitably recovered his own castles in gascoign : a of which the labour was more then ever the benefit could be . and thus it appeareth to have continued ; for an . 17. of edward the second , the money disbursed out of england to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d. besides 29660. q●arters of gram , and of beeves and bacons an infinite proportion . in the first of edward the 3. b the issues of gascoign were 10000. l. above the revenues . the signiories in aquitain c cost in 8. years ending 36. of this king , 192599. l. 4. shill . 5d. de receptis forinsicis onely . it was delivered in parliament , an . 1. rich. 2. d that gascoign , and some few other places that were then held in france , cost yearly this crown 42000. l. and in the 17 th . of this king e a parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall , then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts . the charge of bordeaux f but one town , surmounting in half a year all rents and perquisites there 2232. l. as fronsack in aquita●n 5787. l. for double that time ; when the intire dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly revenues . the charge of guien all the reign of henry 4. g was 2200 l. annually out of the exchequer of england . by accompt aquitain ( besides guien 6606. l. ) was the h first of henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. & the town of i bordeaux the 5. first years of the same king 6815. l. in the 11. of k henry the 6. sir iohn radcliffe steward of aquitain received from the treasury of england pro vadiis suis , &c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of fronsack castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill . the profits of the dutchie no wayes able to cleare the accompts . the benefit we reaped by any footing in britanny , may in a few examples appeare . a henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem britanniae non sufficiebant angliae thesauri , quod jam per triennium compr●bavit , that the treasure of england would not suffice to maintain britanny , which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall : and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari , to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses . the town of brest b cost richard the second 12000. marks a year , and it stood him in an . 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings . for callis , i will deliver with as much shortness as may be , from the first acquisition untill the losse , in every age the expense ( for the most part either out of the treasury or customes of england , ) disbursed . c from the 18. of edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken , the charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil . 4d. anno 28. of the same king for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings . in an . 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years compleat . d in 30. received by richard de eccleshal treasu●er of callis from the bishop of winchester treasurer of england , 17847. l. e and in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings . f in the second of richard 2. de receptis forinsecis , which was money from the exchequer at westminster , 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat . g anno 5. 19783. l. for three yeares ending a anno 10. 77375. l. for the like term untill ann . 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings . and b for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil . and for the last 3 yeares of his reign , 85643. l. from the end of c richard 2. untill the 4 of henry 4. for 3. yeares d 62655. l. 17. shillings . and for one succeeding , 19783. l. the charge in victuall and provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this kings reign e 46519 l. 15. shillings . in the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his son there was issued from the treasury of england f 86938. l. 10. shil . for this place . and from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. it cost henry the g 6. above all revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an . 11. the subsidies in england were an . 27. h levied in parliament to defray the wages and reparation of callis . and the i 31. of this king there was a fifteen and 2. shil . of every sack of wooll imposed upon the subjects here to the same end . k and the parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at callis : and the like authority directed 4. of edward the fourth , l that the souldiers there should receive victualls and salary from out of the subsidies of england . the disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. m and in the 16. of the same king for like term there was de portu london , hull , sancti botolphi , poole , & sandwico , by the ports of london , hull , boston , pool , & sandwich , 12488. l. paid to the treasury of callis . n and in an . 20. from out of the customes of the same ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings . o and in 22. 11102. l. and the year following 10788. l. the setled ordinary wages of the garrison in this town yearly was 24. a henry 8.8834 . l. and about 30 th . when the viscount lisle was deputy , 8117. l. and from the 30 th . of this king to the end of his son edw. 6. this place did cost the crown 371428. l. 18. shil . from the first purchase of it by edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by queen mary , it was ever a perpetuall issue of the treasure of this land , which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of danger to us , then any fort of security . for from the waste of money , which is nervus reipublicae , the sinew of a common-wealth , as ulpian saith , we may conclude with tacitus , dissolutionem imperii docet , si fructus quibus respub . sustinetur diminuantur , it foreshews the ruine of an empire , if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the common-wealth . and therefore it was not the worst opinion ( at such time as the captivity of francis the french king incited b henry the 8. to put off that kingdome , although in the close major pars vicit meliorem , the greater party out-voted the better , ) that to gain any thing in france would be more chargeable then profitable , and the keeping more then the enjoying . the issue was in tournay , bullen , and this town manifest . besides the jealousy that nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty . for as graecia libera esse non potuit dum philippus graeciae compedes tenuit , greece could never be free so long as philip had the fetters of greece in his custody ; so as long as by retention of callis we had an easy descent into , and convenient place to trouble the country , a fetter to intangle them , they neither has assurance of their own quiet , nor we of their amity . and it was not the least argument from conveniencie in the detention of callis ( after the 8 yeares expired of re-delivery ) used by the chancellour of france , a that we should gain much more in assured peace , which we could never have so long as we were lords of that town , then by any benefit it did or could yield us . it was never but a pike and quarrell between the two realms : for upon every light displeasure , either princes would take by and by to callis , and make war there . god hath made a separation naturall betwixt both nations , a sure wall and defence , et penitus toto divisos orbe britannos ; that is , the english were divided from all the world . but a little more to inform the weight of these charges , it is not amisse to touch ( by way of comfort ) that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of god and benignity of a gracious king delivered ; and also that other of burthen still , ( though much lightened ) untill conformity of affections and designs of councells shall further effect a remedie . the charge of barwick and the frontiers in 20. b edward . 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares . in the end of richard 2. & entrance of henry the 4. c 10153. l. and d 11. of henry 6. the custodie of the marches 4766. l. in the 2. mariae the annuall charge of barwick was 9413. l. e and in an . 2. elizabeth 13430. l. and an . 26. 12391. l. the kingdome of ireland , beyond the revenues , was 29. e. 3. f 2285. l. an. 30. g 2880. l. and h an . 50. 1808. l. all the time of richard 2. i it never defrayed the charges ; and came short in 11. henry 6. 4000. marks a of annuall issues . the revenue there in omnibus exitibus & proficuis , in all the rents and profits yearly , by accompt of cromwell lord treasurer , not above 3040. l. but passing over these elder times ; in the reign of the late queen , when the yearly revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years b ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. in anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. c the charge there in two years of s. iohn parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. in anno 1597. the receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. and when in 35. elizabeth the rents and profits of that kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. the charge 1601. d for 9 moneths 167987. l. and for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. and in the first of the king , 84179. l. whose government although it hath blessed both us and that kingdome with the benefit of peace , yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that state out of his own treasure . and thus far in answer of the argument from increase of revenue by forreign dominions . as to the arguments of honour by addition of titles and forreign territories ; it may suffice in answer , that so long as this crown was actually possessed of any such signiorie , the tenure and service did ever bring with it a note and badge of vassallage ; then which nothing to so free a monarch as the king of england ( who is e monarcha in regno , & tot & tanta habet privilegia quot imperator in imperio , a monarch his kingdome , and hath as many and as large priviledges therein as an emperour in his empire , ) could be more in blemish or opposition . to write domino regi nostro franciae , to our lord the king of france , as during the time we held the provinces in france we usually did in all our letters and publick contracts with that crown , can be called no addition of honour . and whether upon every command to act in person those base services of homage and fidelity , as first in putting off the imperiall crown , the kneeling low at the foot of that king , and taking an oath to become homme liege du roys de france , a liege subject to the kings of france , &c. we in performing so the duties of a subject , do not much more disparage the dignity of a soveraign , is no question of doubt . from these considerations of reputation and honour , ( the greatest stayes that support majestie , and retain obedience ) our kings of england have as far as to the forfeit of those signiories , either avoided or refused the services . as king iohn did normandy ; and edward the 2. resigned to his son the dutchie of aquitain , to put off the act of homage from himself , to whom it could not in respect of his regaltie but be in dishonour . as appeareth in henry the 2. who having made his son consortem imperii , a king of england with him , homagium à filio noluit ( saith the record ) quia rex fuit , sed securitatem accepit ; would not receive homage of him , because he was a king , but took his security . in the 17. of richard 2. the lords and justices would not consent to a peace with france , unlesse the king might not do homage , they held it so base , supposing thereby the liberty of the kings person and subject wronged . and thus much of the little reputation that either in title or territorie those subordinate dutchies in france added to this crown . as for the kingdome of france , the people of england were so little in love with that title , as any honour to them , that by acts of parliament 14. edward 3. and 8. edward 5. they provided that the subjects of england should owe no obedience to the king as king of france , nor the kingdome of england be in any wise subjected by such union to that crown . and so much we have ever been in fear of that place , lest it might leave this state to the misery of a provinciall government as in 17. of henry 6. the commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that crown , answered , that the gaining of any footing in france would induce the kings aboad there , and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this state ; besides the transport of our money in the mean time , which would inrich that countrey , and impoverish the realm at home , whereby we should justly again say , a britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit , quotidie poscit , the britans are every day begging to be slaves , every day giving money for it . the last motive is , the advantage we now have of greater facilitie and assurance of successe in any forreign enterprise , by this happy union of both kingdoms , then ever any of our ancestours had . to which is answer nothing can be more full , then laying down the motives and means that led on the kings of this realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts , weigh how they suite these times , and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation . the first consideration is in place , the next in person . in the wars of france ( whether those for the defence of particular signiories , or competition of the intite kingdome ) we had ever ports to land at , & forts to retire to , which now we have not . the coast of normandy was our own , by which we might enter the midst of france . and edward 3. when he intended to annoy the east part , sided with montfort against charles de bloys , whom he invested with the dutchie of britain , that so he might have there an easy footing . thus by leave of his confederats in flanders he had safe entrance for all his army to invade the other side , and a sure retreat , when upon any occasion he would come back , as he did to antwerp . and wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent , the greatest difficultie is overcome ; for the rest consisteth in chance , wherein fortune is rather wont to prevaile then vertue . but a ibi grave est bellum gerere , ubi nullus est classi portus apertus , non ager pacatus , non civitas socia , non consistendi aut procedendi locus , quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia ; there 't is a hard task to wage war , where there is no port open for our navy , the countrey our enemy , no city our confederate , no place to make a stand or to march out from , but whithersoever a man looks , he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us . and this must be now our case , which was never our ancestours . advantage personall was either a party found made . confederates . for the persons considerable , they are the subjects to our enemies , or our own confederats . of the first , our kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred , or by pension & reward either make a fraction in obedience , or neutrality in assistance with the subjects of their adversary . the duke of burgundy , earls of britain , dreux and others in france , offended with their sovereign , a confoederati erant comiti britanniae henrico & regi angliae , became confederates with henry earle of britain and king of england ; and thereupon drew him over into britain . b the same king by yearly pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in poictou in fraction against their lord and their own loyaltie . edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of france , if c robert de artoys ( displeased with the sentence of philip his master for that earldome ) had not incited and complotted for him , as godfrey of harecourt did after . nor henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the french king , the jealousy of those princes & orleantial faction had not made his way and fortune . the confederates our kings held formerly for mutuall aide were of such consequence in all their affairs , that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories . as the first the 3d. edwards , the 5 th . and 8th . henries . whereas henry the sixth , that was of all the rest left most naked to himself , although the greatest otherwise in opportunity , lost all the purchase of his ancestours in the end . it is not amisse in such a foundation of greatness as confederacy , to lay down successively , first , with whom we tied that knot of love ; then , what were the motives or assurances ; and lastly , whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. henry the first , but to assure his own posses sions beyond sea , a adscivit in praesidium comitem britanniae , & theobaldum comitem blesensem , called to his aide the earle of britain , and theobald earle of bloys . henry the second did the like with b robert earle of flanders . and again c cum theodorico comite flandriae , baronibus , castellanis , & caeteris hominibus comitis , with theodoric earle of flanders , the barons , governours of castles , and other the subjects of the said earle ; who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua , sicut domino , pro feodis quae de ipso teneant , upon a summons , as well as their own lord , for the fees which they held of him . baldwin earle of flanders contracteth under bond d mutui subsidii , quod sine rege richardo angliae non componeret cum rege francorum , of mutuall aide , that he would not come to agreement with the french king without richard king of england . and the e britains relicto rege franciae regi richardo adhaeserunt , forsaking the king of france , did joyn with king richard. between king iohn a and the earle of flanders there was a combination mutui auxilii contra regem francorum , of mutuall assistance against the french king. b the like with the city of doway and earle of holland . henry 3. an . 11. drew c peter duke of britany into confederacy against the french ; and fernand earle of flanders with a pension annuall of 500. ma●ks . d and anno 38. alfonsus king of castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes hom●nes in mundo , against all the men in the world. to whom he remained so constant , that an . 8. and 10. edw. 1. he would not grant a truce to the french king , but ad preces & instantiam at the instant suit of the king of england . edward 1. an . 13. e by a pretence of inter-marriage d●ew florence earle of holland from the french to his party : and the yeare following , by mediation of the lord of black-mont , the earle of flanders , who is g an . ●0 . assisted him in the wars of gascoign . h in the 22. he combined with adolph king of the romans , and the earle of gueldres ; tying the nobility of burgund●e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. turonensium to aid him contra regem franciae , against the french king. i he had guido earle of flanders and philip his son for 100000. l. turonensium in pay against the french king , an . 24 , 25 , and 31. of his reign ; k retaining the earle of gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the duke of lorrain by 1600000. l. l the nobility of burgundy by a pension of 30000. l. and wallerand lord of montay by 300. l. turonensium in his service the same yeare . a and in an . 34. reginaldum comitem montis beliardi & alios de burgundia contra regem franciae , reginald earle of mont-belliard and other burgundians against the king of france . edward 2. had b auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à genoensibus , assistance as well by sea as by land from the genoeses . c and in an . 18. besides his alliance with flanders , iohn protectour of castile aideth him contra gallos cum 1000. equitibus & peditibus , & scutiferis 10000. against the french with 1000. horse and foot , and 10000 other armed men . edward the 3. d had by the marriage of philip , the earle of henault & holland her father assured to him ; and retained iohn of henault and his followers , e qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum regis , who came to assist the king at his call , with a salary of 14000. l. yearly . before he adventured to avow and maintain his challenge to the kingdome of france , f he made up to his partie lodowick the emperour , ( who the better to countenance his enterprise , elected him vicarium imperii , vicar of the empire . ) g reginald earle of geldres , lewis marquesse of brandenburg , conrade lord of hard , who served him with 50. men at armes , the cardinall of genoa and his nephew , who aided him with galleys , the magistrates of colen , bruxells , lorrain and mechlin , and h iaques de artevile head of the gantois faction ; who having quitted all duty to the banished earle , submitted themselves and most of flanders to the service and protection of edward 3. who to free them of two millions of crowns , wherein , as a caution of obedience to the crown of france , a they stood bound as well by oath as obligation , took upon him the title of king of france , and imployed iohn duke of brabant and lorrain , william marquesse of iuliers , and the earle of henault and holland , his assured friends , procuratores suos ad vend candum regnum franciae , his procurators to claim the crown of france , b these his allyes nor long after meeting him at tournay with 100000. men , as robert de artoys did with 50000. at s. omers against the french king. and thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise , weaving into his faction and support more and more , as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave . by c colour of marriage he drew in the king of sicilie in the 18 th . year , the duke of millain , and the king of castile for mutuall aide ; and d simon but angre duke of genoa , and his subjects for hire and reward . in the 19. yeare e the questionable title of the dutchie of britain assured him of iohn de montford ; against whom the f french king maintained charles de bloys for that dutchie . in an . 24. g he renewed the contract with the genoeses ; and in 30. made a convention of peace , & mutul auxilii cum rege navarrae , and of mutuall aide , with the king of navarre . in h the 37. with peter king of castile : and in that and 41. i an alliance of aide and amity . he entred with the duke of britain : and an . 45. k again with the genoeses and lewis earle of flanders and duke of brabant : l and an . 46. with ferdinand king of portugall . richard the second rene weth m in an , i. the confederation that his grandfather had with the duke of britain ; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew , as he had done anno 2. with lewis a earle of flanders . in the 6. b yeare he combineth with the flemings c contra intmicos communes , against the enemies of them both ; with d the kings of naples , sicille , navarre and arragon , de mutuis auxiliis , for mutual ai●e ; e & with wenceslaus the emperour contra carclum regem franciae & robertum regem scotiae , against charles king of france , and robert king of scotland . in an . 8. f with the kings of ierusalem , sicilie , & portugall . in the 10. with portugall , who at his own charges aided this king with 10. galleys . and with william duke of gueldres de mutuis auxiliis , for mutual1 aide . and an . 12. g 18. and 19. with albert duke of . bavaria . h and an . 20. with the earle of ostrenant de retinentiis contra regem franciae , against the king of france . and rupertus count palatine of the rhene an . 20. became a homager for term of life to this king. henry 4. entred alliance i of mutuall aid in 2. yeares with william duke of gueldres and mons. k in the 12 th . with sigismond king of hungaria . l and in the 13. by fiding with the factions of the dukes of berry and orleans , layed the basis upon which his son that succeeded reared the trophies of his renown . for henry the fifth going forward upon the advantage left and daily offered , strengthened himself anno 4. m by a league perpetuall with sigismond the emperour ; renewing that of richard the 2. n with iohn king of portugall , as his father had done . he entred a contract with the duke of britain , and with the queen of ierusalem and lewis her son for the dutchie of anlou and mayn ; and with the king of portugall and duke of bavaria for supplie of men & munition by them performed . a and the yeare before the battle of agincourt sendeth the lord henry scrope to contract with the duke of burgundie b & his retinue for wages in servitio suo in regno franciae vel ducatu aquitaniae , in his service in the kingdome of france , or the dutchy of aquitain ; esteeming the alliance of that house the rea●iest means the attaine his end . henry 6. c so long as he held the amity of britain ( for which he contracted ) and the confederacy of burgundy , his friend or eldest assurance and best advantage , which he did to the 16 th . yeare of his government , there was no great decline of his fortune in france . but when burgundy d brake the bond of our assurance , & betook him to the amity of france , and dealt with this crown but as a merchant by way of intercourse , first at the treaty of e bruges 1442. then at f callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in france declined faster in the setting of this son , then ever it increased in the rising of the father . and edward the fourth who succeeded , sensible of this losse , woed by all the means either of intercourse or marriage to winne again the house of burgundy , g which in an . 7. he did , to joyn for the recovery of his right in france . h and drew in the yeare following the duke of britain to that confederacy . in the i 11. yeare he renewed with charles of burgundie . the bond of mutuall aide ; and contracted the next k yeare the like with the king of portugal . and in an . 14. pro recuperatione regni francae , contra ludovicum usurpantem , for the recovery of the kingdome of france out of the hands of lewis the usurper , ( a as the record is ) entered a new confederacy with the dukes of burgundy and britain ; b and in the end wrought from them a round pension of money , though he could not any portion of land henry the 7. c an . 5. & 6. entertaineth an alliance with spain against the french king. the like in the 8. with the king of portugall : and in the 10. d with the house of burgundy for intercourse and mutuall aide . henry the 8. in an . 4. e reneweth the amity of portugal ; and the next yeare combineth with the emperour maximilian against lewis the french king , who aideth him out of artoys and henault with 4000. horse and 6000 . foot ; whereupon he winneth tournay , f consilo , auxilio , & favoribus maximiliani imperatoris , with the advice , assistance , and countenance of the emperour maximilian . in anno 7. g to weaken the french king , he entreth league with the helvetian cantons by his commissioners wingfield and pace ; and with h charles of spain for amity and mutuall aide : into which maximilian the emperour and ioane of spain i were received the yeare following k in an . 12. with the emperour charles and l margaret regentesse of burgundy the maketh a confederation against francis the french king , as the common enemy : & quia rex angliae nonpossit ex propriis subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere , the king of england could not furnish such a quantity of horse of his own subjects , as was mentioned in the contract , the emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his dominions in germany . and the pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the french territories , calleth in aide brachii secularis , of the secular power , a those two princes ; appointeth the emperour protectorem & advocatum ecclesiae , the churches advocate and protectour ; & stileth their attempt sancta expeditio , holy expedition . b and this is by the treaty at windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained . renewing in the years c 21. 35 , and 38. the association , and bond of mutuall aide with the same princes , and against the french king , if he brake not off his amity with the turk . and although d edward the 6. in the first year of his reign made the contract between the crown of england and the house of burgundy perpetuall ; e yet forbore he to aide the emperour in the wars of france , disabled ( as he pretended ) by reason of the poverty the troubles of scotland had drawn upon him ; f and therefore offered the town of bullen to the imperiall protection . during the reign of queen mary , there was no other but that g of marriage , aide and entercourse with the emperor , spain and burgundy ; h and besides that tripartite bond at cambray of amity and neutrality . our late renowned mistris entertained with the prince of conde i about new-haven , and k with charles the 9. 1564. & at l bloys 1572. with the king of navarre before the accession of the crown of france to him , and after britain , and lastly by the duke of bullen a in 96. and with the states of the netherlands in the yeares 85. b and 98. divers treaties of amity , confederation and assistance . by all these passages , ( being all that well either our story or records can discover ) it appeareth manifest the kings of england never to have undertaken , or fortunately entertained any forreign enterprize without a party and confederate . amongst which by situation , those of best advantage to us have been the dukes of britain , lords of the netherlands , the city of genoa , the kings of portugall and spain , & the empire , since knit into the house of burgundy as for the remote and in-land princes of germany , the kings of denmark , poland and sweden , ( so farre removed ) i have seldome observed that this crown hath with them contracted any league of assistance or confederacy , but of amity and entercourse onely . it remaineth to observe a little , what were the reasons that first induced , and then preserved the affection and alliances of these severall nations respectively to this crown . the assurance we had of the state of genoa was their pensions and traffique here . all which time by equality of neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of surprize . but as soon as vicinum incendium , the fire began in millain , they put themselves into the protection of spain , foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak state to stand neutrall , according to aristhenus counsell to the aetolians , c quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus ? what else will become of us , being in firm friendship with neither side , then to be made a prey to the conquerour ? since which time spain by estating doria , grimaldi , and the spinellos , chief families of that city , with great patrimonies in naples , retaining their gallies in his perpetuall service and salary , the inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall trade , and ( no lesse in policy to ingage that city , then to supply his own wants ) continually owing the wealthiest citizens such vast summes of money , as the interest of late exceeded d 25. millions ; he hath tyed it more sure to the spanish party , then if it were commanded by a cittadell ; so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that crown . navarre and britain ( while states of themselves ) were so long firm to our confederacy , as they were tyed with the bond of their own calamity , occasioned by that power , which incorporating lately the one by descent , the other by contract , is by that union and return of all the appennagii , more potent now then ever it hath been under the house of capet . burgundie was so long our friend , as either they were enriched by staple of our commodities , or had protection of our swords against france , who not only claimed soveraignty over most , but a proprietary interest in part ; and therefore had reason to give aide and armes to such a confederate as did by a diversive war secure , and by particular immunities inrich that state. but now growing into spain , they need no such assurance in the one ; and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll , ( which is happily called home , ) not able to return them the benefit of the other , cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore . spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast confederate for 2. respects . first , for that he is absolute , and that we be equally devoid of demand , neither having against the other any titles . next , for that the entercourse of trade is more reciprocall between us then france , and our amity founded upon long love and old blood . to this may be made a two-fold answer , from the change of their dispositions : first , for that they never assist any now , but to make themselves master of their state. thus ended they the strife between the competitors of portugall . and when they were called into naples by the queen against the french , they combined with her adversary , and divided the kingdome . and after upon the river of garillon , under their leader gonsalves , taking an advantage , they defeated the whole army of the french , holding ever since that entire kingdome themselves . for spain will admit neither equallity nor felowship , since upon union of so many kingdomes , and famous discoveries , they begun to affect a fifth monarchie . the other ; that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood , as all formes of ancient amity are quite washt away : and as paterculus a saith of carthage to rome , so may we of spain to england , adeo odium certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat , ut ne in victis quidem deponitur , neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut : the hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly , that the very conquered party cannot forget it ; & in such a case the very places must cease to be , before the hatred and envy towards it can cease . besides these locall considerations , there will 2. other dangers now fallout from any contract of mutuall aide : the one from diversity of intention , and the other of religion . in the one , when either the confederate hath safely attained his own secret end , ( whatsoever he pretended in the entrance , ) he leaveth the other to work out his own designes . thus was hen. 3. served , called over by the earls of tholouse and march ; they in the mean time having made their peace with france : a et expertus jam infidem , imo perfidiam pictavensium , turpiter recessit , & festinans non pepercit calcaribus , in so much that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the poictovins , he was forced dishonourably to retreat , and for haste to spurre away ; the perill the poore king was left in being so great . he was handled like to this by pope alexander the fourth , who having drawn him into the warres of apulia against manfred , in the end , depauperato regno angliae & undique bonis suis spoliato , his kingdome of england being impoverished , and wholly despoiled of its goods , left him to his own shift . the king of navarre calling in the aide of edward 3. b against france , and appointing the isle of gersey the rendezvous of their forces , revolteth to the french , after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his peace . maximilian the emperour to induce henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the crown of france , & pro tyrannico rege repellendo , and to remove the tyrannicall king , ( they are the words of the league ; ) but conferreth upon him in the same coronam imperialem & imperium romanum , the imperiall crown and the roman empire in reversion ; and estateth the dutchie of millain after recovery upon his person , & suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum , modo feodorum imperialium , and his heires male lawfully begotten , to hold in fee of the empire : yet in the close left the king to his own fortune , his turn for millain and verona , served . charles the fifth when by the incuision of the french he saw his portion in italy distressed , in safety whereof consisted the whole pulse of the spanish , ( as he used himself to say , ) for it supplied his army with great levies , and was fitly seated for a fifth monarchy ; he then ingaged hen. 8. in the wars of france , and bound himself ( as bourbon his confederate ) that he would assist him to the full conquest of that kingdome , and the other should become homager to hen. 8. as to his soveraign . but after that bourbon had advanced his army and distressed the french king , he in his answer to master pace the kings ambassador refused that assurance of duty , and gave a just suspition , that he by help of his party intended to usurp upon that state himself , which the emperour never meant to the king of england ; least by such footing in france , he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours . and to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable , howsoever the bonds of alliance were . thus did hen. 8. as often change his hand of help , as either princes of spain & france got ground of the other . and the spaniard now , to keep the states in italie disunited , compoundeth differences at his pleasure , or taketh part with the weaker , not suffering any , though his own dependant , to grow too strong : which was lately seen in patronizing the d. of mantua against savoy , according to the rule of quinctius in livy , non tantum interest aetolorū opes minui , it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the aetolians , ( yet they were enemies , ) quantum , non supra modum philippum crescere , as it doth to see that philip grow not too potent , who was their friend . the difference in religion may bring likewise a twofold danger . the one with our confederates , the other with the subjects of this crown . for whensoever we shall attempt upon a catholick prince , as france , where we have the fairest pretences , for with any other we are like to have no question ; then is all contract of mutuall aide left to the election of our danger by difference in religion , in respect of the confederates , who subjects . may break by dispensation , though both catholicks . ought to break out of the rom. doctrine , one accounted heretick . confederate , who may with all easiness procure from the see of rome a discharge of all contracts , although they were by oath . for if in leagues where either party have been catholicks , as that between edward 3. and iohn king of france , & that between iohn of caunt and the king of cast●le ; they ever out of such suspect inserted this clause , that neither side should procure dispensationem , &c. either per ecctesiam romanam , vel per aliquam aliam , a dispensation either by the church of rome , or any other way , to do contra formam tractatus , contrary to the form of agreement : how much more must their jealousie be to us ? and therefore in a consultation in henry the 8s. time , a whether with best security we should confederate with france or spain , it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our separation from the church of rome , if there be no better hold in their honesties then in their bonds . for it will be held not onely worthy dispensation , but merit to break all leagues with the enemies of that church , by the doctrine of that see ; which teacheth all contracts with any catholick prince to be instanti dissolved , because we are by them ranked in the list of hereticks : which holds proportion with the rule and direction that urban the sixth sent by b bull to wenceslaus king of bohemia , and charles then emperor , ( before the councill of constance , ) declaring all confederations , leagues and conventions to be lege divina temerariae , illicitae , & ipso jure nullae , etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut confirmatione apostolica roboratae , to be by the law of god invalid , void , and in law null , although confirmed by the plighting of faith , nay though strengthened by confirmation apostolicall , if the parties were separatae ab unitate sanctae , ecclesae , separate from the unity of holy church , when the league was made ; or si postea sint effecti , if they become so after . what assurance can there then be , either with france , who is received ? by his rebenediction , into the bosome of the church , and his sonne made adoptivus filius ecclesiae , an adopted son of the church ; or against him with spain , who being protector and champion of that see apostolick , submitteth himself ( as he hath ever done ) to the popes pleasure and designe , and must not onely forsake ? but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake ? besides it is considerable , howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide ; whether they will so in a forrain invasion ; ( especially when the party assailed shall be of their own religion . ) for when the interdiction of the pope could draw against iohn king of england & a lewis the 12. a side of their own subjects , ( as it did after in the same kingdome against hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of religion to that see ; ) how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a state divided from their obedience ? for amongst us the catholick church hath many iesuites to raise faction , and divert people from duty ; the recusants many , and malecontents not few ; all which with warre will discover themselves , but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance , lock up their riches in security , & their hearts in silence . and therefore by any enterprize , it is not with the rule of seneca safe , concutere felicem statum . for provoking of some adversary in respect of papall protection , they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of religion : & then the sancta expeditio , the holy expedition against lewis , will be made bellū sacrum , a holy warre against us . but admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt ; it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain . for first we must more then transgresse limites quos posuerunt patres , the bounds which our fathers owned ; et penitus toto divisos or be britannos , and britans from the world wholy divided ; and relinquish that defence of nature , wherewith she hath incirculed , divided , and secured us from the whole world ; ( a te natura potens pelago divisit ab omni parte orbis , tuta ut semper ab hoste fores . from all the earth nature hath parted thee with seas , and set thee safe from enemy . ) and commit our frontiers ( had we never so much upon the next continent ) to the protection of an army , which besides the continuall charge , if we give ambitious and able commanders , ( as unable for our interest we will not , ) how ready shall it be in such a leader , and backt , if he please , to give law to his own countrey ? for trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by power ; and whensoever means and ambition leads any to trouble the state , he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest titles . b alli , sicuti iura populi defenderent pars , quo senatus authoritas maxima foret , bonum publicum simulantes : some declaring to maintain the rights of the people , others to uphold the authority of the senate , all pretending to act for the publick good . hence was it that augustus c refused to add any more of the barbarous nations to the body of his empire , which with great facility he might have done ; d and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging , left in charge to his successors that especiall point of advice , a coercendi intra terminos imperii , to keep the empire within due & fitting bounds . the like moderation from the same ground was in the late queen , who refused the soveraignty of the netherlands , b so often and earnestly offered to her , fore-seeing well , that as her state should grow more respective by addition of people , and augmentation of territory ; so factions and discontents ( a common accident in worldly affaires ) would arise from superfluity . besides , the state that may best admit increase is that , unto which addition may be on every part indifferently . such was the advantage of rome , by being situate in the middest of europe : whereas we are thrust out of the world ; to which we have no other contiguity , then an unsure element of fluxible foundation , the sea , subject to tempest , contrariety of wind , and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept , then our selves to secure . for how large soever any kingdome is , all great directions move from one place , commonly from one man , as the heart in the body . it is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed , that as well intelligence as dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured speed : and those forms are most quick and easy in motion , whole extremes are all equally distant from the centre ; for the more different from the circle , the more slow and hard . rome may sufficiently example this : for so long as the orbe of that empire so moved about her , all things kept on their course with order , and ease ; but after the seate was by c constantine removed to an extremity of the circle , it stood a while still , and in the end dissolved . for either through the masse of business , the limitedness of any mans sufficiency , or impossibility to consider all due circumstances but in re praesenti , there must fall out infinite defects in the directions . or if none , either by reason of distance they come too late , or if not , by reason of remoteness , he who is to execute will be bolder with his instructions then is fit for a minister to be . how dangerous is it then by addition of territories for our master , a alterum pene imperio nostro & suo quaerenti orbem , whilest he is seekng to joyn another world , in a manner , to his and our empire , to alter either the setled order of directions , or walls of our securitie . besides , as in the frames of nature anima rationalis , the rationall soul cannot informare , give life , sense , or discourse to the matter of an elephant or a fly ; ( or any other body disproportionable to a form so qualified : ) so is there as well a bound of amplitude and structness wherein the soul of government is comprised ; b between which extremes there are many degrees of latitude , some approaching to the greatest ( that nature seldome or never produceth ) some to the least , and some to the mean ; beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine . and this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in france , which we could never either with profit or assurance retain ? being gotten by conquest , and but tacked to by garrison , contrary to the nature of hereditary monarchies . for some kingdomes ( in which number this may be accounted ) are of the same condition that demosthenes c maketh the athenians : non ea vestra ingenia sunt , ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis imperiateneatis ; sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae , ut alium potiri principatu prohibeat is ; aut potitum exturbetis ; it is not your way , violently to oppresse other states and seize the government ; but in this is your strength manifest , that you can hinder another from possessing the government , or when he is possessed of it , throw him out again . since then by situation and power we are the fittest , either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike nations of the west , it is the best for safety , and the most for honour , to remain as we were , arbiters of europe , and so by neutralitie sway still the ballance of our mightiest neighbours : which by holding of our hands , and onely looking on , we shall easily do , since spain and france hang so indifferently , that a little weight will cast the beam ; imploying ours , as claudius did his forces in a germanie , ut subsidio victis victoribus terrori essent , ne forte elati pacem turbarent , to assist the conquered party , and to over-awe the victor , lest he should be puffed up with pride , and disturb our peace . thus did hen. 8. with the french and spanish princes , using as his motto of honour and power this . cui adhaereo praest , he rules whom i stick to . and the late queen studied rather how to guard her allies , then to inlarge her dominions , multiplying her leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities ; winking at her own wrongs , rather then willing to revenge . and ( as the great mistris of the world once ) did what rather became her greatness , then what severity of armes required . hence were her seas for the most part freed from pirates , and her land here cleared of enemies . for according to micipsae's counsell to jugurth , non exercitus , neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt ; neither armyes nor treasure are the safety of a kingdome : but such allies as neither armes constrain , nor monyes purchase , sed officio & fide pariuntur . and since by fortune of the times succeeding , this state hath grown more upon opinion then deed , and that we know magis fama quam vi stare res nostras , that our affairs stand rather by fame then force ; it is most safe , neither to discover weakness , nor hazzard losse by any attempt . besides , standing as we do no waies obnoxious by site to any of our neighbours , they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement & order of their differences to us . as the a brabanters and henowayes to the arbitrement of edward the third : and b charles the fifth and francis the french king the decision of their quarrel to henry the eighth . thus every pare shall woe us , all princes by their oratours shall resort unto us , as to the common consistorie of judgement in their debates , and thereby add more to our reputation then any power of our own . for as well in states as in persons , suitours are an infallible token of greatness ; which demost henes c told the athenians they had lost , since none resorted to their curia or praetorium . by this way shall we gain the seat of honour , riches , and safety ; and in all other but endlesse expence , trouble and danger . robert cotton bruceus . finis . the french charity : written in french by an english gentleman , upon occasion of prince harcourt's coming into england ; and translated into english by f. s. j. e. london , printed for william shears , at the bible in s. paul's church-yard , anno 1655. the french charity . although we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects , that the sun which draws up the clouds can also scatter them , that the same wind both lights and blow's out the taper , that vipers serve for wholesome medicaments , and scorpions carry about them an antidote to their own poison : it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs , wherein that which is once ill , is alwayes accounted such ; from whence is begot in us that quality which we call experience , whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past . which is the foundation whereupon all monarchies and republicks have established the maxims of their subsistence , and found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid . the charity which france hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible , so unseasonable that it is suspected , and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood . philosophers say , we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean ; i cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness , nor what good genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us . i will passe my censure upon nothing , yet let me have the liberty to judge of all . i find so great a wonder in this change , that i find a conflict in my self to believe it . it is no common marvell , that those who have for so long a time beheld all europe in a flame , and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them ; that those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us , should now make it their glory to reunite us ; that those who place their rest in our troubles , should now apply their cares for our repose ; and that after they have cast us down headlong , they should reach us a plank for to come ashore . let the wise reader here ( whilst i determine nothing ) allow me at least a little distrust ; it is the mother of safety . the trojans , who could not be overcome by armes , perish't by a pledge of peace . all the french civilityes are faire and good ; but in the bottome quicquid id est , timeo gallos , & dona ferentes . let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement . is it religion ? surely no ; for that which they professe is contrary to that of this kingdome ; and the little charity they have for their own , ought not to perswade us that they have much for ours . is it for the inclination they have to peace ? surely no ; for if they esteemed it a benefit , they would seek first for themselves . it is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late warres , and for the assistance we gave to those of rochel . i , his would be truely christian indeed , to render us good for evill . they will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage , which bind them to the queen ; and yet they have let the mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them ? and having beheld her without pitty and succour in her greatest extremities , they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill . but if this be the reason of their admittance , i conceive them no lawfull nor indifferent mediators , since they are so much concern'd in one of the parties . they will whisper us in the eare , that the designe is to pacify us , and to ingage us in a league with them against the spaniard ; although at the same time they designe ambassadours for munster to endeavour a peace with him . o , we should wrong them very much to believe it , though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us ; they are too gallant spirited to pretend it , they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their chesnut out of the fire ; that a body recovering health from a long sicknesse ought not to expose it self to a violent agitation ; that the state will find it self loaden with debts , and the subject exhausted by contributions ; that we ought to preferre the evident profit of traffick before the uncertain vanity of a conquest ; that iealousies being not yet removed , nor aemulations supprest , all kind of arming would be suspected by the state , fearing least some under pretense of a forrain warre might study private revenge , or the oppression of the publick liberty ; & that in the end it will be our gain to see them deal with spain , and to make our advantage of their troubles , or not to meddle at all with them , unlesse by adding secretly ( according to the revolution of affairs ) a little weight to them that shall be found the lighter . if then it be none of these motives , it remains that it must be either generosity , or deceit . o generosity ( that hast so long since withdrawn thy self to heaven , there to keep company with the faire . astraea , or rather , who wer 't buried in france in the sepulchre of monsieur gonin ) is it possible that thou shouldst be risen again , or that france should have recall'd thee with her exiles since the death of her king ; and that the first labour she should put thee to should be in favour of england , against whom but few dayes since she shewed such violent resentments , for an offence received by a pretended violation of the treaties which had past between us ? truely if it be she , we must reverence her with extraordinary respects ; but before we give her the honours due unto her , we must know her , for feare of idolatry in adoring her masque for her self , or embracing a cloud in stead of a goddesse . let us give a thrust with our launce into the trojan horse , to see if there be no ambush within . in walking lately with some french gentlemen ( as this nation is free enough of their discourse ) a word escaped from one of the company without making reflexion ( as i think ) of what countrey i was , that amongst their prophets there was one which said , that the conquest of england was promised to their young king. this thought cast into the aire though inconsideratly , seemed to me very considerable ; and having given me an occasion to reflect upon all things both past and present , it served me as a light to guide me in the obscurity of this labyrinth , upon which before i had reasoned but superficially , from thence being returned to my lodging , i opened accidentally a book of monsieur de rohan , intitled the interest of the princes of christendome , and i fell presently upon a passage where he said , that one of the surest wayes to make ones self master of a state , is to interpose and make himself arbiter of its differences . i had no need of any other oedipus to expound to me the riddle of the prophesy , these first motives of suspicion having cast me into more profound thoughts , i revolved in my mind how france had managed the whole business , both before & since the beginning of our troubles , and weighed all the circumstances of this ambassage . why such a solemne ambassage in a time when all things seem most exasperated and furthest from accommodation ? why then not sooner , while differences were not yet irreconcileable between the two parties ? why such a warlike prince , who is not experienced in the affaires of this kingdome , to manage a negotiation of a peace the most nice and intricate that the world at this time affords ? why at the same time levying of souldiers in normandy , when all the other troops are in their quarters ? why therefore should they supply one of the parties with mony , when they come to act the persons of mediatours ; if not to cast wood and oyle into the flame ? why at the same time an agent in scotland , who propounds to them openly a league with france ? why begin they onely to turn their cares upon england , when they are upon the point of concluding a peace with spain ? may not we well judge that it is to prepare themselves for a new employment ? since they themselves confesse that their boiling and unquiet temper hath need of continuall exercise , and that the onely means to prevent troubles at home , is continually to furnish them with matter whereupon to evacuate their choler abroad . why doth onely france afford us this so suddain and unexpected charity , after all the fresh wounds which bleed yet among them because of the expulsion of the capuchins , after the continuall cares she hath taken for so many years to lay the foundation of our troubles by the secret negotiations of the marquis of blainville , by the intriques of the cardinal of richelieu with buckingham , by the long plots in scotland , and , by the open sollicitations of the marquis de la fert ? by all which they sometimes incited the kings ministers to make him independent and absolute , offering to that purpose their assistance , and anone they sollicited the states to shake off the yoak of servitude , finally they transformed themselves into a thousand different shapes , till having plunged us deep enough in the gulf , they then call back their ambassage , to give in appearance some satisfaction to the king , but in truth because his commission was expired . may not we well conclude from all this , that they will now reape the fruits they have so carefully sown and cultivated amongst us ? from these considerations falling insensibly on those of england ? what need ( said i in my self ) have we of the intermeddling of strangers ? are they more versed in our interests then our selves ? can they afford more expedients ? are they more sensible of our miseries then those that suffer them ? is it to exhort us , or to constrain us ? the first is superfluous ; the second dangerous . it must needs be that either in the one case they think to go beyond us in wit , or in the other to master us by force . if peace be profitable for us , have we any need either of a master to make us know our advantage , or of an oratour to perswade us to it ? if it be hurtfull to us , we ought to give them thanks for their advice , but follow that which is better . if the peace be feasible , why should we leave the glory of it to others ? if impossible , why loose time in making vain propositions ? why should we acquaint strong and ambitious neighbours , and trust the philistins with the secret of our force ? must england , that hath in times past compelled france to purchase peace , be now constrained to beg it of her ? that one of the most considerable and flourishing monarchies of the world should serve for matter of sport to the vanity of the french , and be the first upon whom they exercise the title they give themselves of being arbiters of christendome ? what counsel then shall we follow in this encounter ? that of good and wise nature , who having separated us from all other nations by a vast and deep trench , silently teacheth us , that the principle of our subsistence is in our selves , and that we ought not to submit our government to the arbitrement of others . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34727-e210 a pausae et hirtii consilium caesari . a velleius paterculus . a taci ▪ an. 10. b iuvenat . notes for div a34727-e820 a sil. ital. lib. 11. examples of the affection of our kings successively to peace . a benedictus monachus in vita h. 2. b ex matth : paris pag. 214 c rog. hoveden . d ex additam . prosperi aquitaniae episc . c rot. claus . anno secundo e. 3 m. 11. a ex rot. par. anno 5. e. 3. n. r. b ex rotul . parl. anno 17. e. 3. c ex rotul . franciae an . 19. m. 10. d ex rot. claus . in derso 20. e. 3. m. 16. part . i. a ▪ e liv. lib. 9. f rot. claus . ann . 2. ed. 3. a dors . claus . an . 22. e. 3. m. 11. siriliter 8. r. 2. claus . m. 34. b rot. parl. anno 25. e. 3. c rot. parl. anno 28. e. 3. d rot. paul. anno 29. e. 3. e liv. l. 5. dec. 5. f ex chart. origin . de renunciat . in thesaur . a claus . anno 45. e. 3. b rot. parl. anno 7. r. 2. n. 17. c ex contract . origin . inter owinum glendowr et regem franciae . d rot. earl. anno 11. hen. 4. n. 2. a rot. parl. an . ● hen. 5. b rot. parl. anno 14. h. 6. ● . 2. c ex artic. in confilio contra d. somerset . d int. record . thes . westm . e ex bulla pap. h. 8. a ex tractatu origin . in . l. b. 266. b ex procla : e. 6. de expeditione contrae scotos . c ex tract . cambrens ▪ 1569. d ex 〈…〉 am . anno . 3. 〈◊〉 . examples of invasion drawn from the attempts of others . ex rot. scotiae anno 10. e. 3. m. 14. a rot. parl. b rot franc. in dorso . 22. e. 3. m. 6. nobilitie in dislike of forreign expeditions have rebelled . a ex rot. pat . & claus . de annis 40 , 41 , 42. hen. 3. b cominei censura de com . char . cap. 8. burthen of personall service grievous . c ex rot. parl. de anni ▪ 20. r. 2. 6. et 9. he. 4. 1. et 7. h. 5. burthen of charge grievous , ground of much trouble and oppression . d cicero epist . ad . att. lib. 5. a ex radulpho cogeshal . de anno 8. 10. annis . b ex matth. weston . c ex matth. paris hist. minori . d ex matth. paris hist . ma. pag. 780. a ex joanne eversden . b ex hist. matth. paris pag. 32. c ex matth. westm . walt. gisborn . a rot. claus . anno 5. e. 3. b cassiodori var. c rot. alm. m. 22. d tho. vvalsingham . rot. parl. anno 44. e. 3. e rot. alm. 12. e. 3. m. 22 f ex rot. par. de an . 2. 3. 5. 7. 8. & 9. r. 2. & claus . anno 8. e. 2. a ex chron . s. albani . b rot. parl. anno i. h. 4. c in bundel inquisitionum , anno 20. & anno 24. hen. 6. d ex lib. abbat . de ramsey . a mat. paris hist . min. b ex adam merimouth in vita ed. 2. c mat. paris hist . min. d mat. paris hist . majori . military education cause of trouble in the state . heads of dangerous rebellions hae been onely such as by command in warre have forgot to obey in peace . a mat. paris anno 5. joan. b willielm . de rishanger in historia c ex charta concess . baronibus anno 49. hen. 3. verba ducis somerset . contra ducem eborac . coram rege . many disorders in the state by return of the common souldier . a parl. ann . 22. hen. 6. b froisard . exhausting of the people no necessity but danger . a bed 2 hist . eccl. lib. 1. a ex rot. franciae an . 22. e. i. b ex rot. original . in arch. thesaur . a ex rot. par. anno 7. r. 2. lucan . better to disburden the state by colony then war. profit of war. expence of money , munition and men . a summary of all the exactions upon this state from the conquest to the end of the late queen . a ex matth. paris pag. 8. & 15. william rufus . a ex antiq . legibus anglioe . b silius italicus . c ex hist . gualt . gisborn . d ex hist . mat. paris . e ex hist . mat. westm . f ex hist . hen. hunting . stephen . g ex hist . mon. gisborn . henry 2. a ex gervas . dorobernen . anno 1159. a ex lib. rub. in sccrio . b ex gervas . dorobernens . c rub. lib. in sccrio . d ex hist . rossens . e ex hist . mat paris . f rub. liber in sccrio . richard 1. g ex hist . min. math. paris . rub. libr. h ex hist . walt. coventr . i ex. rog. hoved . & walt. covent . a tacit. annal . 4. b ex joan. eversden . c rub. lib. in sccrio . d ex walt. coventr . e ex math. paris . f ex charta origin . g ex hist . mat. paris pa. 209. h exhist . rog. hoveden . king john. a rad. cogshall & rub. lib. in sccrio . b ex rog. hoveden . c ex math. paris . d lib. rub. in sccrio . e ex math. paris . f ex lib. rub. sccrii . g ex rad. cogshall . h ex math. paris . i walt. coventr . & rad. cogshall . k ex math. paris . l ex rad. cogshall . m rub. lib. in sccrio . n ex rad. cogshall & rub. lib. in sccrio . o math. paris hist . min. p rub. lib. in sccrio . henry 3. q ex rub. lib. in sccrio & joan. eversden . a mat. paris , & ex rot. claus . & finium an . 12 , 13 , 15 , & 19. hen. 3. & ex lib. chart. cantuar. episc . b rot. pat. anno 8. h. 3. c ex tho. walsingham , & mat. paris . claus . anno 19. h. 3. d ex mat. westmonast . e ex statuto anno 4. c. l7 . dors . claus . anno 16. h. 3 & eversden . f ex lib. cantuar . episc . g ex eversden & paris . h ex mat. paris & eversden & dors . claus . anno 16. h. 3. i ex walt. gisborn . k rad. cistrensis , ex eversden , paris & lib. chart. cant. archiep. anno 8. h. 6. l ex joan. eversden pat. an . 3. e. 1. m. 26. m rot. claus . an . 26. henr. 3. n ex h. mat. par. p. 517. a ex rot. lib. anno 26. h. 3. b ex hist . mat. paris . c dors . claus . anno 14. h. 3. n. 8. & claus . 12. he. 3. m. 2. d claus . an . 14 h. 3. n. 7. e claus . an . 16 h. 3. m. 11. f claus . an . 14. h. 3. m. 9. a claus . in dorso , an . 15. hen. 3. b rot. finium 26. h. 3. m. 4. edward 1. c rot. pat. anno 25. e. 1. m. 3. sced . a rot. vascon . anno 22. e. 1. m. 8. b ex rot. vasco . an . 22. e. 1. m. 17. c ex rot. vas . an . 22. e. 1. d rot. pat. anno 31. e. 1. e ex hist . joan. eversden . edward 2. f claus . an 8. e. 2. m. 9. a claus . 16. e. 2. claus . anno 12. e. 2. b ex memor . sccii . an . 10. e. 2. ex parte rem . thesaur . c rot. vascon . anno 22. e. 2. m. 13. in sced . d rot. scot. anno 11. m. 17 e rot. scot. anno 12. m. 8. f rot. pat. anno 4. e. 2. a dors . claus . anno 17. e. 2 m. 11. b claus . anno 38. m. 34. c ex rot. vascon . m. 29. d claus . an . 6. e. 2. e rot. scot. anno 1 , 2 , 3. m. 10. & an . 4 m. 5. & an . 9. & rot. pat . anno 10. m. 12 f rot. pat. an . 16. m. 3. g rot. scotiae anno 8. m. 9. h rot. scot. dorso , anno 7. m. 8. i dorso claus . anno 16. m. 3. k rot. scotiae anno 1 , 2 , 3. m. 8. l rot. scotiae anno 8. e. 2. dors . claus . anno 9. m claus . an . 16 e. 2. n ex dors . claus . 7. e. 2 m. 7. a claus . an . 16. m. 20. b ex paterculo de aug. c claus . an . 16. m. 11. & cla . an . 15. m. 19. d rot. scotiae anno 3. e. 2. m. 8. dorso . e rot. scotiae an . 11. m. 16. f rot. pat. an . 15. m. 19. g rot. scotiae anno 12. m. 13 h claus . an . 18 m. 13. i rot. pat. an . 16. m. 27. k rot. pat. anno 9. m. 22. dors . cla. 10. m. 26. claus . anno 15. m. 13 rot. pat. anno 16. m. 27 l rot. scotiae anno 13. m. 2. m dors claus . anno . 6. m. 28. rot. scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus . anno 8. m. 30. claus . an . 16. m. 12. rot. scotiae anno 12. m. 6. rot. pat. anno 18. m. 21. a rot. claus . anno 15. e. 2. m. 14. rot. finium : anno 15. m. 16 b rot. claus . anno 9. rot. pat. anno 16. m. 12 c rot. claus . anno 15. m. 19 d rot. scotiae anno 13. e. 2. m. 1. c claus . an . 13 m. 20. f pat. an . 48. e. 3. m. 10. edward 3. a ex rot. alman . an . 12. m. 17. b claus . an . 20 e. 3. m. 22. in dorso . a claus . an . 1. e. 3. rot. sco. anno 1. e. 3. b claus . an . 2. e. 3. c claus . an . 10 d rot. scotiae anno 10. m. 9. & rot. alman . an . 12. m. 12. e rot. scotiae anno 13. e. 3. m. 15. f rot. scotiae anno 10. e. 3. g rot. alman . anno 1. e. 3. m. 2. a rot. scotiae anno 10. m. 17 b rot. scotiae anno 1. m. 2. c rot. scotiae anno 1. d parla . an . 13 e. 3. parla . anno 14. e. 3. e rot. franc. anno 46. f claus . an . 1. e. 3. m. 1. g parl. an . 22. e. 3. n. 9. a parl. an . 2. & 14. rot. 2. n. 8. richard 2. a rot. pat. anno 2. r. ● . m. 3. a tacit. lib. 2. b rot. parl. annis 3 , 4 , & 5. r. 2. c rot. parl. anno . 1. h. 4. n. 32. henry 4. a hist . tho. vvalsingham henry 5. henry 6. nota first monopolies . a rot. parl. an . 11. h. 6. a rot. parl. an . 18. hen. 6. n. 38. b ex paterculo . edward 4. c rot. parl. an . 2 , & 8. e. 4. d placita coronae . e chron. fabiani . f rot. parl. anno 12. e. 4. n. 8. g rot. parl. edward 5. richard 3. henry 7. a fabian . b ex litera missa abbatiss . barking manu regis h. 7. a ex litera ducis nerfolciae . b ex lib. acquit . in t . regem & dudly r. c. henry 8. a ex originali signat . manu regis . b ex originali instructione . c ex instruct . originali anno 14. h. 8. d rot. parl. an . 21. h. 8. edward 6. q. mary . q. elizabeth princes extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars . credit of ks. so much impaired , that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest . a math. paris . b rot. pat. anno 13. e. 3. m. 13. nota. a ex instruct. thomae gresham , anno 1557. b ex instruct . willielm . herie 16. august . an . 5. eliz. similiter c thomae gresham . 1563. & 76. d ex litera edw. lee orat . regis h. 8. in hisp . anno 28. kings enforced to abate their hospitalitie . a ex rot. par. 18. h. 6. b ex hist . majori math. paris . kings enforced to pawn and sell their dominions . c rot. pat. anno 51. h. 3. m. 17. d ex contract . orig . & hist . norman . a rot. vasc 5. e. 2. rot. finium an . 8. rot. cui titulus , ex tract . de donacionib . c. 9. & 10. e. 2. kings enforced to make resumption of their lands . b rot. parl. ● . anno 1. r. 2. c rot. parl. anno 1. hen. 5 n. 12. d rot. parl. anno 28. h. 6. & e. 4. e ex legibus theodos . & valentinian . in codice . ks. enforced to pawn and sell their jewells . f rot. pat. anno 26. h. 3. m. 1. similiter an . 56. h. 3. in 21. m. g rot. pat. claus . an . 1. e. 1. m. 7. h claus . an . 1. e. 3. i ●he . walsingham . a ex originali de anno 6. r. 2. rot. 17. b pat. anno 3. h. 4. m. 3. c pat. an . 10. hen. 6. pat. anno 12. h. 6. m. 13. d pat. an . 29. h. 6. m. 20. kings enforlced to pawn their regal crown . e pat. pars. 1. an . 17. e. 3. f pat. an . 24. m. 21. g claus . an . 30 e. 3. com. de ter. hill. 38. e. 3. ex parte rem . regis . h pat. anno 5. h. 3. m. 23. & similiter an . 9. rot. pat. an . 51. h. 3. m. 17. & 18. i ex historia ●uicciardini . a ex hist . s. albani . in place of spoile the souldiers return oppressed with extreme beggery . b lucan . de bello civili lib. 7. a math. paris pag. 580. b hist . mat. paris p. 1358 c math. paris pag. 909. d ex lit . cardin . wolsei ad card. sodrin . a ex instruct . rich. wingfield . b ex lit . tho. wolsey episc . lincoln . c ex compute in archivis rob. com. salisb. a ex tractat . anno 1598. b ex computo deliberat . domino thesaur . burleigh . c ex computo joannis hawkins thesaur . naviae . * hor. epo . 7. forreign dominions alwaies charge , no benefit . example in normandy . a math. par. b ex legibus antiquis . c ex walt. gisborn . d ex lib. rubro . e ex lib. pipnell . f rad. coggeshall . g math. par. h ex archiv . de redit . norman . tempore h. 3. i ex origin instr. domini scrope . a ex libro domini carew de anno 1. & 2. h. 6. b ex rot. par. de . an . 11. h. 6 c ex lib. originali roberti cotton . d rot. parl. an . 27. h. 6. n. 27. aquitain , gascoign , guien . e rot. liber . anno 26. h. 3. f rot. an . 22. h. 6. g math. paris pag. 578. a ex comput . willielm . de otterhampton , anno 17. e. 2. b pat. an . 1. e. 3. c ex comput . richardi longley an . 36. e. 3. in thesaur . regis westmon . in rot. aquitaniae . d rot. parl. anno 1. r. 2. m. 24. e rot. parl. anno 17. r. 2. f ex comput . walt. de weston . g ex comput . tho. swinburn anno 10. h. 4. h ex comput . ioannis tiptoft an . 1. h. 5. i ex comput . will. clifford & robert : holme an . 5. h. 5. k ex rot. par. an . e i. h. 6. britanny . a ex math. paris . brest . b rot. parl. anno 2. r. 2. ex comput . tho. parry . cust . astri de b●●t , a. 9. r. 2. callis . c ex comput . williel . horwell in thesaur . regis . d ex comput . richardi eccleshall de annis 28 , 29 , & 30. e. 3. e ex rot. rar . anno 2. r. 2. f ex comput . rob. thorley . g ex comput . simonis de burg. a ex comput . rog. de wald. anno 13. r. 2. & 15. b ex comput . joannis bernam , anno 23. r. 2. c ex comput . ro. thorley . d ex comput . nich. vske . e ex comput . rob. thorley . f ex comput ▪ rob. salvin , de annis 5. h. 5. g rot. parl. an . 11. h. 6. h rot. parl. anno 27. i rot. parl. anno 31. k rot. parl. anno 33. l rot. parl. 4. e. 4. m ex comput . majoris stapulae anno 1. r. 3. n ex comput . origin . inter chartas roberti cotton . o ex comput . domini lisle . a ex lib. de expens . bellor . h. 8. & e. 6. in musaeo com. salisbur . b ex litera archiep. cant. card. wolsey . a ex litera thomae smith secret. anno 1567. 3. maii. b ex comput . joannis tiptoft . c ex comput . hen. percy , anno 1. h. 4. d parl. an . 11. h. 6. e ex musaeo com. salisbury . f ex comput . williel . de brumleigh . barwick . g ex comput . nicol. episc . meth , an . 30. ed. 3. h ex comput . tho. scurla● anno 50. e. 3. ireland . i ex comput . joan. spencer , de annis r. 2. a ex rot. par. anno 11. h. 6. b ex amotat . dom. burleigh ex musaeo com. salisbury . c ex comput . rad. lane. d ex comput . in musaeo com. salisbury thesaur . angliae . addition of any forreign title no honour . e baldus . stile of normandy and aquitain , accounted by our kings a vassalage . stile of france restrained by petition in parliament . france possessed would leave us to the misery of a province a tacit. in vita agricolae . to enterprise any war , not so easy . meanes of successe formerly . advantage of place and party . advantage of place . a livy lib. 28. a math. paris in vita h. 3. b math. par. vita hen. 3. c froisard . d walsingham . t. livius foroliviensis in vita he. 5. confederates were the onely ground of all the good successe . a list of all the confederates from hen. the firsts reign to the end of the last queen . henry 2. a ex contract . orig . in arch. thes . west . b ex radulp. de diceto . c ex orig . signat . à comite & castellanis , in thes . west . richard 2. d ex radulph . de diceto . e math. paris 184. a in dorso cla. an . 1. joannis . k●ng john. b ex orig . in thes . westm . henry 3. c dors . pat. 11. h. 3. m. 11. d rot. lib. an . 14. h. 3. m. 7. ex originali . edward 1. e claus . an . 13. edw. 1. ex origin . in thesaur . g rot. vascon . an . 20. m. 19. h rot. alman . de annis 22. & 31. m. 13. i ex origin . sub . sigillo in thes . westm. k rot. alman . an . 31. m. 14. l dors . rot. alman . 18. a rot. pat. an . 34. m. 24. edward 2. b rot. vasco . an . 9. & 11. c dors . claus ▪ an . 18. m. 7. d froisard . edward 3. e rot. libera 2. m. 6. f rot. alman . anno 11. g rot. antwer . anno 12. h froisard . a ex rot. antwerp . an . 12. b rot. parl. anno 14. n. 8. c claus . an . 18. m. 25. d dors . claus . an . 18. m. 20. e dors . calus . an . 19. m. 14. f froisard . g rot. pat. an . 24. n. 8. h ex orininali de anno 37. in lib. ro. cotton . i ex orig . in thes . west . de annis 37. & 41. k ex orig . sub sigillo . l ex contract . origin , in archiv . thes . westm . m claus . an . i. r. 2. richard 2. a rot. franc. anno 2. b ex orig . in thes . c rot. parl. anno 6. n. 11. d ex contract . in the lib. italico rob. cotton . e rot. franciae anno 6. m. 28. f rot. franc. anno 12. m. 16 & anno 18. & 19. g rot. franc. an . 12. m. 16. & anno 18. & 19. h rot. franc. anno 20. m. 2. i rot. claus . an . 2. hen. 4. & rot. fran. anno 2. & 3. h. 4. m. 6. henry 4. k rot. franc. anno 12. h. 4. m. 21. henry . 5. l tho. walsingham . m ex rot. parl. anno 4. n ex orig . in thes , westm . a ex chron . rogeri wall. in vita h. 5. anno 5. & 8. b ex instruct . orig . 31. aug. 5. h. 5. henry . 6. c ex contract . originali . d ex tractat. alrabatensi . e ex tractat . brugens . 1442 f ex tractat . callisiae 1445. ex tractat . bruxellensi 1446. g parl. an . 7. e. 4. n. 28. edward 4. h rot. franc. anno 8. m. 22. & ex contract . originali . i rot. franc. an . 11. e. 4. m. 7. k rot. franc. an . 12. m. 22. & ex orig . in . thes . westm . a rot. fran. anno 14. m. 18. & 19. b ex contr. de anno 1487. pro solutione 50000 scutorum ad 100. annos . henry 7. c rot. fran. anno 5. & 6. hen. 7. & contract . origin . an . 8. h. 7. henry 8. d ex magno intercusu de an . 1495. e ex tract . original . de dat . 1513. f ex litera max. imp. card. ebor. dat . 15. g rot. fran. anno 7. h. 8. h ex tract . bruxellensi 1515. i ex originali subscript . card . sedunensi de dat . 1516. k ex tract . callis . anno 1521. l ex tract . orig . subscript . manu card. ebor. & margar. regent . 24. august . 1521. a ex tract . winsor . 1522. b ex tract . cambrens . 1529. c ex tract . ultrajectensi . d ex tract . de anno 1543. ex originali dat . ultimo janu. 1547. e ex instruct . rich. morison edward 6. f ex litera ducis somers . magist . pag. 1549. g ex contract . matrimoniali 1554. h extract . matr. 1559. queen mary , i ex artic . subscript . à vidame de chartres 1562. elizabeth . k ex s●●der . trecensi . 1564 l ex tract . ●l●sensi . a ex tract . londim . 1596. b ex tract . cum ordin . belgiae de annis 1585. & 1598. confederats of most benefit to england . princes whose confederation are of least benefit . bonds of confederation cannot be the same they were before . as with the state of genoa . c livy dec. 4. l. 2. d in relatione de statu genoae an . 1595. navarre , britain . burgundie . spain . a paterculus . dangers in confederacy by diversity of ends. examples , that ends served , confederates quit all bonds of combination a matth paris 1242. b rot. parl. anno 29. e. 3. n. 6. suspecting that an allie may grow too great , dissolveth alliance liv. lib. 34. a ex original . in manu domini cromwell . doctrine of the see of rome touching leagues with hereticks . b ex bulla origin . sub sigillo vrbani 6. an . pont . 4 . subjects obedient to the popes censure a dangerous party . a ex eulogio hist . a festus amoenus . danger of large frontiers . b salust . in bello catil . c suetonius in vita augusti . d dion cassius a tacitus . b ex proposit . statuum de anno 1585. what state may best admit addition . c zozimus in vita constantini . a velleius paterc . de expeditione caesaris . b bodin . de repub. lib. 6. c ex orat . demosth . ad athenienses . safetie in neutralitie . a tacitus & dion cassius . honour attained by neutrality , in being the arbiter of all differences between the might est nieighbours . a froisard . b ex regist & libris tractatuum . c ex demost . 4 philip. the memoires of monsieur deageant containing the most secret transactions and affairs of france, from the death of henry iv till the beginning of the ministry of the cardinal de richelieu : to which is added a particular relation of the arch-bishop of embrun's voyage into england, and of his negociation for the advancement of the roman catholick religion here : together with the duke of buckingham's letters to the said arch-bishop about the progress of that affair, which happened the last years of king james i, his reign / faithfully translated out of the french original. mémoires de m. deageant. english deageant, guichard, d. 1645. 1690 approx. 305 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 141 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37300 wing d490 estc r5548 12270871 ocm 12270871 58234 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37300) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58234) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 140:4) the memoires of monsieur deageant containing the most secret transactions and affairs of france, from the death of henry iv till the beginning of the ministry of the cardinal de richelieu : to which is added a particular relation of the arch-bishop of embrun's voyage into england, and of his negociation for the advancement of the roman catholick religion here : together with the duke of buckingham's letters to the said arch-bishop about the progress of that affair, which happened the last years of king james i, his reign / faithfully translated out of the french original. mémoires de m. deageant. english deageant, guichard, d. 1645. buckingham, george villiers, duke of, 1592-1628. [8], 275 p. printed for richard baldwin ..., london : 1690. translation of: mémoires de m. deageant. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng louis -xiii, -king of france, 1601-1643. deageant, guichard, d. 1645. richelieu, armand jean du plessis, -duc de, 1585-1642. france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licens'd , march 8. 1690. j. fraser . the memoires of monsieur deageant : containing the most secret transactions and affairs of france , from the death of henry iv. till the beginning of the ministry of the cardinal de richelieu . to which is added a particular relation of the arch-bishop of embrun's voyage into england , and of his negociation for the advancement of the roman catholick religion here ; together with the duke of buckingham's letters to the said arch-bishop about the progress of that affair : which happened the last years of king james i. his reign . faithfully translated out of the french original . london , printed for richard baldwin in the old baily , 1690. the translator's preface to the reader . the following memoires need no other plausible character to recommend them to the favour of the english reader , than that they contain matters of singular importance , manag'd with all imaginable secresy and art ; whereof this nation had no small concern then , and may have no less reason to be inform'd of now : there is the more credit to be given them , in regard they were written by the person that was the chief contriver and manager of all the intrigues and plots that were then form'd to ruine the protestant interest in france , and to supplant the same in england ; and for the particular information of the cardinal of richelieu , when he entred upon the publick administration of the affairs of france , whose private favourite the author was . we have two illustrious instances of the indefatigable industry of the romish party in those days hardly to be paralell'd elsewhere ; one in the person of a french hugonot minister , who being a man of intrigue and ambition , and having credit with some great men of his party , was prevailed on by the fair promises , and plausible insinuations of the romish emissaries , to abjure the protestant religion , and embrace that of rome , and yet obtain'd a dispensation from rome to continue in the prosession of the protestant religion , and exercise of his pastoral function towards his congregation for several years , on purpose to betray all their counsels and designs . the other is of the duke of buckingham's being reconcil'd to the church of rome , notwithstanding his continuing afterwards in the profession of the religion of the church of england . the whole negociation of the arch-bishop of embrun , who came privately over into england about the latter end of king james the first his reign , to obtain a toleration for popery , you will find at large at the end of the book ; together with some letters that past betwixt the duke of buckingham and the said arch-bishop , in relation to that design . besides , this book in the original is become very scarce , and hardly to be found at paris ; and i know that it has been sold for a pistole , when it could be met with . the memoires of monsieur deageant , containing the most secret negotiations and affairs in france , &c. since i never designed to commit to writing any thing concerning the remarkable occurrences in the affairs of this kingdom , that happen'd during the time of my employment therein ; after my retirement from the court in the year , 1619. for several reasons i burnt all the papers that might be of use to me in preserving the memory of those passages that i had seen and been conversant in , because i believed that i should never have any further occasion for them , especially since i had firmly resolved for the future to lay aside all thoughts of being engaged in matters of the like nature . insomuch that it will be impossible for me to make a relation so perfect and exact as i could wish , which i have been nevertheless commanded to do by my lord cardinal of richelieu , and whereas i can refuse nothing on behalf of his eminency that lyes in my power to perform , without transgressing by a manifest ingratitude against those obligations that are common to me with all the rest of my country-men , as also against those particular engagements that i lye under for many favours received by me from his incomparable generosity ; i would therefore make it my most humble request to him , graciously to admit the same reasons that have formerly passed for a lawful excuse on occasion of the like commands that his lordship hath formerly been pleased to lay upon me . that i may not waste paper to no purpose , and to avoid tediousness in the description of those things that are commonly known , or have been already brought to light . i presume his eminency will be satisfied if i only produce here those particulars that my memory can recollect , which have not as yet been mentioned by any that i know , and whereof ( as i believe ) few persons have been informed . about the end of the preceding reign , i began to be employed as well in the managing of dispatches , as in the transaction of some important affairs , but because i was afterwards discharged from that office , and i have since made but little or no reflection thereon , i am not able to relate any thing very considerable ; although in reading what may be written concerning those times , or in discoursing with any that shall have a mind to compose an history of them , i could give sufficient light as to those particulars that fall within the compass of my knowledge , of which there might be some doubt . amongst other employments at that time , it was my business to make private payments to several persons as well french men as foreigners that served the late king in his grand design , which he was just about putting in execution at that very instant when he was unfortunately snatcht away from france by that execrable and ever to be deplored attempt . and because , as i imagined , he would not that any of his ministers of state , not even the sr. beringuew the elder , who was his treasurer as to his more private and domestick expences , should know all the particular circumstances of this design , his majesty would often in playing , put the gold that belonged to the game into his pocket , and secretly convey it into my hands ; sometimes also i was commanded to go and receive certain sums of money from monsieur de villeroy , who in giving them to me never failed to tell me , you may assure the king that i have not enquired how you are to dispose of this cash : by which i judged that he knew nothing of my employment . during that time monsieur de lesdiguiers being come to court , the late king communicated his designs to him , and told him that he intended to give him the command of an army , which being joyned with the forces of the duke of savoy should make an inroad into italy , and that he was resolved to appear in person at the head of another , that was prepared to invade flanders and germany , where some enterprizes were to be performed on certain considerable places : moreover his majesty was pleased to shew him the platforms thereof , and required all those that brought them , and were employed in these affairs , to declare in his presence the means that they propounded as most effectual to put them in execution . monsieur de lesdiguiers approved of these measures that his majesty had taken , and declared that they might prove successful , and that a tryal ought to be made ; but he was of opinion , that the king should lead in person his principal forces into spain , the conquest whereof he judged to be more easie and profitable than that which his majesty undertook ; and thus ( said he ) by wounding the beast to the heart , you may overthrow him , and having subdued him , you may be assured that all that depend on , or are protected by him , will soon after fall under the power of your arms : whereas on the contrary as long as the spaniards shall remain in praise at home , they will be always able to raise obstacles and great obstructions against all the enterprizes that you may elsewhere attempt on the estates that are under their dominion , or those whom they shall think fit to defend . he added further , that with an army of thirty thousand men well disciplined and maintained compleat , he might perform this conquest , that there would be no sieges of places to stop his progress , and that there could be but three battles fought at most , in which his majesty ( according to all appearance ) would obtain the victory , since his souldiers that were old and well exercised in martial discipline , would encounter with those that were raw and that had very little experience in arms , and whose hands were weakened , and their courage rendred effeminate with peace , which they had so long enjoyed in spain . the greatest difficulty that seemed to oppose this advice , and which hath been always objected , whensoever a proposal was made to carry any forces into spain , consisted in the want of victuals and other things necessary , proceeding from the barrenness of most part of the countries through which they must pass : but monsieur de lesdiguiers made his majesty sensible that this defect might be supplied , by causing the army to be attended with a sufficient number of vessels or carriages laden with all sorts of provisions requisite for men and horses , and there were certain persons that would engage to furnish them therewith whithersoever they should march by sea or land , provided that the road might be kept open and free , which ought also to be done for their own security . the late duke of savoy was one of the chief incendiaries of this war , he pretended that the estates that belonged to the spaniards in italy might be subdued with a great deal of ease ; and for his part he made thesedemands , that he should have the possession of bresse , which he called the little meadow ; that he should not be molested in making himself master of geneva ; that he should be assisted in conquering the franche county ; and that the marriage should be concluded , which was afterwards solemnized : the king agreed to this last proposition , but to none of the others , since he did not intend to give him so much as one foot of ground on this side the mountains . on the contrary his majesty desired to have savoy , and to extend the dominions of this duke further in italy , by causing him to be proclaimed king of lombardy , and by this means to satisfie his ambition that aspired to the royal dignity . there were articles drawn up between them to this effect , which might be retrieved , and thereby the particulars of this treaty might more fully appear . in the midst of so many great designs that caused all europe to be astonished , and in the most flourishing prosperity of the affairs of this great monarch , the rochellers had the boldness to undertake an attempt on the city of brovage , and put themselves in a condition to execute it : their project was to cause two ships full of armed men , to get into the harbour of the said city at break of day , who under colour of merchants that had goods to unload , were to seize on the little door of the port , which for the conveniency of traffic was usually opened early in the morning , some hours before the great gates : from thence they intended to rush into the city , to make themselves masters thereof , and to put to the sword all they met , the rochellers having promised speedily to send them a supply of souldiers , that might be sufficient to assist them to obtain the entire possession of the place , and to maintain it . according to this agreement the two ships being arrived at the port at the hour prefixt , found themselves disappointed , for the gate was not unlocked all that morning , by reason that the governour of the place had the night before , received an account by a courier of the execrable murther committed on the person of the late king : insomuch that these undertakers having waited till eight of the clock , and fearing lest they should be discovered , were forced to retire , and not long after , were informed of the cause that the gates were not opened . an ingenious states-man of rochel , who acted in this design , and was on board one of the two vessels , being some years after , through my perswasion , converted to the catholic religion , revealed this plot to me , and besides gave other very good advice , that hath since proved advantageous to the service of the king now happily reigning : he also proposed a way to surprize rochel , which might have succeeded , if it had been well managed , as shall be shewn in its due place , but the glory of conquering this proud and in appearance invincible city was reserved for his majesty and the prudent and generous conduct of his principal minister of state , who in personal abilities and success , hath far surpassed all those that ever had any share in the administration of the affairs of this kingdom . in the year , 1615. a little after the departure of the king in his journey to guienne , one mrs. holeman an ancient widow came to enquire for me at my house , to desire me to go and discourse with a certain nun , who had some matters of consequence to impart to me ; whereupon offering to go along with her immediately , she brought me to this religious person , who told me privately that although i did not know her , and she was not conversant in the affairs of the world , nevertheless knowing that i could discreetly manage one of such importance as this that now happen'd , she committed it to my care , assuring me that one named goillier , commonly called moutorier , who pretended to be a physician , and whom she described to me to be a perfect atheist , given up to all manner of vices and debauchery , of a ruddy complexion , red hair , of a tall stature , and of a robust and strong body , aged about fifty years , in a mean habit , wearing amongst other cloaths , an old black serge cloak dawbed with abundance of laces , had a design upon the life of monsieur the king's brother : and that if i did not soon find out some means to prevent this wicked attempt , it were to be feared lest this vile wretch should give the fatal blow ; however , she charged me to proceed with this caution , that no mention should be made of her ; otherwise she would deny that she ever told me any thing , and i would be the cause of many mis-fortunes that might ensue . this was sufficient to puzzle and disturb a more acute and discerning brain than mine ; insomuch that i remained very much perplexed and confused with the thoughts of this matter and in enquiring into the means how to acquit my self well therein without trouble . i considered that to hinder so pernicious a design from taking effect , it was necessary to discover it to the council that was left at paris , that in so doing enquiry would be made into the grounds of the report , that i should be thereupon urged to give an account whence it came , that in declaring it i should act directly contrary to the prohibition , and should run the risque of being left destitute and discredited as the party had protested to me , that in concealing her name , i might be esteemed as a calumniator , or a person void of understanding , and that on the other side if i should be altogether silent , the horrid fact might be committed , and i might be one day accused for neglecting an opportunity of diverting so lamentable a disaster , and might also thereby incur a very great danger . amidst these and a many other such like considerations too tedious here to rehearse , i thought it convenient to feign , that about nine of the clock at night , when i was gone home , as i was standing on the threshold of my door , and talking with some neighbours , i was accosted by an unknown person who spake thus , i have sought for you several hours upon an extraordinary occasion , and then related the same particulars , whereof the religious woman had informed me : which i caused to repeat often , that i might remember , and afterwards write them down , he added that he could not discover himself for certain reasons , but however if i neglected to take care of this matter , he would accuse me hereafter before the king. the next day early in the morning i went to seek mr. arnaud intendant of the treasury , who was one of those that were left for the council at paris , to whom i represented the passages of this counterfeit rencounter , and propounded them to him as true : we resolved together , to cause the council to be forthwith assembled , to deliberate on the report that i had made : who all agreed to lay a charge on me in the first place , secretly to give notice to the principle attendants about the prince , to take an extraordinary care of his person , and secondly to cause the man that had been described to me , to be apprehended if i could find him there , to this end three officers were deputed to assist me : his highness then lodged in the hostel de montmorency , and had for his guard one of the companies of his majesties regiment of guards , under the command of monsieur de mauson : he was the first that i met , whom i acquainted with the orders i had received , and as i was giving him a description of the person , he suddenly told me , it is above eight days ago since this rascal would have intruded himself into my company , which i would never permit , because he had a very bad physiognomy , and this morning i saw the cooks drive him out of the kitchen with sticks . we went thither immediately to hear what news we could ; the cooks informed us that some days were passed since this base fellow came into the kitchen , and drawing near to the fire , said that the extream necessity to which he was reduced , constrained him to beg somewhat of them to eat . all that day and the next i remained in the prince's apartments , and not having seen the man , i repaired to the nun , to whom i gave an account of my proceedings , complaining that not being able to find the person whom she had represented to me , it would be thought that i had imposed on the council ; she answered that i was not diligent enough in searching after him , and that the first time that i went into the hostel de montmorency with the souldiers he perceived us , and suspecting lest we should have an intent to seize him , as we enter'd at one door , went out at another , and was gone to hide himself in the arsenal , where a woman that lodged in a little house that was above the dancing hall , had conveyed him into a garret . upon this advice , a nephew of the captain of the guard , who was his lieutenant and ( as i think ) named adomville , a person of great courage and resolution , was ordered to attend , and to go with a certain number of souldiers at ten of the clock at night to seize this man in the arsenal : he came and knocked at the womans door , who refused to open it , tho' she was commanded in the kings name , insomuch that they broke it , and being come up into the chamber wherein they were told that this miscreant lay , they found him under a great consternation , holding his breeches in his hand , with one leg therein , not being able to put in the other , he was so much affrighted , and moreover without saying so much as one word to him , he cryed out , i never had any design upon the life of the king , nor upon that of the prince . the lieutenant of the guard advancing , said , why do you tell us this ? we do not only think of you , we do not search for you . and in taking his breeches to help him to put them on , he laid his hand on a great knife in the form of a baggonet , the edge whereof was exceeding sharp , being pointed like the tongue of a serpent and could cut on both sides , this was hid within the folds of his breeches that were very large and stuffed with hair , as the fashion was to wear them sometime before ; another knife of the same sort was also found on the other side , and being demanded what he intended to do with them , he repeated the abovesaid words , that it was not his intention to kill the king nor the prince . they searched his pockets , out of which was taken a bottle filled with a certain composition that was made of the most subtile and penetrating sort of poison , which the said lieutenant immediately perceived , and told him saying , you cannot have all these tools but for some ill purpose . no ( replyed he ) i would entreat you to believe that i never had a design to poyson the king nor the prince , but being by profession a physician , i make use of these druggs , to prepare good medicines ; and as for the knives that you found , i always carry them about me , because being poor and indigent i am forced to begg in the convents , where i receive charity , and have occasion to cut the bread and victuals that are given to me . he was carried to the bastile , where the bottle was exposed to view ; which certainly contained a rank and subtil poyson , and was made so that it might be easily taken out . the council gave notice to his majesty of what had passed , and desired to know his commands thereupon : in the mean time this wretch laid violent hands upon himself in the bastile , as i have been since informed . the second time that i saw the nun , she advised me also to declare that the garison of soissons had undertaken an enterprize , on a certain night to seize on the treasurers that lodged in the quarter of the celestins at paris , with their goods and every thing of value that they had in their houses : the plot was thus laid , a sufficient number of men unknown without any arms , but their swords , were to be introduced into the city , and in the evening appointed for the execution , a boat privately laden with arms , was to be brought on the river to the port st. paul , which about midnight were to be taken by the said persons , who having accomplished their design , were to retire through the mell with their prisoners and booty , and to repair to the other side of the bulwark , where horses were prepared ready for them , to carry all to soissons , under the guard of a detachment of troopers order'd to attend for that purpose . monsieur de liancourt governor of paris , who received an intimation of this project , discovered the truth thereof , and prevented it from taking effect : i shall leave it to the judgment of those that are more capable than i am , to determine where this religious woman had these two pieces of intelligence , since i never had the curiosity nor ability to penetrate into this matter . a little after the time that the prince was arrested , and divers of the princes and nobility had withdrawn themselves to soissons , with an intent to make war ; a certain person whose name could not be known , left at the house of a gentleman , who had the honour sometimes to attend the king , and in whom his majesty was pleased to confide , a pacquet containing three letters , one for the queen mother , the other for the princes at soissons , and the third for this private gentleman ; they were all three open , written in a fair french character , without date or superscription , and in a good stile , though some words had a little relish of the cloister , the two principal contained several weighty reasons inforced with passages of the holy scriptures , and with examples taken out of profane history ; the pacquet was fastned with spanish wax , without the impression of any seal ; the letter directed to the gentleman , charged him with a commination of great penalties in case he neglected it , to cause that for the princes to be sent to them by what means he thought convenient , and to deliver the other to the queen mother with his own hands , entreating her to read it in private , and deliberately to consider the contents without communicating it to any , especially to the party that was more particularly concerned therein , and after she had perused it , that she would be pleased to restore it to the bearer . the letter written to the princes , contained several very sound and cogent arguments , to convince them that their arms were unjust , that they would give an opportunity to foreigners , that were enemies to the k●●gdom to endeavour to destroy it , and would furnish the protestants with a pretence vigorously to prosecute their designs , to the great damage of the catholic religion , and of the state ; but if these considerations and those of their own safety could not prevail with them , to return to their duty ; they would certainly perish in their attempts , because god had taken a particular care of the king , and promised to crown the innocency and candour of his disposition with good success . as for the letter directed to the queen mother , it represented to her the many favours she had received from the divine goodness , the little care she took to demean herself according to the intent of them , and the neglect and aversness she shewed to see much good council that hath been offered to her , to follow the pernicious advice of certain parasites , that had no other end but to advance their own private interests and fortunes , to the ruin of the state , and even of her royal person , whom they betrayed : the particulars were not specified , but it was apparent that the marshal d'ancre and his wife were principally aimed at in these reflections , several miscarriages in the government of public affairs were also enumerated , and the disorders that had already happened , as also those that might be expected , unless they were speedily prevented . if my memory fails me not , these were the remedies propounded in this letter , in the first place the queen was exhorted to augment her devotions in divine service , and to the practice of good works , to cause prayers to be frequently made , especially at paris , to give order that young children of twelve years old and under should be exercised therein , and that a solemn procession should be made , and to take care that the holy sacrament be better administred , than it hath been in the most part of the towns and villages of this kingdom , and that by this means god would divert the evils with which she was threatned in particular , otherwise she would suddenly feel the effects of his displeasure ; it was moreover alledged that in observing the abovementioned directions , chiefly those relating to the holy sacrament , she would soon see the marvellous fruits thereof throughout all france . secondly , the tenour of this letter was to perswade the queen without any farther delay , to permit the king to act in the administration of the government , for this was a thing that he expected , though he did not seem to desire it ; but it she refused to do it , this alone would be sufficient to involve her in extream troubles and calamities , and to overturn the kingdom which was already embroiled with commotions in all paris apparently under pretence that the king was ●ept from the knowledge of the affairs of the state. the third remedy proposed , was to send back into their own country the two occasions of scandal , who were the cause of the general discontent , and served as a colour to the insurrection of the nobility and people ; that there were good reasons to perswade them to retire , viz. that for the future they might not only be permitted to enjoy the great possessions that they had acquired , but might also have more given them , that the king would willingly grant this , and that thus these two persons might happily make use of their good fortune , whereas on the contrary , if the queen should obstinately persist in upholding them , she would ' ere long with regret see them miserably perishing in her presence , and falling into a condition that she hath not yet foreseen , would prove an example of the vengeance of almighty god , who hath threatned that the child shall rise up against the mother , and the mother against the child , to the great detriment of the nation , and to the manifest peril of religion throughout all europe , i remember that at the end of the letter there was this passage , that in case the queen took up a resolution to follow these wholsom admonitions and councels , the person that gave them , would apply himself more particularly to her majesty , and would lay down such methods for the easy performance thereof , that the success of these affairs should far surpass the expectation of the most judicious and clear-cited politicians . as soon as the pacquet was delivered to the gentleman to whom it was directed , he brought it to the king , who commanded him to read it in his presence , being assisted only with monsieur de luines : his majesty thought fit that the letter for the princess should be detained , and that the other for the queen mother , should be carried to her , without declaring that he had had any information thereof . the bearer acquainted her majesty that he had a paper of great importance to shew her and that it was desired to be kept secret , whereupon she ordered him to attend her with it at supper-time , when she would retire alone into her little closet , there she caused it to be read , and as they were almost at the end , the king come to visit the queen , she took that opportunity to keep the letter , saying that she would finish the perusal thereof , and take it into consideration at night as she went to bed , and would restore it the next morning . it hath been since reported , that it was given into the hands of her confessor , and afterwards into those of madam d'ancre where it remained . some time had passed since the king declared his opinion to those councellors in whom he could chiefly confide , and signified how much he was displeased at the form of government then used , especially at the little regard that was had to his person , and because they would not suffer him to interpose in any part of the important transactions of his kingdom that had revolted in several places . and divers methods were already proposed to provide a remedy against these disorders , but because it was most certain that his majesty inclined to try the most gentle means rather than to proceed to extremities , the bearer of the letter received a great charge to entreat the queen-mother ( as he did as much as possibly he could ) to weigh the reasons therein contained , to endeavour to induce her to embrace the wholsom advice that was offered to her , for the king was perswaded , that if she could but once resolve to remove the marshal d'ancre and his wife , she would readily hearken to such proposals as should be judged most convenient for the regulation of the affairs of the state. although the letter produced not the desired effect with respect to the queen-mother , yet it wrought otherwise with the king , for it exasperated his spirit , and animated him to consider more than he had done formerly ; how to find out proper expedients as well to stop the course of those commotions that were already raised , and threatned to overwhelm the nation , as to take the reins of the government of his kingdom in his own hands , and to establish good rules for the administration of public affairs , that were hitherto manag'd altogether by the passions and particular interests of the marshal d'ancre ; who though he came not into repute , but through the means of the great influence his wife had obtained over the queen-mother ; nevertheless would not permit her majesty any longer to have a share in the government , nay presumed so far as to give orders and to dispose of several things without giving an account or so much as speaking to her thereof . several conferences were privately holden in the kings presence on this subject by persons who were so much the less to be suspected , because they were then in little or no esteem : it may be affirmed as a truth that his majesty in all these consultations expressed an ardent desire to take upon himself the government of his kingdom , and seemed to be highly offended that they continued to keep him at a distance , and strove to render him more and more contemptible , insomuch that he incessantly urged his particular friends ( to take such measures as they should think most proper , to satisfie his desire , and speedily to put them in execution : several methods were thereupon proposed , of all which none judged with so much prudence , so discreetly managed the secret , nor proceeded with so much constancy and resolution in bringing the matter to perfection , as his majesty . the first way that was tryed according to his advice was taken from the means that had been exhibited to the queen-mother in the above mentioned letter , viz. to cause the marshal d'ancre and his wife to retire into italy , upon condition that they should not only enjoy all the goods that they had acquired in france , but should also receive more from his majesty : the bishop of carcassone who was then at court with other deputies of languedoc , was under colour employed herein , and without knowing the kings design , was perswaded to take an opportunity to discourse the queen in private , and in acquainting her with the circumstances of his negotiation , to lay down such reasons as might prevail with her to consent to this retreat , and to represent the apparent inconveniences that would otherwise ensue : he discharged this trust very prudently , having urged such cogent and pathetical arguments to the queen , which she afterwards repeated to madam d'ancre , that both seemed to be inclined to yield thereto : and from that time the latter began to convey part of her goods to florence , and to cause almost all her moveables to be packed up , in order to be sent after them the same way : but as for the marshal , the king was informed , that he thought himself arrived to that height of power , that none durst attempt any thing against him , and that with the assistance of spain which he had sollicited , he might be in a capacity to usurp part of the kingdom ; therefore he arrogantly rejected this wholsom proposition ; and it was then reported that he used such scornful expressions to his wife and some of his confederates , that have since quitted his interests , as if he intended to shew to what degree of grandeur fortune alone was able to exalt a man. before it was thought fit to proceed to extremities and violent ways to effect the change that was desired by the king , and which the most part of his subjects waited for with great impatience , a debate arose , whether his majesty should openly declare to the queen his mother , that he intended to take care of the government of his kingdom himself , and for the future to cause all affairs of the state to be transacted according to his directions and good councels , and should immediately command the marshal d'ancre and his wife to depart into their own country : but for as much as all the royal power was then in their hands and only the name of a king remained to his majesty , and in regard that by reason of the inordinate ambition of the marshal and his wife , his majesty and the state would be exposed to great danger in taking this course , it was resolved to find out some other means that might be more safe . divers expedients being afterwards propounded , at last it was agreed to examine which of these two ought to be chosen , either that the king should give orders to some of his faithful friends to kill the marshal , and to confiscate the goods of his wife , or to send her to florence , or otherwise to impeach them in parliament : the king and most of them that had the honour to be of his council in this occasion , did not approve of the first method , but concluded to make use of the latter , and so much the rather , because that besides that it was without violence and according to the ordinary rules of justice , his majesty was assured that in the papers of the marshal and his wife , amongst other things , sufficient evidence would be found to prove the secret correspondence that they had maintain'd with foreigners to the damage of the state : whereupon the king resolved to cause the said marshal d'ancre to be arrested , and immediately to be committed with his wife into the custody of the parliament in order to their tryal ; and his majesty intended at the same time to entreat the queen his mother to vouchsafe to permit him to take the government of his kingdom upon himself , and to endeavour to rescue it from that eminent danger wherein it was fallen through the pernicious councils of the marshal and his wife , and by the means of the outragious and insatiable ambition . and to the end that the king might be firmly established in the exercise of his royal power , and that on this account the male contents which were very numerous , might be all reduced to their obedience , it was ordered that the queen should also be desired to make choice of one of her own , or of the kings houses , at a little distance from paris to reside therein for some months , during which time the king might be settled in the absolute possession of his kingdom , and afterwards would send for her to take the second place in his council , in which it was determined to recal the ancient ministers of the late king his father that had been laid aside , and to expel the greatest part of those that were thought to be introduced by the marshal d'ancre and his wife : it was also concluded that monsieur de vitry , captain of his majesties life-guards should be employed to arrest the marshal d'ancre : but that no notice should be given him thereof till a few days before the execution , however monsieur de luines failed not to discover the design to him . it is most certain , and i know his majesty cannot but remember , that my lord cardinal and duke of richelieu then bishop of lusson and secretary of state for military and foreign affairs , discharged that office with so much judgment and integrity , and gave such signal proofs of his affection and fidelity to his majesties service and the public good of the kingdom , that he received great satisfaction , and was fully perswaded that in keeping him near his person , he might reap extraordinary advantages from his good conduct , insomuch that he resolved to retain him and to dismiss the other ministers that were employed with him . this councel being taken was not so soon put in execution as well because the time was not proper for such an undertaking , as by reason of the fear with which some of the principal agents were possessed , lest the event should not happen according to their expectation , this caused them often to doubt and to alter their measures , insomuch that without giving any notice to the king , nor to those persons that remained constant with his majesty in the resolution that had been taken , they agreed to attend him about midnight , and to perswade him that for the security of his person it was necessary for him to depart that very hour and to get into soissons , which was then besieged by his army commanded by the duke of angoulesme , that he should there declare his intentions and should publicly act as a king. to this end on the 14th . day of march , 1617. about six of the clock in the evening monsieur de luines commanded the officers of the great and little stables in the kings name to make ready all the horses against mid-night , and took so little care to conceal the cause of this order that the chief groom of the great horse-guard knew the particulars , who soon revealed them to one of his friends , that had been ( as i think ) a lieutenant at the siege of clermont and at that time lived with monsieur mangot keeper of the seals , whom he also acquainted with what had been declared to him . i accidentally , and , as i believe , very opportunely met with him when he received this news which he imparted to me , and desired to know my opinion , for upon consideration of what might happen he seemed to be much perplexed , whether he should disclose the matter to the queen-mother or not , i agreed with him that it was convenient to be silent , and promised immediately to endeavour to discover the truth , and if possible to frustrate the design , in case i could find that it was really intended . however monsieur de luines denied that there was any such thing in agitation , but being urged , confessed it , and would have perswaded me to approve it , and instantly to go with him to cause the king to resolve upon it ; but there were so many and weighty reasons such alledged against this ill-digested proposition that it was laid aside , whereupon having given m. mangot an account , we persisted in our first determination not to mention it to any . after the kings inclinations were sought in relation to this project , i know not whether it would have been attempted if he had consented to it , but i was informed that his majesty soon rejected it , declaring that he would not depart from the resolution that had been taken in his presence . although secrecy is the very life of great enterprizes , and ought to have been carefully observed in this , by reason of the inevitable dangers that the persons engaged , as also the whole kingdom , would be exposed to , if it should be discovered ; nevertheless many that conversed with m. de luines , some of whom had advised him to this design , were informed by him what measures and resolutions were taken : on the other side m. de vitry having declared to his neighbours and intimate acquaintance , and they again to others , it was so far divulged , that it became the common discourse throughout all paris , as a thing that was ready to be put in execution . one trevail , whom we shall have occasion to mention hereafter , was one of those to whom m. de luines had revealed it , and he communicated it to the chancellor de sillery whose pensioner he was , and who furnished him with notions and opinions to be imparted to m. de luines , but so dextrously , that if the matter came to light , he could not be convicted of having any hand therein ; m. de villeroy and president jeanin acted the same part , with the intelligence that they in like manner had received from others that weretheir particular friends , and indeed all three were continually upon the watch , to get some advantage by this revolution in case it happened according to their expectation . however it is certain that none of their expedients were practised , because they spake obscurely , and as it were through a pipe , and the design was made so public , that it came to the ears of the queen mother , and to those of the marshal and his wife , and of some other ministers of state , but they did not seem much to regard it , as well because they did not imagin that they that attended the king , were potent enough to undertake such an enterprize , as by reason of the orders that his majesty had given on this occasion , for he had subtily introduced into the presence of the queen his mother two familiar friends of m. de luines , who igning to give her an account of all that was transacted by him , told her that divers persons had made propositions to him , to drive out the marshal and his wife together with the new ministers of state , to recal the old counsellors , and to cause the king to take upon him the administration of the government ; but that m. de luines through their advice , had rejected all these vain projections , which he durst not venture to attempt , besides that he desir'd to advance his fortune in a fair way under the protection of the queen , that had already conferred many favours upon him on several occasions . as for the king , i am certain that none can truly boast that they received the least intimation from him , by which it might be inferred that he had any thoughts tending to such a design , or that he had so earnest a desire to act as a real king : on the contrary having taken a resolution ever since the first conference , that was managed on this subject in his presence , to conceal his intentions , he affected to be employed in exercise and divertisements , not agreeable to his dignity and disposition , demeaning himself after so close and subtil a manner , that none could discern his dissimulation ; only the sieur bellier an ingenious and valiant gentleman of dauphine , who ●as lately come out of his own country , having observed his majesty , advised one of his friends that had some interest in the fortune of the marshal , to take care of himself , for the king under the colour of mean actions , with which he passed away the time , did undoubtedly cover some design of a change , and being thus perswaded , in regard that he was not in favour with the marshal , he thought fit constantly to wait on his majesty , to serve him as an opportunity should be offered , and indeed without having any knowledge ●f the affairs in agitation , he was with him when the marshal was killed , as shall be shewed hereafter . the marshal d'ancre had taken a journey into normandy , intending to reside there for some time . as well to cause the fortifications of quilleboeus to be finished , which he had undertaken for several considerations well known , as to dispatch certain affairs that he had at roven , and to take necessary measures for the securing of of that city and some other places , that he thought to be advantageous to his design ; but his majesty of whom he had taken leave for a long time seeing him come back so suddenly , and at unawares without being sent for , and without any apparent reason of so precipitate a return , was easily perswaded to believe , that he came upon the advice of his wife or of some of his confederates , because certain persons since his departure had taken upon them to inform the queen , that the king intended to act himself , and to cause the marshal and his wife to be removed , as being the principal cause of the present commotions , that were ready to invade all the parts of the kingdom . the king having embraced this opinion , judged that if he did not take care to prevent his further progress , he might attempt to deprive him of the means that he had proposed to stop the course of his irregular and violent proceedings , to take the government of the kingdom into his own hands , and to put an end to the disorders that were caused therein by his exorbitant ambition : therefore his majesty urged his faithful friends to prepare all things that were requisite for the immediate executing of the resolution that had been formerly taken . they were but few in number that were privy to this design , though after it was accomplished , many gained advantages thereby , the sieur de modennes , a kinsman of m. de luines , who was then at court knew nothing of it , till a few hours before it was put in execution : however some yet doubted and urged the former advice that the king ought to go to soissons , but the same reasons that had been already opposed , caused it to be again exploded , insomuch that it was concluded to proceed without further delay . from sunday at night , to monday the 24th of april 1617. m. de luines , m. de vitry and some other that were employed in this affair , took care to give notice to their most intimate friends that were men of courage , and well affected to his majesties person , to come into the court of the louvre between the hours of eight and nine in the morning , on occasion of a pretended quarrel ; but the real intent was to make use of them in case of any uproar or tumult , because the marshal d'ancre was always accompanied with a very strong guard ; and that these persons appearing in the court , might not afford any cause of suspition to the marshal , the commissioners of the registry — were appointed to be assembled in the council-chamber on monday morning to the end , that the great train of attendants that are usually gathered together at such a time , might serve to conceal the others that were ordered to be present . the king gave it out that he had taken a purge , that the great gate of the louvre might be kept shut , and the little door only opened , that by this means the whole retinue of the marshal d'ancre , might be prevented from following him : the sentinels were assisted with certain resolute and valiant persons , who upon a word given , were to seize on a dozen of halbards , that were under some pretence brought into a little chamber near the gate , and were to be commanded by a gentleman that was privy to the design : commeillan lieutenant of the gate was charged to attend there , and to open the great gate when the marshal came , but as soon as he was passed to shut it , saying that he would open the lesser , which nevertheless he should keep lockt , till he had received orders to open it . about ten of the clock , the marshal came , whose train reached from the gate of his own house to that of the louvre , which was opened after the manner above related , and over which a man stood , who , as soon as the marshal had enter'd , made three flourishes with his hat , at this signal , which was agreed upon , commeillan shut the gate , and at the same time m. de vitry who was on the stairs of the switiers hall , came down accompanied with some of his kinsmen and other gentlemen and officers of his majesties life-guard , to seize on the person of the marshal d'ancre , when he had met him at the pont dormant , he said , i arrest you in the kings name : who me ? replied the marshal : whereupon in that very moment , one of his retinue having laid his hand on his sword , was the cause that three pistols were discharged : with which the marshal d'ancre was shot dead , and fell to the ground : immediately there arose a great noise in the louvre , and the most part of the gentlemen that were in the court , not knowing the true cause of their being ordered to attend , and hearing the report of the pistols , and the people crying kill ▪ kill , drew their swords , one amongst them being very much affrighted , we●t up to the kings chamber , who was ready dress'd , and told him that the marshal d'ancre was missed ; and that he came thither with his sword in his hand , thinking it necessary to provide for the safety of his majesties person ; it is certain that without any consternation he demanded his sword , and seeing the above-mentioned sieur d'belier near him , whom he knew to be a gentleman of extraordinary judgment , experience and valour , spake to him saying , m. d'belier , what course must be taken ? this is necessary to be done ( said he ) since your majesty appears with so much courage and resolution , go to them , and run them through the belly , that all paris may see whether they dare resist you . thereupon his majesty with his sword at his side came as far as the great hall , and having instantly shewn himself at the windows ; there arose a great acclamation , the multitude crying , god save the king , with which the whole louvre resounded . the occurrences that happened afterwards being sufficiently known , and printed in several places , it would be needless to insist on those particulars , i shall only add , that the king had no guards left except one company of the sieur fouville , part of which was then upon duty and being chosen by the marshal d'ancre , it was feared least they should depend on his interests , which was the reason that his majesty did not think fit , to employ them in this conjuncture , nevertheless he was afterwards informed that they had no correspondence with him . certain collonels and captains of the quarters of the city , even those that were near the louvre , were engaged and promised to cause the souldiers under their command to take up arms in his majesties service , in case there should be occasion , they were disposed there , under colour , that for default of a regiment of guards , the king desired to be guarded by the parisians , upon an information that he received , that some enterprize was intended to be executed in the louvre : orders were also given to seal up every thing in the marshals house , and to set guards for that purpose : but some being more diligent in managing their own private affairs , than in discharging the trust committed to them , and being enticed by one of his foot-men , with the bait of a few pieces of gold , were so eager after the money ; that the sellow took an opportunity to escape in the night with the trunk , wherein his masters private papers and writings were contained , and amongst the rest those that related to his secret correspondence with foreigners . although the king had conceived no bad opinion of the other ministers of state , and he had been assured that they were not the least concerned in the sinister designs of the marshal d'ancre , nevertheless to gain more reputation to the new scene of affairs , which his majesty was about to introduce , he thought fit to recal the ancient counsellors , that had served under the late king his father , whom the marshal d'ancre and his wife had caused to be dismissed , viz m. d'sillery the chancellor , m. de vair keeper of the seals , m. de villeroy secretary of state , and the president jeanin , super-intendant of the treasury . they were commanded to hold a counsel the same day , where his majesty was pleased to declare his intentions , that my lord cardinal then bishop of lusson , should continue in the exercise of his office , in regard of the assurance he had of his affection , fidelity and extraordinary abilities , having ordered him to attend in the counsel to that purpose : the old states-men foreseeing that since his clear and piercing judgment far excelled theirs , they would be no longer esteemed as the oracles of the state as they desired to be reputed , raised all the obstructions 〈◊〉 they could invent , and though the king remained firm on his behalf , nevertheless for certain considerations that his eminency can better reveal than any other , he declared that he would not promptorily insist on this point , but would choose rather to serve in some other capacity . the king considering that the queen his mother was discontented with what had passed , and even with the desire that he had signified to her , that she would vouchsafe to permit him during some months , to manage his affairs alone , and that to appease her passion , to give her such advice as was necessary for the good of the kingdom , and to maintain a good correspondence between their majesties , none was so proper and capable as his eminencv , desired him to reside near her , which he accented , but upon condition , that it should not be expected from him to espy out her actions , not to divulge those passages that might happen , in conversing with her ; for his eminency avouched , that if he found that his good counsel was not embraced , and that any measures were taken , with which his majesty should have just cause to be displeased , he would soon withdraw himself into his bishop-rick ; these last words spoken with a good intent , served nevertheless as a pretence for those that envied his vertue , to procure him to be removed , as shall be observed in its due place . from that time his eminency was alone employed to manage the affairs that passed between their majesties , and digested the matter of the expressions that were delivered by them , when the queen mother departed for blois , which were written in a more elegant stile and more judiciously , than those that are produced in the french mercury , perhaps if enquiry were made , they might be recovered , since there were several copies of them taken . before the queen went from paris on her journey to blois , one called travail who hath been above mentioned , made application to the secretary of the marquess de bressieax , who was at that time principal master of the horse to her majesty , and endeavoured to prevail with him to perswade his master , to cause her to be poysoned , monsieur deageant who suspected the intreagues of this travail , having perceived that they had talked together a long while , enquired of the secretary what was the subject of their discourse , who related it to him , and he immediately went and acquainted the king with it , who caused him to be sent to the parliament , where he was tryed , and was confronted with monsieur de luines to whom he had imparted something of this design , as also with monsieur de bressieux and his secretary , the latter was obliged to appear because his secretary had discovered the wicked intentions of travail . a little after that time a gentleman named gign●er , practised one of the most cunning and artificial cheats that can be imagined , with a design to advance his fortune thereby , being a person of a most subtile and crafty disposition . an uncle of his , was lieutenant of a company of guards belonging to the duke of vendome , and had served him in the last wars of the princess , through his means this gignier ingratiated himself with the duke of vendome , and the other princes and lords that had withdrawn themselves from court , and were pursued by the kings forces . after their reconciliation with his majesty gignier being introduced into the presence of monsieur de luines , made a very formal and plausible relation to him , that he had obtained the favour of all these princes and lords , insomuch that they did not conceal their secrets from him , and that although his majesty had laid so great an obligation on them , in receiving them so graciously , and restoring them all to their offices ; nevertheless they ceased not to have a watchful eye , to find out an opportunity to accomplish their ambitious enterprizes by raising commotions in the kingdom ; but if monsieur de luines , to whose interests he promised entirely to devote himself , would confide in him , and should think it convenient that in keeping a good correspondence with these lords , he should discourse their actions and in●entions , in order to give him an account thereof , he would acknowledge in process of time , that his service would prove not a little advantageous to his majesty , as also to himself in particular : on the other side he affected to appear an intimate friend of monsieur de luines , and endeavoured to perswade these princes and lords to believe it , with a promise to serve them especially the duke of vendome , whom he saw oftner than the others ; by this artifice , he began to make a discovery of them to monsieur de luines and of him to them , but he enjoyned both the one and the others to dissemble what they knew , and to take no more notice of one another , than they formerly used to do , till the proper time that he should declare to them ; afterwards esteeming that he had caused a strong suspicion and jealousie between them , and having prepared divers inventions to cover his wicked devices , he came one day pretending to be in a great fright , to find out monsieur de luines , and told him that he had one of the greatest , most dangerous and most cruel designs to disclose to him that ever was contrived in france ; but he demanded two things , one was that he should not communicate what he had revealed to him , to any , not so much as to monsieur deageant , who was then employed in managing the principal transactions , and the other , that he should be assured that after he had given some light into this conspiracy , he should be established in the government of calais , or of some other sea-port town , for the security of his person , and should be gratifyed with an hundred thousand crowns , as a means whereby to advance his family ; having obtained a grant of this recompence , he informed monsieur de luines , that a plot was laid between the cardinal of guise , the dukes of cheureuse , maine vendome , nevers , longueville and bouillon , in which they had engaged monsieur de coeuvres , president le jay , and some other lords and gentlemen whom he named , that their first enterprize was to put to death monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant , to banish all the other ministers of state , to seize on the king , to recal the queen mother in his majesties name , to get the power into their own hands , and afterwards to take possession of the provinces , which were to be divided amongst them , and that some had proceeded so far , that if the king endeavour'd to make any resistance , he should be destroy'd . he further assured monsieur de luines , that these gentlemen or the greater part of them , were often privately assembled together sometimes in one place , and sometimes in another , to confer about their design , and that he being admitted into their consult , knew all their resolutions , and would faithfully relate them to him . thus he entertained him with such discourses for several days , pretending divers meetings , and at last to remove all doubts and scruples that might arise , he advised him to choose some friend in whom he could confide , to the end that he might introduce him at a time appointed without acquainting him with the cause , and might shew him these lords or part of them , going privily in the night to their convention : but he himself was the sole manager that brought them together , sometimes under a pretence to converse with certain ladies , whom he caused to be there present , and sometimes inviting them to play at some game , and that it might seem more probable that there was such a design , he ordered the affairs after such a manner , that these assemblies were always holden in the night , and that those that appeared therein , came alone , and were perceived at a considerable distance from the house , into which they enter'd through several doors . the person whom monsieur de luines deputed , assured him that he had seen them twice , according to the same circumstances as gignier had related . on a certain day he desired his uncle the lieutenant of the duke of vendom's company of guards , to send him two of his souldiers , whom he knew to be resolute sellows : he gave to each of them a pisto ready charged , primed and cockt , and placed them at the bottom of the stairs of the louvre , requiring them to wait there , till he should bring them further orders from the officer , he told them also that he intended that they should go a hunting along with him , having set them in this posture , he came as it were amaz●d to monsieur de l●ines , and declared that he certainly knew that two sentinel were appointed to kill him and monsieur deageant , if he were with him when he went to dine in the great hall near the counsel chamber , that at the same time , several gentlemen were ordered to facilitate their retreat through the court of the kitchens , in the house of the duke of vendome , where there was a private passage ; but you must be content ( said he to monsieur de luines ) if i only shew you these two souldiers , with their pistols in their hands ready to discharge , neither must you ask them any other question but this , whether they do not belong to the duke of vendome . he had moreover desired those that belonged to the retinue of the said duke , who was then with the king in the louvre , to attend at the bottom of the stairs , which they also did , whereupon he shewed all these things to monsieur de luines exactly as he had described them , which he might very easily do , since he himself had disposed them in this order . he perswaded him that it was not convenient as yet to arrest these souldiers , that he could take them up when he pleased , and that if they were seized , the gentlemen believing their designs to be divulged would hasten the execution of them , and would take such measures as might prevent theis being apprehended and entangled all at once as it were in one net ; as he had advised . from that very hour he continually sollicited monsieur de luines , who having according to his promise kept the secret for some time , and indeed too long , at last revealed it to monsieur deageant , that he might find out some means to frustrate these dangerous machinations without communicating them to the other ministers , because gignier had represented them all as guilty , by reason of the particular affection that they bore to some of the lords of the conspiracy . deageant told him , that the relation he had exhibited to him , carried an appearance of some ill design , but that he could scarce believe that it was intended to be undertaken ; that it was to be feared least some deceit should lye hid at the bottom , that the affair being of that consequence , it required a diligent security , and ought to be more throughly examined ; in the mean time he concluded that they should stand on their guard , without shewing the least sign of distrust or suspicion . he desired to hear gignier himself , being of opinion that from his mouth , and by his contenance and demeanour , he might better judge of the truth of what he affirmed . gignier refus'd at several times to discover himself to monsieur deageant , but having consider'd that monsieur de luines had revealed the whole matter to him , and would not proceed without his assistance , he agreed to see him privately in one of the chambers of the tuilleries , and desired to be excused on the account that he had entreated monsieur de luines , not to declare this secret to him , because he did not think him to be his friend , but upon the assurance that monsieur de luines had given him to the contrary , he was resolved to open his heart to him , and to conceal nothing relating to this affair , in which he told him that his life was concerned , since the conspirators intended to begin their enterprise with his murther whom they esteemed the only person that could prevent the execution thereof ; he assured him that one named fiesque a bastard of that family , who was then gentleman of the horse to the queen regent , and was one of the familiar acquaintance of monsieur de luines , treacherously betrayed him , though he had never so good an opinion of his fidelity , was appointed to commit this execrable assassionate . it was true indeed that monsieur deageant , was informed some days ago that this fiesque waited for him in the night , being well mounted on a good horse with a pair of pistols , to kill him as he was going out of the louvre , from whence he never departed till mid night ; it is certain also that he was seen twice in this posture , and that he had given it out publickly enough , that he was an enemy to deageant , without alledging any other cause but that he was , as it were , the gardiners dog that would not eat the cabbidge , nor suffer others to touch it , adding that several persons of divers ranks and conditions , had bound themselves with an oath to destroy him . gignier having thus used various exprestions and insinuations tending to obtain the good opinion of monsieur deageant , related to him all that he had discovered to monsieur de luines concerning this enterprise and the circumstances thereof . insomuch that there seemed to be a great probability of his asseverations , which he concluded with reasons to perswade him that all the lords that he had named ought to be forthwith secured in the bastile , amongst whom he reckoned m. de guise , affirming that after much sollicitation he at last entered into the conspiracy . deageant feigning entirely to give credit to all that he had said , left him in hopes that he would ' ere long procure the recompence for him that he expected , and charged him to persevere in his care and diligence in this affair ; nevertheless he remained firm in his first opinion , that there was a greater appearance of a cheat than of truth in this matter . at another time gignier came and gave information that these gentlemen began to suspect lest some one that was privy to their conspiracy should divulge it , and that they had taken a resolution not to write one to another any longer , but to confide only in a few chosen persons , by whom they would maintain a correspondence for the future , without assembling together any more as they had formerly done , fearing lest these , frequent meetings should cause them to be discovered : moreover he added that the principal lords had caused rings to be made for every one of them , on which were enchased stones of a dark green colour , and certain particular characters engraved , these were also to be given to such as had engaged themselves in their design , as a mark that they might be trusted : he avouched that some of them had these rings on their fingers , and on a certain morning he brought one of them , saying , that it belonged to the duke of vendome ; that he had found it on his toylet , and that he must restore it the next day before he rise , lest he should perceive that it had been taken away : the figure of it was immediately drawn , by which another was made after the same manner . when he saw any of these gentlemen assembled in the louvre , he would soon intrude into their company , pretending to impart some secret to them , and afterwards would come to monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant to tell them that they had discoursed of their conspiracy . he would often appear with a very sad countenance , because so little care was taken to provide for the safety of the king's person and his kingdom , and to preserve the lives of monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant , and in regard ( as he said ) the danger was apparent , for he expected every hour when the design was put in execution , since all things we●e already prepared in order to it , ●e would sometimes stamp with his feer , and tear off the hair of his head , as it were in a rage , because they had exposed him to such perils , by neglecting to follow his advice . it was not thought convenient to give the king any account of this affair till necessity required it , lest it should cause him to be troubled or disturbed ; he was only entreated to vouchsafe to chuse six gentlemen of good repute , three of whom should constantly wait on him whithersoever he should go , to hinder any unknown person from accosting him ; one of these attendants was ordered to keep his eyes continually fixt on his majesty , and the two others on those that came near him . the baptizing of one of the duke of vendome's children , to whom the king had engaged himself to stand as god-father , gave gignier a fair opportunity to set so good a colour on his cheat , that he thought it would pass for an undoubted truth . the day was appointed , and the duke had caused to be prepared a very magnificent entertainment at his house , for his majesty had promised to go thither with an intention to divert himself : the day before , in the evening gignier came to monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant , and with oaths , imprecations , and very perswasive arguments , assured them that the conspirators had resolved to poyson the king , and to kill monsieur de luines , at the collation , and had given it out that the latter should neither eat nor drink there , for they intended to cause him to be assassinated with halbards by french soldiers in the habit of switzers . he protested thereupon that if all these lords were not apprehended that night or the next morning , he would depart , to avoid the storm that was ready to break over their heads . it was thought necessary at that time to unfold the matter to some of the other ministers of state. monsieur de vair keeper of the seals , was one against whom gignier had made no objection , therefore it was communicated to him , and he also undertook to discourse with him , who palliated his cheat so artificially , that he took upon him to accuse monsieur deageant as having been too remiss and negligent in discovering and preventing this conspiracy ; but after he had heard his reasons given by the latter , he was satisfied , since care had been taken of the principal point , which was the preservation of his majesties person . monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant resolved to acquaint the king with what had passed , and to entreat him to feign that he intended to be present the next day at the baptizing of the child , but really to decline it by making a shew of being indisposed ; however no notice of this was given to gignier . some hours before that appointed for the administration of the baptism , the king went to hear vespers at feillans , where about the end of the service he counterfeited a fit of the colic so dextrously that in a moment his face began to wax pale ; they that were near him , said , that he was taken very ill , to whom he replied , no , this is nothing , let not a word be spoken of it , for i intend to see the child baptised and afterwards to go to the collation : his majesty's chief physitian was immediately sent for , who having received a private intimation , felt his pulse and seemed to be displeased that he had been left there so long ; the duke of vendome came thither and entreated the king to vouchsafe that the solemnity of the baptism should be deferred to some other time , alledging that his majesties health was more precious than all things in the world ; not long after he was put into a coach and carried to the louvre , where he took a clyster , and the next day a little physic , according to the method that had been already permeditated . the duke of vendome having perceived that the kings indisposition lasted but a little while , inferred from thence and from some coldness that he thought he had observed in his majesties deportment towards him , that he was suspected , and that there was some what more than ordinary in agitation , that might prove to his prejudice ; therefore he endeavoured to penetrate into it , and on a certain day as he happened to discourse with his lieutenant , gigniers uncle about this matter , he replied that he was very much afraid least his nephew should have contrived some ill design , and declared that he had told him some days ago , that he should very suddenly obtain great riches and preferment , and should be made governour of one of the strong places of the kingdom , the lieutenancy whereof he desired him to accept , and that he had borrowed of him two soldiers of the guards , as hath been above-mentioned , who at their return , related to him the circumstances of the force , that he had caused them to act with their pistols in the louvre ; upon this intelligence the duke reflecting on divers actions that gignier had lately performed with respect to him and the other lords , was easily perswaded that he had done him an injury ; in somuch that about eleven of the clock at night he found out monsieur de luines and monsieur deageant in the louvre , to whom he represented that he understood that one gignier had malitiously charged him with being engaged in a most wicked and horrid conspiracy , that he was ready to clear himself before the king ; the parliament and wheresoever necessity required , and that he came on purpose to commit himself into his majesties hands , with a request that gignier might be arrested in order to be confronted with him . having considered the artifices that he had made use of , he acknowledged that he and the others that were falsely accused , had reason to applaud their good conduct , it being probable that they had all resolved to defend themselves . gignier was lately married at paris when an officer of the guard was ordered to apprehend him , and to bring him into the prison that belonged to the palace , he had promised on the next day to seize on a certain fellow that in the habit of a cordelier endeavoured to raise a commotion in the kingdom , but it was thought fit rather to lose the opportunity of taking him , than to neglect the means of discovering this imposture , and of vindicating the innocence of the duke of vendome , which could not be done but from the mouth of the calumniator , who hearing that his intrigues were divulged might take an occasion to fly from justice . at his first interrogatory in the parliament , he freely confessed the cheat , and thereupon had his head cut off according to their decree : i should not have enlarged so much on this narrative , were it not that an account of this fact hath been printed altogether different from what happened , and therefore i thought it convenient ( if it deserved any place in history ) to exhibit a true relation thereof . but to return to the affairs relating to the queen-mother ; it is most certain that as long as his eminency remained with her , and the prudent industry of monsieur de luines prevented the operation of the poyson that was diffused abroad , a good correspondence was maintained between their majesties , who studied altogether how they might express one to another the mutual testimonies of respect and kindness . but the latter having withdrawn himself by degrees from monsieur deageant who gave him good advice , and being led away as well by the perswasions of other ministers , every one of whom in particular strove to obtain his favour with a design to rule according to their own passions , as by the pernicious councels of divers private persons who endeavoured to embroil the state , that they might advance their fortunes by the means of some public dissension or change ; the good orders that had been instituted for the administration of affairs , and chiefly for the preservation of the union between their majesties began by little and little to be laid aside ; insomuch that by the artifices of such incendiaries those jealousies were kindled between them , that broke out in a flame within a few months after . to this end the table of the wolf was put in practice : for altho monsieur deageant had no other prospect but the service of his majesty , the propagation of religion , the peace of the kingdom , and the particular good of monsieur de luines , nevertheless he was discharged from the managing of public transactions , and forasmuch as during his employment therein he had always clearly represented to the king , the intentions that were daily practised , to cause him to suspect the negotiations of his eminency with the queen-mother , he was no sooner removed from the council , but they that envyed him on the one side , and they that designed to hinder the re-union of their majesties on the other , acted their parts with double diligence , sometimes they forged letters , and sometimes they introduced their emissaries to perswade the king to lose the good opinion that he had conceived of his eminency ; however it is certain that his majesty retained so high an esteem for hi● , that all these efforts could not produce the effect that was expected . at last an accidental opportunity was offered which served to accomplish their design ; a letter from one of the above-mentioned emissaries was read in the council of the dispatches , which pretended to give an account of some of the secret and sinister practices of his eminency , and that he had engaged a party of soldiers for the queen-mother in pictou ; the ancient ministers of state failed not immediately to take a resolution to advise the king in the council that was to be holden at eleven of the clock in his presence , that his eminency ought to be removed from the queen ; indeed they left no stone unturned to this end , but were not able to effect it : but it happened that monsieur de chateauneuf the elder , who was in the council of the dispatches , not being privy to the secret , believed that the motion that had been made , would be approved by his majesty ; which was the occasion that he went on foot from the louvre to his own house , and meeting with the late monsieur de richelieu acquainted him with what was concluded thereupon . it was thought that monsieur de richilieu wrote to his eminency to advice him to avoid the storm by retiring of his own accord , which he did . upon the account of this and of the protestation that he had made to the king when he thought fit to appoint him to reside with the queen-mother , viz. that if he perceived that she intended to adhere to evil councils , and would not be diverted from them , he would withdraw himself without making any mention thereof ; those persons that had undertaken to supplant him , told the king that his retreat after this manner made it apparent enough that the queen-mother intended to cause arms to be taken up against his majesty ; moreover they forged false relations of the actions of his eminency , and there being none to discover their artifices , they counterfeited a letter that order'd him to depart to avignon . the queen-mother who remained at blois in expectation of the performance of the promises that had been made to her , that she should be re-admitted in a little time into the kings presence and councils ( as it was without doubt his majesties intention ) seeing all these proceedings , concluded not without some grounds that she was deceived , and that-they that were about the king intended to destroy her , insomuch that under this imagination being destitute of the good councils that were given her by his eminency , she sought for some means to put her self in such a condition as to be able to get an advantage over those whom she took to be her adversaries , amongst the discontented party , and amongst those whom she thought she had more particularly obliged . instead of the advice of the cardinal of richelieu , she made use of that of the abbot of roueelay , who induced her to proceed to extremities , against the king and to diminish the high esteem that she had always expressed of his eminencies fidelity and generosity , whose approach he dreaded being very sensible that it would be impossible for him to resist the force of his incomparable judgement that far excelled his . he caused also the bishop elect of besiers to lose her favour , pretending that he endeavoured to delude her , though he was altogether innocent . thus several factions arose in the kingdom , which coming to the kings ear , obliged him to stand on his guard , and to set a watch over the actions of those to whom the queen his mother had made application , and of those whom ( as he was informed ) she had employed in her design ; she was offended at this , and complained thereof to his majesty , who endeavoured by all possible means to divert her from these thoughts , and to perswade her to that which was true , that he desired nothing more ardently than their re-union and good correspondence . several of those that had obtained the kings favour , finding that they could not acquire so much power over the inclinations of monsieur de luines as they desired , and consequently could not obtain a greater influence over his majesty ; attempted to render monsieur de luines more and more odious to the queen-mother , although during the time that i was conversant there , i never observed that he deserved it : they imagined that if they ruined him under the name of the queen-mother and promoted her return , she would think her self obliged to them , and would chuse rather to see them near the king than all the rest , many others that were desirous of novelty and change were engaged in this project to the same end . some have published that the princes that were retired from the court ; against whom the kings forces were employed , were privy to the design contrived against the marshal d'ancre and underhand sollicited the execution ; however it is most true that they had no knowledge thereof , and that if they had not readily returned to their duty , his majesty was resolved to continue to prosecute them with war , and to command his army in person ; but immediately after the death of the marshal de ancre , some of their kindred made most humble submissions to his majesty on their behalf : and whereas they proposed a certain treaty , that they might enjoy the benefit thereof , as hath been practised in former insurrections ; his majesty was graciously pleased to answer , that if they would become obedient and loyal subjects for the future , he would receive them with open arms , would pardon them , and would make them sensible of the effects of his munificence , according as they should render themselves worthy thereof by their actions : his majesty required them too , without delay to meet , him at bois de vincennes ; but they made some difficulty at first to appear there , fearing lest they should be seized , but being assured by his royal word to the contrary , they surmounted this fear , and having according to the kings command dismissed all the forces that they had raised they came and begged his majesties pardon on their knees ; who afterwards disbanded his armies , reserving only fifteen thousand men for the relief of verseil which belonged to the duke of savoy , and was besieged by the spaniards to whom it was formerly left as a prey through the artifices of the marshal de ancre and his wife . the king prepared a stock to defray the charges of this army that was ready to march , for three months , and caused it to be returned by bills of exchange to lyons , according to the desire of the treasurer at war ; the duke of angouleine was commander in chief , who being urged to depart with all speed , because verseil was reduced to great extremity , replied , that as soon as the money was ready at lyons , he would ride post thither , and declared that altho good bills of exchange had been drawn , nevertheless he was informed that there was something that retarded the payment : the treasurer at war was thereupon ordered to attend in the council , where he affirmed that the cash was ready at lyons ; to know the truth , a post was immediately dispatched , who found the bills of exchange accepted , and the money ready to be counted before it was demanded ; the king having received this advice , gave notice thereof to the duke of angouleine , who persisted in averring that his majesty was deceived in this point : the treasurer was again summon'd to appear , and charged to give a true account of this matter , otherwise the king would send him to the parliament to be tryed : upon this he whispered in the ear of one of his majesties privv councellors and told him that the money indeed was ready at lyons ; but that some of the other ministers had enjoyned him to use these delays , after enquiry it was found to be true . their excuse was , that seeing this affair so vehemently prosecuted , and fearing least a war should break forth between the two crowns of france and spain they had taken this course , upon the promise that the duke of monteleon , the king of spain's ambassador in france , had given them , that as soon as the city should be delivered into the hands of the spaniards , they would restore it at the instance of his majesty , his master being obliged to this only in vindication of his honour , that was engaged in the taking of this place , since ( as he affirmed ) the duke of savoy had begun the quarrel . thus for want of the assistance of france , verseil was surrendered upon composition to the besiegers , who kept it so long , contrary to the treaties and artieles of capitulation that were then made , that none expected ever to see it again in the hands of the duke of savoy . i shall not here enlarge on the several embassies and negotiations that were managed on this account , since that may be better performed by another hand : and as for the restitution of the place to his highness of savoy , father joseph can give a more certain relation thereof than any , since it was restored upon his mediation , at a time ( as i have said ) when every one despaired , even the ancient ministers of state themselves . the agent of the duke of florence was one of those that were engaged in the cabal at court addicted to the interests of the queen-mother or rather of those that endeavoured under her name to cause some commotion in the kingdom , who amongst others had two florentine young men named syti for his emissaties that had been in the service of madam d'ancre . it was well known that he practised some ill offices , and tho his proceedings were diligently observed , yet nothing could be discovered but by accidental event : one day he sent by a messenger of nancy a large pacquet in which were contained letters for the dutchess of lorrain and some others with whom he maintained a correspondence , together with certain memorials in which were specified the names of several persons that ( as he said ) were gained by the care of the queen-mother , some of whom were near the king , and were in credit with monsieur de luines ; mention was also made therein of the services of the two brothers syti and of one called durand : the messenger was charged that if he were pursued , he should secretly convey his pacquet into some bush , and afterwards should go , and take it again ; it happened that being on the high-way that botders on the river marne near lagny , he saw certain horse-men riding a pace after him , and thinking to hide his pacquet securely , he thrust it so far through a thicket that it fell into the river , afterwards without regarding what became of it he turned out of the road , and fled for fear of being taken : monsieur de marcheville as he was travelling from paris to lorrain saw this pacquet floating on the water , and caused it to be taken up by one of his foot-men ; the superscription being so wet that it could not easily be discerned to whom it was directed , he imagined that it was for monsieur deageant , therefore he immediately dispatched the same laquey that had taken it out of the water to carry it to him : m. deageant soon found that it was directed to persons that were suspected , and that the superscription was written by the younger syti , whose hand he knew , having formerly recovered some of his writings upon the suspition that happened concerning him and his brother : he brought it to the king who caused it to be read in his presence , as also the letters and memorials therein enclosed , and forthwith summoned the ministers of state to meet and deliberate thereupon . at the same time , and very opportunely , certain merchants of provence came to make a complaint to his majesty , that the duke of florence had caused two great vessels that belonged to them laden with corn to be seized in the port of legorn by way of reprisal on occasion of two little barks , which he said , were taken from some of his subjects by the french on the coast of provence . it was resolved in the council to send for the agent of florence , under colour of some matters of importance that they had received orders from the king to communicate to him ; he soon appeared there , and his majesty having withdrawn himself , as he entered into the council-hall , every one rose up as if they intended to depart ; he made his complements to the company , which were returned to him , and then m. de vair , keeper of the seals , the chancellor de sillery being absent , spake to him to this effect , sir , the king hath commanded us to send for you to acquaint you that he hath thought it very strange that your master should be so bold as to take upon him to seize on two french vessels at legorn by way of reprisal , since he is not ignorant that such practices are not usual between such petty princes as he , and so potent a king as his majesty , that it was very extraordinary , that after he had thus violated the respect due to his majesty , he hath not used any of the solemnities requisite and customary in reprisals ; that the king being justly offended at such proceedings , was resolved to cause him to repent it ' ere long ; and that upon this account , his majesty being no longer able to confide in the duke of florence , nor consequently in his agents , required him to depart that day from paris and in three days after out of the kingdom . the agent replied , that he knew nothing of this reprisal , but that he was very certain that his master wanted neither respect nor affection to the king , and that if time were allowed him to dispatch a courier to him , he promised that he should bring all manner of satisfaction to his majesty : monsieur du vair told him , that the kings orders must be obeyed , thereupon he went on that very day to nancy , where he sojourned a great while , continuing his former practices that he had began in france . information had been given by the syti's , that the sieur de bournonville , brother to the baron de persan governour of the bastile , had delivered certain dispatches to a man that went often and privately , from paris to blois ; who was afterwards discovered and taken , being charged with letters and memorials written by monsieur barbin , then prisoner in the bastile , to the queen mother , describing the measures that she ought to take to regain her authority with the king and to destroy those that had obtained a share in his counsels , and that might be able to oppose this design . this was the cause that the officer of the guard was commanded to go into the bastile , under pretence to speak with another prisoner , where on a sudden according to the orders that he had received in writing , he caused the door of the sieur barbin's chamber to be opened , that he might enter and seize on his papers , and found him with other memorials on the same subject , as the former but much larger : as soon as he perceived that the officer took them away , he cryed out , alass ! i am undone , he that hath been my only support , will see in these papers what pains i have taken to destroy him , but it was to serve my mistress . these writings being examined in the council , it appeared that burnonville had suffered himself to be corrupted , that he took care of the letters that the sieur barbin sent out of the bastile , and received those that were directed to him : it was also inferred from thence , that the baron de persan and his family were engaged in the service of the queen mother , however the king was satisfied with taking from him the government of the bastile ; but as for bournonville against whom there were undoubted proofs , he thought fit to order him to be committed into the hand of justice to be brought to his tryal before the grand council , that his majesty had appointed to this end , as also to try the others that were discovered to be of the same faction , as well by the papers of the seiur barbin , as by the dispatches of the agent of florence above-mentioned , viz. the sieur de marsillac , le see formerly secretary to the queen , the two brothers named syti , and durand a parisian , whom monsieur de luines had introduced into the kings presence , to compose the verses of the balls , by whose appointment he received two thousand livers as a reward . according to the decree made by the grand council , marsillac and le see on whose behalf madam de luines very much interceded , were acquitted ; the sieur barbin was condemned to perpetual banishment out of the kingdom ; the younger syti received sentence to be hanged , and his elder brother , and durand to make public reparation , and afterwards to be broken alive on a wheel ; these two last had each of them an infamous libel about them , written with their own hands against his majesties sacred person , in which durand omitted nothing that might serve to represent him as the most cruel and abominable prince that ever lived ; the elder syti finding it too harsh , had mollified it a little , however he was thought worthy of the punishment to which he was adjudged : but they had not time to publish this scandalous pamphlet . amongst durands papers were found letters that assured him of the office of secretary to the queen mother , who was highly extolled therein ; nevertheless it was believed that she had not read them , and that she never would have consented , that they should after so base a manner , sully the honour of the king her son , whom all men acknowledged as one of the most pious , most just and most excellent princes that ever wore a crown . as for what relates to the duke of florence , a shew was made of an intention to invade his country , and he began to be afraid of a storm , when he heard that orders were sent to monsieur de lesdiguiers , to be ready to command an army of twenty thousand men in italy , that vast sums of money were provided to set out a considerable number of ships at marseilles , and that monsieur de guise was already departed to go on board as admiral , and to act according to his majesties orders : insomuch that to allay this tempest , he dispatched the chevalier guidy with great diligence to the king , to excuse himself on the account of what had passed to the prejudice of the merchants of provence , of which he protested that he was altogether ignorant , till he had received an information thereof in a letter from his agent , laying the fault on certain officers , whom he had for that reason caused to be put in prison : the chevalier guidy brought the merchants along with him to testifie to his majesty , that not only the vessels and merchandizes were restored to them , but that they were also satisfied in full for all charges , damages and interests , and that they were paid for the expences of their journey to the court : the fleet that was prepared by monsieur de guise , served to clear the coasts of provence of the pirates of algier , that intercepted their commerce ; and indeed this was the true reason that such a fund was appropriated for their maintenance . the incendiaries of the court having , as hath been already observed , exasperated the mind of the queen with two different passions distrust and anger , made use of the proceedings above-related , to cause an absolute inflammation therein ; and she so easily received these ill impressions , that she suffered the intelligences and plots that were already promoted in the kingdom under her name , daily to encrease , and intended to take a resolution to withdraw her self privately from blois , and to raise a party in the nation by the power of which she was perswaded , to hope to be re-established at court , with all the authority in which she had been heretofore invested . the king being informed of these artifices , took all possible care to prevent the effect , and to give a true account of his intentions to the queen his mother , which were certainly so full of sincerity , and so well known to those , whom he employed in these important and most secret affairs , that none durst make the least motion to him , that never so little reflected on the honour and respect that he required should be render'd to her , or that tended in any manner whatsoever to interrupt the good correspondence , that he desired to preserve with her majesty ; it is also true that none of them at that time were inclined to the contrary , at last the king seeing that all his endeavours proved ineffectual , sent monsieur de roissy , an ancient counseller of state , to reside with her , for these two ends , one of which was to use his utmost efforts to disperse those mists of suspition that were cast before her eyes , and to dis-intangle her from those perplexities , in which she had involved herself by hearkning to those evil counsels , that were continually proposed to her ; and the other was , to have a watchful eye over the actions of those that came near her person , to suggest them to her ; his majesty also commanded certain troops of horse to be put into a garrison near blois , to keep those in awe that should attempt to remove the queen from thence . these orders , and in a word , all the kings actions relating to the queen his mother , even those that turned to her greatest advantage and were apparently most innocent , were nevertheless converted by the factious , into so many fire-brands to inflame her anger : but for as much as they saw that their plots were discovered , as soon as they were contrived , and that all the projects that they could invent , were always frustrated with prudence and great moderation , they imagined that this proceeded chiefly from the vigilancy , industry and care of monsieur deageant , and took a resolution amongst themselves to set all their engins at work , either to remove or to destroy him . there were two parties , that for some time , were engaged in the like enterprizes ; one of which consisted of several persons who being intimate with monsieur de luines , were perswaded that if they could induce him to discredit and expel deageant , they might afterwards rule him as they pleased , and might thereby insinuate themselves into the kings favour even to the detriment of monsieur de luines : the other was managed by the duke de monteleon , the spanish ambassador , who had his emissaries at court , some of whom were in so great repute with monsieur de luines , by the means of divers secret springs , that although by the letters dispatched from spain to the duke de monteleon , that were intercepted , and by large memorials that were sent to him , the whole intrigue was laid open to monsieur de luines , nevertheless he suffer'd himself to be deluded by it . these memorials were composed after so curious and artificial a manner that monsieur deageant , who knew the disposition of monsieur de luines , that was already inspired with jealousie by reason of the great trust and confidence that the king had put in him , easily judged what would be the event . he acquainted him with his thoughts thereupon , and freely protested to him that he was about to consider in good earnest how he might retreat , as he afterwards did , assuring him , that if he desired to remove him , he would not oppose it , provided that he took care that his conscience and honour might not be interested therein . he performed his promise to him in this particular ; for about three months after , monsieur de luines having told him , that the ancient ministers of state , and all the cheif of his family , kindred and acquaintance had conceived an extream aversion and displeasure against him , and that they threatned to abandon him , if he did not depart from his interest ; advised him to forbear coming into the privy council , and that of the dispatches only for fifteen days ; in which he would use his endeavours to take away these jealousies , earnestly entreating him in the mean time not to declare it to the king , because he was unwilling that it should come to his ear , least his majesty should be provoked against the ministers and this might cause a division in the council . this artifice was too gross not be perceived , and it was apparent enough that the design was , whilst he abstained from public employments , to slander and accuse him falsely before the king : nothing was left undone to procure this effect ; but his majesties generosity was so great , that he could not be prevailed with to discard a servant against whom he found nothing alledged , but what proceeded from envy or malice , and one that could not be charged with any mif-demeanour . however monsieur deageant , who observed on the one side that he was too weak to withstand the shock of so many , and such powerful enemies that opposed him , and on the other , that monsieur de luines had by degrees declined to hearken to his advice , to follow that which was suggested to him according to the different passions of those that constantly beset him , for the most part to the damage of the state , judged rightly , that if he should continue in the execution of his office , he would be accounted responsable for all miscarriages that might happen , though he had no hand in them , these considerations obliged him not only to yield to the proportions of monsieur de luines , but also to assure him that he intended for the future altogether to desist from the transaction of any affairs of state , having nevertheless represented to him divers weighty reasons to convince him that ( as he had formerly told him ) he had suffer'd himself to be surprized by those that were his own enemies , disturbers of the peace of the kingdom , and dis-affected to his majesties service , who might perhaps at some other time require of him an account of several important negotiations that he had almost brought to perfection , and would be lost through his retreat ; some of which shall be hereafter related in their proper place . at that very instant monsieur deageant , forbore to appear in council and to transact any affairs , and had also withdrawn himself from court ; but monsieur de luines , who had concealed this plot from the king , caused him to believe that he had voluntarily absented himself by reason of the jealousie of the ministers , till he could find out some means to compose the differences that arose amongst them : and therefore fearing if deageant should altogether quit his employment , least his majesty should discover his design and might take notice thereof , he desired him to remain at court , and to see him at the usual hours : he treated him after this manner , that the king might believe that he was always present , and had a hand in all public transactions , whilst he endeavoured to perswade him to give his consent that he might be removed . the king by his prudent and generous conduct had extended his reputation very far , he was loved by good men , and feared by evil ; his thoughts and actions were wholly bent to propagate religion , to cause justice to reign , to repair the ruins of the state , to establish peace therein and to impart it to those neighbours that were in trouble : but the devil , the enemy of good works , perceiving that these proceedings tended to the destruction of his kingdom in europe , to put a stop to this course , stirred up the above-mentioned factions and conspiracies , that after divers manners changed the scene of affairs , and which is worse , caused several attempts to be made upon his majesties sacred person ; he instilled into the mind of a young man a native of cahors ( whose name was concealed , because he was descended from an honourable family that was well-effected to the king's service , ) most wicked and damnable designs , to execute which , he came to paris , and was thus discovered : on easter day in the morning in the year 1618. this young man went into the convent of the cordeliers , and enquired whether there were amongst them any fathers of the province of guienne , thereupon one was shewed to him in the infirmery , named arnoux ; he accosted him , and after some discourse , desired him to hear him in confession , in which he accused himself , saying , that he had some thoughts that he should be well pleased if the king , queen and monsieur the kings brother were dead , and that he had a mind , if it seemed good to him , to kill them and three other princes . these were the very words that the cordelier caused him to repeat to him upon the spot , telling him that before he gave him absolution , he would consider them well , and would talk with him in particular about them , which he did at first in the cloister , and afterwards in his chamber where he brought him , and there having fully examined him concerning this diabolical imagination , he found that he was a person capable of committing all manner of wickedness , and that instead of shewing any contrition for so abominable a thought , he seemed always obstinately to persist therein . this good friar fearing least some mischief might ensue , if it were not prevented , entreated him to tarry a little in the chamber , whilst he went into the library to turn over certain casuists , in order to resolve his doubts on the subject of his confession : he took this opportunity to acquaint monsieur deageant with what had happened , relating to him ( as he said ) not that which had been spoken in confession , because that was forbidden , but several passages that he had heard from the mouth of this young man in other discourses with him : monsieur deageant after he had commended his zeal , desired him to go and entertain him , and to invite him to dinner in his own chamber , or if he refused it , to accompany him to his lodgings , till an officer were sent to apprehend him . the ministers of state were immediately assembled , and according to their advice this young man was put into the bastile , and in a chest that was in the chamber where he lay , his confession was found containing these wicked thoughts , with several other horrible abominations , which being viewed by the privy counsellors , they considered that forasmuch as there was no other proof against him but his own confession , and the report of the confessor , they ought on several accounts to act circumspectly in such cases , and fearing on the other side least the king should be troubled , and it should be made known to the world that any had conspired against his life , they thought it convenient to keep him a close prisoner , and that no rumour should be spread abroad touching this matter . they to whose custody he was committed , and that observed his behaviour , reported that he would often talk like a mad man , and one that was desperately intent upon some mischeif . monsieur deageant , being soon after discharged from the managing of public affairs , this as well as many others , was neglected ; insomuch that the ministers without recollecting ( as is to be supposed ) the cause of his confinement , and without enquiring into it , ordered him to be set at liberty , as also were some others that were imprisoned in the same place on slight occasions . they repented it afterwards , being informed who he was , and would have caused him to be taken again , but to no purpose . on the third day in easter , the cordelier that had discovered him , was ( as is thought ) poysoned in the convent , the physitians with whose advice he was carefully assisted , observed all the signs of a subtil poyson , that would soon have dispatched him , if he had not been of a very strong constitution , and had not found such speedy and effectual relief : as soon as he was cured , he was sent back again into his convent , and during the seige of montauban , he served as an almoner , where he fell sick and dyed . the devil having failed in this attempt resolved ' ere long to try another . amongst the pages of the lesser stables , there was one for whom the king had a more particular respect , and who upon this account attended on horseback almost always when his majesty went a hunting . the master of the horse having on a certain day , ordered him to mount according to the usual custom , he fell a weeping and entreated him that he would be pleased to excuse him , affirming that ever since the last time that they hunted , he was troubled with somewhat that incessantly urged him to kill the king , that the more he strove to resist this temptation , the more he was tormented with it , without being able to sleep , or to enjoy any peace in his mind ; and that he had had recourse to prayer , confession and the sacrament , but could not get rid of a thought , that he detested as much as hell it self : he fell on his knees at his feet , beseeching him to take care of him , and not to permit him to come near the king , least the evil spirit should compel him to commit the execrable fact to which he was prompted against his will : the master of the horse caused him to be examined by two learned divines , and a physitian to discover whether this perturbation might not proceed from melancholy ; they avouched the contrary , and that the page appeared to be of a good natural constitution , devout and sound in body and mind , his imagination only excepted , that was hurt by the malignant suggestion of the devil with whom he seemed to be possessed ; he afterwards came and made a report thereof to a private assembly of the ministers of state , who were of opinion that no mention ought to be made of this affair , for the same reasons that have been produced in the preceding paragraph , and that the page should be committed to the custody of some person appointed to conduct him to the citadel of calais , where the governour was to be commanded to entertain him , and not to permit him to depart till he had received further orders ; this was put in execution , and i know not what became of him since , because i had retired from the court. about the same time a certain french man , that had lived in spain about fourteen years came from portugal to the court , and made application to monsieur de luxemburg lately deceased , the brother of monsieur de luines , whom he acquainted that he came on purpose to give information of a matter that he thought was of great consequence in relation to the kings person ; affirming , that being very intimate with the governour of a sea-port town , the name of which i do not remember , this man believing him to be a spaniard , had often shewed him an indian youth that had a steel cross bow , so little that it might be put into his pocket , which he could draw so dextroufly , that he never failed to shoot twenty or twenty five shot within the compass of a penny , with a sharp arrow that entered with great force , and very far into the board that was set up as a mark , and that he was employed at other times in learning languages , and more especially the french above all others , without permitting him to go out of the fortress , nor so much as out of the tower , where six souldiers were appointed for his guard : this giving him an occasion to suspect that there was some sinister design in agitation against his country , excited in him a desire to penetrate into it as far as he could ; insomuch that being on a certain day in the indians chamber with the governours secretary ( who as his master had done , took him to be a native of spain ) and having asked him what they intended to do with this foreigner that was kept there so long ; he replied , that it was better to maintain one desperate and resolute traytor than a great army , that such a one usually did more execution , and did not cost so much ; and that he could not be ignorant , that this was a maxim of the spanish politicks . therefore from this and from other passages that he observed elsewhere , he concluded it to be an undoubted truth , that the indian was thus exercised and guarded , that he might be hereafter employed to perpetrate some villanous enterprize in france : he earnestly insisted that this ma●ter should not be communicated to the kings council , only to some of them in private , whose fidelity and capacity was well known , and that if some one were chosen that might be trusted , and that could speak the spanish tongue fluently , he could prevail so far as to cause him to be admitted into the garrison of the fortress , and perhaps into the guard of the indian's tower , where he might see the truth of that which he had related , and that they might advise together concerning the measures that were to be taken to destroy this man ; in case they could perceive that any progress had been made in the design , for which he judged that he was entertained after this manner ; thereupon such a person was provided as he required , who was furnished with a peculiar cyphet or character to write down the particulars that he should observe concerning these occurrences ; he sent divers letters that confirmed all that the other had reported , and urged with much importunity that this indian ought to be dispatched , and that it might be easily effected with a little money , by the means of some of those that belonged to his guard ; this was not long after actually put in execution : a gentleman that faithfully served the king in spain , was charged to observe these transactions , and gave an account that the two men that were sent thither , had punctually performed their promise : i can certainly avouch the truth of this affair , since the sums of money that were paid to keep it secret were taken out of my chest a considerable part of which is yet due to me , because i was dismissed from the managing of public negotiations , during the time that this was in agitation . before i proceed to discourse of those passages that came to my knowledge , after i was thus discharged 〈◊〉 my employment , i thought it not amiss succinctly to relate some particulars touching foreign affairs , a true account of which perhaps hath not been exhibited elsewhere : it is certain that when the king took the reins of the government of his kingdom into his own hands , the court of rome inclined more to the side of spain , than to that of france ; cardinal bourguere the popes nephew privately encouraged this party against ours , and to engage himself therein , concluded with the spanish ambassador the marriage of the prince de sulmone which hath been since consummated . monsieur deageant perceiving that they to whom the administration of the transactions abroad , was committed , did not advise the king to get an interest at this court , that was always able to cause notable revolutions in the affairs of christendom , entreated his majesty to permit him to endeavour to accomplish a design that he had contrived for this purpose : he was so fortunate as to obtain a considerable esteem with the pope and the cardinal his nephew ; and cardinal bentivoglio , being then in france , wrought good impressions upon them by his dispatches ; which procured him great credit , and very much facilitated his enterprize , he was also favoured with the great reputation that the king daily acquir'd , and by the refusal of the spaniards to restore verseil , contrary to the re-iterated promises that they had made , by the treaties that were concluded through the mediation of the pope and his majesty , from whence the court of rome inferred , that the spaniards designed to enlarge their dominions in italy , to the damage of the other potentates , and particularly of his holiness . thereupon a treaty of alliance was promoted between the house of bourguere and that of france , and to make it more firm and durable a match was propounded between the duke of sulmone and mademoiselle de verneuil , who was afterwards married to the duke de la valette . this overture being made to cardinal bourguere , and several reasons and advantages represented that were proper to perswade him ; he declared that he did not dislike the proposition , that he would communicate it to his holiness , and that he would in the mean time hold the marriage in suspense that was prosecuted by the ambassador of spain , between the prince de sulmone , and the party whom he hath since taken to wife : but that he was obliged to say that france would not reap the fruits that they expected from this treaty , though it should succeed , unless the consent of cardinal aldobrandini could be obtained , whose power equalled , if not surpassed , that of the house of bourguere ; that he would not fail to joyn with spain , as soon as he should see this union proposed ; that the number of the cardinals of his faction , being augmented with those that were the subjects of spain , would always prevail in the conclave and in the consistory ; and therefore that they would be continually opposed and over-powered , notwithstanding all that might happen to the advantage of france , whereas if the king could unite these two powers , nothing could hinder him for the suture , from obtaining all manner of credit and power in the court of rome , even to that degree , that when the pope should dye , he might cause one to be chosen of the french nation . a promise was made to him , to make an attempt upon the hopes of good success ; and he was assured , that it should be his own fault , if his party were not strengthned with his majesties authority against that of spain and the family of aldobrandini that was almost extinct . a marriage was then treated between monsieur the prince of piedmont and madam the kings sister ; monsieur deageant was one of those whom his majesty thought fit to employ more particularly therein , who took this opportunity to perswade the duke of savoy to endeavour to engage cardinal aldobrandini in the french interests , without declaring to him any thing that had passed between him and cardinal bourguere ; he was further urged with the hopes that by effecting this , he might cause himself to be elected king of the romans , and from thence might be advanced to the empire . james i. late king of great britain instead of inciting the prince palatine his son-in-law , disswaded him from it , and was of opinion that the duke of savoy ought rather to be regarded . one of the english ministers of state imparted this to monsieur deageant , that he might inform the king thereof , and might induce him to prosecute this design , as being the best and most sure means to pull down the house of austria , to establish peace amongst the estates of europe , and to prevent the commotions that were ready to break forth in germany . this proposition was approved by the duke of savoy , who wanted neither courage nor ambition : he therefore resolved to sollicite cardinal aldobrandini on this account and promised much from the strict amity and friendship that was betwixt them , but he feared least he should meet with some difficulty therein , because this cardinal , as to his present condition at rome , was able to hold the ballance even in the conclave and in the consistory ; but that he might be over-matched by the faction of bourguere ; that would be fortified with the spaniards as soon as they should see him inclined to france ; which was the same consideration that had restrained bourguere with respect to aldobrandini as hath been already observed . a promise was thereupon made to the said duke that all possible efforts should be used to gain cardinal bourgu●re . it hath been above related that m. deageant contrived an enterprize against rochel with an officer that had the charge of the fortifications of that city ; this man had given information to the inhabitants , that for the security of the place it was necessary to raise a bulwark on that side next the harbour , and having received orders to take care that a good quantity of earth should be carried thither , for that purpose , left a space open through which seven men might enter in front , this gap was filled up at night with a few turfs that might be easily trampled upon and overturned ; but that he might gain time to prepare all things requisite for the execution of this design , he prolonged the finishing of this work. another inhabitant of rochel that guarded the tower of the lantern on the same side , treated in like manner with monsieur deageant at the same time , to open a passage into the city , which he had cut through the stones and afterwards filled with earth , and was so wide that two men might march therein in front : the other officer and he , without knowing one another intentions insisted , that the king having put a strong garrison into fort lewes , that was near the city , might re-enforce it as occasion required , and might without any difficulty at the return of the tide , cause a detatchment of a considerable number of soldiers that might be sufficient to perform this enterprize , to advance by the way that they should shew , without being perceived by the sentinels . monsieur deageant to be assured of this , sent an engineer in whom he could confide , that at two several nights entered through the above mentioned passages , and reported that the project was infallible , and not long after acquainted the king and monfieur de luines with it : thereupon a debate arose in the privy council , whether in case an opportunity should be offered to surprise rochel , the king should lay hold on it , and it was carried in the affirmative , though at that time there was a full peace , since the rockellers as to their particular were continually factious and in rebellion . there were none then privy to the design , but the king , monsieur de luines , the two undertakers , the workman that was sent to view the places , and monsieur deageant : but afterwards monsieur de luines perswaded the person that managed the affair at the tower of the lantern to introduce monsieur de auriac quarter-master of the army lately deceased , to see whether it could be effected , forbidding him to make any mention thereof to monsieur deageant : monsieur de auriac declared , that he had seen every thing after the same manner as was represented , but that so many soldiers as would be requisite to take the city , could not pass through that tower , unless the other attempt were vigorously prosecuted at the same time ; this difficulty arose by reason of the absence of the other officer , who was in rochel and had treated with none but monsieur deageant , without whom monsieur de luines intended that these enterprizes should be performed , that the honour of them might be attributed to him ; he feared also if any success should happen upon the negotiation of monsieur deageant , lest he should obtain further credit and favour with the king. thus all proceedings in this matter being delayed , no other effect was produced but the death of him that acted at the tower by the lantern , who being sent into the city of monsieur de luines to endeavour to induce the officer to treat with none but him , and to desist from conferring any longer with monsieur deageant , was discovered , upon the advice that a certain noble man to whom monsieur de luines had revealed this design , had given to the mayor ; insomuch that he was condemned and executed ; upon this account the officer fled , and having related all these circumstances to monsieur deageant , departed to rome , not thinking himself safe in france . the jealousy of monsieur de luines , and the removing of monsieur deageant were the only obstacles that hindered the king from becoming absolute master of rochel at that time . during the employment of monsieur deageant , no other affairs of consequence were transacted in italy , but that of the duke of florence above mentioned ; the marriage of the prince of piedmont ; the difference between the dukes of savoy and mantua , of which the king was arbitrator , and the accommodation between the king of spain and the duke of savoy ; and it would be needless for me to enlarge on them , since there are many that are able to produce larger memorials than i can ; as for the last , father joseph can give a true account thereof , since he was sent into spain on purpose to cause the treaty to be put in execution , that was made for the restitution of verseil . i shall only add one particular passage that happened to my knowledge , which perhaps may be thought worth the observing , cardinal ludovisio , who was afterwards promoted to the pontificate , negotiated for the pope in the aforesaid accommodation , and monsieur de lesdiguiers was one of those whom the king had employed therein : the treaty being concluded , monsieur de lesdiguiers went to take leave of the cardinal , and amongst other complements , wished him the the mitre ; he smiled and made him this answer , will you promise me to become a catholic when i shall be pope ? yes certainly , replied monsieur de lesdiguiers , who seeing him very ancient , and the last of the cardinals could not imagine that he could attain to this supreme dignity ; however in a little time he was placed in st. peters chair , and long after dispatched a brief to monsieur de lesdiguiers to put him in mind of his promise , to perform which he was already inclined , as shall be hereafter observed ; he sent an answer to this brief , full of respect , and even made use of the terms of most holy father and his holiness , notwithstanding the remonstrances that the deputies of the reformed religion , and the consistory of lyons from whence he wrote , exhibited to him on this occasion . there were also certain treaties in agitation concerning the affairs of the valtoline , which were disannulled by the venetians at the very first overture , but because i knew not the succeeding events i shall make no mention of them here ; and as for spain , excepting the transactions that related to the composing of the differences between them and the duke of savoy , there was no other matter of moment depending between the two crowns , and peace hath been maintained in despight of the mutual antipathies of of these two nations one against another , and the different interests of their kings . there arose about that time a certain contest with england ; the ambassador of france was come back and left le cler his secretary to act in his stead , who proceeded so far , that a resolution was taken to treat him somewhat severely , he thereupon withdrew himself , and having sent an express to the king of what passed ; he received a command to find out some means to return , which he afterwards did ; there was also an ambassador from england with the king , who upon notice that the other of france was in the kingdom , gave orders that he should speedily depart , since , contrary to the law of nations , his master had abused his . the duke of savoy who kept a good correspondence in england , and treated there about the marriage of his son , hoping that these two kings being united together , would assist him much in obtaining the crown , that had been propounded to him , interposed , and took much pains to reconcile them , since their differences were produced on a very slight occasion . the principal difficulty consisted in this point , which of them should first send his ambassador . the king alledged that since there was no composition between the two crowns touching precedency , the english having always yielded it to the french , and the king of england having obliged his majesty to recal his agent , it belonged to him to send his ambassador first into france : the king of england did not dispute about the matter of composition , but pretended that he had not treated the agent of france after so rude a manner , that he ought to have withdrawn himself ; that he was highly offended that his was sent back without any lawful cause , and that this offence could not be redressed but by sending a french ambassador to excuse it after the arrival of whom he would cause his to depart . at last it was agreed that the two kings should nominate their respective ambassadors , that the english should first pass over the sea , and that as soon as he had given notice of his arrival in france , the king should order his to set forward ; the first being very active , made so great haste , that as soon as he landed in france , he travelled to the court , and remained there some time before the later began his journey . an amicable correspondence hath been since maintained between the two crowns . the king of england upon the recommendation of our king did often mitigate and abate the ordinary rigorous proceedings against the roman catholicks in that country : he was also very well pleased with the propositions that were privately offer'd to him on behalf of his majesty , tending to re-unite him to the bosom of the church : insomuch , that after some reiterated conferences that were managed to that effect in the king's presence , without communicating any thing thereof in his council , lest the effect being made known , should be obstructed or prevented , the arch-bishop of embrun made a voyage into england , as it were without any design , in the habit , and under the name of a counsellor in the parliament of grenoble , whom curiosity had induced to see england : he had no sooner set his foot on land at dover , but the duke of buckingham came to meet him , and having saluted him , whispered him thus in the ear ; sir , you that call your self a counsellor of grenoble , being the arch-bishop of embrun , are very welcome into these dominions : you need not change your name , nor conceal your quality ; for you shall receive nothing but honour here , and especially from the king my master , who hath a very particular esteem for you . indeed , the king of england treated him very honourably , granted him several favours in behalf of the catholicks , and even permitted him to administer the sacrament of confirmation to them in the house of the ambassadour of france , where there was a great court , the doors being open . there were near eighteen thousand persons that received this sacrament , without having any thing said to them , in the entry , at the door , or elsewhere ; although there was a great concourse of the english people in the street , that saw this ceremony performed . during the time that he resided there , he had several conferences with the king ; who being satisfied as to all the points in controversie , wrote a large letter to the pope , by a catholick gentleman his subject , whom he privily sent to him on purpose , in which he acknowledged him as the vicar general of jesus christ on earth , as the universal father of the christians , and the chief of all catholicks , assuring him , that after he had taken care of those things to which he had agreed , he would openly declare himself ; in the mean time he promised not to suffer any search to be made in his kingdom after priests that were sent by his holiness or the most christian king , provided they were not jesuits , in whom he protested that he could not confide for divers reasons ; principally because he accounted them as the authors of the gunpowder treason , by which they had designed to blow him up as he sat in the parliament-house : in his letter amongst other things , he entreated the pope to vouchsafe that the goods of the church that were entred into the patrimony of the principal families of england should not be taken from them ; but on the contrary , that they should be permitted to possess them , because otherwise great troubles and commotions would ensue ; he affirm'd moreover , that nothing could detain him from making a publick profession of the catholick religion immediately , but the desire he had to gain the king of denmark his brother-in-law , whom he had to that end , but under another pretence , solicited to come over into england , where he hoped to convert him : that by doing this he should be able to establish peace in his dominions , which otherwise could hardly be maintained ; and that they two being joined together in the same design , would draw after them almost all the northern countries : the duke of buckingham and the gentleman whom he sent to rome , were the only persons that were his subjects to whom he discoursed these intentions : the duke had promised to follow him , and indeed made a considerable progress therein ; but the death of king james that happened during this negotiation prevented the effect , at which his holiness and the king were very much troubled . the king of great britain always shewed a great aversion to the design of the prince palatine his son-in-law , and an extream desire to cause the duke of savoy to be made king of the romans ; he solicited m. deageant during his employment at court to endeavour to incite the king to this , and to persuade him to make use of his interest with the electoral princes that were his friends , as he intended to do with those that were his , promising also to raise forces to assist him in his election and enstalment . the affairs of the low countries remained in their ordinary course : it is true indeed , that the spaniards in flanders had determined to renew an old quarrel by digging a certain channel over calais , in those lands that were in dispute between the two estates ; but the king oppos'd it , declaring that he would hinder the work by force of arms : some conferences were holden on this account by the neighbouring officers on both sides , but they took no effect ; however the spaniards desisted from their undertaking . the king of sweden obtained leave of the king to levy certain french troops for his service , that were employed in the war , in which he was then engaged . the duke of lorrain , who was as yet only prince of vaudemont , resided some time at court , where he received all manner of demonstrations of the king's favour and good will , who defended him in a quarrel that arose between him and the count of soissons , and took a particular care of all his affairs ; in somuch that when he proposed to marry the heiress of lorrain , his majesty afforded him his assistance , tho some were of a contrary opinion : indeed no opportunity was offered wherein he could oblige him , but he did it affectionately , being very much inclined to love him . however , divine justice hath permitted him to be punished for his unparallel'd ingratitude to the king almost assoon as he had arrived to the highest pitch of his power : the d. of vaudemont his father , who never was well affected to france , very early implanted the seeds of those pernicious principles in his mind , that have since produced such bitter fruits in his family , and have at last been the cause of its ruin . as for the affairs of germany , when the king took on himself the administration of the government of his kingdom , they were sufficiently embroiled ; the two parties , the catholick and the protestant , had already harassed one another in several places ; the duke of bavaria hoped to attain to the empire , being animated by the counsel of the jesuits , who to that end had advised him to engage in his interest the principal officers that had served the emperour , and were lately disbanded ; as also to cause all necessary provisions to be made for the execution of this design . the prince palatine on the other side , being excited by his own ambition , and by the greatest part of the protestants , and very much importuned by the duke of bouillon , suffered himself to be decoyed with the same project of aspiring to the empire , and prosecuted it vigorously : both parties seeing france enjoying a profound peace , and their king ready to mount on horse-back , to turn the scales to the side that he should think fit to favour , diligently sought to make an alliance with him : the king's council was divided thereupon ; some thought it convenient that he should promote the enterprise of the duke of bavaria , nevertheless without declaring it openly : others on the contrary , were of opinion that he ought to remain neuter , and with the forces that he had in the field to march towards metz , that appearing formidable to both parties , he might be ready to lay hold on all advantages that should be offered , which consisted amongst other things in counter-ballancing the house of austria , that apparently designed to exalt it self to the detriment of all the potentates of europe ; and in case matters should be disposed to a peace , in endeavouring to become arbitrator thereof . moreover , there happened another occasion that required the king's presence at metz , an information had been given of the secret correspondence between m. d'espernon and the queen-mother , that was at last made manifest by her departure from blois : it was known also that the duke of bouillon had promised to join with that party , and that under colour of fortifying the garrison of metz , he intended to cause soldiers to be admitted therein , to the end that in the midst of the combustions that he saw were ready to break forth , with the assistance of them and some other inhabitants that were at his devotion , he might attempt to make himself master of the place , to annex it to the principality of sedan ; insomuch that the king to secure this city , and to rescue it from the power of those that were very industrious in strengthening themselves in their conspiracies against him , was resolved to proceed to the execution of an infallible enterprise , that had been projected at that time when m. d'espernon began first to be suspected ; in order to the performance of which , certain troops were quartered near that city under another pretence . this stratagem was then very privately managed , for the king and one of his privy counsellors were only privy to it , his majesty not being willing to discover it even to m. de luines ; because ( said he ) he knew not how to keep a secret. amongst the nobility that adhered to the factions that were raised in the kingdom under the name of the queen-mother , endeavours were used to introduce the whole body , or at least the principal members of the professors of the reformed religion , who were always very watchful to take advantages upon any dissention in the state. this was the cause that detained the king in paris or the places adjacent , and prevented his journey to metz , fearing lest the incendiaries should grow more numerous and potent in his absence the artifices of those that favored these conspiracies , and others that made use of them to ruin m. de luines , and to get into his place , prevailed so far over him as to persuade him to believe , that every thing that was told him concerning them , was frivolous and that there were no such plots in agitation : insomuch , that ten days before the queen-mother went from blois , m. deageant , who ( as hath been said ) had no share in the transaction of affairs , but remained as yet in paris , according to the desire of m. du luines , having brought to him an information that he had received from a gentleman of good credit , concerning the design of this departure , and the manner how it was to be performed ; he despised it , saying it was a dream and a chimera : however , m. deageant failed not after four days were passed to give him a new account , that came from another person of quality his intimate friend , and one that was very well affected to the king's service , who had hearkened to the enterprise , with an intent rather to be serviceable in revealing it , than to do any mischief : but m. du luines treated him in this rencounter , after the same manner as he had done in the preceeding , being possessed with an opinion that had been wrought on his mind , that deageant had invented this piece of news to procure some advantage to himself , and to endeavour by this means to recover his favour . m. deageant had a just cause to be offended , if his affection to his master's service , and to the particular welfare of m. de luines , with whom he had lived in strict amity , had not restrained him ; but preferring his duty before any other resentment , he insisted as much as possibly he could , to persuade him to advise the king to prevent ( as he might easily do ) an action that would infallibly kindle a civil war ; but perceiving that he could not convince him of the truth of this relation , he urged him at least for his own security to propound it to the council that was to be assembled at that very hour , because otherwise the counsellors themselves would be the first that should accuse him of negligence , in case the enterprize should take effect . he promised to do it , and at the breaking up of this council that was holden at paris , he told him that all the ministers were imposed on in this matter , and that they ought not to be any longer amuzed thereby . the gentleman that had sent the second advice , seeing that it was not regarded , and being credibly informed of the resolution that was taken for the departure of the queen-mother from the castle of blois , with the retinue , order , manner and other particular circumstances of the action , rode post himself , to give a certain account thereof , thinking that his words would be more prevalent than his letters : he arrived on the thursday preceeding the above-mentioned departure . m. deageant brought him to st. germain , whither the king was gone to divert himself for some days with walking , and presented him before m. de luines , who would not so much as hear him , altho he offered to undergoe any punishment that should be inflicted on him , if he could not justify every particular that he had averred . the truth soon appeared , for on the saturday following , about three of the clock in the afternoon , the sieur de prè , a gentleman that belonged to the king , and had a house at blois , brought the news that between friday night and saturday morning the queen-mother was removed after the same manner as had been described to m. de luines , who was now very much perplexed , being sensible that this device was principally contrived against him ; and that the ministers of state , and the most part of the other persons that had disswaded him from hearkening to this advice , did not bear that cordial and sincere affection to him as he imagined . it is also certain that some desired to see the queen invested with the full authority that she had formerly enjoyed at court , provided that they might rule under her name , as they hoped to do ; and that others earnestly expected some change in hopes to advance their fortune , there being very few that preferred the kings interest and the common good of the state , before their own private gain . upon these considerations m. de luines began to acknowledg the damage that had accrued to the king's affairs , and to himself in particular , by being so easily induced to withdraw m. deageant from the transacting of publick negociations , and took a resolution on this occasion to re-establish him ; but having discoursed with him touching his intentions ; he excused himself altogether , as he often did afterwards , when he caused him to be solicited by divers worthy persons , some of whom are yet living : however he promised that he would never refuse to serve him in particular on any occasion , when it should lye in his power , as he did very advantageously even in the accommodation between the king and the queen his mother . on sunday morning the king returned to paris , and caused his council to be assembled to consult what was to be done in this conjuncture . it was resolved that forasmuch as this was the first considerable enterprize that he had undertaken since he had taken upon himself the absolute government of his kingdom , to come off honourably and to strike a terrour into the hearts of the rebels , he ought to raise a great army , and to appear himself at the head thereof : that it was necessary to this end to levy about an hundred thousand men , to be employed in securing the provinces , and that the greatest part of the army that was to be commanded by his majesty in person , should immediately go and besiege the place where the queen and her abettors should be retired . of all these forces , only fifteen hundred men under the command of m. du maine were allotted to preserve guienne , tho that province was most to be feared , by reason of the correspondence that the queen-mother and m. d'espernon had therein at that time , more than in any other of the kingdom . the king would not declare his opinion in this council , but making a shew to all that were then present , that he approved their advice , he resolved to examine this affair privately and more exactly than he had done , and to find out better expedients than those that had been esteemed as the most safe . his majesty was very sensible that they that had made this overture , had intentions that were not conformable to his ; for ( as he asterwards expressed his mind to one of his counsellors ) if he had consented to act according to this determination , he would thereby have given time and means to a growing party to advance , and to become so powerful that it would be an exceeding difficult matter to subdue them ; in regard the full term of six months would be expired before provision could be made to begin to levy the forces that were agreed upon , there being then no cash in the treasury , nor any way to raise such considerable sums , but by issuing out new edicts that must be enrolled in the sovereign courts , which would be an undertaking of no small consequence , and could not easily be performed : thus the whole year would be passed before this vast army could be in a condition to march into the field , and the summer being spent in making levies , and the winter drawing near , the king would be forced either to treat , or to disband part of his troops , or at least to put them in garrisons , and perhaps might be perplexed in taking other measures , to furnish a new supply of money to maintain them , or to prepare them for action against the next spring . in the mean time , it is not to be imagined that the ring-leaders of the faction , whose fingers already itched to venture on some attempt , would remain idle , or would let slip so fair an opportunity to take all manner of advantages . upon these and several other considerations that his majesty often revolved in his mind , on this occasion , he took a resolution at last to try another method , viz. to endeavour speedily to procure an accommodation with the queen his mother , by offering to her reasonable satisfaction , and such as might consist with the safety of the kingdom ; nevertheless , without neglecting the means , readily to put himself into such a state as to be able to maintain his authority by force of arms , in case necessity required it ; but he intended to do this after another manner altogether different from that which had been concluded in the council : for instead of that great army that he was advised to command in person , he purposed to make use of m. du maine governour of guienne , who at that time was very well affected to his majesties interest , and had a great antipathy against the queen-mother , from whom he had received an injury , and against m. d'espernon , that had molested him in his government . the king had determined to send him commissions immediately to raise an army of fifteen thousand men upon his own credit , expecting till the necessary sums of money could be returned , with orders to march near the place where the principal forces of the confederates should be posted , to the end that they might shut them up so close that they might not be able to extend or disperse themselves further ; and that by this diligence those might be restrained that should attempt to join their party . but because m. d'espernon was the only person , amongst the nobility of the kingdom , that had appeared in this design , his majesty resolved to take away from him the means of prosecuting it , by seizing on the places of which he was governour , and that might make any considerable resistance . before the departure of the queen-mother from blois , the king upon the advice that he had received concerning the practises of the duke of espernon , had already secretly secured xaintes and boulongne ; and had hearkened to a proposal that some of the inhabitants of metz had made to him in order to the taking of the city , and to another that a private person had offered to surprize the citadel ; both these projects seemed to be infallible , therefore his majesty had under a certain pretence , commanded about three thousand five hundred men to advance that way , as hath been above-mentioned : and had taken a resolution to go in person at the head of his troops to see these enterprizes performed ; but to prevent all suspicion he designed to go with great expedition to the place where the queen his mother had retired , and to send his messengers before , to give the necessary orders at paris : but instead of taking this road , feigning to have received an information at night , that obliged him speedily to repair to the frontiers of champagne , he would turn short and march directly to metz ; he considered that in taking possession of this city , and on the other side in causing m. du maine to block up angoulesme , that was the only place that was secured for m d'espernon , and into which he foresaw that the queen his mother might be conveyed ; he would soon compel him to submit to his clemency . besides this , his majesty judged that his appearing at metz with an army , would procure him other advantages amongst the german princes , that all had an eye upon him as being able to turn the ballance of their affairs ; as it hath been above observed . the king having made these preparations for his journey , without waiting for money to be raised by way of edict , as had been proposed to him , took up certain sums upon his own credit at paris to defray the most necessary and urgent expences ; and made a shew as if he intended to follow the advice of his counsellors , excepting in two particulars ; one was , that m. du maine ought to be furnished with a greater army than was agreed upon , in regard that he was to sustain the principal weight of the war ; and the other , that he thought fit to appoint commissioners to treat with the queen . his majesty sent m. de schomberg to his government of la marche , with orders to assemble his tenants and vassals , to endeavour to seize on luzarche that was in the possession of m. d'espernon , and to take care to keep all that province within the bounds of their duty : on the other side , he pressed m. du maine to hasten his levies , to march with the forces that he had already got together , and to encamp before angoulesme , into which city , his majesty was lately informed that the queen his mother and m. d'espernon had retreated . the male-contents were not a little surprized to see all these commands no sooner given but performed , and understood that the king managed his affairs after another manner than they imagined , or at least otherwise than some that were near him had persuaded them to believe ; insomuch that they were glad to hear of the embassy that was prepared to be sent to the queen-mother tending to an accommodation , and hoped that these things that they could not obtain by force , would be in part granted in the treaty , promising themselves much from the favour of some of the ministers of state , and from the weakness and indiscretion of the others . but the king perceiving that his service was not performed as it ought to be , not by reason of any connivance or default of the cardinal of rochefoucaut and of m. de bethunes , whom he had deputed as commissioners , but through the artifices of some of those that managed the dispatches ; cast his eyes upon m. de berulle , chief of the fathers of the oratory , whom he knew to be in good repute with the queen his mother , as also with m. d'espernon , and employed him secrerly to treat with the queen ; to this end his majesty caused the memorials that were prepared in the council to be brought to him , as it were to be perused by the commissioners , and commanded m. deageant to draw up certain particular instructions , by the means of which and of several other dispatches , and after many messages too and fro , the accommodation was at last agreed upon , through the mediation of the said sieur de berulle , who afterwards communicated his negotiation to the commissioners . during these transactions there were many letters written on both sides , and divers actions happened , on which i shall not insist , because they are commonly known , and have been mentioned by several writers : i shall only add , that the king having declared to m. de luines the project concerning metz that he had devised without him , because ( as his majesty had said ) he could not keep a secret , he acquainted a certain person with it , who having discovered it to the cardinal of guise , he speedily gave notice thereof to m. de valette , whom his father had left to command in metz ; he immediately caused all the inhabitants to be disarmed , the greatest part of whom were privy to the design : however they had foreseen this accident , and had provided a magazine of arms , that they kept in a private place ; insomuch that notwithstanding their being disarmed , one of those that managed the enterprize , came and told the king , that if it pleased his majesty to cause it to be put in execution , they had still sufficient means left by which they could infallibly make themselves masters of the city ; and the person that undertook the affair of the citadel assured him also on his behalf , that it might be easily accomplished : but as the king was just ready to depart on his journey , he was informed by a courier sent on purpose , that the secret magazine of arms of the inhabitants was discovered , that they were taken from them , and that the garison was re-enforc'd after such a manner , that it would be very difficult , if not impossible , to cause this design to take effect . it was known that the second disarming proceeded from the same original as the first , which obliged his majesty , according to the advice of some of his particular servants , principally to incline to an acccommodation , since it was apparent from the premises , that if he design'd to engage in war , he would not be so faithfully served therein as he expected . but because m. de berulle in his negociation , met with new difficulties every day , proceeding from the artifice of the abbot of roucelay , and some others that had obtained credit with the queen , since the departure of his eminency , the king took a resolution to recall him : the jealousie of the ministers of state had caused him to retire to avignon , being enjoyned not to stir from thence without his majesty's order , who was not ignorant that they would use their utmost efforts to hinder his re-establishment ; therefore he thought fit to employ m. deageant alone in the affair , whom he commanded to compose a letter , which his majesty sign'd , and added four or five lines with his own hand ; the tenor of which was , that he acknowledg'd , that the cardinal during his residence with the queen his mother had by his wholesome admonitions and prudent conduct , gained an influence over her mind , and had respectively served their majesties , by frustrating all the attemps that were made to encrease their differences , that he earnestly desired to see him with her again , to give her better counsel than that which was continually suggested to her ; and to that end he exhorted him by the affection that he alwaies bore to the wellfare of their majesties and the state , to appear speedily before the queen , and to endeavour to make her sensible of the great inclination he had to honour her , and to give her all the satisfaction that she could reasonably expect ; since he never had any intention to the contrary . this letter was deliver'd to m. du tremblay , the governer of the bastille , with a passport importing a command to all , to permit him to pass freely , as also the horse-men that were ordered to conduct him from provence to court , with a prohibition , forbidding any to molest them , or so much as to enquire who they were . notwithstanding this pass-port , m. d'alincourt , who very well knew the temper of the ministers , to some of whom he was allied , and doubting lest this journey should be made without their advice , thought fit to stop his eminency at lyons , till he had received other express order from the king : but when he had shown him the very letter that he had written to him , in which he saw his majesty's hand , he excused himself , and set his eminency at liberty , insomuch that in a few days he arrived at angoulesme , where all manner of artifices were practised , to cause him to be suspected by the queen-mother : but at last yielding to the sincerity of his counsels and actions , being also assur'd elsewhere by m. de berulle , that she ought not to expect that the difference could be compos'd , unless she re-established him in the same favour and credit to which she had formerly admited him , and seeing herself in a condition to be compell'd e're long to submit to any law that should be imposed on her , the party to whom she had adhered , not being able to protect her , nor to rescue her from the troubles , and unhappy circumstances wherein they had involved her , she resolved to banish them from her presence , and freely to entertain his eminency , who delayed not to find out expedients to remove the difficulties that obstructed the accommodation , which was at last concluded as hath been above related . upon the notice that m. d'alincourt had sent by the post to one of the ministers concerning his eminency's journey , and the memorials that were delivered to him , his letter was read in the council of the dispatches , where the matter was aggravated after such a manner , that the counsellers , the secretaries of state , and those of the king's cabinet were engaged in it , with an intent to excite them all against m. deageant , whom they knew that his majesty had employed on this occasion : the chancellor was desired to discourse with him somewhat sharply about it for two ends ; one was to cause him to disapprove his eminency's journey , and to advise him to banish him to rome : the other to perswade him to abandon m. deageant , who was represented to him as guilty of high-treason against the state , in performing this piece of service . at the breaking up of the council of the dispatches , the ministers being departed into the king's closet , the chancellor began to speak on the subject of his commission , saying that the lords of the council haveing deliberately considered the contents of m. d'alincourt's letter , had judged that he that had induced his majesty to consent to his eminency's journey , and had prepared the dispatch , deserved immediately to be sent to the galleys , without any form of process or tryal : but the king interrupting him declar'd , that all the proceedings in that affair , were directed according to his order , and for his service , and forbad any mention to be made thereof to him for the future , under the penalty of his high displeasure ; insomuch that none durst persist in importuning him at that time . it is true indeed , that nothing was omitted that might incline m. de luines to suspect this action , from whom the king had dextrously and prudently conceal'd it , till it was accomplished ; and to incite him without further delay to destroy , or at least to banish m. deageant for ever from the court , since it was apparent that although he was removed from the council , and from the transaction of affairs , nevertheless he desisted not from undertaking those of the greatest importance , without giving him the lest account thereof . from that very time the prosecutions that had been raised against him were continually promoted , and never ceased since , tho he retired as far as possibly he could , and demeaned himself with the greatest integrity . m. de luines was also disposed to gratify the ministers in this respect , but he forbore to use his utmost efforts till the treaty was concluded with the queen-mother , in which he was serviceable to him , even as to his own particular ; for asmuch as it had been made appear to him by certain memorials , and by a dispatch sent by some of the counsellers that was intercepted , that they endeavoured to procrastinate this treaty , till they had found out some means to procure his ruin and disgrace , whom they strove to render odious to her majesty . during this treaty , the prince solicited more earnesly than he had hitherto done to be released from bois de vincennes , where he was confin'd ; fearing lest if the queen , who had caused him to be apprehended , should be near the king , she might also give order for his banishment . the queen on the other side , understanding the inclination of the court to grant the prince's request , was apt to to believe that if he were dismissed , he might oppose the treaty , and prevent her return to his majesty . moreover that which encreased her suspicion was the extraordinary kindness that m. de luines and his brothers openly professed for the prince , being allur'd by the fair promises that he had made to them , and by the marriage of his sister , the widow of the deceased prince of orange with the younger , at present duke of chaunes ; insomuch that the queen sent a message to the king by m. de berulle , to intreat him that the prince should not be set at liberty , till she had represented to him by word of mouth the reason , that had induced her to consent to his imprisonment ; to which she declar'd , that she was not excited by any private animosity or passion , but only by the great desire she had to preserve his majesty's authority , which was now so well established , that there was no ground or fear lest any one should presume to make an attempt against it . the king had determined long ago to release the prince , and had not deferred it , only to maintain his royal power , and to avoid an occasion of offending the queen his mother ; his intention being to take the first opportunity that should be offered , to compose the difference between them , and by this means to remove every thing that might disturb the peace of his kingdom . to this purpose , his majesty caused the prince to be inform'd , that he was willing to give him satisfaction , but that for the advantage of his affairs , it was necessary for him patiently to wait till the treaty should be concluded with the queen his mother ; and that his liberty should be obtained through his mediation , because he desir'd to reconcile them : he also promised to the queen , by letters and by m. de berulle , that the prince should not be acquitted but upon her instance , and after she had been with him : this was again confirm'd by other letters , and ( as i think ) by one of the private articles of the treaty . thereupon , the queen being assur'd of the accomplishment of the promises that had been made to her , traveled from angoulesme to tours , where it was agreed that she should go to meet the king , who was ready to receive her with all the demonstrations of joy and respect that can be imagined ; but before he proceeded , he sent m. de luines to congratulate her , at a house two or three miles distant from tours ; where after mutual compliments they fell into discourse , and m. de luines declared to her maiesty , that the king had commanded him to acquaint her , that he had granted to the prince his liberty : she was surpriz'd at this word , and believed that since they began so soon to act contrary to what had been promised , they design'd to treat her otherwise than she expected , and to set up the prince in opposition to her ; insomuch that retiring into her chamber , she disclosed her mind to some of her friends , and demanded of them whether she should turn back again by the same way that she came ; they replyed that she was too far advanced , and though she was never so desirous to retreat , yet she could not , since she was surrounded on all sides with the king's forces , and had nothing in possession but the house , therefore she ought to run the hazard , and to appear with a stern countenance , and an undaunted courage . this rencounter being soon made known to the vigilant spies of the court , they inferred from thence , that the good correspondence between their majesties would not be of long duration , and that the jealousy and mistrust , with which the queen-mother was possessed , would oblige her to raise another faction : the malecontents excited her to it from the very first day that she appeared at court ; and perceiving that m. du main , who was come to see the king , and expected at his arrival to be received with extraordinary caresses , for the many signal services that he performed in the conjuncture , was very much dissatisfied at the coolness and indifferency , with which m. de luines entertained him ; as also the nobility that were with him , and that had assisted him , immediately took that opportunity to attack him on the weak side , and to engage him in the party of the queen , that daily encreased after this manner ; till at last the animosities broke forth in a second taking up of arms , that might have been foreseen and prevented if due care had been taken , and , if the greater part of those , in whom m. de luines confided , had not been more industrious in promoting his ruin than his continuance in favour and reputation . it hath been already observed that m. de luines , though he withdrew his affection from m. deageant , and removed him from the council , and from his employment , had nevertheless entreated him not to retire from court , till the treaty with the queen-mother , in which he was very serviceable to him for the reasons above produced , should be finished . moreover the ministers could never forgive him the trespass that he had commited against them , in his undertaking at the return of his eminency . father arnoux the king 's confesser , having obtained a share in the dispatching of publick negociations , thought that he could not be well setled therein as long as deageant remained at court ; therefore he became one of his most violent and powerful persecuters . and m. de luines was perswaded that he was enlightned from above , especially as to what concerned the transaction of the affairs of state. these potent adversaries being animated with envy and jealousy , together with several others that compared deageant to the gardiner's dog , and were desirous to see him altogether discharged , hoping to reap some advantage thereby , at last obliged m. de luines to resolve on the next day after the arrival of the queen-mother , to cause m. de luxemberg his brother , to tell him ruggedly enough , that he should retire into dauphine with such orders as he should prescribe to him : for he had in the preceeding evening represented to the king , that he was of opinion , that his meditation with m. de lesdiguieres was very necessary at that time , to engage him in his majesty's service , and to prevent him from adhereing to the factions of those of the reformed religion , that were then very predominant . the ministers and others , according to whose advice m. de luines acted in this respect in the council that was holden that day , and afterwards in private , had intimated to his majesty the great danger that was ready to hang over their heads by the means of m. de lesdiguiers , and had often suggested to him , that in case he should take part with the protestants , as he seemed to be inclin'd to it , he would be able to weigh down the ballance , and to overturn the whole kingdom , and that they knew no other expedient by which he might be secured , but through the intercession of m. deageant , in whom he very much confided . this pretence was made use of , in hopes that they might thereby prevail with the king to consent to his banishment , which all their artifices , insinuations and ill offices could never as yet procure : m. deageant was not so hated , but that he had some friends left in the council and near his majesty , that discover'd the fraud to him which he already acknowledged , as being visible enough . nevertheless not to diminish ( as perhaps he might have done ) the reputation and grandeur of m. de luines , with whom he had lived in strict amity , and that had very lately protested to him , that he should alwaies esteem him as a fourth brother , he disposed himself to yield to that which was required of him , and so much the more willingly , in regard that he had never coveted great employments , and because he judged that in this that was proposed to him , though it were only a pretence , yet he might take an occasion to perform good service , as it afterwards happened . the most part of those that were not concerned in the conspiracy that was formed against him , seeing him depart from the court in their majesty's favour , caressed and complemented by almost all the grandees , favourites and ministers , without being charged with any misdemeanour or default , accounted his removing to be feigned and affected ; however it was well , and although to obtain it they had made use of a colour at pleasure , nevertheless divine providence , that usually disposeth matters to an end altogether different from that which is intended by men , extracted sweet fruits from this bitter root to the benefit of the church and state ; for it is most certain , and it may be averred without vanity , that he found means to be very instrumental in the conversion of m. de lesdiguieres . the king had given him a letter of credit very express and written with his own hand to m. de lesdiguiers , and m. de luines had also done the like with a charge to use his utmost efforts to hinder him from joyning with the factions , and to endeavour to oblige him to take a resolution to embrace the catholick religion , under an assurance , that if he did so , the king would bestow upon him the office of constable of france , that should be renewed to this end . m. deageant encouraged in this commission by the happy success that attends all his majesties good inclinations , and incited by the extreme affection that he always bore to his service , being arrived in dauphine , used all means that he judged proper to satisfy his desires and commands , and by certain springs and methods , the rehearsal of which would be too tedious , he wrought such an impression in a little time on the mind of m. de lesdiguieres , even beyond what was expected , that he obtained a promise of him that he would communicate to him all the dispatches and all the verbal propositions that should be proposed to him by those of the reformed religion , and would return no answer to them but by his advice , insomuch that he oftentimes prepared the original acts ; which succeeded amongst other occurrencies , very profitably in the deputation that the general assembly of the protestants at loudren sent to him , with the consent of the noble-men and principal officers , offering to make him generalissimo of all their forces , and promising to furnish him with an army of twenty thousand men , and with a sallary of one hundred thousand crowns per annum , the payment of which should be secured to him in any protestant city of europe that he should chuse : for instead of accepting the proposals he protested by word of mouth to the deputies , and by a letter to the assembly , that he was resolved to remain in his majesty's service ; and that if they did not behave themselves as they ought , and as he exhorted them , since they had no lawful grounds to take up arms , he would make use of all that was in his power to reduce them to reason , and to maintain his majesty's authority ; but if they would hearken to better counsel than that to which he saw them inclined , and would return to their duty , he would endeavour to obtain of the kings generosity , all that they could in reason expect ; offering to take a journy to court to this purpose , in case they desired it . furthermore after some conferences that were adjusted by m. deageant touching certain points of controversy , on which m. de lesdiguieres chiefly insisted , he gained a promise from him to be converted , and that in so doing , he would put out of all the places that he possessed in dauphine and out of villemur near thoulouse , the governer and souldiers of the protestant religion , whom he had established therein and would for the future admit none but catholicks , to such offices and into his house : but forasmuch as he knew that there were in those places and near his person a considerable number of servants very zealous in their perswasion , that might undertake some attempt against him , if they should smell out his design , he desired that it might be kept secret , till his majesty should think it convenient for him to make open profession of the catholick religion ; at which time he should have prepared all things requisite for the securing of the province : m. deageant having confirmed him in this resolution , and perceiving that he studied by what means he should effect it , gave notice thereof to the king and to m. de luines , and by his dispatches enjoyned secrecy , as absolutely necessary in this affair , and so much urged by m. de lesdiguieres , that he had declared , that unless it were carefully observed he would proceed no further : when this dispatch was brought to the court ; the king shewed an extreme satisfaction therein , and was pleased to write to m. deageant , as also did m. de luines , that he had performed a signal piece of service ; but that his majesty judged that the conversion of m. de luines ought to be deferred for some time , because he intended to employ him in procuring the separation of the assembly of loudren , foreseeing that their long consultations would produce some sudden commotion . to this end the king wrote to him , ordering him to repair to the court with all possible diligence , and required m. deageant to accompany him . but as soon as the protestants in dauphine , that endeavoured to divert him from his majesty's service and to engage him in the faction , understood his resolutions , and saw that he continually preached to them nothing but obedience to their sovereign's commands , they devised an artifice to cause him to distrust and to hinder the prosecution of his intended journey . a certain gentleman amongst them visited his kinsman and neighbour being a catholick and a person of quality , and having bound him with an oath to keep secret whatsoever he should discover to him , and to be content only to provide for the safety of his own family , he feigned that the grandees of the reformed religion in that country being assisted with those of vivarez and sevennes had conspired to massacre the catholicks of dauphine , and to begin with the nobility ; and that to prefix the time and to give the necessary orders , an assembly was to be holden upon such a day and in such a place , in which he should be present ; adding that m. de lesdiguieres consented to it , who judged that this effusion of bloud was requisite to make himself absolute master of dauphine ; that all the fair words that he had given to m. deageant , and all the appearances of affection that he shewed to his majesty's service , were only so many pretences to cover his design ; and the better to colour this invention , the hugonot gentlemen perswaded his catholick kinsman firmly to believe that this convention was certainly to meet , after the same manner as he had informed him . the authours of this contrivance , imagined that the promised secrecy would not be observed , as indeed they intended that it should not , and doubted not but that the catholick gentleman would immediately communicate what he had heard to a competent number of the most eminent persons amongst the catholicks , who would infallibly assemble together to take proper measures for their own security , without acquainting m. de lesdiguieres , who was represented as privy to the conspiracy . the protestant gentleman , that had given this false information , from that time narrowly wathed all the actions and journeys of his kinsman and of the other catholick gentlemen , to whom he thought that the affair would be disclosed that he might learn where their assembly should be gathered together ; and might instantly give notice thereof to m. de lesdiguieres declaring to him that it was determined that as soon as he was arrived at paris , the catholicks should take up arms , should fall upon the protestants , and should attempt to seize on the places that were in his possession , being assured that the king's intention was to cause him to be sent prisoner to the bastille . they hoped by this device to prevent his journey , and to strike two strokes at once ; one of which was that m. de lesdiguieres taking no care to disperse the assembly of loudren , it might still subsist , and might make preparations for a war , which was the chief aim of these incendiaries ; and the other , that acting contrary to the king's commands and to the promise that he had made to go to the court , he might be suspected by his majesty , and that from thence jealousies might be raised and fomented on both sides , which might give them an opportunity afterwards easily to make him sensible , that his preservation absolutely depended on his union with the party in which he had advanced his fortune : their design was also to endeavour to exasperate him so far against the catholicks under the pretence of their above mentioned convention , that he might proceed to treat them severely , which might be the occasion of the beginning of those commotions that they so fervently desired . many of the principal catholick gentlemen , that were advertised of the information that was given by the protestant gentlemen , met at valentinois , under colour of a visit , to consult together : the conclusion of their debates was only this , that every one in particular should use all possible diligence to penetrate into the design , and if there was any probability thereof , that they should give notice one to another ; that they might reassemble in greater numbers , and advise concerning the means that should be judged most proper for their preservation : but in the mean time , that they should be always vigilant without making any shew of the least suspicion . during these transactions the hugonot gentleman , who was very industrious in laying hold on an opportunity to palliate his deceit , took four ot five persons of different conditions , but of the same religion , whom he caused to observe this assembly , and went with them immediately to acquaint m. de lesdiguieres , naming to him all those that had been seen going to and fro , and urging all the arguments that he could invent , to inspire him with jealousie , and to make his asseverations appear to him as true , according to his premeditated project : which hath been above related . this plot was so artificially contriv'd , that m. de lesdiguieres , giving credit to the report of the protestant gentleman that managed it , resolved not to depart , but to stand on his guard , and to take care of his own affairs , being confirmed in the resolution by divers letters , that were written to him from the court , importing that he was summoned thither only to be taken prisoner . m. deageant , who did not forsake him , seeing him extreamly pensive , and perceiving that the zealots of the faction , that a little before appeared with a sad dejected countenance , because they could not engage m. de lesdiguieres in the rebellion , began to prick up their ears , to speak haughtily and openly to scoff at him , judged that some evil genius had obstructed his negociation : but to find out the truth of the matter , he accosted m. de lesdiguieres , declaring that he was very sorry to see him so much oppressed with melancholy , and that he concealed the cause from him , fearing lest he should distrust his conduct : nevertheless he solemnly protested to him , that he had never failed to demonstrate the sincerity of the affection that he had professed to him ; and that if any had perswaded him to the contrary , and had wrought an ill impression on his mind with respect to the king , he could easily resolve his doubts , and remove all scruples and suspicions , entreating him moreover to consider that the great number of envious persons , that could not endure to see him so far advanced in his majesty's esteem and favor , would leave no stone unturned to cause him to fall from thence , and to involve him in the mischiess that usually attend popular tumults and insurrections . but on whatsoever side m. deageant turned himself , it was impossible to extort any thing from him , but that he laboured under certain distempers of old age that irritated his spirits , and caus'd him to be thus disturbed . m. deageant had some time ago , gained a minister of the province of languedoc , who was one of the chief agents in the affairs and conspiracies of the protestants , and very much esteemed by m. de lesdiguieres : he had also secretly procur'd his conversion , and obtained a brief from rome , the tenor of which was , that although he were received into the bosom of the church , yet he was permitted to continue the exercise of his ministerial function amongst the protestants for the space of three years , provided he delivered nothing in his sermons contrary to the true catholick faith , and did not administer the sacrament of the lord's supper . this brief was granted , that the minister might remain in his employment , and might discover the plots that were contrived in the kingdom , in which office he performed very remarkable services . m. deageant had divers letters from those that manag'd the transactions at the court , that they had no better nor more certain intelligence concerning the proceedings of the protestants , than that which he had given them , and which he had received partly from m. de lesdiguieres , but more from this minister , and several others with whom he kept a corresponcence ; therefore he sent for him , and exhorted him to enquire as well amongst the most active of the party , as of m. de lesdiguieres himself , in what condition he was , and what was the occasion of his being more pensive than ordinarily he used to be . it was not long e're he understood all the circumstances of the intrigue , and the end to which it tended ; and having informed m. deageant thereof they resolved , that to oblige m. de lesdiguieres to declare his thoughts freely , and to put him in mind of satisfying the king's desire , he should feign that he came on purpose to represent to him , that forasmuch as their assembly of loudren was inclin'd to war , and in regard that their churches not being in a capacity ( according to his opinion ) to maintain it , nor any foreigners able to assist them , nothing could be expected but ruin and desolation ; he ought on the account of the intrest that he had in the cause , and of his affection to the welfare of their churches , to employ his credit with the king , and his authority with the assembly , by some good expedients to prevent the dismal effects of so pernicious a counsel . m. de lesdiguieres without giving him time to finish his discourse , reply'd , that he was disposed to go to the court for this very purpose , but that some particulars had been related to him , that had caused him to change his resolution , that no propositions of an accommodation ought any longer to be considered , but that they ought in good earnest to prepare to defend themselves with their armes , since it was for the cause of their religion . the minister urged him to explain his meaning , and having at length discovered that he had certainly taken the above mentioned artifices for an undoubted truth , he undeceived him by revealing the truth of the matter , according to the account that was given him by one of the authors , being the same person from whom m. de lesdiguires had received an intimation thereof , and that had caused him to be thus perplexed . after this conference , m. deageant being instructed by the minister , who acquainted him with what had passed , presented himself before m. de lesdiguieres , whom he found with a more clear and serene countenance than on the preceeding days ; he manag'd him after such a manner , that at last he confessed , that the occasion of his trouble was the news that he had heard concerning the assembly of the catholick gentlemen , and the resolutions that he was told were taken therein , but that he was very lately informed by a minister , one of his particular friends , that this device was invented by some of the reformed religion , on purpose to hinder his journy ; however he affirmed that he was ready to depart , were it not that altho this assembly were not gathered together upon an ill design , nevertheless he feared , lest any mis-carriage should happen in his absence , if the jealousies raised on both sides were not dispersed . to this end m. deageant took such care that the greatest part of the catholick gentlemen that had been in this convention , appeared before m. de lesdiguieres at grenoble , and there gave him so much light into the matter , joyned with reiterated protestations of their innocency , that he was satisfy'd . there remained then another difficulty as to his departure , which was very much importuned by the court ; but he desired that m. deageant , who was ordered to accompany him in his journey , should reside still in the country , because he judged that his presence and mediation would be very necessary to keep every one within the bounds of his duty ; he chiefly insisted on this , fearing lest upon the continuance of the above said assembly , some disturbance or combustion should arise . as he was at lyons going out of his chamber to proceed in his journey , his servants and baggage being sent before , a gentleman that the late m. de nemours had dispatched to him in post , delivered a letter of credence to him on his behalf , demanded audience of him in private , and told him that having not long ago attended his master in the louvre , he then saw him in the little closset , into which he durst not enter ; but finding that of the books open , he went into it out of curiosity , wherein he had no sooner set his soot , but he heard the king's voice , who came thither , and that being surpris'd with fear , lest he should be found there alone , he hid himself behind one of the tapestry hangings , from whence he saw father arnoux , and m. de luines , who were alone in the king's presence , declaring to his majesty that it was very good news that they had lately receiv'd concerning the certainty of the departure of m. de lesdiguieres , that assoon as he was arrived he ought without any delay to be put into the bastille ; and that m. de luines had said , that it was a resolution taken for the advantage of his majesty's affairs , which there was no probability that he would oppose : after this they all retired without perceiving him , and he knowing the affection that his master m. de nemours bore to him , could not but acquaint him with what he had heard , and immediately received orders to take post , to give him an account thereof . this information , that was apparently devised with an intent to frustrate the good effects that they foresaw would ensue upon the journey and intercession of m. de lesdiguieres for the separation of the assembly of loudren on which depended peace or a civil war , obliged him again to mistrust , and to revolve in his mind that there might be some truth in that which they would so lately have perswaded him to be a cheat in dauphine : upon these imaginations he determined to return . m. deageant seeing this sudden change , perceived that some new artifice had operated , and having urged him thereupon and found the cause , easily perswaded him to examine the truth of the matter , by reasons drawn from the concomitant circumstances , and amongst others , by induceing him to recollect , that the closet of books was surrounded with presses that were fixed to the wall , the tapestry being between both , after such a manner that there was not room enough to hide a cat. being thus re-assured , he continued to prosecure his journy , which succeeded so happily , that through his mediation , and that of the marshal de chastillon , the assembly of loudren was dissolved to the king's satisfaction . during his residence at the court , no mention was made to him concerning the overture that m. deageant was ordered to make to him , he was only told in taking leave , that every thing that had been promised should be effectually performed at his return to danphine , and that all necessary expedients should be exhibited to him by m. deageant , who nevertheless received but one letter , in which was contained a command to continue his negotiations with m. de lesdiguieres , and to obtain of him a new promise of his conversion upon a second offer of the office of constable ; in order to which , due preparations should be made as soon as the affairs depending should be brought to perfection , according to the king's desire : m. deageant finding no alteration as to the compact that was already made between him , and m. de lesdiguieres , where of he had given an account , confirmed it by another dispatch , alledging that it should be certainly put in execution on any day that his majesty should think fit to prescribe , provided that the matter were hitherto kept secret , for the reasons that he had formerly written , and have been above specified . but instead of secresy , the contents of m. deageant's dispatches were published at court , and the renewing of the office of constable in favour of m. de lesdiguieres was publickly proclaimed , as well in consideration of his extraordinary merits and vertue , as of his conversion : the ev●nt soon made it appear to what end this transaction was divulged , the concealment of which was expresly recommended for several reasons relating to the nature of the thing and his majesty's service . this news being spread abroad the most part of the foreign protestant princes , the nobility of the kingdom that prosessed the reformed religion , and almost all their churches sent letters to m. de lesdiguieres , and neglected no means that they thought proper to dissuade him from changing his religion , nay several catholicks also assured him , that the propositions that has been offered to him were only snares to entangle and destroy him . his intimate friends and servants , that before only suspected , not daring to enquire into this matter , ceased not continually to importune him , and all being joined together , so disturbed his mind , that he remained in doubt , being inclined rather to adhere more firmly to the faction , than to withdraw himself from it . whilst m. deageant endeavoured to remedy this evil , the consequence of which he very much feared , the marquess de bressieux arrived from the court , and delivered to m. de lesdiguieres a letter of credence from the king , and another from m. de luines , acquainting him that he was sent on purpose to treat with him about a business of great importance , and therefore he demanded a private audience . m. de lesdiguieres having thereupon ordered one of his attendants to call m. deageant , he desired that he might be heard alone , because he was forbid to communicate his commission to any but him : m. de lesdiguieres replied , that he would then advise him to say nothing , for since he knew m. deageant his good friend to be an upright man , and very well affected to the king's service , he should impart to him whatsoever he declared , and should take his advice therein . the marquess de bressieux seeing him obstinate in this resolution , told him , that he did not think that m. deageant ought in the least to be mistrusted , and that he would not refuse to discourse in his presence ; but because he had accidentally met with him at his arrival , and had concealed from him the occasion of his journey , he was desirous to see him before his audience , to induce him to facilitate his negociation . any one but m. deageant would have been offended to see the manner of the proceedings of those that sent him , and instead of promoting his treaty , would have obstructed it as much as possibly he could ; nevertheless he promised to assist him therein . the commission of the marquess de bressieux being opened to m. de lesdiguieres , there was nothing contained therein but a proposal of the office of constable , in case he should turn catholick , which was the same affair that m. deageant had long agoe negociated with him , whereof he had often and very lately given notice , that m. de lesdiguieres had consented to it , and which he himself had confirmed to his majesty and to m. de luines , as well by word of mouth in his last journey from the court , as since by letters , having engaged his credit to accomplish all that had been agreed upon between him and m. deageant in his majesty's behalf . m. de lesdiguieres perceiving that nothing was propounded to him but what had been already concluded , judged that their intention was to mock him , and absolutely rejected the overtures that were made to him , protesting that if his majesty questioned in the least his unmovable affection and constant fidelity to his service , in the religion that he professed ; he was ready to abandon all his offices , and to retire into any of the protestant cities being the allies of france , that his majesty should think fit to appoint : this he enforced with several expressions , which argued that he was touched to the quick . it was m. deageant's part to appease this passion , as he did within few daies to that degree , that he obliged him to sign certain articles that he had prepared concerning all the points that had been already agreed upon , as also to vouchsafe that the marquess de bressieux should be mediator in this transaction , since he was content to be serviceable therein , without pretending to any particular interest . thus the marquess de bressieux thinking to gain the sole credit and reputation in these proceedings , returned to the court carrying the letters of m. de lesdiguieres and m. deageant , together with a copy of the above-mentioned articles , the original of which remained in the hands of the latter ; and promised to come again very speedily , loden with dispatches and necessary orders for the performance of the agreement : but he was very much amazed that after he had made a report of the success of his negociation , no further mention was made to him thereof , especially when he understood that m. de bullion was sent to manage it after another manner . although the expedition of the marquess de bressieux ought to have been kept secret , as it had been advised , unless other designs were in agitation altogether different from those that were pretended : nevertheless his papers were read in a full council , and it was determined that the office of a constable that was vacant by the death of the constable of montmorency should be re-established ; but instead of the grant that was promised to be made in favour of m. de lesdiguieres , a breviate only was ordered to be drawn up in his name , which was sent to him by m. de bullion , who was enjoyned to present it to him , and to persuade him at the same time to entreat the king to bestow it on m. de luines , and to be content for his own part with the office of marshal general of the armies , and a pension of eighteen thousand livres per mensem , without being obliged to turn catholick . m. de bullion whether he had any particular instructions or otherwise , intended also to treat with him privately ; but m. de lesdiguieres declared to him as he had done to the marquess de bressieux , that he would disclose every thing to m. deageant , and would follow his advice ; upon this account he was sent for at the first audience of m. de bullion , in which he only discoursed concerning his conversion and the accomplishment of all those things that were already concluded , without speaking so much as one word relating to the principal cause of his journey : but having found an opportunity to talk with him apart , he represented it to him , and propounded a strick alliance between him and m. de luines , which was to be bound with the marriage of m. de canaples his grandson with madam de combalet the niece of m de luines . m. de lesdiguieres demanded some time to consider of it , and took an occasion to confer two or three hours with m. deageant on the subject of these new overtures , at which he was very much incensed , being astonished that after his conversion had been so long solicited , and he had been prevailed with so far as to promote it , a declaration should now be made to him that it was convenient for him to remain in the religion that he professed ; from whence he inferred all the ill consequences that can be imagined . m. deageant , though he was not a little surprized at such a proposition , yet considering that if m. de lesdiguieres should reject it , such discontents and suspicious might ensue as would be sufficient to withdraw him from the king's service , his fidelity and adherence to which was at that time necessary , produc'd several solid and cogent arguments in opposition to those that m. de luines had objected to him , as he afterwards declared his mind to monsieur de bullion , and concealed not from him , that he had been confirmed in this opinion by the counsel of m. deageant . assoon as notice thereof was given at court m. de lesdiguieres was ordered to repair thither , and m. de bullion and m. deageant were commanded to accompany him . the king seemed earnestly to desire this journey as well on the account of m. de bullion's dispatch , as to take the advice of m. de lesdiguieres upon the design that the protestants had devised to cause a general assembly to meet at rochel without his majesty's leave , and contrary to his prohibition , which they actually accomplished , and from whence ensued the war that the king brought to so happy and glorious an end . monsieur de lesdiguieres before his departure in his journey , and at his arrival at paris received several informations that all the honour and profit that had been proposed to him would cease in the imprisonment of his person in the bastille during the remainder of his life , and although the greater part knew that there was no such thing intended , and only gave out this intelligence with a design to corrupt him , nevertheless there was somewhat of truth and reality , of which m. deageant had an intimation ; for it was resolved in a privy council of some particular ministers of state , to arrest m. de lesdiguieres , and to proclaim war against all the protestants , who were represented to m. de luines as so weak and unable to make any considerable resistence , that within a year they might be easily suppressed ; it was alledged that this would be the only means to advance his glory , and to make it appear to all men that the king had deservedly conferred on him the office of constable , which they had advised him to assume to himself . m. deageant entreated him to hearken to what he had to offer to his consideration on this account , and calling him aside into a little closet persuaded him to take pen , ink and paper , and caused him to draw from this affair a great number of consequences that were almost all necessary , and tended to dangerous precipices , that threatned the ruin of the king's person , the catholick religion , the kingdom , and his family in particular . so many inconveniencies ( said he thereupon ) were not foreseen , but howsoever it may happen , the dice are cast , and there is such a progress made in this enterprize , that they were obliged to run the hazard . m. deageant was not able entirely to dissuade him from prosecuting the war , though he assured him that by the measures that he had taken with m. de lesdiguieres , preparations were made to gain more advantages over the protestants in six months without drawing the sword , than could be obtained in many years by all the king's forces . at length he compelled him to condescend to the performance of the last promises that were made to m. de lesdiguieres by m. de bullion , that he should be employed in the armies , that he should be honourably treated ▪ and that instead of denouncing war against the protestants , it should be only declared against the factious and rebellious , forasmuch as that first declaration would necessarily force all those of that religion to defend themselves , and would stir up the foreign protestant princes to assist them , but this would destroy them after such a manner , that none but those , that were purely factious and that had nothing to lofe , would be willing to be accounted as rebels . all sorts of artifices were used as well with the king as m. de luines to excite them to explode this proposition , and to adhere to the former , as also to cause m. deageant to be esteemed as the greatest heretick and most dis-affected to his majesty's service that ever was in the kingdom : but their attempts were vain , for his majesty was inclined to follow the advice that was most gentle , most certain and the least dangerous , to which all those that had regard only to the king's service voluntarily subscribed , insomuch that the declaration was published on the fourth day of april 1621. with a resolution that in case the assembly of rochel would not disperse themselves , and refused to accept the offers and reasonable proposals that were made to them through the mediation of m. de lesdiguieres , his majesty should march on that side with his army to reduce the rebels to obedience . nothing could be added to the care that m. de lesdiguieres took to oblige them to return to their duty , whereof i can speak as knowing it by experience , because i prepared all the letters , memorials and instructions for those that were sent to them at several times , who were persons whom i chose being well affected to his majesty's service . but when he saw that the assembly rejected all his good counsels and proceeded to extremity , he advised the king to prepare to go and chastise them , and offered to serve him in person with all that belonged to him . this resolution being made known to the general deputies of the protestants , the sieur de favas who was one of them , entreated him to make use of his interest to procure the deferring of these proceedings for eight or ten days , in which he would endeavour to persuade the assembly to submit upon the terms and conditions that had been offered to them , and engaged himself to effect it : his majesty was willing to grant this time , nevertheless he ordered his troops to march , and resided at fontainbleau expecting the event of this journey , from which he hoped for so much the greater success , in regard that ample provision was made for the gratifying of the sieur de favas in case he should perform what he had promised : but he neglected it and on the contrary took upon him the office of admiral on the other side , and abode in rochel . assoon as the king was informed thereof , he went forward on the way , and being arrived at tours held a council to consult what was convenient to be done , and especially whether he should pass through saumur or not , it was carried in the affirmative ; but to take away all suspicion from the sieur au pl●ssis , the king was advised not to ●odge in the castle ; but within a few hours after , his majesty having conferred with one of his particular servants changed his opinion , and dispatcht the sieur du hallier captain of his guards to prepare lodgings for him in the castle , that were already provided in the city , having also ordered m. de lesdiguieres to advance , and with him m. de bullion and m. deageant , to treat friendly with him concerning this affair : the garrison was sent into one of his houses , and it was agreed with him that the place should be committed for some time to the custody of the count de sault , who was not as yet a catholick , and afterwards should be restored into the hands of the sieur du plessis : it is certain that if it had not been secured , there was a design , assoon as the king should depart , to introduce a competent number of the protestant soldiers to keep it to block up that passage from his majesty's forces , and to facilitate the approach of the supplies that the rebels waited for from this side of the river croire . some persons that were intimate with m. du plessis favoured this enterprize ( as it was thought ) contrary to his intention . i shall not here enlarge on the remaining circumstances of his majesty's journey , because i had no knowledge of those particulars , since i was not admitted into the council , and kept no correspondence with m. de luines , tho he often complemented me after an extraordinary manner : i shall only observe that they that had given their advice to use the most violent means , perceiving that m. de luines was dissuaded from it ( as it hath been above represented ) prevailed with him by divers stratagems , daily to take measures contrary to his promise , and rending to soment the jealousies already raised , and consequently to encourage the insurrections and riots of the protestant party : to prove this i need only to mention the transactions , to the prejudice of the capitulation , at st. jean d'angely , at ponts , at clerac and other places . there happened amongst others a remarkable occurrence at the siege of st. jean d'angely , that was sufficient to frustrate the king's journey and design , if god ( the visible protector of his majesty's undertakings ) had not prevented the mischiefs that would otherwise have ensued : the king removed from the first lodgings that were provided for him at that siege ; and to be nearer the place , took others in st. julien , where m. de lesdiguieres was already posted . on a certain day , as father arnoux gave audience after dinner to several persons , a gentleman , whom madam de lesdiguieres had sent to treat with him about a business relating to her , entered and advanced very near him without being perceived , because he sat with his back towards the door , discoursing with a bishop : he reported that he heard this prelat commending father arnoux for the good counsels that he had given to the king , and especially for two motions that were made being attributed to him alone , one of which was , that he had incited his majesty to undertake so just a war as that which was now begun ; and the other , that he had drawn m. de lesdiguieres to the court , who was the only person that was able to stop the progress of his majesty's arms : at which words this father answered aloud , we have caught the subtil fox , and he shall never escape out of our hands . the gentleman having observed this passage retired without speaking to father arnoux , and related to m. de lesdiguieres the circumstances of this rencounter : who was not as yet so perfectly recovered from his indisposition that was caused by the jealousies and fears of being apprehended , but that this blow galled the wound afresh ; insomuch that being very melancholy , he retreated apart to consider by what means he might make his escape : the most part of the noble-men , that were then at court , knew in less than two hours that these words had been spoken by father arnoux , and heard by a gentleman that belonged to m. de lesdiguieres's family , and instantly came to him to exhort him to withdraw himself privately , and to get into some place of safety , offering to assist him as far as lay in their power ; and m. de montmorency freely proposed to accompany him in person . he thereupon had recourse to some of his retinue , that were zealous promoters of the faction , and urged him to go directly to rochell ; but haveing ruminated and pondered in his mind every thing that had been represented to him on this occasion , he took a resolution to depart at mid-night towards dauphine , and to take the road through auvergne , judging , that being furnished with about two thousand men , being part of the army of which he was assured , that should follow him wheresoever he went , and by the help of those protestant forces that he should gather by the way , and others that would come from dauphine to meet him , he might pass without any impediment or molestation . m. deageant , who ( as hath been above said ) never lost the sight of him , but continually attended him according to the express orders that he had receiv'd from the king , having observed an extraordinary hurrying to and fro that afternoon , and that the countenance of m. de lesdiguieres was suddainly changed , assoon as he could get an oppotunity to talk with him privately , he urged him to declare whether he were well in health , or whether he had received any news that had troubled him : at last haveing thoroughly questioned and examined him , he disclosed the whole matter . therefore knowing that the king had so great an esteem for m. de lesdiguieres , that he alwaies rejected such propositions as tended to the lest severity 〈◊〉 him ; and considering on the other side the great damage to which his majesty's affairs would be obnoxious , if m. de lesdiguieres should retreat after this manner , he propounded to him all the reasons that he thought to be most proper to give him full satisfaction ; and desired him to condescend so far as to permit him to go to the king and m. de luines on this account , promising that if he could discover that there was any design to offer him any injury , he would freely declare it to him , and would be partaker of the same fortune with him , since he had honoured him so far as to come upon the assurance that he had given him on behalf of his majesty . thus m. deageant having acquainted the king with all that had passed , his majesty shewed his high displeasure and indignation at the occasions of suspicion that were so often given to this good man ; if i could believe ( said he ) that any should presume to abuse him , i would rather lose my crown than suffer it : bring him to me that i may certify him by word of mouth . this was immediately done , insomuch that monsieur de lesdiguieres , that had a great affection for his majesty's person , returned very well satisfied , and constantly waited on the king at the siege of montauban , where they began again to make parties against him ; some continually buzzed the king in the ear that he doted , and others that he held correspondence with those of montauban and the rest of the rebels , and that they were informed by him of every thing that was performed in his majesty's army , and all concluded that he ought to be seized ; but i can certainly avouch , as being well assured of this truth , that he served his majesty faithfully , and was so much concerned for the taking of that place , that he sought all possible means to effect it : i was the bearer , at five several times , of as many directions that he sent to the king , by what means he might reduce the city . all competent judges , that understand the art of war , and were not possessed with passion , were agreed as to this point ; and have since affirmed , that if his instructions had been followed , without doubt the king would not have been compelled , as he was , to raise the siege . i am persuaded that if m. de luines had been of the same opinion , he would have had a greater deference to the known experience of m. de lesdiguieres ; for notwithstanding what was maliciously reported of him , that he was not willing that montauban should be taken ; on the account of his particular interest , it is most true that he was extremely displeased that the attempt proved ineffectual . m. de luines was so far pre-engaged by certain persons , some of whom ( as i have already said ) intended to bring matters to the utmost extremity , and others to cause him to commit some fault that they might thereby take an occasion to ruin him , that he hearkened to no counsels but theirs ; to this very purpose they so often inculcated to him the necessity of the imprisonment of m. de lesdiguieres , that he was in a manner sorced to yield to their persuasions , which was the reason that to find means to avoid this compulsion , he was not sorry when he heard that m. de mombrun , whom the assembly of rochel had chosen lieutenant general of the churches in dauphine , had taken the field with an army that alarmed all those countries , because he thought that his adversaries would be easily induced to defer their persecution till some other more convenient time ; and to consent that he should be sent into dauphine to appease these new tumults . the king was advised at the end of the siege of montauban to return to paris by the way of languedoc , because the rebels not having an opportunity to fortify their places , would be easily reduced to their obedience by his majesty , as he passed , without striking a stroke ; whereas if he gave them time to work therein , he would afterwards find it very difficult to suppress them . thereupon an assembly of all the noble-men of the court , and of all those that belonged to the council of war and that of state , were gathered together , wherein this affair was debated , and it was unanimously concluded , that the return through languedoc was necessary , and would be apparently most advantageous . the council being adjourned , and the sieur de blainville , who was not as yet admitted into it , and the sieur le maine baron of chab●n adjutant-general appearing , m. de luines desired them to declare their opinion concerning their determination , who being both instructed in this matter , gave advice contrary to what had been agreed upon with the general approbation and consent of the convention , which prevailed so far that the king took the nearest road to paris , to the great detriment of his majesty's proceedings ; for it is certain that no city durst then shut up their gates against him : but in the following year , having gained time to fortify themselves , they compelled him to bring an army against them at the cost of vast expences and inconveniences , that subdued but very few places ; and the rest obliged him to undertake another journey that proved more successful than the former , since he finished the war and happily overthrew this monster of sedition and rebellion , that had so long raged in france . when m. de lesdiguieres had obtain'd leave to return into dauphine to suppress the insurrections of the protestants , the king thought fit to order m. de bullion to attend him , and commanded m. deageant who had not stirred from him for the space of about two years , to wait upon his majesty for the future , and to serve him as occasion required : this redoubled the jealousies of his enemies who persecuted him incessantly ; tho to avoid their fury he kept himself at as great a distance as he could from the king's person , and from publick negociations , without entring into any of the councils , notwithstanding the new orders that were lately given by his majesty that he should be re-admitted into the same station and priviledges that he had heretofore enjoyed . at the arrival of m. de lesdiguieres in dauphine every one laid down his arms ; but the rebels of languedoc having taken the advantage of the time that was left them , in making good all the passes and forts , and seeing the king removed far from them , began to lift up their horns ravaging and plundering the country , and in divers places treated the catholicks very severely , which obliged the king to resolve to march thither in the spring ; and because the inhabitants of bays and le poussin , who took part with the male-contents , obstructed the communication of the rhone , which was necessary for the convenience of the army that his majesty intended to lead into languedoc ; he commanded m. de lesd●guieres to raise forces to besiege these two places , and to keep the rhone clear , having appointed that one moiety of the charges should be supplied out of the treasury , and the other raised in dauphine : but for want of money or otherwise , these levies proceeded very slowly , tho the king had given express orders that they should be dispatched with all possible expedition . at last perceiving the season to decline , and the progress that the rebels had made in gascony and languedoc ; he sent m. deageant in post to hasten the execution of his commands , and to accompany m. de lesdiguieres with m. de bullion . m. de lesdiguieres at that time erected a bridg of boats over the rhone , which was an attempt formerly esteemed exceeding difficult , and almost impossible by reason of the violence of the stream ; took possession of the two places above mentioned , and kept the passages open on the side of the river . and his majesty having in this journey reduced several cities to their duty , went to besiege montpelier . during this siege , the particular case of m. de lesdiguieres was considered in the privy council ; it was represented to the king , that in the state wherein he was at present , he could not be assur'd of his fidelity and constancy ; for if he should turn his coat , and should hearken to the advantageous propositions that were daily offered to him by the protestants , as it might happen , he would so considerably strengthen the factious party , that his majesty would hardly be able to overcome them ; and therefore that there were but two expedients to prevent these ill consequences , either to cut off his head , or to engage him more firmly in his majesty's service , by giving him the office of constable upon condition that he should change his religion , which if he refused to do , he ought immediately to be dispatched out of the way . it was concluded to try the more gentle way , and instructions were drawn up and directed to m. de bullion with a duplicate for m. deageant , tending to perswade m. de lesdiguieres to finish his conversion , to which the office of constable was annexed : he seemed at first to scruple it , but m. deageant having put him in mind of the promise that he had formerly made , and signed it with his own hand , and being fully satisfied as to the controversial points that were in dispute between the two churches , he freely offered to yield an entire obedience to all that his majesty required of him , and within a few days after made publick profession of the catholick religion at grenoble in the presence of the arch-bishop of embrun , and at the same time was invested with the office of constable , and with the order of the holy ghost . afterwards he went to meet the king at the camp before montpelier , and was very serviceable in the reduceing of that place , that might have cost his majesty a great deal more trouble . i was there taken sick with a disease that lasted eighteen months , the greatest extremity of which being abated , when the king prepared to return to paris , he was pleased to command me to follow him : nevertheless during that time i almost continually kept my bed and chamber , which is the cause that i can give no account of what passed afterwards , since i had no knowledge of the ensuing transactions and occurrences . there were divers changes and revolutions at court , and the ministers of state often played at fast and loose , endeavouring to supplant one another : the marquess de la vieuille was the chief amongst them , that in caressing me was the author of most of the injuries and persecutions that were raised against me , and i cannot tell for what reason ; for to my knowledge , i never offended him , and always retired as much as i could from the king's presence , and from the affairs of state : his ill will induced him so far , that the king having ordered the marshal d'ornano to be put into the bastille for disobeying the command that his majesty had given him , to repair to his government of st. esprit , he caused my name to be incerted in the warrant ; the courier , that brought it from compeigne , where the court then resided , having declared this to the deputy of the sieur almeras post-master general , as he received his ticket to provide horses , the deputy informed his master thereof , and he revealed it to m. de guise who being with the king , that often laughed at his extravagant humours , told him , that his majesty had given an occasion to the marshal d'ornano , and deageant to run mad , since he had caused them to be confined in the bastille . deageant ! ( replied the king ) there was no such thing intended . it is certainly so , ( said m. de guise ) for here stands almeras , who told me that his deputy received the news from the courier that carried the order . his majesty thereupon gave signal demonstrations of his generosity and justice , which being made known to the marquess de vieuille oblig'd him to dispatch another warrant , that only mentioned the marshal d'ornano , and to send back speedily to countermand the first . that i might absolutely get clear from the incumbrances and fatigue of publick negotiations , i had by degrees withdrawn my self from the conversation of m. de lesdiguieres , and forbore to follow the retinue of the court any longer , with an intention as soon as i had settled my domestick affairs in paris , to retreat for altogether . the marquess de la vieuille very much feared , lest the cardinal of richelieu should approach near the king , and should be present at the consultations ; and perceiving that his majesty desired to strengthen the privy council with some persons endued with extraordinary judgment and prudence , he endeavoured to introduce one of his creatures ; but having received a repulse he took another course , which was this : he represented to his majesty , that m. de lesdiguieres , ( with whom he contracted a strict friendship ) ought alwaies to posses one of the principal places in the council , and that by reason of his deafness , some one should be admitted with him , to repeat to him the propositions that should be made therein , and named one of his particular friends , whom he affirmed to be better qualified for this office than m. de bullion , to whose discredit he spake many things to dissuade his majesty from confiding in him : nevertheless he rejected this second proposal , and within a few days after , discoursing on this subject with the constable de lesdiguieres , he told him that he intended to re-establish me in my former employment , and that instead of m. de bullion i should constantly attend him in the council , and other places where his majesty's affairs were transacted . m. de lesdiguieres without offering me any injury , made use of his interest in favour of m. de bullion , to procure him to be preferred before me , as he ingenuously confessed to me ; for indeed he was more worthy , and i believe that m. de lesdiguieres would have met with no difficulty in this point , were it not for the kindness that the marquess de la ui●uille had lately shewed to m. de bullion . however it were , the constable de lesd●guieres by the king 's express command sent a courier to me with a letter , that ordered me to depart instantly with my equipage , and to come to meet his majesty at compiegne , never to leave him for the future . i proceeded in my journey , but without any equipage , determining to use my utmost efforts to avoid this new promotion that was contrary to my resolution . the king was on that day a hunting , and i saw the constable de lesdiguieres first , who acquainted me with his majesty's pleasure , and enjoyned me in his name immediately to prepare memorials and instructions for m. de bethunes , whom the king designed to send ambassador extraordinary to rome on several occasions , and chiefly about the affair of the valtoline that was then most urgent . afterwards i went to see some of my friends that had free access to the king , that i might be inform'd of the present state of affairs , and to intreat them to lay down before his majesty such reasons as i should exhibit to excuse me from this employment : they described to me all the particular transactions at court , and affirmed that the design of the marquess de la vieuille was to establish himself in the reputation and authority that he had already acquired , to remove all those that were able to oppose him or might eclipse his glory , to enter into a strict alliance with the constable , by the means of the marriage of his daughter with the count de sault , and to bring the president le jay into the number of the ministers of state , in hopes that he might cause the seals to fall into his hands . but because he feared above all things , lest the queen-mother should at last prevail with the king to admit the cardinal of richelieu into the council , and to a share in the administration of publick negociations , he endeavoured continually to render him odious to his majesty , whom he solicited to oblige him to reside at rome , alledging that the queen-mother would not be much offended at it , provided that the sieur barbin , who was banished into flanders , were restored to her : i understood also , that to meet with less opposition in his attempts , knowing that the queen-mother was retired from the louvre to luxemburg , with an intent to take physick during fifteen days ; he had persuaded the king to go to compeigne hoping that there , in her majest'ys absence , he might easily accomplish his enterprize . and as for my own particular , finding that he could not divert the king from the resolution that he had taken to make use of my service , he thought it convenient to engage m. de toiras on his side , telling him that he would assist him to procure this office for the sieur de clare intendant of the treasury , his intimate friend ; they both attempted this , but in vain . the king being come home from hunting , was pleased to honour me so far as to confirm what the constable had imparted to me on his behalf , and commanded me to dispatch the instructions of m. de bethunes , because his journey required all the expedition imaginable ; i excused my self as well , because i had no lodgings , paper , nor other things necessary for such a work , as on the account of what i had heard ( which was very true ) that the marquess de la vieuille , having taken out of the hands of the sieur herbaut all the papers relating to this negociation , without which it was impossible to proceed , was gone to paris to seek for some assistance to digest them , and to hinder me from undertaking this business ; thus i obtained leave of his majesty to return thither to fetch my little furniture , intending nevertheless to defer it as long as i could , to find out some means to prevent my being again involved in the multiplicity of intricate affairs , wherein i saw that it was impossible for me to subsist , tho i should be inclined to it . m. de bullion cannot but remember that i gave him notice of the calumnies that were raised against him , with a design to remove him , that he might take care to prevent the effect , as he afterwards did by his prudent and vigilant conduct . assoon as i arrived at paris , i desired the sieur de tremblay at present governer of the bastille , whom i knew to be intimate with the cardinal of richelieu , speedily to inform him of the devices that i had heard were contrived against him ; i declared also that unless some means were used to induce the queen-mother , who intended to begin her course of physick on the next day , instantly to repair to compeigne ; it was to be feared lest his enemies should prevail , and consequently the king and the state would be deprived of the advantages which his majesty's faithful servants , that had any knowledg of his eminency's excellent qualifications and endowments , expected upon his entry into the council , which had already been proposed to him . i thought it not convenient to give this account to his eminency my self , because i knew that all my actions were strictly observed , neither did i ever much study my one profit : however the queen-mother went on that very day to the louvre , where she lay , and the next morning departed to compeigne being accompanied with his eminency , who within a few daies after was admitted to the ministry to the great benefit of the king and kingdom . his eminency knows better than any the negociations that were afterwards managed not only in france , but also in all the most considerable places of christendom ; neither can a perfect relation of those occurrences be composed without his instructions . as for my own particular , since i had no share therein , and was not very curious in enquiring into other mens business , i could hardly get intelligence of what passed in the lower sphere of the court ; therefore i shall only mention some few transactions , in which my enemies falsely reported that i was concerned , against the king's service , and perhaps his eminency will not take it amiss that i discover the truth , which without doubt hath been always concealed from him : to give a clearer light into this matter i shall relate all the circumstances thereof from the beginning . above a year had passed since i withdrew my self from the court , and was continually employed in the dispatching of my private affairs at paris , in order to my total retreat , when the late marshal d'effiat came to my house and commanded me in his eminency's name to endeavour to decipher certain obscure propositions , that the flemmings had exhibited to him for the promoting of trade and commerce ; and in case i could pick out the meaning , to prepare the necessary expedients : i had formerly applied my self to the study of things of the like nature , insomuch that it cost me less pains and trouble in apprehending the intention of these flemmings , and joyning their propositions to the particular knowledge that i had acquired , i drew up a method , by which according to my weak judgment such a commerce might easily be established , as with little or no charge would far surpass all others in europe ; and the king would thereby become master of the seas : some time was spent in this laborious work , during which the marshal d'effiat came often to confer with me , and to urge the expedition thereof on behalf of his eminency . one day as i read to him what i had composed , and being come to a passage relating to a certain right of arrearage that belonged to the marshal d'ornano , from which the merchants desired to be exempted ; he told me that it ought to be reserved to him , and desired me to give him notice to meet at my house the next day about the same hour , that they might discourse together on this subject : they came thither at the time appointed , and i can certainly affirm that the marshal d'ornano never set his foot within my door since i desisted from managing of publick affairs , because he bore no very good will towards me : there the marshal d'effiat contracted great familiarity with him , and promised that he would take care that his right of arrearage should be preserved . within a few days after , his majesty being departed to fontainbleau , and his eminency to fleury , the marshal d'effiat required me in his name to introduce the flemmings into his presence , and to bring all that i had prepared on account of the propounded commerce : his eminency having perused my work , and heard the merchants in particular was exceeding well satisfied with the proceedings , ordered them for the future to apply themselves to none but me ; and enjoined me to finish other dispatches that were requisite for the accomplishment of this design . being returned to paris , the marshal d'effiat commanded me , as it were in his eminency's name , immediately to endeavour to persuade monsieur the king's brother to depart to fontainbleau , according to the desire of the king and the queen-mother , without refisting any longer ▪ as he had done , being excited ( as it was thought ) by certain factious incendiaries , that designed to detain him at paris that they might engage him in their cabals : i excused my self alledging that i had no access to him , and that a whole year being passed , since i forbore to frequent the court , i had an opportunity to speak with his highness but once , which happened six months ago , when i met him walking in the tuilleries ; and the more i strove to avoid it , the more he urged me , affirming that it would be esteemed as a signal piece of service : at last he was content that i should only go and make an attempt . thereupon i solicited the marshal d'ornano , insomuch that he offered several arguments to the prince to induce him to give their majesties the satisfaction that they desired in this respect , which proved so effectual , that his highness went the same day , and lodged at fontainbleau . about that time i was informed that the abbot feuquan , l' anglois his brother , and one ferrier lately deceased , formerly a minister of state , who for some months almost continually attended the marshal d'effiat , and others that had free access to the cardinal of richelieu , had conceived great jealousies , because his eminency had employed me in the above-mentioned affair , and had openly commended my work after a very extraordinary manner ; and that every one of them fearing lest if he should keep me near his person , their devices might be frustrated , they all conspired together to procure my ruin , of which i ought to have been aware , and to have stood on my guard ; but since i had no other aim but to obey his eminency's command relating to the matter of commerce then in agitation , which being finished , as it almost was , as far as it depended on my part to perform , i intended to retire . however my misfortune was so great , that i neglected to follow the advice that was given me , since if i had mentioned but one word to his eminency , perhaps the king's justice and his would not have been prevented , as it is probable that it was in this case ; for within a few days after , as i was putting the last hand to the second memorial that his eminency had desired , that i might deliver it to him the next day at fleury , according to the order that i had received from the marshal d'effiat in his name , i was carried prisoner to the bastille , where i have been confined , with a great deal of rigour during four years and seven months , being shut up close for a good part of that time , without liberty to take the least air , though i was certainly informed that his eminency had wrote at two several times that i should be permitted to walk abroad ; the effect of which priviledge my enemies hindered by their artifices , which they also made use of , to sow dissensions in my family , that apparently caused the death of my wife , and the loss of the greatest part of my estate , that i had acquired with much labour and industry during the term of thirty years . in this condition i diligently examined my conscience , but could not find that i had offended any but god alone , in thought , word , or deed . having committed no action that might give a just cause of complaint , since i had for a long time before taken care to do nothing that might be the occasion of the least suspicion , therefore i was apt to believe that the above-mentioned jealousies had mainly operated in this unfortunate conjuncture : i was informed by some , that my antagonists to accomplish their designs had animated the queen-mother against me , although in serving the king i was always very careful lest i should displease her , as appears from the preceeding relation : whilst i revolved these things in my mind a certain debauched young man , that had been an augustine fryar , afterwards was admitted into the oratory , and at last associated himself with the libertins of the court pretending to be an abbot , being committed to the bastille for his crimes , and lodging in a room over mine , gave me an account that he had been employed to cause me to be put into this place , after this manner ; at first a letter of complements , that i had written to madame de lesdiguieres , was produced , to the intent that he might forge another like it , for he had a singular faculty in counterfeiting all sorts of hands ; but he desired to be excused , because he thought mine was very difficult to be imitated , for several reasons that he alledged : after this denial , he was told that he ought at least to depose , that for three months together he had seen me going at midnight without a light and only attended with a little page into the chamber of monsicur the king's brother , as also the sieur de modene , and that we remained shut up there above an hour ; to this he replied that he was unwilling to mention m. de modene , by reason that he being esteemed as a man of no great judgment , it would not be thought probable that he should contrive any plots ; but this could not be affirmed of m. deageant , however since he knew him only by hear say and not by sight , he feared lest he should be compelled to justify these depositions face to face before a magistrate : upon these difficulties it was agreed , that he should only declare the matter privately to the king , the queen-mother , the cardinal of richelieu , and the lord keeper of the seals , having received a promise , that effectual care should be taken to prevent his being confronted . the abbot fcuquan and l' anglois his brother informed me of divers other circumstances when they were brought into the bastille , the former being lodged in a chamber next to mine : insomuch that we could discourse one with another at certain hours though we were closely locked up : they confessed to me that they were the persons that prepared the bill of indictment in order to my examination , without specifying the particulars of my accusation , lest the truth should be thereby discovered ; for if they had been exhibited to me i could have very easily demonstrated my innocence , by proving that i had no foot-men but such as were biger than my self ; that it was above a year ago since i stirred beyond the bounds of the street where i lived , after seven of the clock in the evening , and that the watch was set every night either at my house , or at that of my brother-in-law over against it , where they remained usually till one of the clock in the morning and never found me absent so much as once . praised be god for all ; and may he vouchsafe of his infinite mercy , not to impute to my calumniation the evils that they have caused me to suffer , but to forgive them this and all their other offences . perhaps this digression concerning my own particular affairs may be accounted very tedious and extravagant ; but i humbly entreat his eminency to excuse this boldness , since it proceeds from the extreme desire that i have always had , that he should be informed of my innocence , and of the forgeries that have been invented to withdraw me from the honour of his favour and protection , as also to procure my ruin : but all these attempts , or any other that hereafter may be put in practice to this effect , shall never be able in the least to divert me from the affection and service that i owed to him , and have long since prosessed ; neither shall they hinder me from continuing the prayers that i daily put up to the throne of grace , for the preservation of his health for many years , and for the happy success of his generous enterprizes . whilst these memorials were in the press , one of my friends having shewed to me the relation that the arch-bishop of embrun composed for the use of the cardinal of richelieu , concerning his voyage into england ; i thought it would not be amiss to insert it here , since it confirms one of the most considerable passages related by m. deageant touching the inclination of james i. king of great britain to embrace the roman catholick religion ; i have hereunto annexed the duke of buckingham's two letters on this subject , and the little summary of the negociations of the said arch-bishop , which was adjoyned at the end of this relation . the letter of the cardinal of richelieu , to the arch-bishop of embrun . sir , having call'd to mind the voyage , that you took some years ago into england , i could not forbear to lay hold on this opportunity , to desire you to let me know whether you were sent thither by the king , or whether you went of your own accord , and to what end , as also whether there were certainly at that time any negociation depending between his holiness , and the king of great britain concerning his conversion ; you will very much oblige me in giving an account of all those particulars , that you shall judge worthy to be observed on this subject , assureing you in the mean time , that whensoever an occasion shall be offered to demonstrate my affection to you , you shall find that i am , paris febr. 19. 1635. sir , your most affectioned brother to serve you , the cardinal of richelieu . the relation of william d'hugues arch-bishop of embrun . in the year 1624. the embassadors of england on the account of the treaty of marriage between the sister of the king of france , and the prince of wales , being arrived at compienne where his majesty then resided , a certain english catholick gentleman came to me to deliver a letter from a scotch fryer of the order of st. francis ; who had formerly received some favours from me in italy , and at my instance was employ'd by pope paul v. in the english mission : the letter of this religious person , contained many particulars relateing to the lamentable condition of the poor catholicks in england ; as also a recommendation of this gentleman , who gave me a very large account of all things , and shewed to me the printed copies of divers acts made in england against the catholicks ; insomuch , that i acquired a perfect knowledg of their persecutions , of the little support that france offered to them , and of the general complaint that they had made thereupon , even to that degree , that they had sent a relation to rome , wherein they remonstrated , how much the proceedings of their king on their behalf , during the negociation of the marriage with spain , differed from his deportment towards them , since the overtures of the marriage with france by the fryer's letter , and by the discourse of this gentleman . i was earnestly entreated in the name of all the principal catholicks of england , to represent their miseries to the king , and to make him sensible of the little relief that they received from his generosity . i thought my self obliged to relate the whole matter to the king , which i took an opportunity to do very fully one morning a little after he rose , and declared to him , how much the complaints of the english catholicks contributed to cause an ill opinion amongst foreign estates , as to the point of his majesty's piety and zeal , how much it would obstruct the gaining of the dispensation at rome , and that it was much to be wished that his majesty had an agent in england , that might be able particularly to give some consolation and satisfaction to the catholicks : i was patiently heard ; but all the answer that i could then obtain , was , that i should attend the next day at the same hour ; being come then at the time appointed , the king told me that he had considered every thing that i had propounded to him , and that he should be very glad to find out a proper person to be sent for this purpose , but he knew not on whom to cast his eye ; after this reply , and other discourses on this subject , i took the liberty to acquaint him , that if his majesty thought me capable to undertake this affair , and would vouchsafe to give me a commission , i would very willingly go as a private gentleman , judging that as such i might more easily act , than as one that bears a publick character . thus it was sufficient for me , that his majesty wrote to m. de effiat , that i should go thither to take a view of that country , which was the only part of europe , that i had not as yet seen , that it was by his leave , and that he recommended me to him . moreover i insisted , that this manner of negociating had always been very agreeable to me , and that through the grace of god i had often obtained good success therein : for in several voyages , as i visited my order , i took an occasion , even by the special command of the late king , to make application to diverse princes of christendom , and dispatched many important affairs , that in appearance seemed to be transacted meerly upon my motion , and amongst others the league of all the princes of italy with the late king , and that of the princes of germany , to cause matthias king of hungary to be elected king of the romans , against the open opposition that the spaniards made in favour of the arch-duke leopold : to this the king replied , that he was not ignorant thereof , and that he did not only consent that i should undertake this voyage , but that he very much desired it , and the next day at mass his majesty did me the honour to acquaint me that he had commanded m. de la villeauclerce to prepare my dispatch , and ordered me to go and take it : he told me the same thing two daies after , seeing me again at mass ; and urged me to depart , which i did with all possible expedition . assoon as i was arrived at dover , the frier that had written to me came to see me , having received notice of my voyage by the gentleman that carried his letter , and entreated me in the name of all the catholicks to take lodgings at london in a private house , and not to reside with the ambassador , that they might have a more easy and private access to me . i travelled thither under the name of a counsellor of the parliament of grenoble , who had been at all the courts of the christian princes , except that of england , and soon met with the duke of buckingham , by whom i was immediately discovered ; for he told me that one of the physicians of the king of england , a native of germany , being lately come from france , had reported to his majesty that he had seen the arch-bishop of embrun at dover , in a different habit from that which he used to wear in france , whom he had known long agoe , having observed him at rome when he was general of the cordeliers , at prague and in poland ; and that the king was very desirous to see me , and to be informed of the design of my coming into england : to this end he desired me to relye on him , and freely to declare my mind , which i did , being persuaded that since he was the principal minister of state , i ought to confide in him : afterwards he asked me several questions concerning divers negociations which the physician had related that i had transacted in germany , and having given him a satisfactory account thereof i perceived in him a good disposition to hearken to whatsoever i should propound , and was also confirmed in this opinion by his mother , and by the earl of rutland his father-in-law , that were almost the first persons with whom i became acquainted at london ; by them and their confessors i was instructed in all the particular circumstances that ought to be observed in treating with the king of england , and with the said duke of buckingham , for the consolation of the catholicks : not long after his grace appointed me instantly to depart to royston , where the court then was , to see the king ; he conducted me thither himself , and introduced me into his majesty's presence , who being in his bed indisposed with the gout entertained me very graciously , and ordered the duke of buckingham to hear every thing that i should say : after several general discourses , that lasted above two hours , relating to the voyages and treaties , which he told me that he had heard that i had dispatched in germany , and especially that of the king of hungary , concerning which he was pleased to enquire of me very particularly , at last he began of his own accord to insist on the point of the marriage ; whereupon i represented to him the necessity of removing the obstacles that were raised by the spaniards at rome , and the measures that ought to be taken to effect it , and that to obtain success therein , it was expedient that the grievances of the catholicks should be redressed ; on which subject i discoursed very fully , and indeed all that i said to him was so favourably accepted , that i could not but acknowledg the peculiar providence of god on this occasion ; for at this first meeting i prevailed so far , that orders were given to release many catholicks out of prison , in london and other places , that the execution of many laws against them was suspended , and that i was permitted to administer the sacrament of confirmation at london ; where during the time of my residence in that city , above ten thousand english catholicks received this sacrament from my hands , at which their enemies were extremely offended , and complained thereof to the king , but to no purpose , for his majesty answered them that i did nothing contrary to his pleasure . at this time , and at all others , wherein i had the honour to see this king , he was so well pleased with my propositions , that he freely disclosed his thoughts to me ; and if m. d'effiat were now living , he would be my witness that this good prince did plainly make it appear , that he delighted in conversing with me : in our conferences he told me , that next to the happiness he wished for , to be allied with france , he desired to be revenged on the spaniards for the injury that they had offered to him , rehearsing to me all the particulars thereof with great indignation ; to which he added the interests of his son-in-law , who was ( said he ) as it were banished into holland with abundance of children . i instantly replyed upon this last expression , and acquainted him , that to recover the palatinate it was requisite that the two crowns of france and england should be united , with a firm resolution to weaken the power of spain , and to this end to enter into a league with the princes of italy ; who ( as i verily believed ) since they had formerly made an alliance with france alone , in the time of the late king , would be so much the more willing to do the like again , when they saw that england was also engaged , with whom the pope would easily be persuaded to join , since he had reason to fear least the spaniards should one day force him to submit to their yoke : but to procure this union he ought to assure the pope and the other princes , that the catholick religion should be indemnified ; upon this i proposed many expedients which pleased him extreamly , as the duke of buckingham afterwards related to me . in exhibiting the methods to attain union , i took an opportunity to represent to him , that liberty of conscience in england would be one of the the most effectual means to give full satisfaction to the pope and the catholick princes ; thereupon the king putting his hand on mine , spake these words , i plainly see that you are the person appointed by god , in whom i ought to confide and to reveal the secrets of my heart ; afterwards he very freely acknowledged the good opinion that he had conceived of the catholick faith , and so particularly that he omitted nothing ; protesting to me , that during his minority his tutors having perceived his inclination to that religion , he run great hazard of being assassinated . as to this liberty of conscience , he professed , that he intended long agoe to grant it in his dominions , and that for this very purpose he designed to summon an assembly of prelats and other learned men of england , together with an equal number of forreigners , and on the decisions therein concluded to found the said liberty , adding that he had already determined what persons should be chosen amongst the english , and that if the assembly could not meet at dover , he would consent that it should be holden at boulagne , as soon as he should be in a condition to relye on the king of france , by the means of the marriage , to which he had agreed on his part ; and to procure these good effects , he thought it convenient that after the consummation thereof , i should return into england under the pretence of accompanying the princess , at which time he would deliver to me two letters written with his own hand , one for the king and the other for the pope , containing his generous resolutions ; he would also give me a distinct memorial concerning his intentions , which i should prepare , and he would sign , to the end that being furnished with these dispatches i should go to rome under colour of visiting the apostolick see , where i should treat with the pope alone , for whom he said that he had a great affection and respect , ever since he understood that he had composed verses in his youth on the violent death of the late queen of scotland his mother , in commendation of her and of the family of the stuarts , which he shewed to me . he was pleased further to declare , that in case i returned from rome with his holiness's approbation of the said convention , he would cause it forthwith to be assembled , whereupon extraordinary and admirable events would ensue ; but before he proceeded to discover his purpose as to his own person , he would negociate with the protestant princes of germany , and with the principal puritan lords of england and scotland , and promised that all things should tend to an happy end , and to the great advantage of the catholick church . this is the substance of all our discourses at several times on this subject : but for a testimony of the trust that this king reposed in me , i shall here insert the particulars of my transactions on account of the marriage . a considerable progress being made in this negociation , the duke of buckingham arrived near london , and from one of his houses wrote to m. d'effiat that he was ready to treat with him about a new affair , desiring him to come thither and to bring me along with him : we went accordingly , and the duke told us that the king remembering the delays and artifices of the spaniards to hinder the procuring of the dispensation during the treaty with them , was sensible that they would endeavour much more to cause it to be refused at the solicitation of france , that he was resolved not to incurr the danger of a second affront , and that for this reason it was necessary that the king of france should permit the marriage to be celebrated before the dispensation ; for he was informed that an absolution for actions already committed was more easily to be obtained at rome , than a dispensation to do them : upon this the ambassador alledged two points , first that the king his master had altogether as much power at the court of rome as the king of spain , and secondly that his most christian majesty would very willingly grant this demand ; however i seemed not to approve the last answer , which the duke of buckingham soon perceived , and taking an occasion after dinner to shew me his house he desired me to explain my meaning at large as to this particular ; which i did , and enumerated to him divers inconveniencies very prejudicial to england , that would ensue upon the consummation of this marriage without a dispensation , together with the examples of several princes ; insisting that this would grievously offend the pope , that no favour could afterwards be expected from him ; and that by this means the good designs , that the king of great br●tain intended to prosecute , would be frustrated ; besides i believed that the king of france would never consent to it . the duke having heard me replyed , that since he distrusted his own ability to relate to the king all the arguments that i had produced , he would entreat me assoon as i should come to london to compose a letter containing these reasons , and to direct it to him , which he would shew to his majesty , and thereby supply the defect of his memory ; he recommended this matter very earnestly to my care , and assured me that till it were performed nothing would be concluded . we parted after this manner , and as we returned to london , m. d'effiat told me that the duke had promised to come to town within four or five days , and to bring the final resolution ; but this time being expired , and the duke not appearing , m. d'effiat grew impatient , and resolved to ride post to him . i had then finished my letter , and delivered it into his hands ; but he met his grace that very day in his journey to london , and came back along with him , where being arrived at night , m. d'effia● immediately dispatcht a messenger to give me notice that i should repair to his lodgings the next morning at sun-rising , and that the duke of buckingham would be there to determine all things : i failed not to attend at the hour appointed , when m. d'effiat acquainted me that the duke at their first meeting had enquired of him concerning my health , and whether i had written to him , that he instantly gave him my letter , and perceived by his countenance that he was well pleased . after we had waited about two hours his secretary came , and approaching m. d'effiat told him with a loud voice that i might hear , that the duke had at mid-night received an express letter from the king by an extraordinary courier , with strict orders that he should without delay take post to meet him , and that afterwards he would return to london ; having delivered this message he complemented us in his name and took his leave ; at which m. d'effiat was extreamly incensed , and said , that he would write to the king to give him an accouns of the perfidiousness of the english , and that he ought no longer to confide in them : i intreated him to forbear , and to have a little patience till matters might be accommodated , and retired to my own lodgings , where within a few hours after i understood that he had already sent a dispatch to the king ; thereupon doubting lest in the heat of his passion he should have affirmed that the negociation was quite broken off , and having an opportunity to make use of the same courier , that had given notice to me of his departure , and of the pacquet that was delivered to him by m. d'effiat , i immediately wrote a little note to the cardinal of richelieu , in which i assured him that the affair was not desperate , tho perhaps it might be otherwise represented to the king ; and that i hoped that in less than eight days all things would be concluded to his majesty's satisfaction : his eminency received my letter , and i have been since informed by the late marshal de schomberg that it was read in a full council and in the king's presence . not many days passed e're the duke of buckingham wrote to me , that he had presented my letter to the king , and that his majesty referred himself wholly to me , whether i thought fit that the dispensation should preceed the celebration of the marriage or not , provided that delays were avoided : i have his letter in my custody that clearly demonstrates how far the king and he relied on me in the managing of this affair , as appears also by other letters that i have , and by the commission that his majesty of great britain gave me to write to rome to facilitate the said dispensation , the original of which i have in my hands , together with the additions written by the duke of buckingham , and dictated by the king , which plainly shew his majesty's good inclinations to embrace the catholick faith. afterwards when the duke came to london , all things were concluded according to the effects that ensued . these proceedings being thus far advanced i returned into france ; but before my departure from london , the duke of buckingham desired me in the king's name , to commit the principal matters to writing that related to the spaniards , and to the union that had been proposed , which i did and sent them to him . assoon as i arrived in france , i gave a particular account to the king of all things that i had performed in my voyage ; who was pleased to signify unto me that he was very well satisfied with the good designs of the king of great britain , and declared that a report was already spread abroad in france , that i treated with that king about his conversion , and that several persons had informed him thereof ; i replied that there were the same suspicions in the court of england ; that the king of great britain had earnestly enjoyned me to keep the matter secret , and that therefore i was obliged to beseech his majesty to do the like , which he promised me very affectionately ; but all these generous resolutions were made void by the death of the king of england , the first news whereof was brought to me at mass , by the king himself , who expressed his regret in these words , all our hopes of england are lost ; and seeing me surprized he told me that their king was dead . i shall only add that i received the marks of the extraordinary kindness and esteem that the king of great britain professed to me in france as well as in england ; for when i went to visit his ambassadors at paris , they shewed to me one of his letters : wherein he ordered them in express terms to account me as his good and faithful friend , which was not a little serviceable in obliging them to surmount the difficulties and scruples that they had raised on the occasision of certain conditions mentioned in the dispensation , insomuch that i treated with them concerning this affair very fully and effectually , at the request of father berulle . i could produce other testimonies of the like nature , but not thinking it necessary , i shall finish this relation with the last transaction that i managed with the duke of buckingham during his residence at paris ; wherein i persuaded him to use his endeavours to prevail with his new king to keep a good correspondence with the pope , and to that end to maintain a trusty catholick agent at rome ; but he desired that the king should first propound it , therefore i discoursed with his majesty on this subject , who gave his consent , and ordered me to impart it to monsieur tronson , that he might put him in mind thereof on the road , as he accompanied the queen of england , which i believe that the king may remember . given at embrun , march 3. 1635. i have here inserted an addition that i made to the above-said relation , and which was also sent to the cardinal of richelieu . the duke of buckingham relating to me the particular circumstances of the negociation with the spaniards , during the aboad of the prince of wales at madrid , informed me , that the said prince having instantly demanded to be admitted into the company of the infanta , and to discourse with her , was repulsed , and told that this could not be granted , unless he would first make profession of the catholick religion in the presence of at least six or seven witnesses , to which they endeavoured to persuade him with all the artifices imaginable , but could not obtain their desire : nevertheless he was permitted to write to her , as he did at several times , and received an answer , which the prince believed to be written with the hand of the infanta , but it appeared afterwards to be composed by one of her ladies of honour ; for upon the embarking of the prince for england , cardinal sapata that attended him according to the order of the king of spain , delivered a pacquet to him sealed up , which being opened in the vessel , there were found therein all the letters written by him to the infanta , folded up and sealed as he sent them . he acquainted me also , that within a few days before my arrival , don carlo coloma ambassador extraordinary from spain had used his utmost endeavours to induce him to believe that the difficulties that were raised at rome in granting the dispensation , proceeded not from the instance nor consent of the king his master ; therefore he offered and insisted very much thereupon , that if his majesty would defer the concluding of the agreement with france for six months , he would procure the said dispensation , and would religiously observe every article contained in the conditions of their alliance that was treated in spain , viz : to restore the palatinate ; to send considerable supplies for the recovery of guienne and normandy ; to permit a free passage and commerce to the east and west-indies ; and other particulars : in opposition to these proposals i represented to him divers reasons taken from the very discourses that he had rehearsed to me , and from the intrigues of the spaniards already mentioned by him ; insomuch that he was convinced that all these new offers were only so many fraudulent artifices ; by which nevertheless he confirmed that the king was moved : i gave notice thereof to m. d'effiat , who had already perceived somewhat in the audiences that he had obtained of his majesty , and desired me to search into the truth of the matter , as i afterwards did ; for which service he protested that he was very much obliged to me . amongst these discourses he shewed to me a letter that the prince palatin had written to him from the hague , in which he entreated him to take care that this condition should be inserted in the treaty , and to disannul it in case the spaniards refused to restore the palatinate , and as an acknowledgment of this favour , and also as a testimony of the perpetual friendship that he intended to contract with the said duke , he proposed that his daughter ( who nevertheless was not above seven years old ) should be instantly married to his grace's eldest son , to which i perceived that the duke was much inclined ; for he told me that the king was not very averse from it : however having desired him to refer this matter to me , and to hear my opinion , i alledged to him so many reasons , that his majesty resolved not to oppose the rupture any longer , and the duke not to consent to this marriage , and both determined to conclude that of france with england ; and this is the meaning of these words in his grace's letter , bearing date the 9th of november , the copy whereof i have here annexed , [ but the care of this great affair to which you have incited me . ] the english catholicks having penetrated into the progress that was made , and well knowing his majesty's discourses on my behalf ; the deliverance of so many catholicks that were in prison , and the liberty that i had taken ( which was a thing never seen in england since heresy prevailed in that country ) to administer the sacrament of confirmation in london , sent an express thereof to rome ; at which the spaniards being enraged , took an occasion to slander me with so many artifices and false insinuations that they exasperated the pope against me , under divers pretences , viz. that i went into england without the knowledg of his nuntio ; that i had confirmed people there without a licence ; and that i had visited persons of the highest rank in that kingdom , notwithstanding that they were hereticks , even the arch-bishop of canterbury and the earl of mansfield : insomuch that i was obliged at my return into france to write an apology , which i sent to rome , to represent to that court , that since i had diligently endeavoured to prevent a rupture between france and spain , and that this marriage should not be celebrated without a dispensation ; i ought rather to be commended than blamed for performing such actions : but not long after , i received an answer from m. de bethunes , that the pope being informed of all the circumstances of this negociation , was very well satisfied with my conduct ; i also sent the copies of several letters of the duke of buckingham , of m. d'effiat ambassador in england , and of m. de bethunes ambassador of rome , which confirm all the principal matters contained in this relation : but that the letters of m. d'effiat may be more clearly understood , i ought to add , that i wrote to him concerning the malitious accusations and devices that were contrived against me , and entreated him to give an account thereof to the king of great britain ; this is the tenor of his first letter . moreover the king of england abhorred the jesuits to that degree , that he not only declared that he would never consent , that the confessor of the princess should be of that order , nor that any one of them should belong to her retinue ; but his majesty was also pleased to command me to desire the king france to change his confessor , affirming , that this would be necessary for the prosecution of the designs that we had agreed upon , and would be very advantageous with respect to the protestant princes . father jaquinot coming to see me at paris , acquainted me , that he was appointed to go into england with the princess , and entreated me to give a good character of his person in that country ; thereupon i freely professed to him , urging several reasons , that he would not be well received there , since i believed that he would not be suffered to appear , that he would be sent back again , and that this would produce great dissentions between these two crowns ; nevertheless to satisfie him , i wrote to m. de effiat what he had told me , and what answer i had given ; and upon this account he sent me the letter that the duke of buckingham had written to him , as the result of his third letter , wherein he discourseth on the same subject , and declares that he intended to deliver my letters to me himself , that they might be burnt . a letter of the duke of buckingham , to the arch-bishop of embrun . sir , the hopes that i have to see you very suddainly detain me from rendring to you the due testimony of my gratitude , being extremely ambitious of the honour to embrace you at london , and pay my respects and thanks to you for the great esteem and affection that you have expressed to me , and for the satisfaction that you have given to me in your letters : but the care of this great affair , to which you have incited me with cogent arguments , obligeth me to wave all ceremonies , and to hasten our master in bringing this work to perfection ; to which i am more inclined than to any other thing in the world , and which at present is so far advanced , that nothing seems to be wanting but your bencdiction , which i also begg for myself , and invite you hither to bestow another here ; the lasting marks whereof shall for ever remain in my family : the ardent desire of this benefit hath caused me to forget the difficulty of the journey , and your trouble ; but not in the lest the acknowledgments that i shall owe to you , and the obligation that i shall thereby receive : in the mean time i remain , at newhall , novemb. 9. 1624. sir , your most affectionate and humble servant g. buckingham . another letter by the same hand to the same person . sir , i tender to you my most hearty thanks for communicating your sentiments , and for the kindness from whence it proceeds : the liberty that you have commanded me to take , and the certain knowledg that i have of the good affection and inclination of my master have emboldened me to alter two passages in your judicious and most elegant letter , which otherwise i durst not have presumed to touch ; and therefore hoping that you will esteem it as a design to serve you i shall only endeavour to put you in mind how necessary it is to expedite the marriage , leaving it to your mature deliberation whether it be requisite that the dispensation should preceed or follow it : if you find that there is any probability of dispatch at rome , i think the marriage need not be so much hastened : but if procrastinations and delayes be intended , it would be most convenient according to my opinion to resolve on the accomplishment thereof , and afterwards to expect the dispensation ; for it is easily to be imagined that his majesty cannot with any satisfaction remain long in suspence by reason of the joy and delight that he promiseth to himself in the issue of this excellent prince his only son ; forasmuch as this is an affair on which depend innumerable considerations of the greatest importance . you have already seen that the treaty of marriage with spain hath failed , and if this should not succeed ( which god forbid ) there would be no grounds , nor hopes for the future , to treat with any prince whatsoever of the roman catholick religion ; from whence it would most certainly follow , that all the mitigations and overtures made in favour of the roman catholick : in these kingdoms would soon cease ; the general peace of christendom would be in apparent danger ; and the union of the forces of these two crowns being dissolved , no means could be found to establish such a correspondence and assurance of mutual supplies as might be able to oppose any exorbitant and ambitious power that might arise : and if for default of the issue of so excellent a prince these crowns should fall into the possession of a daughter and her children , their number would encrease so far as to become burthensome to these kingdoms ; and their education might cause many changes , according to the opinion of those that have conceived great hopes in the consummation of the marriage between his royal highness and the princess mary . this is a consequence that your discretion hath already foreseen , having strictly examined all the arguments that can be proposed on this subject ; insomuch that i shall altogether rely on your judgment and mediation to procure all the expedition that can be imagined , and to confirm , and ( if it were possible ) to encrease the reputation that you have gained not only with the king my master , but also amongst all those that have the honour to know you ; who are very sensible that you are endowed with extraordinary prudence , integrity and charity , to which i again recommend these affairs : and dayly praying to god for your prosperity i shall remain in the indissoluble bonds and obligations , wherein your vertue hath engaged me , at newmarket novemb. 15. 1624. sir , your most affectionate and humble servant g. buckingham . pray be pleased to excuse the writing of the alterations in your letter ; for to keep it secret , i did not think it convenient to make use of any other hand but my own . the arch-bishop of embrun by many signal services , that he performed in france before he was general of the order of sr. francis , rendered himself considerable in the esteem of the deceased king henry the great through the means of his ambassadors , that informed his majesty of his person and extraordinary qualifications ; insomuch that being made general of his order , and the opportunities of continuing these services being more frequent , he acted so prudently , and pleased the king so far , that his majesty from that time imparted to him his most important enterprizes , and employed him in making a league offensive and defensive with all the princes of italy against spain ; in which he obtained good success in the prosecution of the king's orders , and his majesty was so well satisfied with his transactions , that he resolved to make use of him again for the same purpose in germany against the house of austria : thereupon haveing acquainted him with his pleasure , he judged that he might gain greater advantages if his negotiation were private , and perswaded the king to vouchsafe that he should go under colour of visiting the provinces of his order in germany ; and to palliate his design he furnished himself with divers dispatches and commissions from the pope : thus under this pretence after he had received instructions from the king , that were delivered to him by m. de champigny his ambassador at venice , he departed into germany , travelled through the whole countrey , and passed even as far as transylvania and poland , proceeding everywhere according to the king's orders ; the chief of which were to divide the house of austria , and at length to take away the empire from them , and to put it into the hands of some other family in germany . to facilitate the procuring of this division there happened two favourable occasions ; first the discord between matthias king of hungary the emperor's brother , and the arch-duke leopold his young nephew ; both pretending to a right to be elected king of the romans : secondly the indignation of matthias because the emperor his brother preferred his nephew leopold before him . these advantages were so well prosecuted , that upon the propositions that the said arch-bishop offered to matthias of the assistence of the forces of france , that should be re-enforced with those of the electors of triers and palatin , whom he very much distrusted , he abandoned the interests of his own family , and resolved to enter into league with the king of france ; and even obliged the arch-bishop to go into transylvania to engage bethlehem gabor . the project of withdrawing the empire from the house of austria was principally grounded on this division ; for matthias was already advanced in years , and was not married , therefore when he should be created emperor , either he would have no children ; or if he had any , he could not leave them capable to possess the empire at his death : on this account it was very probable that it might be easily transmitted into another family ; and this was the most powerful motive to induce the princes of germany to unite with the king , and to make a league offensive and defensive with him . after the arch-bishop had concluded this allyance in germany he returned into france , and passed through the low-countreys ; where to conceal his negotiations with the infanta and nuncio of flanders he continued to make use of the instructions that he had received from his holiness . about the end of the year 1609. he arrived at paris , where he gave an account to the king of every thing that he had performed , and delivered to him the memorials and certificates relating to these transactions : but the king thought fit to employ him again in the league of italy , to cause the princes to consent to , and to sign certain new articles that his majesty had added . he might justly boast that the king was very well satisfied with his endeavours ; and if the late queen-mother were living , she would be a sufficient witness of the kindness and respect that his majesty expressed towards him : he resided about two months at court , and three daies before he took his leave the king himself told him , that he was resolved to cause him to be promoted to the dignity of a cardinal , not at his nomination , but as it were upon the pope's own inclination , that he might not be suspected by the other princes ; and that he might not lose the great credit and reputation that he had acquired amongst them ; monsieur de villeroy confirmed this to him at his departure : and indeed being arrived at rome , he was informed by monsieur de breues , the ambassador of france , that he had orders to solicit it , and that the pope was willing to give his consent , but the effect was frustrated by the unfortunate and lamentable accident of the king's murther ; nevertheless his holiness declared to him that he intended to persist in his purpose ; and it was generally reported that he would be one of the five cardinals that were to be created in the month of august 1621 , but it happened otherwise ; for the procurator-general of his order was made cardinal in his stead , and on the very same evening after this promotion cardinal melliny came to acquaint him that the pope was obliged to change his resolution , because the ministers of spain having penetrated into his intentions had insisted , that if his holiness made a french-man cardinal without the nomination of his king , he ought also to advance a spaniard after the same manner , making great protestations if he should act to the contrary . some time after , the arch-bishoprick of embrun was given to him , which caused him to return into france , and being arrived at the court to take the oath of allegiance in the king's presence , he represented to the queen-regent the small revenue that belonged to his arch-bishoprick , which did not amount to above two thousand crowns , being abstracted from the charges and great salaries that were annexed to it ; as it appeared by the computation that the commissioners of the regalia had made thereof : her majesty replyed thereupon , that she thought that she had been assured that it was worth much more : however remembring that monsieur de breues had written to her , that the kings of hungary and poland had importuned him to abide in their dominions , and more especially that the count de castres , vice-roy of naples , had offered to him the coadjutorship of the arch-bishoprick of taranto , to which appertained a revenue of twenty thousand crowns , the arch-bishop whereof was his near kinsman , and died within six months after ; she immediately commanded monsieur de villeroy to treat with monsieur de crequy concerning the augmenting of this pension with a thousand crowns , that should be taken out of his arch-bishoprick ; and promised to pay the extinction in ready money : moreover , she was pleased to order the said sieur de villeroy to put her in mind of the arch-bishop in case of any vacancy ; her majesty also further expressed her good will in sending him into spain , where he resided by her special command at the time of the marriages , to observe the actions of the spaniards on the account of this alliance , and principally the duke de lerme , with whom he was particularly acquainted , as also with many other noble-men of spain , that he had known in italy : but all these favours that he received from the queen , suddenly ceased upon the great revolutions that happened at court. this journey was the cause of another that he took into piedmont ; for the duke of savoy being informed by his ambassador in spain of the frequent conferences that this arch-bishop held with the duke de lerme , and how much he was esteemed by the said duke , interceded with the marshal de lesdiguieres to persuade him to go into piedmont : insomuch that he went thither with the king's approbation ; and it may be certainly affirmed , that he laid the first foundation of the peace that was afterwards concluded , by the means of a large letter in form of a relation that he wrote to the duke de lerme , containing the reasons that might induce spain to incline to this treaty . notwithstanding all these journeys and vast expences he did not neglect his bishoprick ; for he re-established therein several rights that had been lost in the time of the wars , redeemed five territories and divers other demesns that had been alienated , and after this manner encreased the revenue of the said arch-bishoprick ; but all this could not be effected without a great deal of trouble and charge , since he was forced to sue for it , and to obtain almost 30 several decrees . it is no less true that he found his archi-episcopal house so ruined , it being burnt by the huguenots , that at his arrival at embrun he was constrained to take lodgings for his family in the city ; nevertheless he restored it to so good a condition that the late king and most of the principal nobility of france have lodged there , and have given him very great commendations on this account : moreover he hath expended considerable sums of money in divers journeys that he undertook at the command , and in the service of the late king , and never was reimbursed to the value of one penny. when he was at paris , about the beginning of the year 1620 , the king at the persuasion of monsieur de luines , having told him that he desired to see all the papers , letters and instructions that he had received from the late king henry the great relating to his negociations in italy and germany , he sent one of his servants to embrun to fetch the said papers , amongst which was the league offensive and defensive that he had transacted with the princes of italy ; having presented the copy of the said league and other memorials to the late king , his majesty commanded him with his own mouth to deliver them to m. de luines ; which he did , but could never recover them out of his hands : for after the death of the said monsieur de luines , the late king at his request , ordered monsieur de tronson to demand them of monsieur de modene , who replyed that he had seen them , but that he knew not how they were disposed . it is well known what advantages accrued to the state upon the conversion of the late constable de lesdiguieres , which was accomplished with great applause by the said arch bishop , who having insinuated himself into the mind of this noble lord continually solicited him to take this good resolution ; monsieur de puisieux , whom he acquainted with these particulars , hath given a testimony thereof in his letter that he sent to him , which is also confirmed in another written by the king on the subject of this conversion . according to his majesty's order , he accompanied the constable at the siege of montpelier , and constantly attended him until the month of january 1624 , when he received a letter from the king , importing an express command that he should come unto him ; assoon as he appeared at court , his majesty imparted to him the desire that he had to send him into italy , to treat with the princes as he had formerly done on the behalf of king henry the great against spain : but the time not being convenient for such a negociation ; he ingeniously propounded his reasons to the king , which his majesty approved , and declared to him his satisfaction therein . not long after , the king appointed him to go into england ; concerning which voyage he hath already composed a relation for the use of the cardinal of richelieu , who wrote to him on purpose to desire it . it is certain that in this voyage he was very serviceable in concluding the marriage that was once broken off : it is no less true that he acquired much credit and reputation with king james i. to that degree , that he not only obtained a permission to administer the sacrament of confirmation in london , where above twelve thousand english catholicks received it from his hands , and were thereby comforted and strengthened ; but he also persuaded that prince very much to incline towards a conversion ; and if he had not died so suddainly , the good effects thereof would have appeared : the duke of buckingham's letters may serve as a sufficient testimony of all these circumstances , which are specified at large in the above mentioned relation . the late king was fully informed concerning these transactions , insomuch that besides the satisfaction that he expressed to him in particular , he designed to nominate him to the cardinalship , and signified his intentions to cardinal bagny then nuncio in france , who returning to rome revealed it to the said arch-bishop at avignon . but at this time ( as heretofore ) the king 's generous inclinations to promote the arch-bishop proved ineffectuall ; nevertheless he alwaies persevered to serve his majesty with his person and small estate ; neither could extraordinary expences nor great dangers divert him from this resolution : for in the year 1630. the late king having ordered him to take care of the passage of the troops through his diocese , and to furnish them with provisions , ammunition , and other things requisite for the subsistence of the army that was to march into italy . although this obliged him to disburse vast summs of money , and to incurr extreme perils , since the plague raged everywhere throughout his whole diocese , so violently that his almoner and gentleman usher fell sick in his own house ; however he remained alwaies near the high-way to provide all things necessary : this may be evidently proved by the letters of the late king and the cardinal of richelieu ; as also by those of the marshal de montmorency , de schomberg , de la force and d'effiat . moreover he performed other remarkable services when the king's forces took pignerol ; for the arch-bishop being informed that the duke of savoy intended to put a strong garison into his fort of lauret in the valley of barcelona very near the roads that lead to provence and dauphine , through which all the provisions and military ammunition were to be conveyed ; to the end that they might make incursions and seize on the waggons and carriages ; and might by this means reduce the army to the utmost extremity : he gave notice thereof to the cardinal , by the sieur d'hugues his nephew , at present agent general of the clergy of france , whom he sent to him on purpose : the cardinal did not neglect this advice , but immediately dispatched monsieur de montreal , quarter-master , and the abbot de beauvau at present bishop of nante , who with all possible speed repaired to embrun , with orders to do whatsoever the arch-bishop should think convenient on this occasion , who declared his opinion , gave to them the sieur baron d'hugues his other nephew , and afforded all manner of assistance , insomuch that the fort was attacked , and the garison compelled to surrender . finis . a discourse of the rise & power of parliaments, of law's, of courts of judicature, of liberty, property, and religion, of the interest of england in reference to the desines of france, of taxes and of trade in a letter from a gentleman in the country to a member in parliament. sheridan, thomas, 1646-ca. 1688. 1677 approx. 287 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 152 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59752 wing s3225 estc r16270 11929052 ocm 11929052 51071 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59752) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51071) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 512:1) a discourse of the rise & power of parliaments, of law's, of courts of judicature, of liberty, property, and religion, of the interest of england in reference to the desines of france, of taxes and of trade in a letter from a gentleman in the country to a member in parliament. sheridan, thomas, 1646-ca. 1688. [34], 7-245, [7] p. s.n.], [london : 1677. attributed to thomas sheridan. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). pages 208 and 218 tightly bound in filmed copy. pages 200-25 photographed from cambridge university copy and inserted at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. courts -england. taxation -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. france -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -foreign relations -france. great britain -economic policy. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of the rise & power of parliaments , of law 's , of courts of iudicature , of liberty , property , and religion , of the interest of england in reference to the desines of france ; of taxes and of trade . in a letter from a gentleman in the country to a member ●n parliament . salus populi suprema lex esto . printed in the year 1677. the following preface newly writ by the book-seller's friend . whoever buyes this tract , will do a small kindness to the bookseller ; but he that reads it , will do a greater to himself . the title alone is a temptation to invite one to look into it , in this time of disorder ; but , if wit and learning , reason and piety , the knowlege of men and deep consideration of goverment signifie any thing , the discourse is a perfect snare to captivate the reader . and it hath one advantage peculiar to it self to detain him , that he will meet with many things there , which no man ever writ or perhaps thought on before . the novelty alone will gratifie the men of pleasure and curiosity ; and as for the grave and the wise , that chain of reason , and good nature which runs through it , will make them scratch and think twice , before they condemn it . it was written to a member of the last parliament about christmas last was twelve-month , and since that time has crept abroad into the world , and is now made more publick , as well for the general , as the book-seller's particular good . but a great chang of affairs happning in this interval , 't is fit to acquaint you , that the author never dream't of the horrid plot , which has bin lately discover'd , when he pleaded for toleration to honest and peaceable dissenters . he measur'd other persons by his own candid temper , and did not think there cou'd be found a sect of men , who wou'd endevor the advancement of their religion by shedding the blood of their prince , in an age , when rebellious principles and their abettors , have receiv'd such confutations , as they have in this , both by god and man. but truth doth not vary with time , how much soever some persons may abuse it . i cannot persuade my self , but that liberty of conscience is a natural right , which all men bring with them into the world ; for we must all give an account of our selves to god , and stand or fall by our own faith and practice , and not by the religion of the state or countrey where we happen to be dropt . 't is impossible for men to believe what they list , or what others wou'd have them , tho it shou'd be beaten into their heads with beetles . persecution makes some men obstinate , and some men hypocrites ; but evidence only governs our under standings , and that has the prerogative to govern our actions . the design of christianity is to make men happy in the other world ; and in order thereunto , it teaches them to regulate their passions , and behave themselves with all sobriety , righteousness and piety in this . the doctrines whereby this is enforc'd , are so few and so plainly deliver'd , that they are at this day acknowledg'd by all the several sorts of christians that make a number , or are fit to be consider'd under a name in the world. for how many are there , who do not profess the apostles creed ? which was the old rule and measure of christian faith , unalterable , unreformable , from which nothing ought to be taken , to which nothing need to be added ; as irenoeus and tertullian declare . and if men wou'd be persuaded to preserve these ancient boundaries of christianity inviolate , and suffer the primitive simplicity to be restor'd ; the great occasion of squabble and contention wou'd be cut off ; and they wou'd not dispute for ever , about a lock of wooll , or the knots of a bulrush ; but instead of being extremely learned in trisles , and extremely zealous for moonshine , they wou'd grow kind and charitable and lay aside their unreasonable censures of one another . aquinas and bellarmine , and the synopsis purioris theologiae , wou'd not be studied so much , but the sermon on the mount a great deal more ; and upon casting up the account , it wou'd be found , that what we lost in subtilty thereby , we shou'd gain in religion . st. hilary , the famous bishop of poictiers , has an excellent saying to this purpose , non per difficiles nos deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat , nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae genere solicitat ; in absoluto nobis & facili est aeternitas ; iesum suscitanum à mortuis per deum credere , et ipsum esse dominum confiteri . god doth not call us to heaven by understanding abstruse and difficult questions , nor invite us by the power of eloquence and rhetorical discourses ; but the way to eternal happiness is plain , easy , and unintricate ; to believe that god rais'd up iesus from the dead , and to confess him to be the lord of all . the sense of this will soften the minds of men , and dispose them to mutual compliances and forbearances ; and then we shall not think it needful , by severities and penalties , to compel others to go to heaven , in our way , with great uneasiness , when we are resolv'd , they may with safety and pleasure get thither in their own . upon these grounds , the wisest emperors in christendom have allow'd liberty to dissenters , as theodosius did to the novatians , who had separate churches at constantinople , and bishops of their own persuasion to govern them , and enjoy'd all the priviledges of catholic christians . and the opinion of king iames sent to cardinal perron in the words of isaac casaubon , will be remembred to his honor , whilst his name shall be known in the world , as the best rosolution which was ever given of this question . rex arbitratur rerum ad salutem necessariarum non magnum esse numerum , quare existimet ejus mojestas nullam ad ineundam concordiam breviorem viam fore , quàm si diligenter separentur necessaria à non necessariis , & ut de necessariis conveniat omnis opera insumatur , in non necessariis , libertati christianae locus detur . the king is persuaded , that there is no great number of things necessary to salvation ; wherefore his majesty believes there will not be met with a shorter way to peace , than that distinction be carefully made , between necessary things , and those that are not so ; and that all pains be taken for agreement in necessaries , but that allowance be granted for christian liberty in those things that are not necessary . this is not a demand which has been only made of late , since the christian name has been so scandalously divided as it is at this day ; but 't is that which the primitive christians pleaded for as their right and due , that they ought to be tolerated , though they were mistaken , so long as they were peaceable . to this end tertullian made an address to scapula , the governor of africa , and tells him , humani juris & naturalis est potestatis unicuique quod putaverit colere , nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio . sed nec religionis est cogere religionem , quae sponte suscipi debeat non vi . cum & hostiae ab animo libenti expostulentur . ita etsi nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum , nihil praestabitis diis vestris ; ab invitis enim sacrificia non desiderabantur , nisi contentiosi sint ; contentiosus autem deus non est . it is the right of mankind and a natural privilege to worship according to what he believes . one man's religion doth neither good nor harm to another ; 't is no part of any one's religion to compel another man to be of the same with him , which ought to be undertaken freely , not by compulsion , even as the sacrifices are required to be offered with a willing mind ; and therefore tho you compel us to sacrifice , you will do no service to your own gods : for they desire no offerings from the unwilling , unless they be quarrelsome ; but god is not contentious . lactantius has spent a whole chapter to shew the unreasonableness of persecuting men for religion , and that violence is an incompetent argument to propagate truth . st. chrysostome makes it a mark of heresie , and argues thus ; doth the sheep persecute the wolf ? no , but the wolf does the sheep . so cain persecuted abel , not abel cain . ismael persecuted isaac , not isaac ismael . so the iews persecuted christ , not christ the iews ; so the heretics do to the orthodox , not the orthodox to the heretics ; therefore by their fruits you shall know them . the truth is , the persecuting practice was first introduc'd among the christians by the fiery and turbulent spirits of the arrian heretics , who had corrupted the emperor constantius , and brought him to their party , and then made use of this power to confute the catholic bishops and their adherents , by banishment , imprisonment and confiscation of goods . against which unworthy proceeding , athanasius inveighs with great reason , and vehemence , as a preparation for the coming of antichrist . but when this poison was once cast into the church , 't was but a short time before the sounder and sincerer part of christians was infected with it ; and as their interest grew at court , so they made use of it , to basfle their adversaries , and retort their own arguments upon them ; obtaining lawes to be made against several heretics , with very severe penalties , the loss of goods , of liberty , the power of making a will , and in some cases , the loss of life . which law 's are yet upon record in both the codes of iustinian and theodosius . but tho by this means they prevail'd at last to suppress the heresies which troubled the church , yet the best and wisest men amongst them disapprov'd the expedient , and thought it unreasonable , to purchase the establishment of truth , by ●uch rigours and by the shedding of blood . the first instance which i remember of any capital sentence formally pronounc'd against any dissenters , was against priscillian and some of his followers ; but then st. martin the bishop of tours interceded with all his might to hinder the proceeding ; and sulpitius severus gives an ill character of the fact , when he sayes , homines luce indignissimi , pessimo exemplo necati , aut exiliis necati . 't was of ill example and a scandal to christianity , that they were banish'd or put to death , tho they did not deserve to live . and when a band of soldiers was sent to suppress a conventicle of the donatists ( who were very numerous and extremely trouble some in africa . ) and bring them to church ; parmenian objected the armatum militem , and the operarios unitatis , to the catholics , as an unseemly and an unworthy practice . and it cost optatus a great deal of pains , to write almost a whole book to wipe off the imputation ; which he could not do , but by denying the fact as a calumny , whereof the catholics were not guilty , and disagreeable to the doctrines of their meek and peaceable master . st. austin has declared his opinion how the manichees were to be treated in such favourable and gentle words , as shew he was not pleased with the law in force against them . cod. iust. l. tit. 5. de haereticis : leg . manichaeos : illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt , quo cum labore verum inveniatur , &c. let them be rigorous against you , that do not understand what pains is requir'd in the discovery of truth ; and with what difficulty errors are avoided : let them be severe against you , that know not , how rare and hard a thing it is to conquer carnal representations by the serenity of a devout mind . let them rage against you , that are ignorant with what labor the eye of the inward man is cur'd , that it may be able to behold its own sun ; let them be cruel towards you , that know not what sighs and groans are necessary to the understanding of god in any degree : in fine , let them be angry with you that are free from all such mistakes as they see you deceiv'd with . but for my self , i can in no wise be severe against you , for i ought to bear with you as with my self , who was once one of you ; and treat you with that patience and meekness as was shewn to me by my neighbours , when i was furiously and blindly engag'd in your erronious doctrines . salvian a priest , and as some think a bishop of marselles , has manifested the like candor and meekness towards the arrians . haeretici sunt , sed non scientes : denique apud nos sunt haeretici , apud se non sunt &c. they are heretics , but they are ignorantly so ; they are heretics in our esteem , but they do not think themselves so ; nay , they so firmly believe themselves catholics , that they defame us with the title of heresy . what they are to us , the same we are to them ; we are certain they injure the divine generation , by saying the son is inferior to the father ; they think us injurious to the father , because we believe them equal ; the honor of god is on our side , but they believe it on theirs : they are undutiful , but they think this the great office of religion ; they are ungodly , but this they believe is true godliness ; they err therefore , but they err with an honest good mind , not out of hatred but affection to god beleeving that they both love and honor the lord. altho they want a right faith , yet they are of opinion . that this is the perfect love of god ; and none but the iudge can tell how they are to be punish'd , for the mistake of their false doctrine in the day of iudgment . this was the soft and charitable spirit which breath'd in those eminent defenders of christianity , who were so zealous for their religion , as to suffer for it themselvs ; but not so furious as to make others suffer to promote it . they had another method of propagating the truth ; in meekness instructing those that oppose themselvs . for indeed the only proper punishment of the erronious , is to be taught . having discours'd thus far concerning indulgence towards dissenters ; i. e. for charity , righteousness and peace ; and that every one has a right , by the great charter of nature , to make the best provision he can for his own happiness ; i foresee the envy to which this way of reasoning will be expos'd ; as if it open'd a gate to . all sorts of sects and foolish opiniators , even to atheists themselvs ; and stript the magistrate of that power , whereby he is enabled to attain the end of government , that the people under him , may lead quiet and peaceable lives , in all godliness and honesty . i know so much of human nature , and the extravagant follies of mankind left to the conduct of their own passions , that these wou'd be the certain consequences of unlimited liberty to all persons ; and therefore i plead not for it . my notion of liberty precludes all the inconveniences in this objection . 't is not a natural law which is unchangable , but a natural right only for a man to chuse what religion he will profess . and there is no right of nature , which i know of , but what is limitable to the public good , and forfeitable by the abuse of it . a man may forfeit the right which he has to life , which he holds by nature , as well as to his estate , which he holds by law. an atheist , a murderer , &c. may as justly be kill'd as a viper , or a wolf , or any other noxious animals ; because they have don irreparable mischief to the commonwealth already , and to prevent doing more for the time to come . the natures of such persons are greatly degenerated , and t is but reasonable , that they who have lost the common virtues , shou'd likewise lose the privileges of mankind : and i judge the like concerning the liberty which every man has to inquire into the truth of several systems of religion , and publicly to maintain that which appears to him establish●t upon the surest foundations . when t is apparent , that religion it self is damnified , the safety of the government endangered , and the peace of the common-wealth broken by any sort of doctrines , the persons professing those doctrines have forfeited their natural freedom , and ought to be restrain'd . accordingly , first , no man is to be allow●d to publish impieties which evidently tend to the dishonor of god and wicked life ; as , that god doth not take care of the affairs of this world ; and , that there are no rewards and punishments in the other ; that there is an indifferency in human actions , and no good or evil antecedently to the civil constitution , &c. for the truth in these cases is so plain by the light of nature , and by the manifold discoveries which god hath made , that no man who seeks for it with an honest mind , but may discern it ; and accordingly errors of this nature are not to be ascrib'd to weakness of iudgment , which is to be pitied , but consider'd as proceeding from malicious principles , and tending to base ends , and so are punishable as corruptions in manners . this sort of men indeed are not within the limits of this question , for they have no conscience , and therefore can challenge no privilege from it ; and no goverment can have security from men of no conscience ; and therefore cannot be blam'd , if it do not protect them . and , seeing they oppose the consent of mankind in such momentous affairs , why shou'd they not forfeit the benefit of human society ? and if the sword were oftner drawn and sharpn'd against them , it might possibly reconcile some persons to the authority , who are now no great friends to it , nor altogether of st. paul's mind , that the minister of god bears not the sword in vain , but is a punisher of evil doers , and a praise to them that do well . secondly , no man can claim any right to freedom , whose doctrines tend to the destruction of government in general , or the dissolution of that which is establisht . for the benefits of goverment are so great , ( tho like those of health , they are not so sensibly discern'd by any thing so much as by their absence ) that all mankind have bin contented to purchase them , by parting with somthing out of every ones stock , to maintain a common arbitrator of differences , and a common defence from injuries . and the alterations of any particular form , or the removal of any particular person , in whom the government is fix'd , is always attended with so many certain inconveniencies , and , if with any , such uncertain advantages , that ordinary prudence ought not to trust such persons whose religion leads them to anarchy or to change. nay , submission to goverment is so incorporated into all religions of the world , natural , pagan , iewish and christian , that 't is impossible any one can reconcile religion with the opposition to the present government : therefore all such doctrines as these , that dominion is founded in grace ; that 't is lawful to depose heretical princes , or vindicate the true religion by the sword ; that an idolatrous king may be cut off ; that the original of power is in the people , and upon male administration and tyrannical government , they may resume their first grant ; are to be discountenanc'd in every common-wealth , and the abettors of them to be restrain'd and punisb't ; unless the rebels of england have some peculiar privilege ; and they that ought to be hang'd in every other nation under heaven , have a particular charter to be indulg'd as the godly party here . thirdly , he that will not allow the same liberty which he asks , destroys the right to his own demands ; he is of a narrow persecuting spirit ; in love with his own dear self , proud , conceited , and an enemy to the rest of the world. for , i pray , are we not all equal by nature , have you more of the image of god , or a less share of original sin than i ? you tell me , that i am an idolater ; and cannot i say , that you are a heretick ? you are certain , if god's word be true , and the spirit of god do not deceive , you are in the right ; i say you are very confident , and solomon tells us , the fool rageth and is confident . i took not up my religion upon trust , i have read the bible and the ancient writers , the most indifferent arbitrators of differences in religion ; i have consulted the wisest men , and heard all parties speak ; i have pray'd to god for his assistance , that he wou'd guide me into all truth , and i verily think god has answer'd my prayers ; and 't is you , not i , that are in the mistake : but because there may be no contention between us , i am contented to compromise the quarrel , and we will dwell together charitably with united affections , tho with different iudgments . but you cannot in conscience accept of this fair offer ; you have a command to the contrary : come out from among them and i will receive you ; be not unequally yoaked with unbelievers : have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , but rather reprove them . you have a promise to depend on , and you look up to god to perform it . behold , i will make them of the synagogue of satan , which say they are iews , and are not , for they lye ; i will make them to come and worship before thy feet , and know that i have loved thee . well sir , i am sorry my tender of peace is so scornfully rejected , upon the misapplication of such texts of scripture , as equally and indifferently serve all parties , or are nothing to the present purpose ; you must not be angry , if i strike the first blow , rather than suffer you to take your own opportunity to knock me o th head . when the cause comes to be tryed , before equal umpires , you will be judg'd out of your own mouth , that challeng'd liberty , which you wou'd not grant : for you have transgrest the great rule of righteousness , not to do to others , what you wou'd have done unto your self . upon these terms , the pretences to liberty are destroy'd . but if the wisdom of any state shall confine their indulgencies to pious , obedient , and charitable dissenters , i cannot perceive the prejudice , which difference in speculations and disputable points can do in religion , or the power of the magistrate . but at the same time i cannot but admire the admirable temper and moderation which is shew'n in the church and goverment of england ; that requires nothing necessary to salvation , but the acknowlegement of the ancient creeds ; that teaches nothing , but what is pious and charitable ; whose lyturgy is grave , wise and holy ; whose rites are few and material ; whose laws are full of candor and compliance , allowing freedom to any five dissenters together to worship god , in their own way : whose true sons and subjects , are the greatest favorers of christian liberty , which are in the world ; and i pray god , to give all people that disown it , wisdom to understand it . the publisher to the reader . having , i must own , not without pleasure , read the following papers ; and believing they might in several instances ( i do not say all ) give som satisfaction to others , and contribute to the public good , for which , i perswade my self , even those notions that seem most od and impracticable , were intended ; i resolved to make them public ; but was check't again , by calling to mind , that he from whom i in some sort extorted them , oblig'd me not to discover him : nevertheless , considering i might do the one without the other , i pursued my former resolutions ; yet taking this further care , that even the printer should not know from whence they came . and now let me tell you , whatever you shall think of this discourse , 't is the issu of a sober brain , tho perhaps a little too much inclin'd to humor , and rigid vertu ; and not so agreeable or smooth , as you would have had it , if my friend had dressed it for the eyes of any other besides my self , to whom he sent it sheet by sheet ; and having writ it in less than eight of the last holy-dayes , you may believe , had i allowed more time , it would have come , even to me , reviewed . as it is , i make it yours ; and assure you , what ever censure you pass upon him or me , we shall both be unconcern'd : as complesance made it mine , so a good intention , of serving my country , makes it yours . for my self , i do not aim at being richer or greater ; the patrimony left me , satisfyed and invited my unambitious mind , to the retirements of a privat life ; which i have made easie by innocent recreations , company , and books : it was not my own seeking , that i am now plac'd in a more public station ; wherein , tho perhaps i have done no good , yet , i am pleas'd , i never did any hurt ; having alwayes pursu'd , without passion or interest , what ever my conscience ( the best rule and severest iudge of men's actions ) convinced me was best . as to my friend , he is one has read some books , and more men ; thanks god he is , that , which the world calls a fool , a good-natur'd man , one that heartily loves all mankind ; and has so particular a zeal for the good of his country , that i believe he would sacrifice his life to serve it . but almost despairing , that ever things will be better than they are ; and finding , by what he has seen abroad , that a man may live more happily in england , than in any part of europe ; and now grown old , by temper , more than years , he has resolv'd , chiefly to mind himself ; whom , to enjoy more fully , he has bid adieu to all thoughts of business ; to which , having never been bred by any calling , he has had the more opportunities of considering all , of improving himself , and observing most sorts of men ; and , as a speculative philosopher , to the entertainment of himself and friends , he passes very free remarks on all actions and things he judges amiss ; and , being byass'd by no manner of interest , i am perswaded he speaks his conscience : and he has the good fortune , to make others often conclude , he do's not only speak a great deal of truth ; but also further satisfies them , that it is much easier to find faults , than mend them ; that there ever were , and ever will be , disorders in all human societies ; that there are fewer in that of england , than in any other , and that they are there more curable . thus much i thought fit to tell you , to prevent any misapprehensions concerning the persons who are the occasion of this trouble , or diversion , call it what you please . the contents . 1. state affairs not fit to be discoursed by privat men . page 7 2. of the rise of parliaments . 11 3. origin of government , with a brief account of laws , revenues , trade , and natural religion . 12 4. a new method of electing members , objections against this present parliament , and their answers . 29 5. of lawes , &c. 37 6. of better restraint of offences than punishment by death . 48 7. of courts of iudicature . 60 8. of liberty , property , and religion . 73 9. differences in the last nor hurtful nor restrainable . 81 10. how toleration may be safely granted . 92 11. how to prevent divisions among christians , and to make all really not nominaly such . 99 12. to regulate and reform the abuses of the press ; the inconveniencies of printing as now managed . 104 13. the intrest of england in reference to france . 116 14. reasons why the king did not declare war against that crown . 119 15. the king's care of ireland to prevent french designs . 140 16. of an union between england and ireland , or the repealing poynings act. 143 17. of taxes to make them great and perpetual , most for the peoples ease and common good . 148 18. that 100 l. formerly was in real value equivalent to 300 l. now , and in use to 3000 l. with the reasons of the disparity . 161 19. the dangers of not perpetuating , apportioning and applying the revenue to the particular charge and uses of the crown or state , and the advantage of doing so . 166 20. the objections against perpetuating the revenue , considered and removed . 167 21. that french or any other commodities are better restrained by height of duty , than absolute prohibition . 173 22. several taxes considered , excise , hearth-mony &c. 174 23. a tax upon new buildings , a pole-mony , and how to secure it against frauds . 178 24. a tax upon unmarried people . 180 25. of trade , of the value of labour , how the people and riches may be encreased , &c. 184 26. that forreigners are to be invited , and how . 190 many other things for advance of trade , as registries or their equivalent on practisers of fraud ; how work-houses may be erected , all poor and beggars provided for , and a nursery for an army either for land or sea-service to be suddenly raised on any emergency , without grievance or pressing of the people &c. errata . in the title page for ( member in ) read member of . p. 2. to the reader , read unfashionable rigid virtue . p. 18. l. 14. r. extravagance . p. 21. l. 15. r. destructive . p. 28. l. 3. for ( and policy ) r. or policy . ibid. l. 13. r. as head . p. 63. l. 3. r. actual summons . p. 69. l. 4. r. arising . p. 82. l. 5. r. end. ibid. l. 10. for ( clearer ) r. cleaner . p. 91. l. 19. r. a red sea. p. 105. l. 9. r. sacrament . p. 112. l. 22. r. have slay'd . p. 113. l. 25. dele , til , they ; p. 118. l. 20. r. finesso . p. 122. l. 10. for ( unequal ) r. uneasy . p. 143 . l. 15. r. poynings . p. 145. l. 7. r. claim a greater . p. 149. last l. for ( make ) r. may . p. 159. l. last , r. haver . p. 176. l. 22. r. brewers only . p. 178. l. 13. r. but also . p. 188. l. 23. r. twice stronger . p. 191. l. 2. r. many many . p. 200. l. 5. r. shal not be . p. 207. l. 2. r. representative . p. 239. l. 4. r. bettor . the introduction . sir , had you only commanded me to have given you an account of the laws and customs of another utopia , an isle of pines , or of o. brazil , ( tho unfit even for such a task ) i wou'd not have disputed it : but finding you have impos'd upon me , who am neither states-man nor merchant , a necessity of playing the fool , by treating of englana's policies and trade ; i confess i cou'd not without great reluctance comply with so severe an injunction . i have always been averse to discourses of this kind ; which in privat men are no farther tolerable , than as idle philosophers , to pass away their vacant hours in such otherwise useless speculations ; and in them too , i have heard 'um oftner condemn'd than commended , the authors esteemed foolish , and impertinent , troublesom or dangerous ; and som we know by indulging themselves too much in this vanity , have straitned , if not wholly lost their liberty and fortunes . we live not in plato's commonwealth , but in foece romuli , where a ful reformation of laws and manners , seems only to be wish'd , not to be obtain'd without a miracle . why then shou'd any , especially the unconcern'd , busy their heads with what they cannot mend ? 't is much more pleasant and safer far , to let the world take its course , to believe that in the regular , stated , motion of nature , things are so order'd by divine providence , that they wil not , cannot , suffer themselves to be il manag'd . nature , if we hearkn'd to her dictates , as well as religion ( which we equally despise ) would convince us , it were our duty ( i am certain it wou'd be our interest , our happiness even in this life ) to submit quietly to the powers above , and their ordinances , because all powers are of god. thus i acknowledge every privat man ought to think and do ; but public persons , that is to say , law-makers are to consider they were born not only for themselves , but for the good of others , and therefore are oblig'd to exert that power with which they are intrusted , for the joint common good of the people , without partial regards or privat ends . if they wou'd sincerely mind this ; and if our hot-braind state-mountebanks , who being but privat men , yet quarrel at every thing that is not conformable to the capricio's of their own wild fancies , wou'd cease to intermedddle in their superiors province , england might be the happpiest kingdom of the world ; whereas the contrary practise rendred her not long fince the seat of civil wars , tyranny and confusion , and has at present so filled her with murmurings , and repinings , iealousies , and fears , that she which formerly gave law to others , and was a terror to more than europe , is now in danger , to become weak and contemptible in the eys and opinions of her neighbors . these , and such like , were the considerations , that made me so long resist your command ; to which i had never yielded , but to prevent the loss of your friendship , with which you so solemly threatn'd me in your last . take then in the same order you prescribe , the best account i am able in so short a time to give to your several following particulars of the rise and power of parliaments , of laws ; courts of iudicature ; of liberty , property and religion ; of the interest of england in reference to the desines of france ; of taxes and of trade . but you are to observe , that what i write is with as much liberty , and little care , as people discourse in coffee houses , where we hear the state-affairs of all nations adjusted , and from thence guess at the humor of the people and at the times . in this therefore , you are not to expect , any studied phrases , or elaborat connexions , close neat transitions , &c. your servant ( whom i conjure you by the strictest ties of friendship , not to discover ) has neither will , nor leisure for such a work , which being intended only for your closet , you may be content to take in a plain english dress . the great and many revolutions and changes , which in all places have attended human affairs ; and the particular inundations of the romans , saxons , danes , and normans , into this kingdom ; together , with the ignorance and carelesness of former ages , have left us , in so much darkness and uncertainty , that i think it not only difficult , but morally impossible , to trace out exactly the beginnings of things . if it be so then in all affairs , we may cease to wonder , why men are so much at a loss , in their enquiries into , and debates of the present matter , viz. of the rise and power of parliaments ; which has received very different formes and shapes , according to the interest and power of the several contending parties ; this makes me think , its tru face can never be fully discover'd , tho perhaps it may be uncertainly guess'd at , by som lines , saint shadows , and stronger probalities gather'd from the scatter'd memoires of monks , who cannot well be suppos'd impartial , especially in ecclesiastical , nor full in the relations of state-affairs ; in the accounts of which they did not hold themselves concern'd : but yet they are the best guides we have ; for from the ancient rolls in the tower , one cannot believe , there was any exact diary of things ; or if he do , must conclude , many are spoyl'd by the injury of time , omitted thro negligence , or made away for privat ends. however we may yet pick out of both this truth , that tho the rise of parliaments , like the head of nilus , be unknown , yet they have bin of long standing and of great power . and we shall find it reasonable they shou'd be so , if we look back into the grounds and origin of goverment ; which we may suppose to have bin introduc'd by the general consent and agreement of as many families , as upon the encrease of mankind , joyned in one common society , divided the earth into particular proportions , and distinguished between meum and tuum ; to this they were induced by love , not fear , which is but the consequent of that , reason convincing that the enjoyments of life were thus best serv'd and promoted . and because that being and well-being , cou'd not be continued or enjoyed , but by the society of women , and the products of labor ; and that , if some wou'd be idle , and many covet the same woman , the great desine of nature , happiness , founded on living well , and in peace , might be perverted into the state of misery , war ; to prevent the two necessary consequences , poverty and death , they entred into mutual compacts , articles , or laws , agreeable to that great and fundamental law of nature , rivited into their beings , to do as they wou'd be done unto ; that is , they resolv'd , agreed , and promis'd one another , to be guided by the rules of reason ; or , which is one and the same , to continu men. but , because it was probable , som yielding too much to their passions , might swerve from this great rule , and so , wrong others as well as themselves ; therefore , that no man might be iudge and party , they unanimously confirmed to the elder person , the continuance of that right , which nature had given him over the fruit of his loynes during its minority , to determin what ever differences shou'd happen ; believing him , as the common father of the family , to be most impartial , and as the longer experienced , the wisest man. this power , tho great , exceeded not the limits of their then-enacted laws , in their tru and natural meaning , which they took care to make very few and plain , that all disputes and intricacies ( not only the disturbers , but destroyers , of iustice ) might be avoided . and finding they were not only lyable to danger at home , but from abroad ; from such other societies , as had already , or might afterwards set up for themselves ; and that it was not possible for all , to watch against these dangers , they therefore resolv'd to put that care into the hands of one man ; ( for which great undertaking , the coward , as the fool , if those two really differ , were equally unfit , inconsideration in the one , being what fear is in the other , ( a betraying of the succors which reason offers ) nature then , by giving their iudge most authority , wisdom , and conduct , which with tru courage ( the effect also in a great measure , of experience ) are the great qualifications of a general , desin'd him for that honor ; which the people readily confirm'd , promising obedience , and investing him with the power of making war and peace : but ( at his instance ) reserving to themselves , the liberty of examining and approving the reasons : which the great and wise captain judg'd convenient ; knowing , without the consent of all , he cou'd not but want the assistance of som , which might dis-able him to defend himself or them ; whereupon , the ruin of the whole must inevitably follow . and , because the prince his whole time must be employed in this great work ; part of which , was the preparing his son for the succession , by instilling into him the necessary seeds , the principles of vertu , religion , wisdom , courage , munificence , and iustice : the people willingly agree'd to entail upon him , and his successors , a certain excisum , or proportion of every man's labor , answerable to the occasions of the public ; and to the particular state and grandeur , necessary for the support and maintenance of his authority and reputation . but because a greater proportion was needful for extraordinary accidents , as of war , &c. they set apart annually another quota , to remain for such uses in a kind of public bank , so to be order'd , as might greatly increase their common treasure , and do good to the poorer sort of laborers and trades-men , and maintain in hospitals , such impotents or aged persons , as shoud be disabled , to make provisions for themselves . the revenu they made great enoff , as wel as certain , that the prince might not ly under any necessity of contriving from time to time , new artifices and wayes of raising money , that great rock of offence , on which they foresaw no prince could stumble without vexation , animosities , and hatred ; not only discomposing the happiness , but occasioning the overthrow of any state. and so the people , being sure of the remainder , they proportion'd their expence to their gettings ; the former they moderated , not only by prudent sumptuary laws , but by the hazard of their reputations , esteeming it infamous , not to lay up yearly somthing of their labors ; by which course , the public taxes became easie . which they made perpetual , that their children shoud be under a necessity of following their examples of thrist , and so might likewise be insensible of the burden ; fore-seeing that taxes impos'd upon people , who are so far from saving ought , that they account themselves good husbands , if they do but yearly make both ends meet , beget il blood , murmuring and discontent ; crying , that the bread is taken out of their mouths , or the cloths from their backs , which are often followed by the evil consequences of rebellions , and the subversion of the common wealth . for such never consider , that their own extravance made those imaginary needs ; which , when they happen , are no otherwise to be removed , but by moderating former expences . thus , they wisely contriv'd , and interwove the perpetuating the subjects safety , and the princes dominion ; never secure , but when founded on mutual love and confidence : i do not find the practice of this policy any where so wel continued , as in the states of venice and holland ; which has preserved the first about 12 centuries , and made the later increase so prodigiously in less than one . now , because they foresaw , the products of their labor wou'd exceed their expences , and that the remainder wou'd be useful , for commutations with their neighbor for som of their commodities , but that in driving this trade they wou'd be exposed on sea to pyracies , &c. to make their navigation safe , they agreed , that the public for securing them , shoud receive by way of praemium or insurance , a certain excisum out of all things exported or imported , which we now cal customes . and , lest the too great desire of wealth , shou'd make them forgetful of their duty to god , their parents , and their country , that is to one another , they ordain'd , that a sufficient number of the elders of the people , grave , sober , discreet persons , shou'd at certain times , set apart for that purpose , remind them of their duty , in every of those particulars , and also instruct their children in the laws of god , and of their country . and , because the tending of this work wou'd take up a considerable portion of their time , they allowed salaries to these public officers , out of the common stock . in those days of innocence , when art was not interwoven with religion , nor knavery with policy , it was an easy matter to be pious and just : and if the higher powers were pleas'd to remove these two , we shou'd soon again see that golden age ; the duty of both tables was comprised in few articles , that to their neighbors , consisted as now , in doing as you would be don unto ; that towards god , ( of whose being they were convinced by the strongest of demonstations , the consideration of the visible things of the world , ) in thanksgivings , and adorations , the effect of gratitude to the author of their being , and of all good things , in believing the immortality of the soul , and of its being susceptible of rewards , and punishments in another life , and in the consequence , that sin is to be repented of . these were their common sentiments , the dictates of nature ; the substance of which was acknowledg'd by al , even the most barbarous of nations ; and therefore cou'd not be the inventions of policy , the dreams of melancholy men , or the effects of education : these are the opinions of the unthinking , and therefore wild and loose , and were the wishes formerly of the few debauch'd ; but the great , sober and wise philosophers of all ages , upon the exactest scrutiny , finding them to be the impresses of nature , as essential to our being as light to the sun , pronounced the speculative atheist an impossible thing . and because they were sencible that a lyer as destrustive of the very being of human society , ought to be banished the commonwealth , the first of their laws , and the cement of the rest was , that every man shou'd not only speak truth to his neighbor , but stand firm to his promises . and knowing that laws , tho never so good , wou'd prove insignificant , if not duly observed ; and that som men wou'd never be wise , that is , wou'd never consider , and consequently wou'd not easily be restraind from folly , from offending ; to deter the slavish and inconsiderat , they did , not only annex certain penalties to the breach of the laws , but unalterably decreed , that no offender tho never so powerful , shou'd escape the punishment . these penalties were pecuniary mucts , loss of liberty , bodily labor to the public , or banishment ; the power of life and death , they wou'd not give ; because they cou'd not transfer that to another which was wanting in them selves ; the taking away of life was peculiarly reserv'd by nature , as its own indispensible right , as most reasonable , because she alone coud give it : they consider`d , that terrors are but affrightments to duty , that corrections are for amendment not destruction , which course shou'd they have pursu'd , they might accidentally have run themselves , into a state of war : since nature had told them , it was not only lawful , but necessary , if they coud not otherwise preserve their own , to take away the beings of any that attempted theirs ; that it wou'd be against the end of society , mutual happiness ; this rendering the sufferer uncapable of all , to which therefore he neither cou'd nor wou'd have consented . this or somthing not unlike it was i perswade my self , the form & substance of the first commonwealths , which if you narrowly look into , you may perhaps find som lines , that drawn out fully , might be no il model , for any common-wealth . and to come nearer home ; it has some resemblance to what , for several past ages , this kingdom did , and does now enjoy . to omit the brittish times , of which we have but very thin gleanings of the druids their oracles of learning , law and religion ; and to skip over that of the romans , who were never able perfectly to introduce their manner of commonwealth ; we shal find that in the time of the saxons ( a people of westfrizland , so called from the shape of their sword , a kind of cymeter , ) and in that of the danes , the manner of goverment was , as now in substance , the not in form or name , by king and parliament . but whether the commons were called to this great assemby or no , i cannot find , from the imperfect registers of elder times ; one may guess , they were originally members of it , because the same people in westfrizland , from whence they descended , do at this day continu , a form of government , different from all the rest of the provinces , not unlike this . there are sufficient proofs , that the peers , that is , the chief of the clergy , and best estated gentry , were as often as the king pleas'd ( for it was originally edicto principis ) summon'd to consult with him of the great affairs of state : which council was before the conquerors time , call'd by several names ; as concilium absolutely , sometimes the epithets of magnum , generale or commune were added : it was often known by the name of curca magna and others , and was compos'd ex episcopis , abbatibus , ducibus , satrapis & sapientibus regni ; among which , if any wil say the commons had place , i will not dispute , because in those times when titles of honor were not the arguments of good fortune or the mark 's of the prince's favor , the king cal'd to this great council , such as large possessions , courage , or wisdom recommended as fit : for we find that the fathers having sat there , gave no right to such sons , as did not with their estates , inherit their vertues . it appears farther , that the great council in the later end of the saxons reign , and til the beginning of king iohns , had , by the grace of kings , accustomed themselves , without any summons to meet thrice every year , at christmas , easter and whitsontide ; which course was not interrupted by any particular summons , but when in other seasons of the year , the public occasions required their meeting . the long continuance of the barons wars , made the before stated meetings , of the great council , return to the uncertain pleasure of the prince . what ever the power of the commons was before the conquest , it plainly appears , that for somtim afterward , their advice was seldom desired , and as things were then ordered , their consent was not thought necessary , being always included , in that of the lords : for the conqueror having subjected the natives to an intire vassalage , seiz'd upon all their possessions , reserved to the crown larg proportions , in every county , gave part to the church in francalmoine , and the residu to his fellow adventurers in the war , to be held by knight servic● . these subdivided part of theirs to their followers , on such conditions as render'd them perfect slaves to their masters , rather than their lords : by the possession of so much power , these barons or freeholders ( for theword signifi'd no more ) did what they pleas'd with their vassals , became very terrible to the conqueror and his successors : to curb whose extravagance , tho all were willing , king iohn was the first that made the attempt ; but by his over hastiness , he gave birth to the lasting broyles of the barons wars . he with desine to suppress the too great power of the lords in the sixth year of his reign , about a war with france , call'd for the commons advice and council with the lords ; which had bin don above one hundred years before by henry the first , who in his reign summon'd them twice , at his coronation , and in his eighteenth year . the next time after king iohn that we find them summoned , was in the forty ninth year of henry the thirds reign ; whose summons appears upon record : so that he may be said to have perfected , what henry the first , and king iohn desin'd , making the commons a part of that great iudicature , which they have ever since continu'd , and for some time after , in one and the same house . it was usual in those days to mention in the writ , the cause of assembling this council ; in a summons of edward the first a wise , just , and therefore a fortunate prince , concerning a war with france , in the seventh year of his reign , these words are observable , lex justissima providâ circumspectione stabilita , ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur , much better sense than ` latin. succeding kings have bin pleased to consult in i arliament , of all the high and great concerns of the state , of what nature or kind soever . the consulting thus with the wholebody of the people , was first the grace & pollicy of kings , & the practise was always succesful to those that us'd it , as the contrary prov'd destructive : for the kings having by this course gaind their subjects hearts , found it easy , to command their purses , and their hands . this great representative of the commonwealth , the parliament , consisting of three estates , viz. the lords , spiritual and temporal , and commons with the king at head , you wil with me easily conclude , may do any thing , within the reach of human power . you must pardon me , if i wave anatomizing the distinct powers of the several parts of this great body ; whosoever first attempted that , desin'd the overthrow , of the best constituted goverment in the world , where the king wants no ensines of monarchy or majesty ; where the people have not only al the freedom , liberty and power , that in reason can be wished , but more than any of their neighbors enjoy , even than those , in the so much more cry'd up , but little understood commonwealth of holland , where they have liberty in name , but in reality are very slaves , and beasts of burden . now , whether the way of convening parliaments , might not be alter'd into the this following ( or , som other more equal than the present seems to be ) i leave to themselves to determin , viz. that every parish , freeholders and others , if they please , shoud meet and choose two honest knowing men , on whom their power of electing members shoud be devolved ; this don in every parish , the several two's to meet and choose two for the hundred ; that agreed , the respective two's of every hundred , at the time and place appointed to choose the members , out of such , as are resident in the country , both knights and burgesses : nor does it seem very reasonable , that the later shoud exceed the former , especially considering that many of the antient burrow's are decay'd , and yet the number rays'd by the additions of new ones , beyond what it was before : but by this manner of election that inconvenience , if any , will not be considerable . to every two members a sides-man to be chosen , who shoud duly attend , at the place of sessions ; and that he might be prepar'd in the absence of both , or either of the members , they shoud make him master of al that pass'd from time to time in the house . and that every person elected , might serve the public without privat consideration , the electors , or a iustice of peace in their presence , to administer an oath fram'd to this effect , that in al proceedings , they endeavor to inform themselves , fully of the state of the matter , and therein act according to conscience , without particular interest or desine ; that directly , or indirectly , on the account of their vote or serving , they shal not receive by themselves , or others , any reward , or gratuity whatsoever . on breach of this oath to be lyable to al the penalties of perjury . it is not to be doubted , but the honor of promoting their countries good ( that giving a sort of immortality which al men covet ) wil invite gentlemen enow sufficiently qualified , to undertake this work on these conditions , how hard soever they appear . 't is not reasonable , that parliament men shoud be maintained , or rewarded ( unless in praise and statues ) at the countries charge : to do it gratis is al the real good they do the commonwealth , in which as privat men , their interest , and consequently their gain is greater , than that , of the meaner sort . the elections to be by the ballotting box , to avoid heat , and secret grudges . nor woud it be useless to ad , that al things be carried , fairly and openly in the house ; that the debate of any thing proposed , be adjourned to the next days meeting ; for in the time of rest upon our bed , our nights sleep does change our knowledge , and qualify the effect or cause of passion , inconsideration : that every member by himself , or sides-man , be constantly present , under severe penalties to the public : that nothing be put to the vote , but in a ful house , not of forty ( who cannot be the major part of above four hundred , and therefore at first was sure a trick ) but of al the members ; nor then carried by majority , til the reasons of every single dissenter be examined , the dissenting person convinc'd , and in case of obstinacy after conviction ( of which in so wise an assembly , none can be suppos'd guilty ) expell'd the house ; the question not to be reassum'd , til after the election of a new member , unless his sides-man be of a contrary opinion in the debate . 't is possible the swaying argument , was at first , but one man 's , whose credit and authority might prevail upon the rest , without examining his reasons , which makes it prudent , to weigh the force of what is offered against it : by the contrary course , they may , by this they cannot suffer ; since reason or truth is always one and the same , and however disguis'd , by the sophistry of wit , it must at last overcom . thus by proving al things , and holding fast that which is best , they wil acquit themselves to the present and succeeding ages . such manner of proceeding woud silence al murmurings and clamors , that the parliament is divided into factions ; a court and a country party ; tho the interest of the one , be not directly opposit , to that of the other , yet the members , for ends of their own , honor or rewards , do make them so ; of this they are convinc'd , by seeing som turn cat in pan , appearing strongly , in one session , for that which in a former , they as vigorously oppos'd . and by observing others to compass elections by faction and interest , by purchase or covinous freeholds : that , contrary to several acts of parliament , members living in the south are chosen for the north ; and therefore are , to the injury of the people , as much strangers to the affairs of the places , for which they serve , as those two points , are distant from each other : that they pass laws , witness that against irish cattel , &c. not for the common good , but to shew their interest and power , to mischief a man they hate , or to revenge som receiv'd , or supposed injuries or affronts : that therefore , it is necessary to dissolve this , as not being a free parliament , and to cal a new one ; that to do so frequently , is most agreeable to reason , and to former statutes ; and to that end several causes are prepared to put a difference between the two houses , in point of iurisdiction , &c. but such as more seriously weigh things , may i hope be convinc'd , these are the groundless surmises of som , and false suggestions of others , discontented and il dispos'd persons , the old disturbers of our israel's peace , who delighting , to fish in troubled waters , endeavour once more , to put al into a flame of tyranny and confusion , to see what fish they may , by that treacherous light , bring to their own nets . that it is idle to imagin , the court , the best refiner of wit and languag , shoud not have as piercing a fore-sight , as the country ; that being allow'd , they must be sensible of the fatal consequence of a divided hous or kingdom ; their loss is at least as great as any others , their al is at stake : 't is therefore contrary to their interest , which never lies , consequently to their practice , to endeavor parties . 't is irrational , no less than scandalous , to conclud , because som mens sense , by second thoughts , and fuller consideration of things , is alter'd , that therefore they are brib'd ; as if personages , of so much honor , wisdom , and public spiritedness , coud be induc'd , by any sinister practices , or by-respects , to betray their country , and intail upon themselves , and their posterities , more lastingly , than they can their estates , great and inexpressible calamities . and can it be supposed , the ministers have so little understanding , as not to foresee , that the taking off violent members , any other way , than by conviction of their errors , were endlesly to encrease their numbers , and hydra-like , by cutting off one head , to give occasion , to the sprouting up of many . nor is it less absur'd , to beleive , the parliament , when they find the conveniences , the reason of statutes ceased , wil not repeal them : 't is no affront to their iudgments , nor to their-loyalties , so to alter with the times ; an obstinacy in the contrary resolution , woud indeed be a disparagement , to their understandings . that it is to be hop'd , the wisdom of the parliament is such , as not to quarrel for trifles , after the manner of women or children ; that they wil lay aside al partial regards , and without heats , or personal reflections , intend the great work , the common safety ; recollecting that they were the home bred divisions , more than the conqueror's forces , that occasion'd harold's overthrow , and england's intire subjection to the french ; even those very men , who invited william , suffer'd in the ruin ; so just and natural it is , to love the treason , and hate the traytor . does not every man know , that the power of whol france is greater , than that of a part , that of normandy , could be ? that william can't be suppos'd , to have been more watchful , to seize the prey , than lewis is ? who perhaps has set those very men , at least their leaders on work , that openly pretend most , to oppose his desines ; while , in the mean time , by sowing underhand , discords and fears , among the people , they best promote his purposes . 't is no unheard-of practice , for politicians , as well as water-men , to look one way , and row another : but i hope , no cunning achithophel will be able to divert the parliament , from the great business of this conjuncture . when they have don that ; i wish they woud think it worth their labor , to look into the laws , and observe what of them , are fit to be repeal'd and what continued . the happiness of a state , consists in a regular form of goverment , by just and equal laws , few and plain , fitted to the most ordinary capacities : these qualifications , are as necessary to the well-being of the people , as that of promulgation was ever accounted to the essence of a law. but such is the fate of england , that the laws are almost numberless , which makes them unpossible to be remembred ; and what is worse , are so very intricat , that they may more reasonably be looked upon , as the devices of cunning men , to entrap the simple , than as the rule , by which al are to square their actions and their lives : and what is yet worse , they were never promulgated , tho provided for , by those statutes , that enact the reading of som of them in cathedrals at least once a year , and of others four times . is it fit or just , men shoud be punished by laws they neither know , nor can remember ? there is no one intire body of laws ; that of the statutes is so tedious ( and som yet remain in the parliament rolls not printed ) that it can hardly be read over in a months time ; tho an hundred times reading , wil not enable a man , to remember them , and yet he may suffer , for not observing what he has not , or if he had , coud not remember : but what is the greatest evil , if they coud remember , they coud not understand ; since the very iudges , who have not only been bred at the feet , but are themselves the gamaliels of the law , and much more , are wont to spend whol terms in the reconciling and expounding of particular statutes . and it often happens , that after these long advisements , they being divided , in their opinions , the parties concern'd , wearied in those toyles , endeavor after all their cost and labor , to quit their right , or impatiently expect the making of new , and more intelligible laws . these great disorders have bin occasion'd by several conspiring accidents , length and warping of time , crooked interests of some lawyers , and the continual wars , forreine or domestick , with which this country has bin harassed , i might say , since the invasion of the romans , &c. but to com nearer our own times , since the conquest , since the first making of these acts , england has not enjoyed , one half century , an intire peace : to which unhappiness , i know not whether , the vexation of the law , or bigottre of religion , have contributed most . i do not doubt but in other ages , they were as sensible of the evil , as we are in this , but the same accidents continuing , rendered it remediless . edward the confessor regulated the saxon laws , but his care prov'd of little advantage after the coming in of the conqueror ; who desining to set up a new form more agreeable to the customs of normandy , or his own will , made himself deaf to the peoples desires , of being govern'd by the rules of that holy prince , who was deservedly sainted , no less for his zeal , and love of iustice , in matters of law , than for his strictness of life , in those of religion . from the conquerors time downwards , there have bin attempts of this kind , almost in every kings reign ; but the wars , and divisions ( and consequently dissolutions ) that often happend between the kings & their parliaments , somtimes lords , somtimes commons , about the liberty of the subject , or , prerogative of the crown , ( not without good reason concluded to have bin set on foot by the crafty lawyers , by this time grown considerable ) prevented bringing to pass , the intended reformation of the law. i wil not insist upon al the kings reigns , where this was desin'd , nor go farther back than henry the eight's time , when ingenious sir thomas more , was by him set on work , to fram a model : but the succeeding accidents frustrated that attempt : the troubles and revolutions that continued , during the reigns of edward the sixth , queen mary and queen elizabeth , hindred this work , which at wise burleigh's advise was resolved on , by the later queen . the learned king iames , determined to finish it ; and the knowing sir francis bacon was pitched upon , to fram a schem of new laws , or model the old ; but the discontents about religion , with the greater artifice of the lawyers , then more numerous , diverted that glorious enterprize . some living were actors , others spectators , of the troubles that have since happen'd , which gave way not to a reformation , but confusion of the laws ; and yet the long parliament ( or rather conventicle ) knowing their great , and good master purpos'd it , resolv'd upon a new method of laws . but the idol themselves , had set up , as a just reward of their treason , prevented this , by turning them out of doors , with their beloved magna charta , calling it in contempt magna f — . too many in other countries , no less than this , have wholly lost their freedom , by endeavoring to enlarge it , beyond law and reason ; as it has also somtimes befallen ambitious princes , who , striving to augment their power , and dominions , beyond the boundaries of iustice , have , instead of new acquists , forfeited their antient and lawful possessions . the gardiners ass in the apologue desining to mend himself by changing masters , found at a dear-bought experience , none so kind as the first ; the observation of the evil of those days has given us reason , to believe , that wisdom best , which is learnt at the cost of others , and to remember the wise mans advice , meddle not with those who are given to change . this i speak as to the fundamental of the government , which can never be alter'd by the wit of man , but for the worse : but the superstructures of hay and stubble are grown so cumbersom and rotten , that they are fit for nothing but the fire . though i am far from giving credit , to any prediction , or prophecy , but those of holy writ , yet i can't but remember you , of that old latin one , rex albus , &c. on which you know , our wishes taught us , to fix a pleasing interpretation . this hint wil bring to your mind , what perhaps has not been there almost these thirty years , that both for his innocence , and the accidental snow , that fel on his herse , the late king charles was that white king , who for some time , was to be the last in england : that afterwards his son , shoud from beyond the seas , return to the possession of his crown , and that in his dayes , religion and laws shoud be reform'd , and setl'd , upon the eternal foundations of truth and iustice. the fulfilling of this prophesie now , wil seem as miraculous an effect of providence , as that of our soverain's restauration , and wil as much eternize the wisdom of the parliament , as the other their loyalty . what remains of this undon , we might hope to see finisht , as old as we are , if they woud be pleas'd to espouse it heartily , and defend themselves against the noyse , wranglings , and opposition of the lawyers and clergy , who are no more to be consulted in this case , than merchants concerning exchange , &c. because , as the wise syracides observ'd , their interest woud byass them : there is ( saith he ) that counselleth for himself ; beware therefore of a counsellor ; and know before what need he hath , for he wil counsel for himself . there was law before lawyers ; there was a time when the common customs of the land were sufficient to secure meum and tuum ; what has made it since so difficult ? nothing but the comments of lawyers , confounding the text , and writhing the laws like a nose of wax , to what figure best serves their purpose . thus the great cook , bribed perhaps by interest , or ambition , pronounced that in the interpretation of laws , the iudges are to be believed before the parliament : but others , and with better reason , affirm , that 't is one of the great ends of the parliaments assembling , to determin such causes , as ordinary courts of iustice coud not decide . the laws of england , are divided into common and s●●ate law ; the common are antient customes , which by the unanimous and continued usage of this kingdom , have worn themselves into law ; statutes are the positive laws of the land , founded on particular accidents and conveniences not provided for by the common law ; civil and canon law , are of no force , but as they are incorporated , into the body of one or other of these laws , if either may be call'd a body which has neither head nor foot ; for they lye scatter'd in som few books , bracton , littleton , glanvil , fleta , cook , plouden , dier , crook , &c. their commentaries or reports ; or rather in the arbitrary opinion of the iudges , or som celebrated lawyers ; for nothing is in this trade certain or regular ; what one gives under his hand for law , another gives the direct contrary ; iudgments and decrees reverst , as if that coud be just one day , that is unjust another : and why in england must law and equity be two things ? since reason & conscience in all other parts of the world are one and the same ; and why cannot laws be so plainly worded , as that men of common sence , may without an interpreter , discover the meaning ? if they be not so order'd , speedy and exact justice wil at best be retarded . but you 'l tel me there woud be no need to complain , if men woud follow christ's advice , if any man wil sue thee at the law , and take away thy coat , let him have thy cloak also ; the reason was so plain , that it was needless to express it , viz. least the lawyer , shoud com between , and strip you naked , even of your shirt . this you see is prudence as wel as religion , as indeed al christs precepts are in the very affairs of this world. whatsoever was true of the iewish lawyers , the present practise of some of ours , renders them obnoxious , to the censures of the sober , & the curses of the passionate ; most men agreeing , that to go to law , is like a lottery , or playing at dice , where if the game be obstinatly pursu'd , the box-keeper is commonly the greatest winner . but since som men wil be fools or knaves , why shoud not the few honest be as much secured as possible ? when the parliament have setled the laws , i wish they woud think of som more fitting restraint of offences , than what the penal statutes direct almost for every crime , the loss of life . if we examin the severity of this practice , we shall find it contrary to the law of nature , the positive law of god , thou shalt not kil , and ineffective of the intent of laws , amendment . self preservation is the chief design of nature ; to better which , and not to destroy it , was the ground and end of goverment and laws ; which makes it contrary to reason , that any means shoud be made or declared such , which were destructive of the end , for which they were made . if then the loss of life , as it most certainly do's , puts an end , to al earthly happiness , 't is evident , that it never was , nor ever coud be , judg'd an instrument productive of that end ; perhaps it may be said , that this may be true , of every single man , as such ; and yet may be false , when consider'd , with respect to the whole , as a member of the society : i answer , it can't be true , in the later , if false in the former ; because we must believe , that at first , every man consider'd what was absolutely best for himself , without any respect to another , on whom , he cannot be suppos'd otherwise to look , then as he was , or might be subservient , to his own particular and immediate happiness . and since the whole is made up but of several individuals , it must be granted , that every of them had the same considerations : and since it was not in the power of any , to transfer that right to another , which nature had deny'd to himself , we may then safely conclude , it is against the law of nature i. e. against reason , to believe , that the power , of life or death ' by consent of al , without which there was no law , coud at first be vested in any supreme power ; and that the useing of it , does naturally put us into a state of war , the evil because directly destructive of happiness , design'd to be avoided . this is a truth imply'd in the law of england , not only by binding the criminals to restrain their warring , but also by the punishment inflicted on felo's de se , which supposes no man to have power over his own life , as certainly he must have had if he coud have given it to another . nor wil the difficulty be remov'd whether we derive goverment either of the other two ways , paternal right , or the immediat gift of god ; for parents had no such power by nature , in the state whereof we are al equal . we are little more oblig'd to them for our being , than to the influence of the sun , both as to us are involuntary causes ; that which binds children to an indispensable duty of gratitude , is the parents care in providing for their wel-being , when they are unable to shift for themselves , and their giving them virtuous education , ( that which is of al , the truest obligation , ) than which nothing is among us more neglected ; which has made som at the gallows , not without cause , take up the advice of iobs wife against god , first curse their parents , and then dye ; children may indeed be ungrateful , which is the worst , or the al of crimes , but parents cannot revenge this by death without being unjust ; because there ought to be a proportion between the crime , and the punishment , and a warrantable authority in him that inflicts it , which in this case are al wanting ; for ingratitude , theft , rapin , and what ever else is practis'd by the wicked , are in themselves repairable , and the sufferer may in an equal measure be compensated for his loss , for bona fortunae or the goods of fortune are exterior to us , and consequently accidental , and when we are despoil'd of them by any , we have ful satisfaction by a restitution in specie , or in value ; this cours is the measure and square of al civil contracts ; for if i detain wrongfuly the mony you lent me , i am compellable but to repay you . why then shoud it be capital , to take your horse without consent , when either restitution , or a punishment more commensurate to the offence may be had ? as for the authority of the punisher which must be warrantable , it is plain the father has no such over the children who in the state of nature are equal with him ; for since he gave not the being , he cannot legally take it away , and for the act destroy the agent ; punishment being design'd , not only for the terror of others , but for the amendment of the offender : to destroy then the last , that such as are guiltless may continue so , is to my apprehension , a piece of the highest injustice . besides , no prince claims a right over the subjects life , what ever he does to his crown , otherwise than by the positive laws of the land , which suppose the man himself to have given that power by his consent , which is already prov'd impossible ; therefore we may conclude , the inflicting of death is against the positive law of god , who has reserv'd this to himself , as a peculier prerogative , and altho he has allow'd the rulers of the earth to share in his titles , yet least they shoud intrench on his honor ( of which he is very jealous ) by exceeding the bounds of reason , he immediatly subjoyns , but ye shal dy like men , to put them in mind that they were to act as such . it cannot then be suppos'd , that human constitution can make that just which the almighty declares unlawful . he that does so , sets himself up above al that is called god , destroys moral good and evil , makes vertue and vice but only names , which if allow'd , we may bid farwel to the people and princes security ; for this , roots up the very foundations of peace on earth , as wel as joy in heaven . nor will it serve to say , this was practised in the iewish common-wealth ; that was god's own peculiar province ; and he that was sole author of life , might dispose on 't at his pleasure ; and tho every part of that oeconomy be not accountable , yet 't is not without good grounds suppos'd , because the iews happiness or misery seems to have consisted in the enjoyment or want of temporal blessings , that the taking away life here , was in lieu of that punishment , which sinners under the gospel , are to receive in another life : and unless human laws might as immediatly be call'd his , and that every magistrat were a moses , i coud not believe it lawful for them to follow that example ; especially considering , that they do not write after this copy , in the punishment of al crimes : i will not make comparison in many , yet i can't but take notice , that idolaters , and inciters to it , were there punisht with death , while among us atheism and irreligion do not only go free , but the professors of those admirable good qualities , pass for wits and virtuoso's : drunkenness , and gluttony , are esteem'd as marks of good breeding ; computing the abilities of our brains , by the number of bottles our stomacs can hold : this vice , among the iews , was accounted so ridiculously silly , that they coud not believe , it was possible for men grown to the ordinary years of understanding to be guilty of it ; and therfore we find no punishment allotted , but for children , viz. that if drunken or gluttonous children did not by the parent 's admonition and correction learn more wit , that then their parents were oblig'd to bring them forth , and testify their folly , and with the congregation stone them to death . but this abominable childish crime , the mother of al imaginable wickedness , has among us no punishment , or what is the same , if not worse , none inflicted . as to the third part of the assertion , viz. that the loss of life is ineffencive of the intent of the law , amendment ; this will appear tru , by observing , that men , whose loose education has made it their interest , to wish there were no other life , by often wishing , and never considering , come at last to be fools ; and with them , to say in their hearts , there is no god : we have no way to live , thanks to our good parents , or our country , but to rob , or steal ; as for the next life , if there be any such thing , let that look to it self ; let us provide for this ; a short one , and a merry ; who knows , but we may escape seven years ? and that 's the age of a man : if we are taken , and can't get a pardon , 't is but a few minutes pain , and there 's an end : thus these foolish wretches discourse themselves to the gallows ; on which , did you but know , the vast numbers hang'd , for som years last past , you woud quicly believe , that sort of punishment rather makes more , than frightens any , from being thieves , robbers , or other criminals . in the eastern monarchies , the greatest emperors , the turk himself tho always in war , fancy some kind of art or trade ; and by this do not only divert themselves , but by their examples more powerful than any precept , oblige the people to so necessary a practice . the ladies , even the greatest , of al other countries , have callings too , and spend not their whole dayes , in making and receiving visits , or in preparations for them , exquisit dressings . if by such a course , or any other , people were induc'd not to live in idleness , none woud be under a necessity of starving , or breaking the laws , as many now are . and if afterwards , any were stil found guilty , a punishment likely to prevent others , and do a farther good to the public , woud be to take away the names of al criminals , that they may be no more had in remembrance ; put them into a common livery , a fools-coat , red and yellow ; keep their heads continually shav'd , their fore-heads stigmatiz'd with marks distinguishing their crimes , and their estates forfeited to increase the princes revenu ; condemn them to public work houses , mines , or galleys : the labor and toyl , the hard fare , and the disgrace , woud deter more than death ; and , as som believe , be more agreeable to the dictates of nature , to the law of god , and to the profit of the common-wealth . in cases of murther , the public loses too much by the slain ; it wil not fetch him back , to send another after him : why then , shoud they think themselves satisfy'd for one loss , to have it doubled upon them by another ? but supposing ( which i never can allow ) that reason requires life for life , can it think it equal , to set the life of a man but at a shilling ? is a horse , or a cow , a sheep or a deer , or a less thing , a cock or a hen , an equal price for a man's life ? and yet for perjury , he suffers but a pecuniary mulct , or loss of ears . why shoud not he that swears falsly at least have his tongue cut out ? in the iewish law , the perjurer was to suffer the same kind of evil , that he brought upon his neighbor ; and at this day among the persians and indians , a lyer is not only depriv'd of honor , but of al further speech : had it bin thus enacted among christians , the false tongue , and the lying lips , woud not have destroy'd so many mens lives and fortunes . but if we wil not , after the iewish , and roman manner , bring in reparation or the lex talionis , which with them was practis'd in other cases besides that of felony ; let us at least , make some further provision for the security of mans life , let it be put out of the power of one witness , observing that great law that said , at the mouth of two witnesses or three , shal he that is worthy of death , be put to death , but at the mouth of one witness , he shal not be put to death . what i seem to say paradoxically on this subject , i woud have you understand , as i intend it , of the first societies of mankind ; and you may likewise further observe , that tho custom and the positive laws have made punishment by death , the practise of al nations , yet with humble submission to my superiours , i perswade my self , it was introduc'd by absolute power among the heathens , and since continued among christians , because they did not fully consider , that a better way might be found for correcting and avoiding crimes . having now provided against death , upon the account of any crime , it may wel enuff consist with the kings mercy and goodness ( which invite him to be tender of the lives of his subjects ) to determin positively , never to grant a pardon or remittal of the punishment to any criminal , tho never so great a person . in edward the thirds time it was enacted that no pardon shoud be granted out of parliament ; i wish it might graciously please his majesty with his parliament , to enact further , that no pardon shoud at any time be granted ; then which i am sure nothing woud more contribute to the perfect observance of the laws . tho our laws cannot , yet an intire execution of them in their utmost severity , may be as unalterable , as those of the meads and persians ; which cours woud prevent the many il effects the hope of pardon does now daily occasion , tho there never were fewer granted , yet so long as there is any ground of hope , the debauchee is incouraged to go on in his folly , and none being particularly excluded , he reckons himself not incapable of that grace . but now admitting , that the laws were never so good , if they be not duly and equally administred by the several courts of iudicature , the evils do stil remain . to prevent which great inconvenience , such has been the happy contrivance of england's constitutions , that the same power that gives the law , cannot only pronounce it ( in spite of cok's assertion to the contray ) but has also determined , that it shoud be a part of its own power , to cal al inferior courts , and officers , iustices of the peace , and others , to a strict examination , how they have squared their actions and proceedings , to the rule they have given them ; from which , when they are found to deviat , it woud be for the advantage of al , that the parliament woud exert its antient power . in regulating the many abuses crept into inferior courts : into which if there was ever need of looking , there is now at this day , when the complaints are loud ; by which , tho perhaps mole-hills may be made mountains , yet al this smoak cannot be without som fire . this i have bin told for certain , that their iudgments are founded as much upon rules or interpretations of statutes of their own pleasure , introduc'd by the intrest of lawyers , and officers , as upon the strict letter of the lawes , in which your education , tho not your practice , and your long observation , has made it superfluous for me , to particularise the many irregularities in the administration of iustice , which woud fil a larg volum . but to begin with the courts , i think it were convenient that each of the four at westminster shoud be reduced to their antient practice , and not suffered to encroah upon one another , to the subjects great vexation , who often quits his cause rather than follow it thro al the mazes of the several courts , where at last after som years tossing by writs of error , &c. from post to pillar , if his mony does but hold out , to make the lawyers that sport , he may sit down by his loss , or have recours to the arbitriment of two honest neighbors , which at first had bin the speediest , and cheapest way of justice . in antient days , the kings bench intermedled only , with the pleas of the crown ; but now an ac etiam , ushered in by a feignd assertion of force and arms , and by supposing the defendant to be in custodia marescalli , or the plaintiffe privileg'd som other way in that court , robbs the common bench , whose jurisdiction even by magna charta is of al common pleas between party and party . the common bench , by practice of atturneys not to be behind hand , has likwise of late days introduced an ac etiam , and several debts or promises are suppos'd , with intent to bind the subject to special bail , wheras i am confident , it cannot either by common or statute law be evinced , that antiently special bail or a capias , before summons was in any action required ; and that therfore it is a meer invention to get mony , and to vex and impoverish the subject . the exchequer was only to hold plea , of such actions , where the plaintiff was really indebted to the king , ( and perhaps too , not able otherwise to pay it ) or where the parties were by their priviledg to plead or to be impleaded in that court. but now , by falsly suggesting , they are indebted to the king , and not able to pay him but out of the thing in demand , they are suffered to su in that court , alleadging a quo minus , &c. in their declaration : but before such irregularities were introduced , it was not so much law , as honesty , prudence , and skil in arithmetick , that were the necessary qualifications of the barons : in which court , a chancery was erected , to moderate the rigor of the fines and amerciaments estreated into that court , and to extend to the kings debtors , those favors which the barons coud not shew . the causes then remaining for the high court of chancery , were the penalties and forfeitures between man and man , which at common law were du , and al other causes , that for want of evidence were no where els tryable . but such have bin the mighty contrivance of the practisers in that court , that they have found out a way for the trial of al causes there , where notwithstanding a mans pretence in his bil , that he wants witnesses ( tho that be but a tric to intitle the court to the action ) after he has obliged the defendant to swear against himself , contrary to the common law , that of nature nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which seems to be the possitive intent of magna charta , he takes out a commission to examin witnesses . in the civil law the complainant , if required , is obliged , as wel as the defendant , to swear the truth of the bill ; and sure , that is as fitting to be don , in the king 's great court of equity and conscience , as in the ordinary courts of iustice in other nations . nor woud it be amiss , that al witnesses shoud in that court , as wel as others , give their testimony , viva voce , and that there shoud be som unalterable rules both for the officers of the court , and the clients ; since conscience , and right reason , are alwayes the same and unalterable ; which woud prevent the reversing of decrees , ( a tacit confession they were unjust ) and other inconveniences , too many to be recounted ; only one is so notorious , i cannot pass it by , the assuming a power of impeaching iudgements at common-law , which the statute declares to be premunire . another practice as inconvenient as any , is , the iudges giving too great an authority to a former iudges report or opinion : it were to be wish'd , that in the rest of the courts , the present practice of the wise lord chancellor finch were observed ; who considering that a report is founded upon such reasons , as are not with the report convey'd to us , that only stating in brief the matter of fact ; and that the case is alterable by any one accident , rightly infers , that no report , but the reason of the present case squared to the rules of the law , ought to guide his iudgment . to this may be added , that in every court there shoud be a setled number of clerks , attorneys , & lawyers as wel as iudges : that these how just soever , shoud not continu above three years in any one court. whatever the sherifs power was formerly , sure i am , that exercised by the iudges exceeds what now they are possest of ; and yet the wisdom , of former ages , thought not fit , to intrust the former two years together . that they shoud be oblig'd to give an account in public of al their proceedings , at the expiration of the said time . that they be under a pecuniary mulct , besides an oath , to administer justice impartially , in imitation of god , who to mind them of their great duty , graces them with his own title , saying , ye are al. gods , and therfore must do as i do , ye shal not regard in judgment the power of the mighty , nor the distress of the poor . that the iudges , lawyers , atturneys and clarks , shoud have out of the public revenu , sufficient establisht salaries ; to take no fees , or gratuity whatsoever directly or indirectly ; it not seeming reasonable that the people shoud pay any thing for iustice , but as that charge may be included in the public taxes ; that no offices whatsoever be sold , and nothing but merit to intitle any man ; for if offices be purchased by the interest of friends , or mony , it is unreasonable , to expect , that iustice too , may not be bought and sold ; and for this reason , it is as fit to make laws , against this practice in others , as against simony in the clergy . no man to have two offices , or to act by deputy , but on extraordinary occasions . that al causes be determin'd , at farthest in six months ; and that such , as thro difficulty , or other accidents , can't be determin'd within that time , the parliament at next sessions shoud decide them . to oblige the iudges to proceed exactly according to the strict rules of the law made by parliaments : for notwithstanding what the lord coke says , 't is their duty , only legem dicere , not legem dare ; and therfore , where ever any thing comes to be disputed , of the meaning of the statutes , or that any cause happens , for which there is not exact and sufficient provision made , they are to have recourse to the parliament , whose power is not only legem dare , but dicere : for it appears , that in antient times , when iustice was more speedy , and statutes fewer , or rather none at al , the great business of the parliament , was to give sentence in al difficult causes , and to correct the miscarriages , or sinister practise of al inferior courts and officers , and therfore was commonly known by the name of curia magna . before the conquerors time , there was no such thing , as courts at westminster-hal ; the manner then , of distributing iustice , was both speedy and cheap : the county being divided into several portions , there was in every manner a court , where al the causes , arriving within that precinct , were determined by the thane and his assistants ; but if too hard , they were removed by appeal to the higher court of the hundred , where al the chief and wise men within that territory with the hundreder or aldermannus gave iudgment ; and if any cause proved too difficult for this court , then they appeal'd to the county court , where al the several thanes and hundreders with the chief of the county call'd comes , and somtimes vicecomes , judged it : but such causes as were too intricat for them , were remov'd to the great court or parliament , then known by several other names : which jurisdiction was exercized , some ages after the conquest ; whence sir edward coke may be wel suspected a greater lawyer than an antiquary ; or els the liberty they took , was the occasion of his exalting the iudges power , in expounding statutes , above that of the parliament . having now made it plain that the parliament has this power , and always had , it were to be wished , they woud make use of it , in strictly regulating the disorders of al inferior courts , as wel ecclesiastical as civil : which perhaps can never be better don , than after the manner of the famous venetian commonwealth , by erecting a new magistracy , or court of inspection , public censors , men of great candor and integrity , whose power shoud extend , to the cognizance of al manner of actions in courts great and smal ; of the demeanor of al officers of the state of what degree or quality soever , who taking care thus of the execution of the laws , shoud be oblig'd from time to time , to give a ful and impartial information to the parliament , in whose power alone it shoud be , upon conviction of the criminal , to suspend , degrade , or otherwise punish , according to the provisions they themselves make in such cases . that it may be lawful for all persons to address themselves immediately to these censors , whose information shall by them be fully examined , and neither their informers , nor themselves , lyable to any actions or sutes , upon account of their proceedings ; to be accountable , to the grand and supreme court of iudicature : that their number be such , as may serve to go circuits round the kingdom . these , as the other iudges to be altered , every 3 years . and because nothing does more conduce , to the good of man-kind , next to wholsom laws , and the practice of piety , than the knowledge of things past : not any thing being truer , then that what is , has bin , and there 's nothing new under the sun ; a perfect relation of which begets a great understanding and deep iudgment ; the sence whereof made a wise king say , none were so faithful counsellors , as the dead : that therefore the parliament woud appoint two of the most learned of those censors ( acquainted with al the most secret affairs of state ; which if not as counsellors , yet as hearers , under the same obligation of secrecy , as secretaries or clarks of the counsel , they may understand ) to write especially the matters of fact of al affairs and occurrences . the annals not to be made public , til the writers , and al concern'd , were gon off the stage . the fear of offending , and the advantage of flattery , being remov'd , future ages woud in the truth of history find that great rule of iudgment and prudence , the world has hitherto been deprived of : there being ( a man may safely say ) no tru profane history in the world , save that of the wise chineses , who have observ'd this practice , for several thousands of years ; keeping the records , as an arcanum for their princes , who by these means , have gain'd a steddy judgment , in their own state-affairs ; which is the reason given , for the long and prosperous continuance of that great monarchy . when the laws , and execution of them , are thus established , every man will be sufficiently secur'd in the enjoyment of his liberty and property ; which , tho commonly taken for two , are in reality one and the same thing . i understand by the first , that power , man has reserv'd to himself when he enter'd into society ; that is , a liberty of doing any thing , except what the law forbids ; or of living conformably to the laws ; not of speaking contemptuously , of the rulers of the people , nor of doing what he please , tho the law restrain it . by property , i conceive meant , the right of enjoying peaceably privat possessions as bounded by law : liberty then respects the person , and property the estate . these two , i perceive , you have joyn'd with religion , as the three great abstracts of human concerns ; for , i presume , you consider religion as it is part of that policy , by which the state is govern'd , and as such i shal chiefly take notice of it ; leaving it , as it refers to the soul , and a future life , to divines , whose proper office it is . taking it then for granted , that every wise man will study that which neerest concerns him ; and , that the interest of the soul , and eternal life , do's far exceed the valu of this our transitory being ; that all human laws , are therefore binding , because agreeable to nature or reason , that is , to the signatures of the divine will : that true religion was the law of god , and its end , the happiness of man in this life , as well as in that which is to come : that it was divided into two parts , duty to god , and to one another ; which later to the thinking man resolves into love of himself , who must find , that his happiness consisting in the enjoyment of himself , cannot be without the mutual offices and endearments of love ; which obliges him , in spite of all his passions , when he fully considers things , to do to all men , as he would be don unto : this then being human happiness , and the end and foundation of the laws of god and man , it was wisdom to annex this great motive of obedience , religion , or the consideration of future rewards and punishments , to invite us the more powerfully , to the obedience of laws ; without which , even in this life , we coud not be happy , they being subbordinat to one another ; that as our duty in one , makes us happy here , so that of the other superadds a farther blessing , and makes us happy hereafter ; which later in the connexion of things , thus ordered by providence , was not attainable without the other : and which indeed do's declare religion not to be a part of policy , but tru policy to be a part of it ; or , in plainer words , that human laws are so much better , that is , so much more binding , as they com nearer to the laws of religion ; contrary to which nothing in any human institution , can be obligatory ; that is , no society of men can make that just , which the law of religion , or reason , has made unjust : if then the interest of state , and religion , be so intermixt , it is no wonder , that men shoud be very sollicitous not to be mistaken , in that which comprehends both , the human , and the divine , or among us , the christian law : and because it is as natural for men , to have different understandings , consequently different opinions ( which are the necessary effects of the former , or of education , and both equally out of our power ) as 't is to have different complexions : it is impossible , that all men should exactly agree , in the meaning of any difficult matter . if then the meaning of the law be not to be had , 't is not our fault if we do not obey it , which we must do , or be miserable . now , because many evil consequences , if not prevented , woud issu from hence , we must consider farther , that al wise law givers impose nothing beyond the power of the person under the law ; for , law being the rule of actions , if i do not or cannot know it , 't is no rule to me . therefore , to understand this great affair aright , let us examin , whether these following positions , and their consequences , be not natural truths . that god did really purpose the happiness of al mankind : that therefore , the way , or means , by which that was to be attained , was to be plain and easy , no matter of doubt or dispute : that this way , is no where delivered unerringly , but in the scriptures , which al christians allow , to be the word of god : that al the disputes , are pretended to be proved by scripture , that is , by consequences from thence : and since al the parts of that holy writing must agree with one another , 't is plain , that the consequences are not natural , because contradictory , of which , both parts can't be tru ; and therefore , the matter in dispute concerns us not : that , since al our duty is compriz'd in scripture , the rule for the ignorant , as wel as the learned , comments do amuse , and confound , rather than expound the text : that disputes , begetting heat and passion , are not only impertinent to our duty , but uncharitable and destructive of christianity : that only the fundamentals can be tru , or necessary , because in them alone al agree . that christ has told us , the sum of al is , to love one another , a pleasing and a natural command : that he is the way , the truth , and the life : that whosoever believeth in him , shall never perish : that happiness is not attainable here , nor hereafter , but by following his example , and believing his doctrine , viz. what is positively affirm'd in scripture , without examining , how or why ; if those had bin necessary , he woud not have left them to the uncertain disputes of after ages . that al ceremonies are in themselves indifferent , but when commanded , are necessary in their use and practice ; but alterable , at the pleasure of the imposers : that no man can be a christian , that hates his brother , i. e. he obeys not christ's command , gives not up himself to the new commandment , that of loving one another : that no man can avoid differences in opinion ; and since they are not the effects of our choyce , they are not sinful ; therefore , he that condems another , for not being of his opinion , after he has endeavour'd , without prejudice or interest , to examin and hold fast that which is best , considers not what he says , or if he do , he is proud and foolish , because he says , by an implicit consequence , none is wise but himself : that faith is the gift of god , but considered in man , 't is a necessary act ; for when a man is convinc'd , that is , has no doubts of the credibility of the proposition , its conformity to reason , nor of the person that he can neither deceive , as having no interest , nor be deceiv'd , as wanting no knowledg , 't is impossible for him , not to give up his assent , whether morality or christianity be ( which is much doubted ) really different , they can never be asunder ; for the man that is not honest , is not , nor cannot be if he continues so , a christian ; that what is tru in philosophy , can't be false in divinity ; and both affirm , he that does al he can do , is not to be blam'd , he has don his duty . that different opinions not being avoidable , are in themselves , as harmless and tolerable in a society , as men can be ; because , til the man be convinced , his sense of things can't possibly be alter'd , after conviction , he that continues in an error , i. e. that perseveres , in spreading such opinions , as are destructive of good life , and of public peace , is a lyer or a mad man ; the first , if he do not repent , ought to be expell'd the commonwealth ; the other , if he will not grow sober , must be sent to bedlam . from al which , it plainly follows , that our opinions are not free , that no man has liberty of opinion , and that he who desires liberty of speaking what he pleases , is unreasonable , if he intends to say any thing , that shal disturb the peace , and quiet of his country ; if he may be restrain'd from that , his errors can mischief no other than himself : if the case then be thus , how comes it to pass , that men fal out , and wrangle about nothing ? seek knots in bulrushes , make difficulties where god and nature never made any , puzzle themselves and others ? let them fool on that have nothing else to do , and follow the heathens advice , 't is better to do nothing than be idle . this i confess woud not be very tragical , if they woud be content to be idle themselves , and not make work , and sad work too , for others : but , alas , they rob their master of his power ; and dogmatically pronounce , we must believe more than christ tels us is required , or else we cannot be sav'd in the next life , nor happy in this ; and many of us are such silly fools , that we believe them ; and acting accordingly , too great a number , i fear , make their assertions good , as those ignorant people do , who giving credit to astrologers , by squaring their actings to the predictions , and therefore somtimes finding these things com to pass , are not only deluded themselves , but incourage others to be so by such nonsensical impostors . but since al men have not understanding , you 'l ask , how the evil shal be cur'd ? the remedies are only two : first , a right education ; and next , a removal of al interest : for , since the foundations of religion are eternal truths , were men rightly instructed , of which al are capable , because al desin'd for happiness , and men got nothing by lying ; we shoud have as much truth , and as little disputing in matters of christianity , as in the mathematical sciences : or , at least , if men defin'd nothing really but the tru ends of it , eternal happiness , it might be lawful for every man , even in the way which another cals heresie , to worship the god of his fathers ; for , tho one thinks his a clearer or a shorter way , than that of another , so long as he stil goes on ; that is , treads in the paths of a sober and virtuous life ; tho he may be more dabbl'd , or longer on the road , what 's that to him ? he that finds fault , may miss his own way , by looking towards his brother ; his particular duty requires al his care : besides , every man stands or fals to his own master . but you wil say , 't is charity to teach my brother , and not to suffer sin upon him : 't is very tru ; but first , 't is not prov'd , that difference in opinion is a sin , but the contrary ; next , charity is not express'd in thunder and lightning , sending him head-long to the devil , because he wil not be presently , whether he can or no , of your opinion ; which , perhaps , is not truer than his own , tho your greater confidence assert it : but charity is express'd by meekness , gentleness , and love ; by instruction and pity , not by hatred and revilings ; nay , not by death , the too often consequence of differences in opinions : from which considerations , 't is plain , that 't is not reason nor charity , that divides us ; but interest and policy . how far it wil consist with the safety of the public , to suffer such dangerous causes of fatal effects , as are brought in by these clashes of religionists , not religion , i leave to the wisdom of the parliament : only , to satisfy that part of your question , i wil give you som short account , how these tares have so sprung up , as to choak almost wholly , al the good seed sown ; afterwards , you may judg if they may not now the harvest is com , be cut down gather'd a-part , and thrown into the fire . and surely if these quarrels were only design'd for the good of the soul , ( which yet if they were the promoters , must be men of wrong understanding or notions , forgetting that faith is the gift of god ) they would not hate and dam one another for different , tho false opinions : nothing can have that effect , but the committal of sins ; of which holy scripture pronounces death , the wages , or necessary consequence : but these we see past over silently , few excommunicated for whoredom , adulteries , atheism , and profaness ; many other crimes are openly committed without punishment , which ( perhaps ) was the end of instituting ecclesiastical courts . the great desine of christianity , was in a higher and more refin'd way the same with that which hierocles tels us of philosophy , the perfection of human life : therfore , the primitive christians knowing the end of their doctrin was to make men good , to fil their hearts with purity of intention productive of good works , not to make them wife ( if stuffing their heads with empty and idle notions may be call'd so ) avoided al such with great care , pressing only upon men the reformation of their lives , by the plainess of their practise and their agreeableness to reason ; being wel assur'd , the contrary precepts coud bring forth nothing , but endless ianglings , and frivolous disputes , which woud ( at last ) not only loosen , but destroy religion , by taking away charity , the bond and cement of that and al perfections . but when the piety of succeeding ages had endowed the church with temporalities , and with rich possessions , the church-men altered their doctrin , with their way of living ; for now , ( kicking like the calfs of iesseron grown fat ) the former practised severity was turn'd into wantonness ; the plainess of the precepts , into intricat niceties ; this , they judged necessary ; for , if according to the promise , the gospel was to be so plain , i. e. so agreeable to nature , and reason , that a man might running see to read , i. e. a man that made never so little use of his reason , that did but keep his eyes open against the false alurements of sense , coud not but perceive the lines of his duty written in very larg and plain characters : perceiving every man thus enabled to teach his brother , and that miracles were ceas'd , they found themselves under a necessity to make godliness a mystery , that it might becom gain to 'um in an il sense , and that they might secure to themselves that veneration and respect , which otherwise were now like to fail . religion , by this means degenerating from its innocence and simplicity , into a trade of policy and subtilty , an art to live by , tent-makers and fisher-men became too dul and ignorant ; the preaching of christ crucified was fit only for the witty , and the learned : no wonder then , that being now so much taken up in refining the cobweb inventions of their heads , they wanted leisure to look to their feet , to order their steps aright , and therfore went astray , not only from the precepts of the gospel , but the imitation of the life of the holy iesus , which was the greater duty of the two ; as the end , for which his doctrin , the means was given . and to make themselves the more admired , they mix'd that with the vain philosophy of the greeks , especially platonism , with an addition of many absur'd heathenish , and obsolete iewish rites and ceremonies . when the bishops became princes , the number of candidats increascing faster than preferments coud fal , the ambitious were induc'd to court them by indirect ways , the pretence of an extraordinary knowledg or piety , to gain the interest , and the favor of great men , and by those steps to mount the spiritual throne of carnal pride . thus when arius faild of a bishopric , enraged that a less learned man shoud deprive him of the miter , he resolv'd upon a malicious revenge ; and to make himself more famous , then the crosier coud , under pretence of discovering the falsities crept into religion , he alleagd one of the great mysteries to have more of platoes fancy , than of christs truth in it ; this mother-heresie by him introduc'd brought forth many others , and ( which was the greater evil ) has been the parent of uncharitable disputes , the certain occasions of much confusion in life and doctrin , of assassinations and massacres , of wars and desolations . the christians now , contrary to christs positive command , cal no man on earth master , i. e. if an angel from heaven , ( much less , a man ) shoud preach any other doctrin to you , than what i ( your only lord and master ) who am now ascending thither injoyn you to obey , viz. to love one another , hearken not to him , for , he is a murderer and a lyar , a cheat and an impostor . neglecting this , and having the persons of men in honor , they readily imbraced their opinions ; and changing the name of christians , took up that of the fathers of their sects , as of arians , &c. these divisions and factions , and the consequent bloody wars woud perswade us , that christ came not indeed , to send peace on earth , but a sword ; for , these ring-leaders imposed upon the credulous multitude , that al those superinduced new fangles , diabolical inventions , unreasonable whimsies , and childish fopperies were the great pillars and truths of religion ; and therefore , to be contended for unto death ; while in the mean time , they themselves were conscious , that they disputed not for truth , but victory , for the sensual gratifications of ambition and vain glory , of pride and interest : and , if you wil but give your self leisure to look into the controversies of former heretics , or into those of later date , between the reformed , and the church of rome , &c. you wil find them al on one and the same bottom . the church of rome has good reason , as to this world , not to yield to any truth in the point of transsubstantiation ; of which , certainly , 't is enuff to believe simply christ's own words , this is my body , because no more is warranted , and therefore not necessary , and that indeed none of the expositions are free from unanswerable objections , tho none appear so opposit to sense , and absur'd , as that of the romanists and lutherans : for if this power , of working miracles be taken from the priest , it may be thought he has nothing left to make him iure divino ; which if allowed , he is quick enuff to foresee that other princes may follow the example of henry the eight . those mistaken , on wilful apprehensions have involved the several kingdoms of europe , in blood and confusion , intestine commotions , and wars ; and wil imbroil them yet further , if the causes be not remov'd : this has long been the wishes of some , and the endeavors of others ; but by the success seeing the disease is not cur'd , but that its venom does daily spred more and more , we may safely conclude , tha● disputing is as incompetent a way to resettle the truth of religion , as the sword is to propagate it . every man naturally hates to be accounted a fool , or a lyar ; and therefore , when worsted by the force of arguments , ( which may be to him unanswerable , tho not convincing ) , he fals into heat and passion , which the other returning with equal warmth , at length both lose the question , and fal from words to blows , from disputing to fighting ; and not satisfy'd pedanticly ( for most commonly the contention is only about words ) to lash one another , they further make parties and factions . these hurried on with the fury of a perverse zeal , the effect of ignorance , espouse the quarrel , and pursu the folly , and the malice to the fatal destruction of thousands , of millions ; as if there was no getting to the heavenly canaan , the new ierusalem , but by wading , or rather by swimming thro the red-sea of christian blood ; while , in the meantime , the first disputants stand looking on , or like sneaking cowards steal away from the rencounter as soon as they have ingag'd others more genrous , but withal more foolish than themselves . this england has to its cost experimented , and , 't is to be fear'd , if not timely prevented , wil agen . others , finding the way of dispute insufficient , believed that the allowance of a toleration to the several contending sects woud do the work ; and that in truth , the denyal of it so far as it might consist with the peace of the common-wealth , seem'd to be a kind of persecution not unequal to that of the heathen emperors in the beginning of christianity : this opinion being by the ring leaders infused into the peoples minds , who being apt to pitty al in distress , from pitty are induced to liking , and from liking to love , they at length espouse the party , and with so much the more violence , by how much the more it is oppos'd ; nothing being more natural , than to resist force , and covet earnestly those things we are forbid . the consideration of this , and his own observation , that the more the christians were put to death , the more they increased , made the wise pliny write to the emperor trajan to forbear persecution ; telling him , that sheading christians blood , was sowing the seed of the church ; every man's death giving to the multitude a sufficient proof of the truth of his profession , and gaining more proselites than preaching coud . by the emperor's following this good advice the christians gain'd their liberty , and he an accession to his army ; and the great increase of converts was thereby much restrained . the sense of this great prudence joyn'd with his majesties great natural clemency , has with good reason prevail'd upon his ministers rarely to execute the severity of the sanguinary and penal laws upon dissenters ; and i am wel assur'd , that did they not believe by those statutes remaining stil in force , that they are under persecution or the dread of it ; instead of increasing much within these few years , they woud certainly have decreased : i am therefore perswaded , that toleration with convenient restrictions woud lessen the evil , and remove most of its inconveniencies ; tho al can never be taken away without another sort of education . and if the parliament that give it , find it hereafter inconvenient , they may alter or annul it , how they please . in this toleration al opinions are to be provided against that are destructive of good life , together with the consequences rather than occasions , atheism and irreligion . as the venetians once excluded , so must we for ever prohibit the iesuits and other regulars : the number of secular priests , and non-conforming ministers or teachers are to be limited ; they with their flocks registred , and to be incapable of any office in the commonwealth , and the teacher to be maintain'd by themselves ; the richest of the congregations to be security for their preachers , that they shal preach no sedition , nor have privat conventicles . that , besides the state may send two to hear al taught ; that the use of al controversial catechismes , and polemical discourses as wel out as in the pulpit under strict penalties be forbid : such things , no less in their natures , than their names signifying and begetting distractions , rebellions , and wars . tho it be as impossible by laws or penalties to alter mens opinions , from what either their temper , or their education has occasion'd , as it is to change their complections ; yet if men pursu'd nothing but godliness and honesty , they woud find their differences in opinion , are no more hurtful than restrainable : and to make them less so , all names of hatred and division are to be taken away , and the parable of christs seamless coat to be really fulfil'd again . that al , whatever their single opinions be , be call'd by no other name than that of christians , for indeed as such they al agree , that is , in the fundamentals of religion ; ( as for the disputed things they are already shewn not certain , therfore not necessary , consequently ( to us ) impertinent which of the assertions be true , ) and only differ by the considerations of pride , or interest , as they are trinitarians or antitrinitarians , arians , socinians , papists or protestants , remonstrants or antiremonstrants , iansenists or molinists , franciscans or dominicans , lutherans or calvinists , presbyterians or independants , &c. but for my own part i am of opinion , that we shal never arrive at the tru state of christianity either by disputing without toleration , or by toleration with disputing i. e. we shal not come to live righteously , soberly , and godly in this present world : for , disputing destroys al , and toleration alone wil not take away those wrong notions , with which the present age is prepossess'd ; tho some of the prejudices may be lessen'd by softness and gentleness , by love and perswasions ; this iconfess wil not do in al , because al have not understanding , and such as want it must inevitably run into error ; for , whatever the philsophers dispute whether the wil and the understanding be distinct faculties , or distinct operations of the same soul , it plainly appears in al our actions , that we wil or nil things according to our understandings , which as wel or il inform'd make us do things good or evil ; so that , til our notions are rectifi'd , we are to be pityed and instructed , not hated or condemned . when by an excellent education and a good example we are taught not only to know , but to practise our duty , it wil then be almost morally impossible for us to offend ; wheras , on the contrary while both are now neglected , 't is a wonder we are not worse : pursuant to this , salomon gives a wise direction , train up a child in the way thou woud'st have him to go , and when he is old , he wil not depart from it . the great business , then , not only to asswage the pain , ( which in the present circumstances cannot be don without toleration ) but wholly to remove the distemper , is to introduce such a fixt method of education , as may imprint on our minds , tru and early notions of virtu and religion . the parliament have lately begun to look into the practice of piety , and to prevent or lessen prophanation and debaucheries have enacted , that hackney-coaches ( it had bin more equal if al had bin under the penalty , ) shal after the iewish manner of sabbath , rest from labor : i wish , they woud now be pleased , to take care the people keep the christian-sabbath as they ought ; not so much in a rest from bodily labor , as from sin , the greater toyl of the soul ; to which , they are oblig'd by every days duty ; the use of the seventh , above the rest , seeming to be set apart for returning thanks for blessings , and for exhortations effective of holiness and a good life : the duty of that day is not fulfil●d , by hearing a quaint-man preach himself , not christ ; policy , not morality ; confute the pope , the calvinist , or the arminian , the presbyterian or the episcopal — such discourses engender nothing but strife , and tend not to edification ; they are the vain traditions of men , in which we shoud quicly find , did we but seriously consider , that there was nothing of that faith , without which we cannot please , nor of that holyness , without which no man shal see god : and , since the parliament by that last mention'd act , have begun to tythe mint and commin ; t is to be hoped , they wil go on , and not leave the weightier things of the law undon ; that their wisdoms and their zeal wil be more imploy'd about the power , than the form of godliness , which may for ever be establisht by the following method , or such other as they shal think more agreeable , viz. to make new divisions of parishes , which may with more convenience to the people be don , than as at present they stand , by limiting every parish to the compass of about three miles square , and building a church in the central place , to hold about a thousand ; and to apportion the parishes in cities at least to the like number of people : this wil reduce the parishes from about ten to a little more than four thousand . to erect schools in every parish , where al the children shal be instructed , in reading , writing , and the first elements of arithmetic and geometry without charge to the parents : whence to the greater schools , to be erected in the dioceses , counties , or hundreds , after the manner of westminster , eaton , or winchester , so many of the ripest and best capacitated as shal suffice for the supply of al callings that make learning a trade ( as divinity , physic , and law ) may be yearly elected , to be train'd up in the further necessary parts of learning , and from thence yearly sent to the universities ; from the universities upon al vacancies , schoolmasters and ministers to be chosen ; the first , not under five and twenty years ; the later , not under thirty ( the age allow'd among the iews for doctors or teachers , and at which our savior began to preach ) ; and both , to be masters of art , before the one be licensed , or the other ordain'd by the bishop ; and none to be ordain'd , before they are secur'd of being noble mens chaplains , or elected to parishes . that the bishoprics be also divided according to convenience and the number of parishes ; that the ministers and school-masters be celibats , not under a vow ( as in the church of rome ) but on condition of quitting their benefices upon marriage , and returning to a lay-life ; for , that of the priests being jure divino being disputed , is therefore ( to say no more ) to our salvation not necessary to be believed ; for , unless they demonstrat the contrary by scripture , the sufficient rule of faith , or by miracles , men wil be apt to believe the story of an indelible character , to be a relic of popery , invented to aggrandize the honor and power of the church , turn'd into a court of rome ; but be it what it wil , 't is plain they can't be greater than st paul , who did not only for convenience of the church , avoid leading about a wife , or a sister , but wrought at his trade after he had received the holy-ghost ; of which it were to be wisht al divines shew'd themselves possest , by a life conformable to that of the holy iesus . but without doubt there wil be enuff found to undertake this calling , on these terms , tho seemingly difficult . by this course , there is a provision made for the incontinency of such of the priests as find themselves flesh and blood ; which if don in the church of rome , woud free it from great scandal . that a book of homilies be compil'd ; for varietie four for every sunday , and two for each festival or holy day . that nothing be inserted , but dehortations from vice and exhortations to virtu , neither controversies nor state affairs so much as oblicly glanc'd upon . that a catechism adapted to the meanest capacity be composed , shewing the duty of christians according to the express words of the text of scripture , without straining or misapplying any one , ( as is don in two many of those now extant ) , and without touching upon any one disputed point . that , al the books of controversial divinity , as wel those in privat hands , as in booksellers , be bought up by the state , and plac'd in the kings-library , or burnt . that , al the commentaries on the bible be reviewed by sober , moderate and learned men ; and as many of them as contain more than what directly tends to the illustration of the text , by recounting the language , customs and ceremonies of the times and places it was writ in , follow the fate of the others . and because it is reasonable to believe , there is no such intire work extant , in imitation of the septuagint translation , there may be seventy appointed for this to be in latin , and for the homilies and catechism in english : which being don , let al the present expositions be sent to the library , or the fire . that the same persons or others be ordered to pick out of the scripture al such passages as tend to the encouragement of a holy life , and to put them into one piece in english for common use . i have heard som sober men wish , that english bibles were not so common , that the ignorant and unwary might not wrest the hard texts to their own destruction , nor to that of the public peace : but you know , i have often told you , i look'd upon the variety of translations out of the original into the vulgar languages , as the best comment . these things being don , to take the printing of books into the state ; it is as necessary as the mint ; false coynage of books has don england more mischief , than ever that of mony did , or wil do ; the licensing of printing , or importing from beyond-sea , wil not otherwise prevent great evil to church and state. that there be but a convenient number of book sellers permitted ; those to be under obligation , to vend no other books , then such as are printed in this allow'd printing-house , where forrein books with advantage to the public may be reprinted . the hindering forrein coyn from being current , is not so useful and advantageous , as the care in this wil prove , to the kingdom . when things are thus far settled , the bishops ( who are not to be chosen under forty ) are to see , that al ministers , school-masters and church-wardens , do their respective duties ; going about , and visiting parish by parish , as was the antient practice , confirming , after examination , and exhorting al to continu obedient to the laws of god and man ; reprehending and suspending such as they find faulty without favor or affection , the ministers and school-masters , from office and benifice ; the people from the sacraments ( which is every where monthly at least to be administred ) til after repentance express'd in the reformation of their lives . as for the iurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts , because it is a kind of imperium in imperio , and that thro the greatness of the bishops other charge , they cannot officiat in this , to take away and prevent abuses it is to be laid aside ; and other , or the same punishments for the crimes there usually tryable , inflicted in the ordinary courts , upon the bishops , or the minister and church-wardens certificate of the matter of fact ; in whom alone the power of examination shoud reside : and , because the office of bishops , ministers , and school-masters wil be of great labor , none shoud continu in them beyond sixty , nor so long unless they are found fitting : after that age , al of 'um to have a handsom decent retreat in colleges purposely built ; where the superannuated of each province , the emeriti in the christian warfare , may spend the remnant of their days without care , in quiet and devotion . to assist and ease the bishop , there shou'd be , as formerly , rural deans over every ten or twenty parishes . part of the ministers business shou'd be to instruct the boys every saturday in the schools , in al the duties of religion ; to catechize and read the prayers and homilies on sundays in public ; the rest of the week , between the times of prayer to be celebrated twice a-day , to go from house to house , exhorting and dehorting , as occasion requires , visiting the sick , and examining the needs of the poor , reconciling differences between the neighbors , and taking care , that in every family the children , such as are found fit , by the electors appointed , not by the parents blind fondness , be constantly sent to school . after the continued practice of this course , christianity wil again flourish ; the years of the minister wil make him sober and grave , fit to give counsel , which from young men is now despis'd . there wil then be no need of spending time in writing controversies , or studying sermons , which as now preach'd are rarely understandable or useful to the people ; of whom it may be said , the one is always teaching to no purpose , and the other ever learning , and never coming to the knowledg of the truth . the school-masters are not only to be learned , but sober and discreet men ; to be oblig'd never to whip , or beat the boys ; whose faults are to be punished by exercises , by standing mute or kneeling for certain spaces , or by fasting from their victuals , &c. those that are good , to be incouraged by priority of places , by commendatory verses made by the higher forms , &c. the boyes that need beating , are as unfit to be taught , as the man is to teach who uses that tyrannical way , which too much debases the meek-spirited , and makes the sullen more stubborn and il-natur'd . that whatever any persons bestow on the masters be converted to publick charitable uses . the method of teaching to be drawn up by som of the members , ( who , 't is presum'd , wil mix things with words ) and approv'd by the whole royal society ; that confirm'd and al others prohibited by law. that in the universities , none be suffer'd to continu beyond the age of forty-five , nor above two in any one house or colledg after thirty-five . that a new method be likewise fram'd by the same persons for al the liberal arts and sciences ; and that new academies be built for training up young noblemen and gentlemen in those exercises , which to the shame and loss of england are now learnt in france . that handsom and sufficient salaries be fixt , and paid out of the public revenu , according to every mans quality : bishops equal to one another , deans to deans , ministers and school-masters to each other : and these to be chosen gradually , as the pure consideration of merit shall invite the electors . and to inable the public as wel in paying these salaries , as in building of schools , churches , colledges and hospitals , the whole revenues of the church , free-schools , universities , and hospitals shoud at the highest valu be annex'd to the crown , or sould to others that wil give more ; the overplus sav'd by this new model , and the mony they woud yield beyond any other land of england , in regard the annual rent is not a fourth of the real valu , and yet may be ordered equally advantageous to the tenants , as the fines now make them , woud complete this work. thus converting the patrimony of the church woud be no sacriledg , the pious use is carryed on to the good of al ; and perhaps as first desin'd by the donors , when provision for wives and children , not in being , coud not be thought of ; the care of whom distract many from their duty , and dis-able them from keeping in decent repair the antient monuments of piety built by our ancestors . but all these things to be don , without the least prejudice to the present incumbents . when education is thus setled , the duty and interest of church-men , and their care of wives and children removed , plurality of livings , and simony prevented , as wel that of friendship , of the smock , marrying of cousens neeces , crooked sisters , or ladie 's women , as that of the purse ; al which in themselves are equally criminous , none but good men wil undertake the charge : and then the objections wil vanish which loose education has infused into the wild and foolish , viz. that religion is a cheat , a tric of state ; that the parson follows christ for the loaves ; speaks as does the lawyer in his trade , not that there 's any truth in 't , but because he has bosin lingua , &c. to do this , is neither so strange , nor so difficult , as was the greater alteration made by henry the eighth ; who had not in story bin so infamous tho he had seized on the whole temporalities of the church , had he but thus disposed of som part . and by the way you may take notice , that the house of commons in this point had been cromwels in the sixth and eleventh years of henry the fourth , who upon their advice had seized the churches patrimony , had they not by friends and mony prevented the blow ; and that de facto , several bishoprics and livings were injoy'd by som of his predecessors , which appears not onely from history , but from printed acts of parliament . that it wil be no hard matter , from graunts observations , and the bils of mortality , to make a computation of the numbers necessary to be sent yearly to the universities , for divinity , law , and physic : the last of which ought so to be regulated , as not to suffer any to kil ( rather than cure , ) which is daily don in london , and other parts of the kingdom , to the prejudice and scandal of that honorable and somtimes useful profession , to the loss of the peoples mony and lives , to the maintaining of many idle , and ignorant mountebancs , and impostors , who to the greater advantage of the common-wealth , might be employed , in more safe and beneficial trades or ways of living . this course wil also prevent such evil consequences in church and state , as formerly attended the superfaetations of the clergy , and the breeding up of servitors and poor scholars ( as they wel cal them ) in the universities ; who being generally of mean birth , and no less mean parts , and the attendance upon their masters not suffering them so wel to attend their studies ; and their subsistance by service failing them after they had staied at the university , no longer than to incapacitat and unfit them for any other way of living , and yet not to qualify them for turning preachers , however , having chopt a little logic and disputed of ens rationis , and so fancying they coud build castles in the aire , they assume the confidence to conclude , they cannot miss of habitations on the earth , and so from the lowest of the people , getting to be put into the priests office for a peece of bread , they becom a great cause of , as wel as they are in effect , the contempt of the clergy . and those for want of knowledg , lay their foundations in erroneous doctrines , in which nevertheless they coud not succeed , but by pretending an extraordinary mesure of saint-ship or holiness , railing at the sins and abuses of the times , which themselves have occasion'd . thus they creep into houses , and first lead silly women , and then their husbands captive , as adam by eves perswasion eating the forbidden fruit til he surfited and died , so these ignorant zelots not content in king iames his time and the beginning of king charles the first , to rob the kingdom of many families , til at last , they made themselves the boutefeus of the late horrid rebellion ; which tho it may be said , to have been principally occasion'd , by such as these , yet not without som episcopal mens having a finger in the pie : for , to say truth , i know not whether the too great stifness in the one , for their old , or in the other , against those formes , was most blameable . but this i know that by the collision of both parties , as of flints , a fire was kindled not unlike that in the tayles of samsons foxes , which proved as destructive of the expectations of profit each had of their own crop , as the other did to the philistines corn ; yet had the evil of that , not extended to any others , but those of the pulpit , we might now have talk'd on 't without much regret . what ever such violent disputes , have formerly been able to do , 't is my duty to wish , and yours to endeavor , that england be no more the stage of such tragedies . refraine not counsel when it may do good , and be not backward in advising that toleration is the first step , and education the next that perfectly leads the way to peace and happiness . this cours being taken , we shal have no cause to dispair , but that religion wil again resume its naked truth , that the doctrines of men wil be judged better or worse , as they more or less incline to holiness of living ; and thus being reduced to a calmness within our selves , we need not fear the designes of forrainers . of whom none , but france , can be supposed to have any upon england ; and if that be granted , why may it not be prevented , by observing stil the same rules of policy , which this crown formerly practised ; that was , so holding the ballance between the then two contending powers of spain and france , that neither shoud be able to obtain their aims , the universal monarchy of the west ? but now the case is alter'd , in that spain being much weakned by the accession of the west-indies , and grasping more than it coud wel hold in other countries , has quitted the field , and left france without a rival : so that the present interest of england seems to be the same with that of al europe , viz. to oppose by al possible means the growing greatness of france ; and reduce that crown to such a condition , as may not leave it in his power to hurt his neighbors . by what they have already compassed , one may guess they wil ere long bring about , if not timely stopt , their long design'd ambitious purposes : in the prosecution of which , they were in the late times of usurpation , the under-hand instrument of the war with holland , as they were of the two following , in sixty-five and seventy-one , blowing up the feuds on both sides , pretending to take part with each , but not really purposing it with either . having the same desine of weakning both parties , as the brittains formerly had , in throwing a bone of contention between the picts and scots , that they might in the end be the better able to overcom both ; in the mean time the french king gain'd an opportunity of building ships of war , and training up seamen , of which he was before destitute ; so that had not these quarrels , and our late civil wars given him a pretence of increasing his maritin power , we might stil , even by threats of burning the ships upon the stocks , or in the harbors , as did queen elizabeth , have kept that people under , and our selves from fear : but since by unavoidable accidents , the dice are so thrown , as that the fore is lost , let 's use the best of our art and skill , to retreive an after-game . there is no need to attempt the proof of what is as evident as the sun at noon-day , that the french king has a power great enuff , considering the present circumstances of europe , to make him hope , and al others dread his effecting that old define , which has bin the end of al actions of that crown for many years past ; which before he coud put in execution , his great obstacle and rival the spaniard was to be removed out of the way ; in order to which he judg'd necessary to fortify himself with some allyes , and engage others newters ; but foreseeing it was the interest of england and holland to oppose the one and assist the other , and therfore despairing to prevail upon either , he contriv'd to make both fall out ; not long after he took the advantage of unexpectedly invading the spanish netherlands , even while his agent then in spain was perswading that crown of his masters good intentions to continue in intire peace and amity with them . the consequence of which we wisely foreseeing , occasion'd our setting on foot the tripple league in the year 1668. by which a stop was put to his further progress . and now perceiving himself disapointed , he makes various attempts in the years 1669 and 1670 , to invite england to break that alliance ; but finding his fineness vain , he oblicly endeavors it , by renewing the old , and inventing new grounds of quarrels , by such agents and pensioners in the state of holland , as his wealth had purchas'd ; which at last made them commit such insolence , against the honor of this crown , and the interest of the people in point of trade , as brought upon 'um the last fatal war , into which he no sooner drew the hollanders , than he rush'd into the very heart of their country . this sudden event made them confess their error , and our king the sooner to conclude a peace . the parliament was then and since very desirous his majesty shoud ingage with the dutch and spaniards against france ; and without doubt he knew it woud be his interest so to do ; but not at that time ; for tho the undoubted prerogative of the kings of england intitle them to make war and peace , he did not wave the former , because the parliament urged it , as the malicious suggest , but because he saw it not convenient . 't is tru the kings of england have bin pleas'd , to advise in such matters with their parliaments ; but that was an act of grace , and condescension , and ought not now ( if at al ) to be insisted on , so as to deny the king that liberty , which as a man he cannot want , that of examining and approving or disapproving what his great council shoud advise : for no man in his wits wil dream , the lords and commons have a power of imposing what they please upon the king , when without his assent , they have neither power nor right to make any act. the king considered , that peace is the happiness of a kingdom ; that war being a real evil , is never to be undertaken , but to avoid a greater ; that his treasures were exhausted by the war just finisht ; that his people had not recover'd their losses , by the plague , fire , and wars , and therfore were unable to bear the burden of heavy taxes , which of necessity must have bin imposed , to carry on a new one ; for which great preparations ought to be made , both of men , mony and shipping ; the former were no less wanting , than the last much impaired and diminish't . he consider'd , that the french king had not only bin amassing great treasure for many , but had also bin three years training up an army in al the disciplines of war , that it was necessary , before one king entred into a war , to compare his own and the others strength , whether with ten he were able to meet him with twenty thousand : that he ought to make alliances , and to have cautionary towns , before we declared our selves enemies ; that so great a desine was not to be made public , before things were ripe , least the dutch and french might clap up a peace , and that potent king turn against us the fury of his arms , for whom certainly in those circumstances , we shoud have bin a very unequal match . i am perswaded , that these , with other much wiser considerations not obvious to every man , convinced the king a war was on no score at that time seasonable : and to this opinion i am mov'd , by my sense , that the king coud not but reflect , that when the french king had subjected al the rest of europe , he woud not fail to ad england to his conquests , in which our kings losse must needs be greater than his subjects ; for it is unreasonable to think , that tru policy woud let the french king suffer any of the royal family , especially the king of england and france ( at whose title and arms-bearing he is not a little offended ) to outlive the loss of the crown ; since he coud not but believe , they woud be perpetually endeavouring , the regaining their own right : for tho subjection be unequal to al , 't is not so intolerable to any , as to those us'd to govern : and therfore t is an idle and and senseless inconsiderat fancy , to imagin the king and duke coud forget their own interest , or be frenchifi'd upon any promise or bargain , as is maliciously insinuated , that they might be more absolute , which can't possibly be in their thoughts or wishes . who know that , between kings or states , covenants are binding no longer than convenient ; that the french king has ever shewn , that his interest only or his wil is the rule of convenience . that he that makes war for his glory , has more ambition to put his chains upon princes , than on the people : his thoughts are as large as any of the roman emperors , and they esteemd it a greater glory to lead one king in triumph , than many thousands subjects of several kingdoms . and it is not to be suppos'd that the natural strength and situation of england , can be a sufficient defence against the power of france , when to that he has already , is added that of all the rest of europe , unless you can dream they may have a fleet greater than all , and may at once resist , by those walls , the invasion of others , and defend their merchant-men at sea ; which if not don , without an invasion , by spoiling the trade , england will be destroy'd , or which is altogether as bad , be render'd very poor and inconsiderable . and that this has bin his majestyes sense , may be guess'd by the progress he has made since the war , mediating a peace as best became a good king , and giveing his subjects an opportunity of enriching themselves , and inabling them to bear the necessary taxes , by ingrossing most of the trade of europe , and at length finding his endeavours ineffective , he prepar'd himself to resist the french desines by force , by providing a fleet , and knowing that he that fights with another must have skil at the same weapons , he suffer'd such of his subjects as were willing ( but on capitulations to return when he pleased ) to serve either the confederates or the french , not only to be fitted to lead others , but also to understand the new arts of fighting , which are greatly alter'd from what they were in former times . the king having thus prepared things , i hear he is so far from being backward to declare war with france , that he wil gladly do it , if his parliament wil but find out a sufficient means for carrying it on effectually : which i apprehend must not be ordinary , for that the war , if undertaken , is like to be of long continuance , and you wil guess that 't is no longer to be delay'd , if you wil but bring before your eyes , the danger we and all europe are expos'd to , by comparing the present power of france with what it was in the days of francis the first , and observing what he was then able to do , when assaulted by charles the fifth , who was not only emperor , but had all the power of spain , the seventeen provinces , of naples , sicily , sardinia , the dukedom of milan , and the riches of the west-indies , who was as wise , couragious , and fortunat a captain , as most ages of the world have known ; one who manag'd his own councils , & like alexander in every action appear'd at the head of his army ; who had above a hundred thousand wel disciplin'd men , led by many great and experienc'd commanders ; who was able , by a mighty naval power , to begirt france on both sides , from flanders and from spain . yet at that time france courting the same mistriss , the universal monarchy , was so powerful a rival , that he durst not attempt his removal out of the way of his ambition , without the aid and assistance of henry the eighth , the pope , and several princes of italy ; nor even then did he think himself secure , til he had drawn to a defection , charles duke of bourbon , the most considerable prince of france . and yet after all , he was forc'd to clap up an accommodation , on terms sufficiently advantageous to that crown . if so mighty a power , and so united , coud not prevail against francis the first , how unlikly is it to resist lewis the fourteenth , a much greater prince , when that power is now so much lessen'd , by being broken and divided into several hands ? when the emperor gives himself up more to devotion , than martial or state-affairs ? when the king of spain is a youth of sixteen , and when the seventeen provinces are canton'd between the spaniard and the states general ? when these several divisions and interests occasion long debates , different opinions , and slowness in preparation and action ? when all that was formerly manag'd by one single head , is by these accidents brought under the conduct of several governors , of whom , it 's possible , som may prefer their privat advantages to the interests of their masters ? this has made som conjecture , the french king has open'd more gates with silver keys , than by force of arms ; and has induc'd others to conclude , that the confederates wil hardly be able to defend the remainder of the spanish netherlands , another campagne , if not assisted by the joynt power of the rest of europe : this you wil easily believe , not to be ill grounded , if you consider the present greatness of france ; lewis has about four times the revenu francis had , and at least four times the army : nay rather , all his people are now in a manner souldiers ; 't is not only scandalous , but a vain attempt , for any gentleman there to make court for a wife , before he has serv'd a campaign or two , nor are any of the nobless sufferd to live at ease in the country , that do not go , or send som of their sons to the war. these practises enabl'd him last summer , in fifteen days to send forty-five thousand gentlemen , with their servants , at their own charge to raise the siege of charleroy . and to make the monarchy more absolute , matters have bin so order'd , that their parliaments are become ordinary courts of iustice , and have no other laws than the edicts of the prince's wil ; and if at any time , he condescends in formality to assemble the three estates ( who had in francis the first 's time the power of parliaments ) 't is but to tel them by his chancellor , the king wils you do thus or thus , you are not to advise or dispute , but immediatly ratify his commands , which accordingly are obey'd , as the effects of a despotic power . in the beginning of the year 1665 , he was not able to man out twenty ships of war , and now he has about two hundred ; he has not only vast treasures heaped together , but the strings of all the purses of his slaves rather than subjects in his own hands . if without any assistance he has already gain'd lorrain , franche comte , a great part of flanders , and no inconsiderable footing in germany and sicily , and in the beginning of the last campaigne three such strong holds , as valenciennes , st. omer , and cambray ; the weakest of which , most men thought , woud at least have made him whole a summers work , what wil he not be able to compass , against the rest of europe , when he has got the accession of germany , and all the low-countryes , to that already too boundless power by which he has fetter'd his own people , and subjected them to an absolute vassalage ? wil other nations expect better terms , than he has given his own ? 't is wel if he wil allow them even canvas and sabows . but above all , what can england hope , having for many years forc'd him to check the reins of his ambition , and is , i presume at this time ready to put on the caveson . books have already bin printed shewing his pretentions to this country , which , tho weak and silly , may help to spur him on in the pursuit of his glory . nor can less be expected from those , who by a confederacy with the late usurpers , gave an opportunity of taking away the life of the first charles , and of pursuing that of the second , to whom his own cousin german unhospitably deny'd the continuance of a retreat , when the vicissitudes of human affairs , to make him afterwards appear more glorious , vail'd him in clouds of misfortunes . what can be hop'd from him who contriv'd that never to be forgotten affront of burning our ships at chattam , and who is said to have had no smal hand in the firing of london : who tho stil'd the most christian , declares as an unalterable maxim , no treaty binding longer than it consists with his interest , not founded on religion , or reason , but on glory ? the very heathens were anciently , and the turks at this day are more punctual to their oaths and promises , the falsifying of any thing confirm'd by the adiuration of their gods , or mahomet , was , and is accounted infamous . but what treaties , or capitulations can be reckon'd which the french ministers have not violated ? have they not broken the famous pyrenean treaty , confirmd by oaths and sacraments ? and contrary to a solemn renunciation and the double ties of blood and marriage , before a breach complain'd of , or a war declar'd , invaded the territoryes of an infant king ? have not they by address , and cunning , by bribes and rewards , endeavored to corrupt most of the ministers of europe ? such practises amongst privat christians woud be abominable , and much more so , between any kings not stil'd the most christian. do they not publicly abet the proceedings of the rebels in hungary against their lawful prince ? and whatever the pope may be induc'd to beleive , not for the propagation of the romish religion ( for they are protestants ) but to serve his own ambitious purposes of enslaving the world ; of which , rather than fail , he has decreed to bring in the turk , in whose courts also he has found arts to make his coyn current . nor is the infallible man whom he has already pillard to scape him , at least as to the temporal part of his power , for not thinking that affront great enuff , and concluding , he has not as he ought , imploy'd it for the french interest , he is said to have privatly vow'd not only the lessening , but the abrogating of that great authority , in which his predecessors pepin and charlemain's charity had vested him . nor is his countenanceing the iansenists , a sect more dangerous to the see of rome , than that of luther or calvin , a smal argument , that he intends to pul down his spiritual grandeur , by fixing it in a gallican patriarch . but to com nearer home , have not the french had a main hand in our civil wars , and were they not since the secret instruments of spilling the blood of many thousands of our fellow subjects ? to som of whom , tho now they pretend civility , 't is not to give them a share in their glory , so much as to hazard their lives , making them steps to the throne of an unjust empire ; in order to which , they have expos'd them on all occasions , in hopes by weakning us , to remove out of their way the greatest block which has already given them check , and wil now i hope stop their carreir and mate them . and is it not time think you , that all the princes in christendom , for their common safety , shoud unite , not only to chase the french king out of his new conquests , but confine him to his ancient dominion and manner of government ? if this be not speedily put in execution , i may without the spirit of prophecy foretel , som of the princes of germany and italy who now seem unconcern'd , wil when 't is too late repent the oversight : the fire is already kindled in their neighborhood , and if they do not help to quench the flame , they wil quicly see their own dwellings laid in dust and ashes . every new acquist and accession of power inlarges our desires , and makes the ambitious man think , that which before seem'd not only difficult , but impossible , to be very plain and feasible ; the success of the french has already made them think no enterprise too hard , and and stil prompts them to push on their good fortune , which nothing can withstand but a general opposition of other princes . you see then , 't is not so much honor nor friendship , nor a desire of succorring the injur'd and oppressed , that invites the rest of europe , to the assistance of the netherlands , but the care and preservation of their laws and liberties , their glory , and their fortunes : and tho i am apt to believe on englands entring into the league , the french king woud gladly conclude a peace : yet i can't but think the doing so , woud be against the common interest , on any other terms , than quitting all his new acquisitions , and even then the confederats wil be out in policy , if they do not stil continue in a posture of defence , both by sea and land. the dutch paid dear for the contrary practise , and their sufferings in 1672 wil convince them and others , that so long as lewis the fourteenth lives , his neighbors must not expect to sleep in quiet ; they cannot prudently hope , his future practises wil be more just , than his former ; he that has already broke thro so many obligations of oaths and treatyes , is likely to do so agen ; whoever cannot be kept within bounds by the sense of reason and iustice , wil despise the weaker tyes of forced oaths ; for he that avows power to be the rule , and strength the law of iustice , wil not stick to say , this peace was an imposition , an unjust restraint of the lawful pursuit of his greatness . and therefore as soon as he gives his wearyed armies a breathing time , and sees the confederates dispers'd , and their troops disbanded , he wil like an unexpected torrent break-in upon som of his neighbors . the common inscription of his cannons ratio ultima regum , is by him inverted to a contrary sense , and made a public warning to mankind , that he desines , as god did of old , to give law to the world in thunder and lightening , to scatter by the flames of his artillery al those clouds of the confederat forces that intercept and eclipse the rayes of his glory . he makes the power of his arms his first and last reason : he do's not only pursu , but commonly wounds his adversary before he declares him such , or gives him leisure to draw . first invades a prince's territories , and after sets up his title and cause of the war ; is not concern'd that all the world observes the pretence is false and trifling , vain and unjust , warranted by no other reason than that of absolute and unbounded wil , that he wil do so , because he wil ; which is the foundation and conclusion of all his actions and wars abroad , as wel as of his laws and edicts at home , express'd in these imperious words , tel est nostre plaisir . he do's not only tread in the steps , but out-go one of his predecessors , who in a quarrel with his holiness , sent him word , that what he coud not justify by cannon-law , he woud by the law of the cannon . his device the sun in its meridian with his motto non pluribus impar , sufficiently shews his intentions for the universal monarchy , and the haughty opinion he conceives , of his being the only person qualify'd for the goverment of more worlds than one , declares his resolutions of admitting no rivals in soverainty , looking upon all other princes but as so many smaller stars , or wandering planets compar'd with him the sun ; from whom after the antiquated and justly exploded opinion of som philosophers , they are to receive their borrowed light or power , as it shal please his mightiness to dispense : so that crowned heads , princes and republics , as wel as their subjects , are to expect the same meat that of slavery ; and tho that be not sweet , yet the sawce wil be sorer , poinant to all , tho perhaps a little differenc'd ; the former may be allow'd golden , while the later are to be manacled with iron-chains . in order hereunto , his ambition has made him resolve the conquering of the world after the example of alexander , whose title of great as an earnest of his future hopes , he has already assum'd . he has vow'd to make himself as famous to posterity , by his sword , tho not by his pen , as caesar has don : that paris shal give law to the universe , as rome once did , and that the ocean shal yield no less to the sene , than formerly it did to tyber . now if england , which alone is able to do it , prevents the execution of these vast purposes , what can we expect , but that one time or other , he wil seek a revenge ; and notwithstanding his promises and solem confirmations of peace , try against us the success of his arms , and by numbers endeavour for this mighty insolence , to chastise those , for whom even their own histories wil convince them , they are man to man a very unequal match . the dis-banding his forces for the present , is far from being a security , since he may raise them again at his pleasure . nor indeed do i imagin , he wil discharge his armies , since that were to give them an opportunity of rebelling , for which he is sensible , his people are sufficiently prepar'd , and only want either domestic heads and partisans , or forrein assistance , to rescu themselves from tyranny and oppression . and is it fit , while so potent and so near a monarch is in arms , that we sh●ud stand with our hands in our pockets ? no , i am perswaded , tho a present peace shoud be concluded , that the king and his ministers , wil think it for the common safety , and the particular interest of england , not only to enter with the confederats into a strict allyance offensive and defensive , but also , to put themselves into a posture of war both at sea and land. the end of war is peace , but a peace with france seems to me to be the beginning of war , or ( at least ) a preparation for one ; and i must ingenuously profess , tho war be a great evil , yet from all appearances , i dread the consequences of a peace more , for that without great care , it wil be of the two , the most fatal to england : but this consideration , as most fit , i leave to my superiors , and wil only ask you , whether before we engage in a war abroad , it be not fit , to secure a peace at home ? to reconcile by toleration , our differences in point of religion , that the french emissaries , or others , may not be able to strike fire into the tinder already prepared for the least spark . it must not be forgot , that , to divert or disable queen elizabeth from assisting france , or def●nding holland , phillip the second of spain incouraged and assisted tyrone , to rebel in ireland ; that in the long war between us and france , it was the frequent practice of that crown to incite the scots to make incursions upon us ; and i presume , it wil be consider'd , whether some ambitious men of that kingdom may not influence the people to favor or side with a prince who maintains great numbers of their nation , by the considerations that they are now but a province , that england denyes them an equal freedom in traffic ; that they may have better terms from the french in that and religion , in which by denyal of liberty they seem dis-satisfy'd . tho such persons can't possibly work on the wise , the considerative of the people , yet sure it were not improper to study a course , to prevent the unthinking croud , the rabbles being deluded by such fals and groundless pretensions ; which in my opinion are with more care to be provided against in ireland , where 't is said those and other motives may be urged : for there are computed to be in that kingdom about eleven hundred thousand persons , of which 800000 are irish , and of them above 10000 , born to estates , dispossest ; these for their losses , and others for restraint in matters of religion , are discontented , not considering their own rebellion occasion'd their ruin : ( by their murmurings i perceive let the sentence be never so just , it wil not hinder the condemn'd from railing against the judg : ) that , besides their suffering in estate and religion , they are yet further beyond the scots renderd uncapable of injoying any office or power military , or civil , either in their native , or any other , of their princes countryes ; their folly having thus reduced them to a condition more like that of slaves than subjects , many of the gentry go frequently into other kingdoms , but most into france , who may possibly be incouraged to return to move the people to a new sedition , especially if they can give them assurance of forrein assistance . the king wisely foreseeing this , directed in 1673. his late vigilant and prudent vicegerent the earl of essex , to disarm the irish papists , and netwithstanding the exact execution of that command , it s said that his majesty intends to put himself to the further charge of increasing his army in that kingdom , beyond what now it is , and to appoint a considerable squadron of ships to guard and defend its coasts from any attempts of invasion , without which there is not the least fear of any intestine commotions . this , with the charge he has bin at in erecting a new fort in the harbor of kinsale , the most likely place to prevent the entring of any forrein power into that country , shews he has bin watchful to secure himself and people against the french desines . and now i touch upon ireland , i have heard som say , that it is not only convenient but necessary , to unite that kingdom to this , to make a new division of shires , to send only so many members to parliament , as coud no more join to out-vote us , than cornwal and devonshire with two or three other countyes : but i see not if they were thus made one , wherein their interest woud be different from ours ; many rather think they woud be losers by the bargain . others fancy pointings act shoud be repeal'd , that at first , tho a trick , it was necessary ; but now is not , all the power and almost all the land , being devolved upon such as are mediatly or immediatly english , and protestants ; and that by an easy contrivance , they might be still oblig'd to a dependence on the crown of england ; by which , it s said , if they are always so kept under , as to be no more than hewers of wood and drawers of water , they may in future ages be incouraged to a defection , and either set up a power of their own , or invite a forreiner , which might prove of ill consequence to england ; for the harbours and situation of ireland lying more convenient for trade , makes it that way , or otherwise , a ready inlet to the conquest of england . the people there , stomach the prejudice , in point of commerce , desined , tho not effected , by the acts against their cattle , navigation , and plantation trade ; by the first they are said to have gaind vastly , by an increase in woollen and linnen manufactures , in shipping and forrain traffic , to the great prejudice of england : and i have bin credibly inform'd , by a person who examin'd it , that they have gaind communibus annis , forty thousand pounds sterling yearly , by the exported commodities of beef , tallow , hides , butter , and wool , yeelding so much more , after the passing that act , than they and the cattle did before , when transported together . and if the irish , of which there are few pure families left , have som pretence to the kings favour , as he is lineally descended from fergutius , second son of the then reigning king of ireland , and first of scotland , which was anciently peopled from thence , the english there claim greater share in his majesties grace , and say of right , they ought to be accounted but the younger brothers of england . i coud wish with all my heart , the story were tru , i had from an irish gentleman in france , that his countrey-men were so pleased , that they were at last govern'd by a king descended from their own blood royal , that they had resolved , to pay his majesty and the successors of his line , the allegiance due from natural born subjects , not from a conquer'd people , which they now no more esteem themselves , nor desire to be accounted by others : how much of this may be tru you and i know not , but this i think , if all the natives were oblig'd to speak english , and all call'd by the name of the english of , ireland , and allow'd equal privileges in trade , the same usages and customs , begetting a harmony in humor , that rancor might in time be remov'd , which from a sense of being conquer'd renders them now troublesom and chargeable to this kingdom . this was design'd in part by queen elizabeth , and king iames , and perhaps had bin effected for the whole , but that the irish coud not be said to have bin fully conqer'd before the tenth year of his reign , which was after the making of those statutes . it woud be , i confess , an advantage to england , to be freed from the charge and necessity of keeping that kingdom under by a constant army ; and considering the inconveniences this nation has suffer'd , by their frequent wars and rebellions , their gain woud be more , if they had never conquer'd the countrey , in which the losses of the english coud perhaps be never better compensated , than by sinking it , if possible under water . the accession of so much people unto england , might make som reparation , for the greater number which to our own impoverishment we have sent thither . i have dwelt the longer , upon the considerations of scotland and ireland , to shew the frenchman may be mistaken , who , about ten or twelve years since , publisht a book of politics , chalking out the way for the french kings gaining the universal monarchy ( in immitation of campanella to philip the second on the same subject ) wherein , after several insufferable slights and indignities , intolerable base , false and malicious characters thrown and fixt upon the english , he tells it will be an easy task to overcome them ( but in the last place ) by sowing divisions among the king of englands subjects , especially those of scotland and ireland ; by false insinuations , jealousies and fears of popery and arbitrary government , &c. the prevention wherof wil be his majestyes particular care , and the parliaments , to inable him to carry on this great work of our common safety , against the common enemy the disturber of the peace of christendom by finding out an easy and sufficient fond , which naturally brings me to the consideration of taxes , allow'd by all understanding men , as absolutly necessary for the support of the body politic , as meat and drink for the natural : but what kinds are best , has been much disputed : before i descend to particulars , it is not amiss to observe in general , that no taxes can be just or safe , which are not equal . all subjects , as wel the meanest , as the greatest , are alike concern'd in the common safety ; and therefore shoud , according to their respective interests of riches or enjoyments , bear the charge in equal proportions : the contrary practice must of necessity beget murmurings and discontents , which seldom ending in words , proceed higher to blows , dividing the oppressed against the others , which wil certainly disquiet and disturb , and may probably ruin both . that all taxes shoud be proportion'd to the necessities of state ; that in computing these , the error , if any must be , is safer on the right hand , than in defect ; because the overplus may be order'd to other good public uses . that when taxes are made equal to the people , and proportionat to the charges of the public , 't is much more for the subjects ease , and the common safety , that they be made perpetual , than temporary : for , if the means of securing our selves against all the dangers to which we are expos'd , be not sufficient , we must undoubtedly yield our selves up to the mercy of our enemies , or suffer much vexation , in parting with further supplies from time to time , out of that substance , which nature or our own almost equally binding customes , have made but just enuff for the support of our selves and families ; either of which is very grievous : and because the event is uncertain , 't is hard to determin , which of the two is most destructive to the pleasures of life ; for he that says , the choice is easy , in that your enemies may take away your life , the other course does but render it miserable ; is in my opinion much mistaken , it being more eligible to have no sense at all , than to have it only to endure pain : for life is in it self a thing indifferent , neither good nor bad , but as it is the subject of pleasing or unpleasing perceptions ; and is then better or worse , as it has more or less of the one or the other : so that the proper question is not , whether it be better to live or not to live ? but , whether misery be preferable to no misery ? to which , not only reason but sense is able to give a satisfactory answer . you see then , that if the taxes fal short of their end , we are expos'd to great miseries ; and therfore to exceed is fafer , especially when things may be so order'd , that after the occasions are supply'd , the surplusage may be refunded , or imploy'd in the way of a banc or lombard , or public trade , as fishing or cloathing , &c. the first as an unexpected gift , wil be very grateful to the people , and the other wil not be less benificial because it must encrease their riches , and be a fond without new taxes for any future emergencies . that perpetuating the revenu is most easy for the people , and most convenient for public ends , wil farther appear from these following considerations ; that an equal tax tho greater than is needful , so the money be not hoarded up to hinder trade , but issued as fast as it comes in , for necessaries within the country , however it may for the present make som alterations in particular families , do's not impoverish the whole : for riches , as power , consisting in comparison , all , equally retrenching som part of their expences , remain as rich as they were before . this retrenchment may at first seem unpleasant and stomacful to those who think what they have little enuff for their privat expence ; but such ought to consider , if they refuse to part with som , they wil infallibly lose all ; that instead of being a free people , they may becom slaves , and wil not then have it in their power to keep ought of what they cal their own ; have no liberty or property , but at the pleasure of their conquering tryumphant lord and master : that then they wil be dealt with like beasts , now they have the liberty of rational men , i. e. of choosing with the wise merchant in a storm , to throw som of his goods over-board , to secure his life , and the rest of his fortune . when by prudent rules of oeconomy and temperance , they have par'd off those great extravagancies men are now given to , in cloaths , in meat and drink , &c. to the decay of their healths , and shortning of their lives , and have proportion'd their layings-out to their comings-in , what for the present seems so hard , wil becom very easy , and be hereafter no more felt , than the payment of tythes now ; which without doubt wrought the same effect at first , as this may be suppos'd to do . but what is yet much better , they wil make us rich ; for i am convinced , that the great taxes in the united netherlands have bin the chiefest cause of their great wealth ; and tho this be no smal paradox , and perhaps a new one , i am fully perswaded it contains a great truth ; for their great taxes necessitated great industry and frugality , and these becoming habitual , coud not but produce wealth ; especially considering that the product of labor is more valuable to the kingdom than the land , and all other personal estate , which i wil shew under the particular of trade . when the taxes are less than serve , or to last but for a time , those who do not make their expences short of their in-comes , but think they may without prejudice make both ends meet ; or if they exceed so soon as that proportion which now goes to the public comes in , it wil make things even again ; do not consider , how difficult it is to fal , and that in the mean time an accident may happen , that not only requires the continuance of the temporary , but also of imposing new and greater taxes : then , when perhaps it 's too late , they cry out , they are ruin'd , and undon ; and indeed , the case seems hard , yet can't be avoided . therefore to answer our present needs , and prevent for the future such great evils , the taxes are to be made perpetual ; so we being under a necessity of adjusting our privat affairs accordingly , a little time wil make them habitual to us , and insensible to our posterity : for , that if they be not perpetual , but to determin at certain or uncertain periods of time , they do not only becom uneasy to the subject , but inconvenient for the publick security , which may suffer much at home and abroad in the interval , before new supplies can be legally rais'd . i do not doubt , but you and your fellow-members , have it in yout thoughts , that all the customs and half the excise cease upon the death of our soverain , for whose long life every good subject is bound by interest no less than duty , heartily to pray ; but is it not to be remembred , that the period of humane life is uncertain , tho that of our evil which may thereupon insue , be not ; the occasions of our expence continuing , tho the means of supporting them fail ; that before a parliament can be conven'd , those others may be increas'd , because in the mean time the merchants wil fil the kingdom with goods , and sel them at the same rates they now do , reckoning that a lucky hit , and so anticipate the markets for two three or more years , with all manner of staple commodities , linnen , silk , salt , &c. which they have near at hand ; and with what perishable commodityes , they can procure , for as long a term as they wil last , and perhaps covetously and foolishly for a longer ; thus the people wil pay and lose , and yet the state grow poor , as wel for the present , as future , while the merchants only , the overhasty and immature , wil have the profit : and tho they talk loudest , the consumptioner stil pays the duty , and that with interest . in proportioning of taxes , we must have recourse to the necessities of the charge , which in my sence of things ought to extend to all that relate to us as single persons , in matters of right or wrong , as law , &c. as wel as to what concerns us , with reference to the whole in our public occasions , as of peace or war , forrein or domestic ; for i hold it altogether as reasonable , that the public shoud pay all those officers who promote and distribute iustice , as wel as those others now paid by the state ; in proportion to which , i hope our governors wil consider what wil suffice , for the management of all affairs that any way conduce to the joynt good of the whole body politic , and when that is known and fixt , leave the rest to our own particular disposal . but in this proportioning of taxes , we must rather look forward than backward . our home occasions are easily judged , but those abroad must be taken by other measures , the former use of mony compar'd with its present , the ancient demeans of the crown with what they are now , and the strength and power of our neighbours , especially the french ; concerning whom we are not to forget , that that crown is much more potent than it was heretofore , by the accession of large territories , which , when englands , gave it great aid and assistance in their war : that the expence of one years war in this age , is greater than of twenty in former times ; that then two pence a day woud go further than twenty pence now ; that six or ten thousand men were as considerable an army , as forty or fifty thousand now ; then a smal castle , moat , or ordinary ditch , was a good fortification ; but mighty bastians , large curteines doubly fortified with faussbrais , counterscarps , half moons , redoubts and great variety of other out-works , according to the nature and situation of places , with exquisite skil , and vast expence made and defended , together with the strongest cittadills , are now taken : then the charges of arms & amunition , bows and arrows serving insteed of fire arms , were inconsiderable : that now france has in constant pay above a hundred and twenty som say above two hundred thousand fighting men , whose standing army in former times exceeded not ten thousand , nor so many but on particular occasions ; then a single battle , or at most a summers expedition put an end to a war , no long nor formal sieges to spin out the quarrel . now the whole seene is changed , from what in those days it consisted in ; courage and strength of body , into that where patience in fatigue , dexterity in wit , and mony in purse shal make the coward and the weak an equal match at least , for sinewy and gigantic force . there is no doubt but as many of the english , as luxury and idleness have not softned into effeminacy , have stil as great valour and resolution : but they are to consider , that their old enemys , the french are not the same they formerly were : that they finding their first sa sa , or brisk onset woud not do the feat , and wanting courage to rally , nature having deny'd them bodily strength , but to supply that defect , having given them wit to use stratagems , have quite changed the scene of war , and taken their leave of the old way of venturing body to body . that in queen elizabeth's time , thirty ships , such as perhaps exceeded not our third and fourth rate frigats , were the fleet which gave law to the biggest part of the world , the sea ; and without the help of storms , doubted not to have overcom the too arrogantly styl'd invincible armada . that in those days few besides the kingdom of spain , and state of venice , had any ships of war : that france and holland were then very weak , and all four unable to contend with us : that now the swedes , danes , hamburghers , ostenders , and algerines , &c. have considerable fleets . that the states of the united provinces have much more shipping than the french king , who yet has upwards of two-hundred men of war , and many larger than most in europe , and is every day building more ; and lest he shoud yet have further need , i have an account , he has lately countermanded about fifty sail of st. maloes and haven de grace , merchant-men , of considerable force , bound to new-found-land . if then his power be so vastly increas'd , that as he gives out , he has cash for five years charge , and provisions and forrage for two . that his ordinary revenu in france , not to speak of his new acquisitions , amounts by the most modest computation to above nine millions sterling per annum ; and his country being rich , and the power in his own hands , he may at any time raise what more he pleases : is it not then necessary to consider our own strength , and by sufficient supplies at home , as wel as allies abroad , secure our necks against that yoke with which he threatens to inslave all europe ? nor wil it be amiss for the subject to observe , that the french by fomenting our quarrels forein and domestic , have bin the main occasions of the great taxes and impositions ( necessary appendages of the former ) under which the english nation has groand for these last forty years , even the ship-mony had its rise from the affronts their pride and insolence threw up on us , and they wil yet oblige us to suffer more , unless by the joynt force of our arms and mony in a round and larg supply for the war , we speedily inable our selve's , to revenge our past injuries and their present desines , and so put it out of their power , either by this or any other of their crafty practises , to disturb or hurt us for the future . and 't is to be consider'd , that as the expences abroad are much greater , so they are likewise at home ; that an hundred pound before the eighteenth of edward the third , was equivalent in intrinsic valu to three hundred pound of our now current mony ; their groat being rais'd to our shilling . that our expences are not only far greater than they were in those days , but that our necessary uses require ten times as much as they coud be then suply'd for ; perhaps no less occasion'd by the discovery of the west indy mines ( the plenty of every commodity making it cheap ) than by our own much greater extravagance : whence it is plain , that the present re-venu of the state , even for necessary occasions , ought to exceed the ancient , as thirty does one . and since our great intrest , no less than honor , lies in securing the dominion of the seas , and by that our trade ; our fleet must be answerable to that of our neighbours ; it wil then , allowing the english , man to man , to be a third stronger than the french , seem reasonable , to have an hundred and fifty ships of war in constant readiness . and comparing the charge of the admiralty , by taking an estimat of what it was in queen elizabeths time , 30000 and in the beginning of king iames's 1604. 40000 , with what it has bin since this kings raign , which if i mistake not , i have bin told by more than your self , was offerd to be made out in parliament , to have bin 500000 per annum . but granting it was but 400000 , it must follow , that our fleet has bin ten times bigger , than that of king iames , or that the charge is now ten times more ; that if it be yet necessary to inlarge it treble , to make it strong enuff , that wil increase the ordinary annual charge by the first account to 1500000 , by the last to 1200000. and if the building of thirty ships require near 600000 p. how much more wil be wanting to compleat the fleet 150 sail , and to continu building every year , with an allowance of one third less , in proportion to the french kings ? by which we can not yet reckon our selves secure from the common foe , without a strict alliance with the germans , dutch and spaniards . if then the ordinary occasions of our fleet require thus much , and the extraordinary a vast addition , the common expenses in every particular above thirty for one , more than in edward the thirds time , when the crown had a large revenu in lands , what wil all need in the extraordinary accidents of war , &c. now when these are almost dwindled into nothing ? but these considerations i leave to the proper persons ; yet , by the by , give me leave to tel you , they were never thought of , by those mal-contents , who have talk'd loud of the great supplies this king has had : this alone cancels the obligation ; he that brags of having don another good turns , pays himself , and does not only free but disoblige the recever : it woud have argued more ingenuity , not to have compared the subsidies of this kings raign , with those of his predecessors , without taking notice , that perhaps his occasions required more , than all theirs did . that dureing the eighteen years he and his father were kept out of their rights , he must have contracted vast debts , for the support of himself , his army and his followers ; that the great revenu of the crown was in a manner gon ; that other kings had squees'd vast sums from their subjects , by loanes , monopolies , &c. of which no mention was made in the computation ; that the building of ships and above four years of such war at sea consum'd more , than any one hundred years war at land , since the conquest . that the consideration of the vast charge dunkirk put the crown to , at least three times more than it yeilded , occasiond the advise of its sale. that tangier has stood the king in very great sums . that til of late , the supporting the charge of irelana helped to drein the exchequer of england ; that the intrinsic valu of one million formerly , was equal to that of three millions now , and in real use to thirty millions ; for the tru intrinsic valu , or worth of mony , is no otherwise to be computed , than according to what it wil purchase for our present consumptions ; which i have reckond to exceed those of old but by ten , tho i have heard others say much more . but that which has made these complaints so loud , has not bin only inconsideration , or perhaps malice , but the inequallity of imposeing the taxes ; those great inconveniencies may be easily obviated for the future , by maki●g and applying to particular uses , such sufficient and equal fonds as are necessary to be setled : i wil only instance in one , that of the customes , which seems originally to have had its rise for that end , & therefore ought to be appropriated to the use of the navy ; i wish it were great enuff , for such as our safety requires . and if this course be taken in apportioning the revenu , the public and privat expences are to be generously computed ; the doing so , wil remove iealousies and distrusts on all sides , the king wil be under no necessity of straining his prerogative , by hearkning to the devices of projectors , the people wil be quiet and at ease ; and then every man may safely sit under his own vine , and his own fig-tree , and enjoy with pleasure the fruits of his labor . if you look into the histories of past ages , you wil find the disputes of the prerogative on one hand , and of liberty on the other , were alwayes founded on the want of mony ; and he that considers the evils that have ensued , wil soon believe it very necessary , to prevent the like for the future , by applying to every use of the crown or state , ( i do not say to the person of the king , whose greatest share is the trouble , while the subjects is security and ease ) a sufficient and perpetual revenu . this act wil beget an intire confidence and love , and so unite us to one another , as wil make it impossible for any storms without , or commotions within , to shake this kingdom , so founded on a rock ; against which , all , who make any attempts , must needs split themselves and fortunes . i have , according to my wonted freedom , given you my thoughts , why i think it more convenient , both for public and privat , that the revenu were sufficient and perpetual : against which , i never met but with one objection , to wit , that if that were don , the king woud not so frequently , if at all , call his parliament : as if there were no use for this great council , but raising of mony : the altering or repealing the old , and making new laws ; the reforming of errors and abuses , in inferior courts of iustice ; the deciding the controversies , those courts coud not , and many other things woud make their meeting necessary ; the king woud see 't were his advantage to cal them often , since besides that there is safety in the multitude of counsellors , all that happens to be severe and harsh , woud light on them , and yet none coud be offended , because the act of the whole : nor coud his majesty but be sensible that all innovations are dangerous in a state ; for it is like a watch , out of which , any one peece lost woud disorder the whole ; that the parliament is the great spring or heart , without which , the body of the common-wealth , coud enjoy neither health nor vigor , life nor motion , that while they mind their duty , in proposeing and advising what is best for king and people , without privat respect , leaving him the undoubted prerogative of kings , of nature and reason , of assenting or dissenting , as he is convinc'd in his conscience , is best for the common good , which is to be his measure in all actions , as the laws are to be the subjects rule ; i see not why it shoud not be his interest , to cal them frequently . that none can be suppos'd to advise the contrary , unless som few great men , to avoid , not so much perhaps the iustice , as the passion , envy and prejudice of som , in that iudicature , to whom they may think themselves obnoxious : but granting this , 't is unreasonable to think , so wise and so good a prince , wil prefer the privat interest , of any single man , tho never so great , before the general good and satisfaction of his people : i shoud rather think , he wil in the words of his royal father , in a speech to his parliament , give in this , a ful assurance , i must conclude , that i seek my peoples happiness , for their slourishing is my greatest glory , and their affection my greatest strength . his majesty wel knows , with what tenderness and love his subjects are to be treated ; that 't is more safe , more pleasing and more easy , to erect his throne over their hearts , than their heads , to be obey'd for love rather than fear ; the dominion , founded on the later , often meets the same fate , with a house built upon the sands ; while that establish'd on the former , continues firm and immovable as a rock : he is not ignorant , that as the multitude of the wise is the welfare of the world , so does the being and wel-being of the english nation , consist in the frequent counsels , deliberations and acts of king and parliament ; in which providence has so blended the king and people's interests , that , like husband and wife , they can never be sunder'd , without mutual inconvenience and unhappiness . the sense and observation of this , makes our king's reign prosperous , and gives him a more glorious title than that of king , viz. the father of the country , and the great god-like preserver of his children's rights and liberties , who , out of a deep sense of duty and gratitude , must own and remember who tels them , that a wise king is the upholding of his people ; and therefore , cannot but pay him even for their own interest , all imaginable loyalty , deference , and respect , giving up their lives and fortunes for his ( or which is all one , their own ) safety , who studies nothing so much as their good and wel-fare . besides , the king has already past an act , that a parliament shal sit at least once in three years , and in several speeches he has declar'd himself ready to do what further we shal desire , for the better security of our liberties , properties , and religion ; why then shoud any think , he woud not esteem it his own , as wel as people's interest , to consult often , and upon all suddain occasions , with his parliament ? for my own part , i shoud rather believe , by continuing this so long , that he woud not be against their assembling thrice a year , as , by the grace of former kings , was accustom'd , for many years , before and after the conquest . but to put all iealousies to silence , the parliament , in settling and appropriating the revenu , to particular uses , may ( as they have already begun to do , in the act for building thirty ships ) grant it under a kind of condition , or proviso , viz. that the respective officers , give a ful account , of the employment thereof , unto the parliament , at least , once in every three years ; otherwise , all farther leavies of the same to cease , &c. having said thus much , in general of taxes , i com now to the partic●lar branches ; i have already shew'd the inconvenience of the customs , &c. determining with the king's life ; i wil further add , that the book of rates ought to be reviewed , and in the new one , a greater consideration had of the usefulness and necessity of the commodities , in placing the imposition on them ; viz. rating all the allow'd commodities of france , much higher than they are , raising the duty of their wines , to be at least equal , with that , on those of spain : i never yet coud be satisfy'd , what induc'd the compilers of that book , to rate spanish wines higher , than those of france ; since the height of duty is a sort of prohibition , which ought to be more taken care of , in the trade with france , by which we are vast loosers ; than in that with spain , which is a gainful one : the best reason i could find , is , that they did it inconsideratly , taking it as they found it left , by the long parliament , who by the sense of revenge for the war , were induced so to treat the spaniard . one might have thought the last impost on french wines , woud have lessen'd their importation : which colbert the financer observing it had not don ( i was assur'd at my return in august by fontainbleau , that ) in his measures for the next years charge , he valued his master 100000 on that account , not doubting but the parliament woud take off that duty of wine , which woud give him opportunity to put so much on ; that at this , the french king smil'd and said , for such a kindn●ss he shoud be oblig'd , and woud no more cal them petite maison ; but i hope notwithstanding his scornful quibble , he wil find such sober resolutions in that house , as wil set him a madding , and that , instead of taking off that duty , he may perceive more put on ; which is indeed the only effectual way to prohibit the importation , of these vast quantities of french goods , by which england is greatly impoverisht . to lessen the trafic of his people , is the first step to lower him ; which i am perswaded is best don , by imposing an excessive high duty , upon all the commodities , and contriving the act so , that nothing shoud pass duty free ; this course woud be a better restraint , than absolute prohibition : and 't is the method he himself has taken in the trade with us , which he had long since wholly forbid , but that upon examination , he found , it was driven to above 1600000 l. advantage to his subjects , and loss to those of england ; this , rather yearly increasing , than decreasing , wil at length quite ruin us , if not prevented ; and yet notwithstanding , he imposes upon our cloaths four shillings an ell , as a sumptuary law , to oblige his subjects , to the use of their own manufactures . the next is the excise , which , if equaly imposed , were the best and easiest of all taxes ; to make it so , after the manner of holland , it ought to be laid upon all things ready to be consum'd . this puts it into the power , of every man to pay more or less , as he resolves to live loosely or thriftily ; by this course no man pays but according to his enjoyment or actual riches , of which none can be said to have more , than what he spends ; tru riches consisting only in the use . but the present excise is grievous , because heavyer on the poor laborers and meaner sort of people , than on the rich and great ; who do not pay above a tenth , of what the others do ; and considering , that most of the noble and privat families , out of london , brew their own drink , it falls yet heavier on the poorer sort , and wil at last on the state ; for , the common brewers do already complain , that they dayly lose their trade , many of their customers , even in london , brewing for themselves , to save the imposition . to speak the truth , in good conscience , this branch ought to have been imposed on the nobles and estated-men , rather than on the artificer and laborers , who were very slenderly concern'd in the grounds of it , viz. the taking away the wardships and purveyance , which was so great an advantage to the public , especially the richer , that that act of grace and condescension in his majesty , which freed us and our posterity , from great inconveniences and greater sines of subjection , ought never to be forgotten . this act gave us a greater propriety and liberty , than ever we had before ; and must the poor chiefly pay , for the benefit of the rich ? let it not be told to the generations to com , that an act so unequal was contriv'd by those who study only the public interest ; let it then be review'd , and either made general , on all public and privat brewers , by which the rich wil stil have advantage of the poor , according to the difference between strong and smal beer , ( for to allow public brewers , and prohibit all privat ones , as is practis'd in the low countries , woud never be endur'd in england ; ) or rather let it be plac'd on malt , or taken quite off , and laid on the land as a perpetual crown rent ; or let there be a general excise ( the most equal tax that possibly can be devis'd ) on all consum'd commodities of our own growth , or imported : which ought to be managed by proper officers ; the farming of any part of the revenu being of evil consequence , as i coud shew at large , both to the state and people . the hearth mony is a sort of excise , but a very unequal one too ; the smoak on 't has offended the eyes of many , and it were to be wisht , that it were quite taken away , and somthing in lieu thereof given to the crown less offensive to the peoples senses ; i have heard many say , that an imposition on licenses for selling of ale , strong waters , coffee , syder , mum , and all other liquors , and for victualling-houses , might be as beneficial to the crown , and so order'd as might prevent or discover high-way-men , &c. i have read among the irish statutes one to this purpose , obliging among other things the inn-keepers , &c. to make good all horses stolen out of their stables or pastures . an imposition on all stage-coaches , carts , waggons , and carriers , set aside for the wel ordering the roads , woud be of general advantage ; as woud a tax upon periwigs , forving in part as a sumptuary law. a year , or half a years rent charg'd upon all the new buildings since 1656 , woud not only much oblige the city of london , enabling them by the difference of rents to let those many wast houses , which now to the ruin of trade remains un-tenanted , & also gratify the kingdom , by easing them from the common thredbare , land-tax . i do not question but , in this conjuncture , the wit of men wil be contriving new ways to supply the present occasions of a war ; for that a land-tax is slow and unequal ; and i am apt to fancy , that of the poll-mony wil be pitcht upon , as the most speedy levy , but must not be too great . as to my self , i am not sollicitous what course they take , but wish it such as may be equal , and so wil be pleasing to most : but be it great or smal , the king , as formerly , wil be agen defrauded , unless there be special care taken ; the way i apprehend is , that for twenty-one years to com , neither plaintif nor defendant be allow'd the benefit of the law , without producing an authentic acquittance or discharge , that they have paid this pol-mony , and averring the same in their actions or pleas. that the ministers be forbid to marry within that space any , who do not , women as wel as men , produce such certificats . that none be admitted to any office or command , civil or military , administration or executorship , freedom or privilege in town , city , or corporation , or receiv'd into any of the public schools , inns , or universities , if of the age limited by the act , except they make out the said payment ; which in three months after ought to be registred , with the persons names and qualities . now , in regard that england is already very much under-peopled , and wil be more so if there be a war : to provide against those evils , and to obviat in som measure the loosness and debauchery of the present age , i have thought of a sort of tax , which i believe is perfectly new to all the world , and under which 't is probable , if it takes , i have made provision for my own paying the crown no inconsiderable sum , during my life . 't is a tax upon caelibat , or upon unmarryed people , viz. that the eldest sons of gentlemen and other degrees of nobility upwards , shoud marry by twenty-two compleat , all their daughters by eighteen , and yonger sons by twenty-five : all citizen's eldest sons ( not gentlemen ) by twenty-three ; all other men by twenty-five . all the daughters ( not servants ) of all men under the degree of gentlemen , to marry by nineteen ; all maid-servants by twenty . that all widdowers under fifty marry within twelve months after the death of their wives ; all widdows under thirty-five , within two years after their husband's decease , unless the widdowers or widdows have children alive . i allow the women , as the softer and better natur'd , more time to lament their loss . that no man marry after seventy , nor widdow after forty-five . that all men cohabit with their wives . that the eldest sons of gentlemen , and all other degrees of nobility upward , and all other persons not married by the times limited , as afore-said , shal pay per annum a peece these following rates , viz. dukes , marquesses , and their eldest sons forty pound , other lords and their eldest sons twenty pound , knights , barronets , ten pound , esquires eight pound , gentlemen five pound , citizens three pound , all other retailing trades-men two pound . the yonger brothers or sons of all the fore-going persons ( respectively ) half so much ; and likewise the maiden daughters , or rather their fathers or gardians for them . all servants , laborers , and others six shillings eight pence . all the above-said widdowers or widdows , not marrying again under the age afore-said half ; but marrying again after the ages above limited , double according to their qualities respectively ; and all marryed men not cohabiting with their wives to pay quadruple . you may perceive i do not forget , in this scheme , to practice som of the courtesy of england towards the women ; that in regard it is not fashionable for them to court ( an hardship custom and their own pride has foolishly brought upon them ) they are tax'd but at half what their elder brothers are . these things i do not set down with a design of giving people a liberty of playing the fool as now , in matters of fornication under those penalties . for all single persons that do so , i woud have oblig'd under an indispensible necessity , to marry one another : and coud wish a further severity of punishment were inflicted upon adultery by the state , since 't is so much neglected by the church . it woud also be of great and public advantage , that all marriages were celebrated openly in the church , according to the canon or rubric , and the banes three several sundays or holy-days first published ; but if this must be stil dispensed with , that then all dukes and marquesses , and their eldest sons shoud pay twenty pound , all noblemen and their eldest sons fifteen pound , every knight and his eldest son seven pound ten shillings , every gentleman or others five pound , to the king as a public tax for such license , over and above the present establisht fee in the consistory court. that if all children may not be baptized openly in the church , the births of all even of the non-conformists , may be duly registred ; the knowing the exact numbers of the people woud be of great advantage to the public-weal , and conduce to many good and noble purposes , which ( for brevity sake ) i omit to mention . this course may perhaps prevent many inconveniences that young men and women bring upon themselves and the public : and since the concubitus vagus is acknowledged to hinder procreation , the restraint thereof wil be one means of advancing trade , by adding more people to the common-wealth , which perhaps in the following particulars you wil find to be the greatest occasion of its decay : an inconvenience by all possible means to be removed ; for that trade is the support of any kingdom , especially an island , enabling the subjects to bear the taxes , and shewing them wayes of living more agreeable than those of the savage indians in america , whose condition is but few degrees distant from that of brutes . since then it is so necessary , it deserves the parliaments best care , to restore it to what it has been , or make it what it shoud be . the first thing to be don is , the erecting a council or committee of trade , whose work shoud be to observe all manner of things relating thereunto , to receive informations of all trades-men , artificers and others ; and thereupon make their observations ; to consider all the statutes already made , and out of them form such bil or bils as shal be more convenient , and present them to the parliament to be enacted . there are already many discourses publisht● som of them woud be worth their view , and did they sit constantly , many would bring their remarks , and i my self shoud be able to give som notions on this subject , which for want of time i cannot now give you . the two great principles of riches are land and labor ; as the later increases , the other grows dear ; which is no otherwise don , than by a greater confluence of industrious people : for where many are coop'd into a narrow spot of ground , they are under a necessity of laboring ; because in such circumstances they cannot live upon the products of nature , and having so many eyes upon them they are not suffer'd to steal ; whatever they save of the effects of their labor , over and above their consumption , is call'd riches ; and the bartering or commuting those products with others is call'd trade : whence it follows , that not only the greatness of trade or riches depends upon the numbers of people , but also the deerness or cheapness of land , upon their labor and thrift . now , if trade be driven so , that the imports exceed in valu the exports , the people must of necessity grow poor , i. e. consume the fundamental stock , viz. land and labor , both falling in their price . the contrary course makes a kingdom rich. the consequence is , that , to better the trade of england , the people ( which wil force labor ) must be increas'd , and thrift incouraged : for , to hope for a vast trade where people are wanting , is not only to expect bric can be made without straw , but without hands . the great advantage a country gains by being fully peopled , you may find by the following observation , viz. that the valu of the labor is more than the rent of the land , and the profit of all the personal estates of the kingdom , which thus appears . suppose the people of england to be six millions , their annual expence at twenty nobles , or six pound thirteen and four pence a head , at a medium for rich and poor , young and old , wil amount to forty millions ; and , if wel consider'd , cannot be estimated much less . the land of england and wales contain about twenty four millions of acres , worth one with another , about six and eight pence per acre , or third part of a pound ; consequently the rent of the land is eight millions per annum . the yearly profit of all the peoples personal estate is not computed above eight millions more ; both together make sixteen millions per annum ; this taken out of the forty millions yearly expence , there wil remain twenty-four millions , to be supply'd by the labor of the people ; whence follows , that each person , man , woman and child must earn four pound a year ; and an adult laboring person double that sum ; because a third part or 2 millions are children , and earn nothing ; and a sixth part or one million , by reason of their estates , qualities , callings or idleness , earn little ; so that not above half the people working , must gain one with another , eight pound per annum a peece ; and at twenty years purchase , wil be worth eighty ponnd per head. for , tho an individuum of mankind be recon'd , but about eight years purchase , the species is as valuable as land , being in its own nature perhaps as durable , and as improveable too , if not more , increasing stil faster by generation , than decaying by death ; it being very evident , that there are much more yearly born than dye . whence you may plainly perceive , how much it is the interest of the state , and therefore ought to be their care and study , to fil the country with people ; the profit woud not be greater in point of riches , than in strength and power ; for 't is too obvious to be insisted on , that a city of one miles circumference and ten thousand men , is four times stronger and easier defended , than one of four miles with double the number . now , there are but two ordinary wayes of increasing the people ; that of generation , and that of drawing them from other countries : the first is a work of time , and tho it wil not presently do our business , yet is not to be neglected ; i have shewn how it may be hasten'd by obliging to marriage , and more might be added , by erecting hospitals for foundlings , after the manner now used in other countries , and practised with great advantage in paris , by the name of l'hostel pour les enfants trouves ; where there are now reckon'd no less than four thousand . this in all parts of england , especially london , woud prevent the many murders and contrived abortions now used , not only to the prejudice of their souls health , but that of their bodies also , and to the general dammage of the public ; this woud likewise be an encouragment to the poorer sort to marry , who now abstain to prevent the charge of children . strangers are no otherwise to be invited , than by allowing greater advantages than they have at home ; and this they may with more ease , receive in england than in any part of europe , where natural riches do much abound , viz. corn , flesh , fish , wool , mines , &c. and which nature has bless'd with a temporature of heathful air , exceeding al northern , and not inferior to most southern countries ; has given it commodious ports , fair rivers and safe channels , with possibilities of more , for water carriage ; these , with what follows , woud soon make england the richest and most powerful country of the world. naturalization without charge , plain laws , and speedy iustice , freedom in all corporations , immunities from taxes and tols for seven years , and lastly , liberty of conscience ; the restraint of which has been the greatest cause at first of unpeopling england , and of it s not being since repeopled ; this drove shoals away in queen maries , king iames , and king charles the first 's dayes ; it has lost the wealth of england many millions , and bin the occasion of spilling the blood of many thousands of its people . 't is a sad consideration , that christians shoud be thus fool'd by obstinat religionists , in whom too much stiffness on one side , and folly and perversness on the other , shoud have bin equally condem'd , being indeed the effects of pride , passion or privat interest , and altogether forrein to the bus'ness of religion ; which , as i have already told you , consists not in a belief of disputable things ( of which if either part be tru , neither are to us necessary ) , but in the plain practice of piety , which is not incompatible with errors in iudgment . i see not therefore , why the clergy shoud be wholly heark'nd to in this affair , since 't is really impertinent to the truth of religion ; and i dare appeal to all the sober understanding and considerative men of the church of england , whether the opposition of this be not wholy founded upon interest , which being but of particular men , ought not nor wil not ( i hope ) weigh more with the parliament , than that of the public , which is so highly concern'd in this matter . and tho it may be objected , that as affairs of religion now stand , none need leave england for want of toleration ; yet certain i am , without it none wil return or com in a-new . and if our neighbors thrive , and increase in people , trade and wealth , we continuing at a stay , or growing stil poorer and poorer , by that means rendred unable to resist a forrein power , are like to fal into such hands , as wil force us to worship god after the way which almost all of us now cal heresy , and many idolatry . which induces me to conclude , that nothing , but inconsideration , can move even the clergy to oppose this thing , on which their own as wel as the safety of all others do's so very much depend . but in regard the defects of trade can't presently be supply'd by bringing in more people , because a work of time , it is necessary to make those we have useful , by obliging the idle and unwilling to a necessity of working , and by giving the poor that want it a ful imployment : this wil in effect be a great increasing of the people , and may be easily compass'd if work houses be erected , in several parts of the kingdom , and all persons forc'd into 'um , who cannot give a satisfactory account of their way of living ; this woud prevent robbing , burglary , and the cheats of gaming , counterfeiting of hands , mony clipping , &c. by which our lives and fortunes woud be much better secur'd ; this woud put men's wits upon the rack , hunger which eats thro stone-wals , woud make them in getting their livings by the sweat of their brows , masters of arts ; a degree perhaps more useful to the common wealth , than those of the university . this woud put them upon the invention of engines , whereby their labor woud not only becom more easy , but more productive of real advantages to the whole ; rendring the poet's fable of briareus his hundred hands , a certain truth ; one man doing more by an instrument , than fifty or a hundred without it . wit wil , thus in som measure , make amends for the want of people ; yet so dul and ignorant , so insensible of their own good are the vulgar , that generally instead of being pleas'd , they are at first almost implacably offended at such profitable inventions . but it appears , the parliament had another sense of things , in that they allow'd the advantage of fourteen years to the inventor : which law , with submission , might be alter'd to better purpose , if instead of a fourteen years monopoly , som reward out of the public stock were given to the ingenious . that the many supernumeraries in divinity , law and physic with which the kingdom ( especially london ) swarms ; all mountebancs and pretenders to astrology , together with the supernumeraries in all manner of retailing trades ( even the trade of merchandizing has too many hands ) especially all pedlers or wanderers , that carry their shops on their backs , lap-women , &c. who contribute little or nothing to the charge of the state ; be par'd off and made useful to the public ; to which , by the vast increase of these , and the great number of idlers and beggars , not above two thirds even of the ordinary sort can be lookt upon as bringing in any real advantage ; the other third , but like droans , living on the labor of the rest . and to speak more freely , 't is unreasonable and impolitic , especially in a great and over-grown city , to suffer any retail-trades to be manag'd by men , when women , with the help of a few porters , about the most cumbersom things , may do it much better ; they wil invite customers more powerfully than men can , and having nothing to do in the way of their shop-trades , wil not be idle , their needles employing them ; while the men perhaps , from two , three or four , to seven lusty young fellows , sit idle most part of their time , with their hands in their pockets , or blowing their fingers ; few of these sort of trades finding one with another , above two hours work in the whole day : the men woud study som more beneficial employments ; and the women having by this means somthing to do , woud not as now , induc'd by idleness , more than want , be occasions of so much wickedness and debaucheries , to the general prejudice of the common-wealth , and the particular ruin of many good families . to set on foot the fishing trade , and to allow to all such as wil undertake it , strangers or natives , the same benefits and priviledges i have mention'd for the bringing in of the former ; and i think , if beyond that , houses were built for them in linn , or yarmouth , &c , at the public charge , rent-free for seven years , every man woud say , it were for the general good , who considers that this trade is the only basis of the grandeur and power , that the states of holland are no less lords of , in europe , than in the east-indies ; to which it has rais'd 'um in less than an hundred years , from the poor and distressed states , to be one of the richest and mightiest of the known world : this i coud at large make appear , but that it having bin don already , with the want of time , hinders me . i wil only say , that holland has not the tenth part of those natural conveniences for effecting this , england , scotland or ireland have . that the same encouragements be given to all such , whether natives or forreiners , that shal joyntly carry on the particular manufactures of iron , tinn , earthen-ware , and linnen , &c. in the last , at three shillings four pence an ell one with another , is reckon'd consum'd by us above six hundred thousand pound ; all which might be sav'd and the poor set at work , by promoting that trade within our selves . to restore the woolen manufactures almost decay'd , and to take the same care in that , and all other , as the dutch have don in that of the herrings ; the neglect in this has been a main reason , that our cloathing-trade is much lessen'd ; reputation in commodities is as necessary , as in the venders : which makes the dutch , even at this day , put on english marks , and thereby for the antient credit ( now in a manner lost ) ours were in , they have gain'd for their own manufactures the markets we want . the decay of our cloathing-traffic has been occasion'd by several accidents ; one , and no final one , is that of companies , which indeed are as much monopolies , as if in one single person ; they ruin industry and trade , and only to enrich themselves , have a liberty , by which they impoverish the rest of the common-wealth . whatever reason there was for first erecting them , viz. to begin or carry on som great undertaking , which exceeded the power of particular men , there appears less or none now for their continuance . the enjoyment of liberty and property requires that all subjects have equal benefit in safety and commerce ; and if all subjects pay taxes equally , i see no reason why they should not have equal privileges . and if part of those taxes be impos'd for guarding the seas , i do really believe it woud be more advantage to the king , to send convoys to the east-indies and to guinea , with any of his subjects trading thither , than to allow these two companies the sole benefit of ingrossing those trades ; tho i think no others , but they , being at considerable charge and expence , ought to be continu'd . and since the east-india and african companies , especially the first , impose what rates they please upon their commodities , why shoud not they pay , for that power of taxing the subject , a considerable present proportion for carrying on the war , and a yearly round sum to the state , to ease the rest of the people , who are debar'd those advantages ? in my opinion , gratitude to the king , as wel as iustice to the subject , shou'd invite them to give a considerable standing yearly revenu to the crown . this may be policy too ; for then perhaps , they need never fear their dissolution , notwithstanding the clamors and many mouths now open against them . but if it shal be not thought fit , to take away all companies , why shoud it not be lawful once a year for any one , that pleas'd , to be made a member , paying in his quota ? this , i confess , woud make it useful to the public , because the trade woud be manag'd by fewer hands , consequently to more profit , and every one being concern'd , there coud be no complaint . but whatever is don in point of trade , particular corporations of artificers ought to be broke ; they , as now manag'd , are incouragements to idleness , impositions upon the rest of the people , and an unreasonable enslaving of apprentices , who in three years , for the most part , may be as wel masters of their trade , as in seven : but the advantage is , that when they com to set up for themselves , they commonly turn gentlemen , and cannot afford to sel a cabinet under fifteen pound , because they must eat wel and drink wine ; tho they own a dutch-man or a frenchman , that does not so , may afford as good a one for twelve pound : this of the cabinet is a late and a true story , and to my own experience , 't is the same in most , if not all other trades . the fish-monger's company is of all others , the greatest nusance to the public , to the most useful part thereof , the poor artificers and laborers ; i was credibly inform'd at my last being in london , by two substantial citizens , that they throw part of their fish away , to inhaunse the valu and price of the remainder . that for these , and many more reasons i coud give , it were convenient , that every city and town corporate consisted but of one company , into which , without charge or formalities of freedom , every man native or alien , ought to be admitted , that payes his propotion of taxes and assessments . and in order to the bringing in forreiners , our native unmanufactur'd commodities ought to be strictly prohibited to other countries ; more particularly that the exportation of wool from england and ireland be restrain'd ; which wil be better don by imposing a vast duty upon it , as of thirty or forty shillings a stone or tod , than by making it felony ; adding over and above great pecuniary mulcts , if shipt without payment of duty ; if this were enacted , many woud turn informers , who now out of tenderness of mens lives , forbear the discovering this injurious practice ; for prevention whereof , great care ought to be taken ; since the vast quantities of wool exported from england and ireland into france and holland , have in a manner destroy'd the great staple of england , the woolen-manufacture , lower'd the rents of land , and beggar'd thousands of people . by this the dutch and french are inabled to make useful both their own and spanish wools , which woud otherwise be insignificant and ineffective of any considerable purposes ; one being too fine , the other too course , without mixtures of english or irish wool. those , by greater labor and frugality , who heretofore were furnisht by us , do now not only supply themselves , but also undersel us abroad ; and as if that injury were too little , we are content , by wearing their stuffs , to give them an opportunity of undermining us at home . if you consider these things seriously , you wil with me be perswaded , 't is not the great increase of wool , in england and ireland , that makes it a drug , but the practise of carrying it abroad ; and our not being satisfi'd to ape and mimic the french modes , but further to wear their stuffs , tho far inferior to our own . i have heard it demonstrated , by knowing men , that it woud be englands great interest , to work up all their own and irish wool , tho they shoud afterwards burn it when in stuffs and cloth ; and i am convinc'd their doing so one year , woud not only maintain the poor and habituat them to labor , but be as great an advantage in the sale of that manufacture , both at home and abroad , for the future , as the burning part of their spices , is to the dutch. but i am of opinion there woud be no need to burn any , for that which is now useful in wool , woud not be less so in cloth. i have seen a computation by which it appears the working up all our own and irish wool , which england can do to better purposes than a part , while the remainder is transported to other countries , woud be many millions in the wealth of the people , and as many hundred thousand pounds sterling in the kings coffers . for if we kept this commodity at home , we shoud not only give a ful employment to our people , but necessitat those who now in france and holland maintain themselves by this manufacture , so soon as their stocks were spent , to find new arts of living , or else convey themselves hither , which of the two , is certainly the most probable . thus we shoud doubly increase our wealth and our people ; the latter by consequence raising the rents and valu of lands , in duplicat proportion ( as i coud demonstrat ) to what they now yield . for a short instance observe , that if there be a thousand people in a country , the land whereof is worth a thousand pound per annum ; and at twenty years purchase twenty thousand pound . if they be encreas'd half as many more , or to one thousand five hundred people , the rent of the land wil likewise be half as much more viz. one thousand five hundred pound , and the number of years purchas not only twenty , but half as many more , viz. in all thirty ; which makes the valu of the inheritance amount to thirty times one thousand five hundred or forty five thousand pound . the reason of which is founded on this undeniable maxim , that land is more or less valuable , as it is more or less peopl'd . when heretofore all the wool of england was manufactur'd in flanders , it yielded but six pence a pound ; but soon after the restraint of it in edward the thirds time , the manufacturing all at home , rais'd it to eighteen pence a pound , and brought in to the kingdom great numbers of flemmings and walloons . to incourage this further , all persons whatsoever shoud wear nothing but stuff and cloath of our own make ; the ladies to have liberty to wear silk but in summer . i am told that within these six months , to encourage a woollen manufacture newly set up in portugal , no man , native or stranger , is suffered to appear at court in any other . that useful neglected act , of burying in woollen , shoud be strictly put in execution ; not prohibiting the people , if they wil be so foolish ( but probably a little time wil make them wiser , than ) to throw away linnen too , which if they woud make at home , might be the more tolerable : the way i conceive by which it may be easily don , is , to injoyn the minister under penalty of deprivation , with allowance of mony to the informers , not to bury any one , whose corps or coffin , they do not see cover'd with flannel . and since death is said to be the sister of sleep , or rather since sleep is the representation of death as our beds are of our grave , or indeed , that death is but a very long night , if we shoud not only bury , but ly in flannel sheets , at least the long cold winter nights , i have bin assur'd by our old friend — that this practise , after a little use , woud be found no less for the health , if not som voluptuousness of our natural bodies , than the other woud prove for the body politic ; and i am the more induc'd to believe this assertion , because physitians prescribe flannel shirts to som persons for their health ; i am certain the more ways are found for the consumption of this manufacture , the richer our country woud grow , by lessning the use of forrein linnen , so greatly advantageous to our neighbors of france ; whom we love so dearly , that we study how to serve and enrich them , tho to our own impoverishment and ruin. besides this course , not a lock of wool shoud be permitted into the islands of iersy , guernsey , aldarney or sark ; under colour of what is allow'd , they are enabled , to supply their own occasions , and carry much more ( of which i am wel assur'd ) to france ; which reaps the benefit of the great industry of those populous islands ; to make them beneficial , at least not hurtful , to england , is to deny them wool ; if that woud bring the people thence into this country , it wil prove a double advantage . and lastly , i think the only certainty of keeping our wool from forreiners , is to erect a company by the name of state merchants , or oblige the east-india company , whose stock and credit wil enable them with ease , to buy up at good rates yearly , all the wool of england and ireland which manufactur'd at home , woud bring them in a little time , as profitable returns , as those from bantam , &c be many millions in the riches of the people , by raising the rents , &c. an● hundred thousands in the kings ex●chequer , employ thousands of our poo● now starving , and invite in many o● other nations to the great encrease of our strength and wealth , and so prove no less a particular than an universal good . that all forestallers , regrators and higlers be prevented , who now doe as much mischief to the city of london , as formerly purveiance did the kingdom . that the present confus'd business of weights and measures , which appears by many statutes to have bin the care of our ancestors , be fully ascertain'd and adjusted . and because this does greatly tend to the regulation of trade and administration of iustice , it were convenient particular persons were impower'd , who shoud receive complaints and correct abuses , in those and all other penal statutes referring to trade , by some more speedy course than that of information or indictment , &c. that no particular person or incorporations have any places priviledg'd against the kings writs . that the parliament woud be pleas'd to redress the great obstruction of iustice by protections , of which no less than sixteen thousand are said to be given in and about london . i am perswaded that either the report is a mistake , or that the member's hands are counterfeited ; for 't is very unreasonable to believe , the makers of our laws woud prevent their execution ; but be the case one way or other , the evil may be easily remedyed by the members registring the names of their servants in the house , at the beginning of the sessions and upon the alteration of any . that all manner of courts in corporations , whether by grant or prescription , be taken away , because of the many abuses dayly committed : and in every corporation a court of merchants erected , for the quic dispatch and determination of all controversies relating to trade and commerce ; every man to be oblig'd to tel his own story , without charge or the assistance of atturneys or lawyers . the iudges to be annually chosen five in number , together with two registers , one for the plaintif , the other for the defendant , out of the most experienced and best reputed citizens , or tradesmen ; no salary or fee to be paid to iudge or officer . to retrench , by sumptuary laws , the excessive wearing forrein silks , embroideries and laces ; to prohibit absolutly the use of silver and gold-lace , gilding or lackering coaches , &c. when riches are thus not so much us'd as abus'd , 't is no wonder they do not only moulder into dust , but take wing ( in solomon's phrase ) and fly away : our wiser neighbors in france and holland prevent this evil : the first make a shew , but at an easy and cheap rate ; the later leave off their cloaths , because they are worn out , not that they are out of fashion : our contrary practice in imported commodities make us complain , that trade is decaying ; in which our folly has made us a by-word among the french , as a people that consume our all on the back and the belly ; and if none spent more , the mischief were but particular ; but many are not contented to run out their own estates , but resolve to have the pleasure of undoing others for company . so long as we indulge our selves in this vanity , we may indeed have the satisfaction ( if it be any ) to talk of mending trade : but in spight of our chat , it wil stil decay , we shal buy and sel more and more , and yet live by the loss , til at last we are wholy broke . how long that wil be a doing , we may guess by the fal of the rents and valu of lands , not to be avoided while the ballance of trade is so much greater on the imported side than the exported . the way to make us rich , is to manage our trade in the same manner it was don in edward the thirds time ; to make the proportion of our exports , exceed our imports , as much as they then did ; by an account taken in the seven and twentyeth year of that king ( as cotton sayes ) our exported commodities amounted to 294184 pound , the imported but 38970 pound ; so that , the kingdom got clear in that year 255214 pound : by which it appears , that our present trade is about thirty times greater than it was then , tho we complain of its fal : 't is our own fault , we are so imprudent as to consume more of forrein goods , than we sel of our own ; this i am convinc'd we do in our french trade , 't is wel if we do not likewise play the fool in others . by the way , you may observe , that if we woud but moderate our expences , we might very wel bear our taxes , tho they were near thirty times greater than in that kings reign , even with allowance for the alteration of coyn. that the exportation of mony in specie , is so far from being a loss to the kingdom , that it may be gainful , as it is to legorn and other places : that tho we did not export any coyn , yet we shoud not be the richer ; since the over-ballance woud stil lye as a debt upon our trade , which it must somtime or other pay in that or another commodity , or otherwise break. and that the council or committee of trade may find out the wealth of the kingdom , which woud serve to many good purposes , by making a yearly account of the goods imported and exported ( best known by the customs , and has been calculated by a friend of mine in another country ) these ought at least every seven years to be reviewd , ( supposing the life of commodities not longer than that of man ) . and , according to their alterations of usefulness or necessity , to our selves or others , the impositions to be chang'd . and here i must take leave to assert , that all imported commodities are better restrain'd by the height of imposition , than by an absolute prohibition , if sufficient care be taken to oblige the importers to a ful and strict payment ; for this woud be a kind of sumptuary law , putting a necessity upon the consumer , by labor to enlarge his purse , or by thrist to lessen his expence . and i am the more induc'd to this , by my observation , that notwithstanding the several acts , prohibiting the importation of many forrein commodities ; yet nothing is more worn or us'd , especially the french , in which trade , if the over-ballance ( which is said to be above 1600000 pound ) were loaded with the charge of eight shillings in the pound , it woud make the consumption of those commodities 640000 pound dearer ; and if that woud not restrain our folly , it woud help to ease us in the public taxes ; whereas now they are all imported without any other charge , than what is paid for smuckling , to tye up the seamen's tongues , and shut officers eyes . to prevent this , it were fit , that men were undeceiv'd of the notion they have taken up , that the law do's allow 'um their choice , either to pay the duty , or the penalty if taken ; which sure cannot be the end of any law , which designes obedience and active compliance with what it injoins , not a disobedience or breaking what it positively commands . if penal statutes be only conditional , then the traitor , the murderer or the thief , when he suffers the punishment of disobedience , may be cal'd an honest man , and in another signification than that of the scotch phrase , a justify'd person . but the idle and unwarrantable distinction of active and passive obedience has don england greater mischiefs . the revenu acts give not the same liberty , that those acts do , which oblige the people to go to church , or to watch and ward under pecuniary mulcts . in these a power of choosing was designedly left , which by many circumstances appears otherwise intended by the other . and indeed , the practice is not only unjust , but abusive to the whole body of the people , who pay as dear for what they buy , as if the duty had bin paid to the king , not put up in a few privat mens pockets . it may likewise hinder trade ; for if the smuckler please , he may undersel his neighbor , who honestly thinks , 't is a cheat and a sin , not to give caesar his du : therefore , a seal or som privat mark shoud be contriv'd , for all sorts of commodities , and power given to seize them when and where-ever met , in merchants , retailers or consumptioners hands . and to prevent the passing forrein commodities , as if made at home , for which lest any of these last shoud pass , they shoud in the town where they are made , or expos'd to sale , be first mark'd or seal'd , in an office purposely erected , without any delay or charge to the people . that , that part of the act of navigation be repeal'd , which appoints three fourths of the mariners to be english : why not scots , irish or any of the kings subjects , or even forreiners , so the ships do really belong to owners resident in england ? we want people , therefore ought to invite more , not restrain any . this act is a copy of that made by the long parliament and their general , the usurper , who being in war with scotland and ireland in rebellion , thought fit to deny them equal privileges in commerce . but this loyal parliament wil , i hope , consider , that the three kingdoms are not to be thus divided in interests , while under one monarch . that his naval power , their joint strength , is increas'd by the growth of shipping in any of ' um . if the sence of this wil not prevail upon them , to allow 'um the same freedoms , yet sure i am , they must from thence perceive , england wil have a great advantage by suffering all the kings subjects of ireland and scotland , to enjoy the benefit of this act. that there be two free ports appointed ; one in the south , another in the north , with convenient rules and limitations that the duty impos'd upon any of our exportations , whether of our own growth or manufacture of forrein materials , be not so high as may either wholy restrain those abroad from buying , or enable others to furnish them cheaper . that education of children in forrein parts in colleges or academies be prohibited , and provision found or made at home for teaching languages and the exercises of rideing , fencing , &c. that banks and lombards be speedily erected ; this in a little time woud make a hundred pound to be as useful to the public , as two hundred real cash is now . but in order thereunto , let there be a voluntary registry of land , &c. which in a few years wil raise their valu considerably . by this way no man indebted or whose estate is incumbred is obliged to make discoveries . yet if he has but half free , the registring of that , wil the better enable him to discharge the other part . if a registry must not be obtain'd , that , at least , the selling or morgaging over and over , secret conveyances , deeds of trust or any other trics , by which the lender or purchaser is defrauded and abus'd , be made felony , without benefit of clergy ; and the cheating person oblig'd to pay the sufferer treble dammage , and as much more to the public . this , which certainly , all honest men judg as reasonable , as what is practis'd for far smaller evils or offences , wil , without any innovation in the laws , or other alleg'd inconveniences to the people , secure us in our rights , and perhaps answer al the ends of a registry ; of which , tho very convenient , i am not so fond , as to think or believe , it wil so suddenly , or to that height , as is said , raise the rents and valu of lands ; to this it can contribute but by accident , as it invites strangers into the kingdom ( for i have already told you , that the greater or smaller number of people is the only tru cause of the dearness or cheapness of land and of labor or trade ) yet even this it cannot do , without abolishing the law , disabling aliens to purchase and hold before naturalization , necessary without dispute to be immediatly taken away . nor woud it a little contribute to the general good , that all merchants and tradesmen breaking shoud be made guilty of felony , their goods to the creditors , if they did not plainly make appear , by their true books , their losses and discover what ever they have left , and without the unjust and cunning artifices of composition , give way for an equal divident among the creditors . and that the many abuses of the kings bench prison be reform'd , which , as now manag'd , is made a santuary and place of refuge and privilege , for all knaves that desine their own privat interest , to the ruin of others , whose confinement is no narrower than from the east to the west indies . that all bonds and bills obligatory , statute merchants and of the staple , recognisances , iudgments , &c. be enacted transferable and by indorsement to pass as current as bills of exchange , and made recoverable by a shorter course of of law , than now practis'd . that is to say , that upon actual proof of the perfecting and last assigning of the deed , iudgment and execution be obtaind . this wou'd wonderfully enliven trade , make a new species of coyn , lower interest , secure in a great measure dealers from breaking , and find mony to carry on the trades of fishing , linnen , woollen , &c. that til the propos'd regulation of the laws can be effected , to avoid the trouble and charge of iuries in many cases and other unjust vexations , the meets and bounds of the denominations of all lands , mannors , parishes , commons , hundreds and countyes , all prescriptions , usages and customs , and the iurisdictions of all inferiour courts be fully inquir'd into , and truely registred in one book or books ; copies to be printed and the original to be and remain of record , as the doomsday book in the exchequer : by which all disputes concerning the premises may be speedily and cheaply decided . there are but two objections against this public good , and were they unanswerable , yet since they are but particular and selfish considerations , they ought not to take place ; the first is , that the useful and laudable calling of the lawyers , wil be prejudic'd . the next , that , the many , who now live upon credit , wil be undon . as to the first , by this work the present lawyers wil be so far from suffering , that for ten years to com rather than lessen , it wil increase their business ; which according to the ordinary computation of mens lives , or their hopes of being promoted , wil be a greater advantage to them , than if things continu'd as they are : and for those , who propose to themselves this way of living , there wil be stil grounds enuff for the practtise of som and many new imployments for others . so that if these gentlemens present great practise woud give them leave to look forwards , they woud find they are more scar'd than hurt . as to the second sort , who likewise believe they may be damnifi'd , that fancy wil also vanish , if it be consider'd , that it wil enlarge rather than destroy credit . for we wil suppose , that a young merchant or tradesman , who has 500. pound stock , does not trade for less than 2000. pound , the merchant that sells him the commoditys upon the belief of his being honest , industrions , prudent and sober , gives him credit , and takes his bond payable at a certain day ; this person , that he may be able duly to discharge his obligation , in like manner , trusts another , whom he supposes able and honest ; for all receive credit as they really are or appear such ; as soon as his bond becomes du , he takes up his own , and gives that he receav'd to his creditor , who perhaps gives it to another to whom he is indebted ; at last the mony is call'd for , from the country gentleman ; the country gentleman gives him an assignment on his tenant , who either is or is not indebted ; if the tenant owes the mony , he payes it in specie , or assignes him upon som merchant , for the valu of commodities sold him , the fond enabling him to pay his land-lords rent ; and thus perhaps by a circulation of traffic , for all men from the highest to the lowest are one way or other merchants or traders , the first man is pay'd with his own paper : if the tenant does not ow the land-lord the mony , and therefore wil not pay , the land-lord is immediately necessitated to sel or morgage som part of his estate ; which if he refuse , the law forces him , and the credits of the rest are secur'd . the consequences are plainly these ; that men must be careful , with whom they deal ; that they must be punctual & thrifty , lest they first lose their credit , and afterwards becom beggars : for , he that rightly considers , wil be convinc'd , that every man in a society or common-wealth , even from the king to the pesant , is a merchant , and therefore under a necessity of taking care of his reputation , not seldom a better patrimony , than what descends to us from our parent 's care. that by this practice , the kingdom wil gain an inexhaustible treasure ; and tho there were not a hundredth part of the mony , be able to drive ten times a greater trade , than now it does . a man thus enabl'd , to live and trade without mony , wil be in no need of running-out his principal in interest , by which too many for want of consideration , are insensibly undon , involving many more in their ruin. without these , or som other new courses , you may be assur'd , that our trade , consequently our power , wil every day decay , and in a few years com to nothing . but som imagin , that we need not trouble our selves in this matter , it wil shortly fal in of course to our country ; for that as learning took its circuit thro several parts of the world , beginning at the east , so must trade too : but who-ever believes this wil com to pass without human means , labor and art , entertains wrong notions of providence . i do believe the great wheel is always in motion ; and tho there be a constant circumgyration of things , yet 't is idle to fancy , that any thing , but troubles or war , oppression or injustice , wit or industry makes trade or learning shift their places in the same country , or alter their abode from that to any other . if we look into histories , we shal find these have bin the causes of their migration ; and that trade and learning , usually go hand in hand together . having already asserted , that trade and commerce are to be improv'd and carry'd on , the more vigorously , by how much the more labor and thrist are increas'd ; and that the making idlers work , is in effect , an increasing the people : and that all such shoud be forc'd into several work-houses , which tho the parliament has taken into consideration , yet for want of stock , is not hitherto put in any forwardness , i wil now give you my thoughts , how this may probably be brought about , with little or no charge , but to such only , as upon prospect of advantage , do change the scenes of their lives , as by marriage , imployments , callings , &c. or by assuming new titles and degrees of honor ; and consequently as their respective proportions , or payments are here propos'd , they cannot account them burdensom or grievous . to perfect this , i think it necessary , that all hospitals , alms-houses and lands for charitable uses , be sold , & more stately and convenient ones erected ; into which , none but diseased persons , or others perfectly unable to earn their living , shoud be receiv'd . and to the end they might the sooner be restor'd to health , a convenient number of physitians , nurses and tenders ought to be appointed , and sufficient salaries establish'd ; england , to her great shame , is in this instance , much behind her neighbors of france and holland ; in the practice of which , i know not whether there be more of charity , or of policy , of heavenly or of earthly interest . that the several directions of the act , for raising a stock , be strictly put in execution . that all fines for swearing , drunkenness , breaches of the peace , felons goods , deodands , &c. for a certain number of years be converted to this use ; this woud bring in twenty times more than is now receiv'd on these accounts and may perhaps prevent the late much practis'd trick of finding all felo's de se mad . that all contributions for maintenance of the poor ( which are so considerable , that i have bin told , in som single parishes in london , they amount communibus annis , to five thousand pound a year ) be added to this stock . and that it be further enacted , that every man at his admission to freedom , pay one shilling ; upon marriage , what he thinks fit above one shilling . every clergy-man at ordination , ten shillings , at instalment into any dignity , twenty shillings ; arch-deacons , three pound ; deans , five pound ; bishops , ten pound ; arch-bishops , twenty pound . gentlemen upon admittance into the inns of court , ten shillings ; upon their being call'd to the bar forty shillings ; when made serjeants , or king's council , five pound . every man upon admission into the inns of chancery , three shillings four pence ; when sworn attorney , ten shillings . lord high chancellor , keeper , lord high treasurer , and lord privy seal , twenty pound . chief iustice , chief baron , chancellor of the exchequer , master of the rolls and atturney general , twelve pound a piece . every of the other iudges and barons , the sollicitor-general and the six clerks , ten pound a piece . the masters of chancery and other officers not nam'd in that or other courts , any sum not exceeding six pound a man , as shal be thought convenient , by the respective iudges . all knights , five pound ; baronets , ten pound ; barons , vice counts , earls , twenty pound ; dukes and marquesses , fifty pound . all aldermen of london , twenty pound ; of other cities and corporations , three pound . mayors , ten pound . all masters of arts in universities , twenty shillings . doctors of law and physic , forty shillings ; of divinity , four pound . heads and masters of colleges , five pound . all executors and administrators , that undertake the charge , two shillings . all persons entring into estates , either by descent or purchase , one shilling , over and above one shilling , for every hundred pounds per annum of such estate . that every sunday , there be collections in all churches of the kingdom , which with what shal be receiv'd at the communion , are to be thus appropriated : and that all street , door , and other charitable doles , in broken meat or mony , as the great encouragements and chief occasions of idleness and vice , be forbid under severe penalties ; that briefs be issued thro the kingdom , for voluntary contributions ; that the names of such as shal be eminently bountiful , be convey'd to posterity , by placeing their coats of arms , and registring their munificence in the respective work-houses of the city , corporation or county , where they live . i do not doubt , but in a very short time , a stock woud be thus rais'd , sufficient to imploy all the idle hands in england . and tho i believe , that after a little while , there woud be no need of using art , or severity in bringing people into these nurseries of labor and industry : the sweets of gain and trouble of idleness , which certainly is not the least of toyls to such as have bin inur'd to labor or business , being of themselves strong allurements ; yet to lay the first foundation with success , i conceive it necessary , that both men and women , who have no visible ways of maintenance , criminals of what quality soever , punish'd as before in the discourse of laws , the children taken out of the foundlings hospital , as soon as able to do any thing , be all sent to these work-houses . that the great numbers of people going out of this kingdom , scotland and ireland , to other parts of europe , be restrain'd , and none be spirited into the west-indies , or suffer'd to go abroad , unless to trade . that such as by infirmity or age are absolutely disabled , among which neither the lame nor the blind are to be reckon'd , be maintain'd and confin'd within the public hospitals . that every constable , in whose ward or precinct any beggar is found , forfeit twenty pound ; and the person or persons entertaining or lodging any , five pound , to the use of the work house . that those who are commonly sent to the house of correction , or bridewel , and those found guilty of petty larceny , be sent to the work-house ; for that indeed whipping , the punishment intended for their amendment , does but take away the sense of shame and honor , rendring them impudent and incorrigible in their iniquities . but granting its operation so forcible , as to be able to reclaim them , yet certain it is , that its best effect is , but to hinder them from doing further mischief ; whereas by this course , not only that will be avoided , but a considerable profit redound to the public . to these also shoud be added all prisoners for criminal matters tho acquitted , if by circumstances they appear suspicious ; it being reasonable to conclude som , rogues and vagabonds , tho the evidence required by strictness of law , be not strong enuf to convict them . hither likewise are all to be sent , who for trivial inconsiderable causes , and somtimes out of pure malice , are thrown into prisons , and there forc'd to spend the remainder of their miserable lives ; the exorbitant extortion of fees , and the merciless rage of their enemies , swelling their debts beyond the power , or hopes of satisfaction ; whereby they becom not only useless , but a burden to the common-wealth . and because the benefit of clergy was introduc'd , for the advancement of learning in the ruder dayes of our ancestors , and that there is now no such need , the kingdom being so far from wanting , that it is rather overstockt in every faculty , with such as make learning a trade : and the intercourse of our affairs almost necessitating all others to read and write , i hold it convenient to take it quite away ; not only because useless , but because it is an encouragement to many , to trangress the bounds of the law. that all of what degree or condition soever , men or women , literat or illiterat , convicted of any of the crimes for which clergy is now allow'd , be condem'd to the work-houses for seven years , or pay to its use sixty pounds or more , according to their qualities . by what i have already said , you see i am no friend to pardons ; but if any must still be granted , that then any not a gentleman obtaining one , pay twenty pound , a gentleman forty pound , an esquire sixty pound , a knight-batchellor eighty pound , a baronet or other knight one hundred pound , a lord two hundred pound , a marquess or duke four hundred pound . the eldest sons of every of these to pay equal with the fathers . and in case after all this people shoud be wanting , ireland may furnish yearly , hundreds or thousands of its children ; which will prove not only advantageous for encreasing the wealth of england , but also for securing the peace and quiet of that kingdom ; by making so many of the natives one and the same people with us , which they will soon be , if taken away so young , as that they may forget their fathers house and language . and if , after seven , eight or nine years , when masters of their trade , return'd into their own , or suffer'd to abide in this country . i will not trouble you with recounting in particular , the many advantages that wou'd soon flow thro all the tracts of this land , from this source of industry , if thus supply'd with mony and hands . all trades and useful manufactures of silks , linnen , canvass , lace , paper , cordage for ships , iron , tin , &c. may be there set on foot , and carryed on to a far greater profit , than single men can drive them . in this work-house shoud be taught , the knowledg of arms , and the arts of war , on all festivals and holy dayes ; and the lusty young fellows sent by turns to sea , for a year or two of the time of this their state-apprentiship . by this means the king woud be enabled at any time without pressing , to draw out of this great seminary a sufficient army , either for land or sea-service . the wayes , methods and orders for regulating the several work-houses i coud fully demonstrat , did i not think it needless at present . 't is enuf that i here promise to do it at any time when the great council shall think fit to take this matter into consideration , or when you please to impose your further commands . but give me leave to say , that laying aside all other reformations of the state , this alone woud secure our lives and fortunes , from violence and depredation , not only increase our wealth and power beyond what now it is , but make them far exceed , whatever any of our neighbors are possest of ; and consequently establish a firm and lasting peace at home , and make us terrible to the nations abroad . this great happiness is the wish of every tru english-man , but can only be effected , by the care and wisdom of the king and parliament ; to whom i most passionatly recommend and humbly submit it . i have now at length run thro all the parts , of my uneasy task ; you wil say , i doubt not , very slubberingly ; to be before hand with you , i do confess it ; i never undertook any thing more unwillingly , & therefore have perform'd it , not only il , but carelesly , studying nothing so much , as to com quicly to an end ; which indeed was my greatest labor ; the fields you commanded me to take a turn in , were so spacious , that being once enter'd , considering how short a while you oblig'd me to stay , i coud not easily find my way out again ; which put me to a necessity of running , and the hast not giving me leave to see the rubbs in my way , forc'd me to stumble : what i have don can serve to no other purpose , than for hints to enlarge your better thoughts upon . had these papers bin worthy , i woud have presented them by way of new-years gift ; but that was not my fault ; most of what you meet with here , we have often discoursed with our — you must not read them to any other : for i am perswaded they woud tel you the man was mad : perhaps i was so for writing , but i am sure i have yet madder thoughts , for i do seriously believe all i have here said is tru ; and this to boot , that , the world is a great cheat ; that an honest man , or a good christian is a greater wonder , than any of those strange ones , with which sir h. b. has often entertain'd us . this you are sure of , i have spoken nothing for interest ; i am but a bare stander by , no better , and therefore neither win nor loose , let the game go how it wil. but to trifle no more , i am not concern'd what any think ; i live to my self , not others , and build not my satisfaction , upon the empty and uncertain vogue , or opinion of men ; if i did , i should put into their power , to make me unhappy , when ever they please . to conclude , the result of all i have here said is , that england might be the happiest country in the world , if the people woud be content to make a right use of their power ; that is , to act by the rules of reason , on which their own constitutions are founded : for since they have the power of reforming the old and enacting new laws , in which every man ( the poorest that is worth but forty shillings per annum ) has his vote , no man can be offended , with his own act ; but if he be , the remedy is at hand . so that here every one living according to reason , and that making every man a iudge , all must see to their great comfort , that the interest of the king and people is really one and the same ; that the common good is every single mans ; and that who ever disturbs the public , injures himself ; which is to the whole the greatest security imaginable , and to every privat man a lasting happiness . that the laws are not exact , because the parliament harken to the counsel that , not the lawyers , but their interest dictates ; neglecting to follow that advice , which they may have for nothing , viz. let the counsel of thine own heart stand , for there is no man more faithful unto thee than it : for , a mans mind is wont to tell him more , than seven watch-men , that sit above in an high tower. that is , consult with no man who advises with regard to himself ; which is plain from these words . every counsellor extolleth counsel ; but there is that counselleth for himself ; beware therefore of a counsellor , and know before what need he hath , for he wil counsel for himself ; lest he cast the lot upon thee and sar unto thee thy way is good , and afterwards he stand on the other side to see what shal befal thee . whether this be a prophecy of what the lawyers will do ; or a bare narration of matter of fact , what they daily practise , i leave to every discerning mans iudgment . the short of this , is to advise , that in making of new laws , or in altering or repealing the old , the members trust not the gentlemen of the long robe , unless they promise to joyn the law and the gospel ; to give their advice without mony , or the hopes of gain : and yet if their charity or generosity shoud perswade them to undertake the cause thus in forma pauperis , that they give sufficient security , not to starve it ; that is , not to be back-ward in their giving advice according to conscience , not interest . when this is don , we are not secur'd unless the parliament provide that no infringer of the laws be pardon'd ; that is to say , that equal iustice be distributed , making no distinction between the persons of the highest and the lowest , when their crimes have made them equal . which can't probably be otherwise effected , than by constituting , as is don in venice , a new magistracy of public censors , who shal have inspection into the actions of all the courts of iudicature , and public offices whatsoever ; whose account shal by the parliament be receiv'd as authentic , and make the offenders obnoxious to degradations and pecuniary mulcts , to the satisfaction of the injur'd and a farther overplus to the public , unless in their judgments the accused fairly acquit themselves . that religion , as now manag'd , is made an art or trade to live by , and to enable the professors to abuse the credulous and unwary . that if intrest be not remov'd , and not opinions , but a good life be the character to distinguish real christians , from those who pretend themselves such , we shal never have peace here , nor assurance of happiness hereafter . that in granting liberty of conscience clergy mens advice is not to be harkn'd to , unless they wil resine their livings and dispute only for truth . that toleration is at this time , more especially , for three great reasons absolutely convenient ; first , to unite us at home ; next to enable us now and hereafter to resist the power of france ; this certainly requires all our strength which without union we cannot have : the third and great reason , to advance our trade . that the french are to be stopt in their career ; that to do so , it is necessary , a large and sufficient revenu , for ever ( if it be don wisely ) be fixt and setl'd on the crown , on the state ; i do not say , on the person of the king , for he is indeed , if rightly consider'd , but god's steward , and has so great a share in the trouble , that it is an unresolved question , notwithstanding all his glory and power , whether the roses of the crown make amends for its thornes , and , whether the softness of any lining can ease the weight of the burden he undergoes ; whose nights and dayes are made restless , by the pressures of that mighty care , to which , by the safety of three kingdoms , he is continually sollicited . if half a loaf ( as they say ) be better than no bread , 't is more eligible to part with som , than to expose all to the mercy of an enemy and conqueror ; from whom the greatest favor we can expect , is to becom , not a subordinat kingdom , but an enslaved province . that trade , is to be promoted , by all possible care and diligence , because by that we must be enabled to pay our taxes ; without which , we cannot withstand forrein violence . that trade is to be better'd , by inviting more people into the kingdom and employing all the idle hands we already have : that this is to be effected , by proposing advantages and rewards to strangers ; fit employments , threats and punishments to natives , by ascertaining all , ease and security in their persons , estates and purchases , by an uninterrupted and speedy course of iustice , firmly establishing the three great satisfactory desirables , liberty , property and religion . salus populi suprema lex . from — this 4th . of ianuary , 1677 / 8. sir , i am , &c. finis . errata . the reader is desir'd , before he runs thro this discourse , to mend with his pen , these few errata's , which are all that alter the sense . in the title page for ( member in ) read member of . p. 2. to the reader l. 2. r. unfashionable rigid vertu . p. 21. l. 15. r. destructive . p. 28 , l. 3. r. grace or policy . p. 63. l. 3. r. actual summons . p. 69. l. 4. r. arising . p. 91. l. 19. r. a red sea p. 118. l. 20. r. finess . p. 122. l. 10. for ( unequal ) r. uneasy . p. 145. l. 7. r. claim a greater . p. 149 last line , for ( make ) r. may . p. 190. l. 9. r. many many . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59752-e90 de trinitate lib. 10. circa finem . epist. isaac . casaub . epist. 316. pag. 385. tertull. ad scap. cap. 2. lactant. lib. 5. c. 20. chrysost. homil. 19. in matth. sulpit. sever. lib. 2. c. 54 , 55 , &c. athanas. epist. ad solitarios . cod. iust. l. 1. tit . 5. de haereticis &c. cod. theod. 2. 5. sulpit. sever. lib. 2. c. 65. optat. cont. parmen . l. 1. c. 3. aug. contra epist. c. 1 , 2. de gubernet . dei , lib. 5. pag. 142. notes for div a59752-e2170 of the rise and power of parliaments . origin of government . of laws . of the courts of iudicature . of liberty and property . of religion . the interest of england , in refrence to france of taxes . of trade . magister artis ingeniqque largitor venter — letters write [sic] to a friend by the learned and judicious sir andrew balfour ... containing excellent directions and advices for travelling thro' france and italy, with many curious and judicious remarks and observations made by himself, in his voyages thro' these countreys, published from the author's original m.s. balfour, andrew, sir, 1630-1694. 1700 approx. 317 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 166 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30142 wing b552 estc r5283 15554504 ocm 15554504 103701 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30142) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103701) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1582:32) letters write [sic] to a friend by the learned and judicious sir andrew balfour ... containing excellent directions and advices for travelling thro' france and italy, with many curious and judicious remarks and observations made by himself, in his voyages thro' these countreys, published from the author's original m.s. balfour, andrew, sir, 1630-1694. [14], x, 274 p. [s.n.], edinburgh printed : m.dcc [1700] errors in paging: p. 97-121 misprinted 90-114, p. 187 misprinted 167. imperfect: p. 236 faded with some loss of print; p. 226-247 from trinity college library, cambridge university, spliced at end. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -description and travel -guidebooks. italy -description and travel -guidebooks. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letters write to a friend , by the learned and judicious sir andrew balfour , m. d containing excellent directions and advices for travelling thro' france and italy with many curious and judicious remarks and observations made by himself , in his voyages thro' these countreys . published from the author 's original m. s. edinburgh , printed in the year , m.dcc. to the most illustrious , most potent , and noble earle , alexander earle of murray , lord doun and abernethy , &c. sometime lord high commissioner , and principal secretary of state for the kingdom of scotland . my noble lord ! in all ages , discerning and serious men , who knew best to allow and distinguish things and persons , have made it their great complaint , that the present generation did degenerat from the former ; and that the generality of men were too apt and ready to pursue bad courses : and some thinking persons now , are easily induced to believe , that , the days we live in , the world is not much mended . this notwithstanding , no time hath been known ( how dissolut soever ) wherein some worthy & vertuous men have not appeared , who have studied to improve natural and moral enduements , and to pursue vertue , preferring that way to base interest , and selfish ends. and it is well known , that even at this time , when many & great duties are easily superceded , there are here and there some persons who worthily act upon the principles of honour , conscience , and vertue , maugre all discouragements . among whom your lordship ( even in your solitude ) moves and acts in a very high and conspicuous sphere , to that measure of lovely vertue and splendor , that your friends and wellwishers admire , and your enemies ( if you have any ) can find no matter of censure . if there were many such in the nation , it would be no hard mater to retrieve & bring in vogue again , these adequat qualities and vertues , which often have rendered many of our countrymen ( endued therewith ) famous and illustrious both at home and abroad . in the mean time it is to be wish'd that each man would labour to reform himself and his own ways , conforming them to these excellent rules . and that certainly at length would make and advance a laudable reformation indeed . but it is to be feared , that this would rather prove an abortive wish , than that it shall have its wisht for effect : albeit ( to have it so with the world ) it should be a part of our dayly prayers , and come in continually to our letany . my lord ! whilst you are enjoying your self , and are solaced with the comfort of a good conscience , in your retirement , making your self an example of vertue , and a patern of honour and goodness to those who observe you and your actions . i humbly address your lordship , not desiring to interrupt your repose , but to afford you a litle divertisement for some of your vacant and recreating minuts : by offering to your lordships perusal these following sheets , and begging your patronage thereto : and i judge i have little reason to despair of your favour and acceptance , since your lordship was pleased to shew a more than ordinary affection and kindness to the author my father . and therefore i hope this little tract wil give your lordship some content ; and for others i am bold to say , i hope well : for many persons of great honour and judgement , have ( since my father the authour's death ) been sollicitous to get written copies from the original , which was indeed perfected by my father in his own time , without any design to make it publick . but my father's m. s. with all his books being committed to a certain person he , without my privity , gave out copies to knowing & inquisitive persons , as of late i came to understand , and now these copies abounding abroad , and most ( if not all ) being defective or incorrect , ( to prevent my father's being abused ) i now send a true copy abroad unto the world , and let it see the light : and go it must under your lordships patronage , for i am confident the design will succeed the better , and the book will be the more acceptable to these who love and desire the knowledge of such curious maters : nor shal i diffide its fate , being first wellcome to your lordship , to whom i hereby address the same , most humbly and heartily , and not in course , ingyring upon a patron , as the custom sometimes is . thus , begging your lordships pardon for my presumption , i do intreat from your lordship the honour to be accounted , my noble lord , your lordships most humble , most faithfull , most devoted , and obedient servant , m. balfovre . to the reader it is needless to show the many advantages may be had from travelling , since all are convinced of it ; and the vvisest of men in all ages have thought this the best way to improve themselves : thus , as homer , the greek master , showes us , vlysses followed this method . qui domitor trojae multorum providus vrbes , et mores hominum inspexit ; latumque per aeqour dum sibi dumsocijs reditum parat , aspera multa pertulit . and such a one homer drew his son telemachus , whose adventures have of late been painted by an excellent pen , with all the advantages , requisit for the education of a good man and excellent prince . indeed , the world is a theater , in which we may see not only the different productions of nature , but also all the arts & mysteries of government ; and all the wayes of improving nature by art ; and every climate affords new scenes for improving geography , natural and civil historie , medicine , commerce , and all the mechanick arts. medicine certainly is much improved this way , for thus galen writes , he sailed to lemnos , cyprus and palestina of syria , on purpose to see foreign plants , and rare ores and mineralls . the following letters give you some account , to this purpose , of these countries in europe viz. england , france and italy , which for , politeness & civility , for grandeur and magnificence , & for arts and inventions , and the publick incouragements of them , farr excelleth all the rest . the author of them , sir andrew balfour , doctor of medicine , spent some fifteen years in his travels , & residence in these countries ; he was a man of an excellent vvit , and of a ripe judgement , and of a most taking behaviour ; he had improven himself to the best advantage , with all the learning taught in the most famous vniversities of these countries , had acquired their languages , and conversed with the most famous man then alive . the particular curiosity he had to learn every thing that might enrich his mind with knowledge , was in his youngest years favoured with the example and instruction of his eldest brother , 30 years elder than himself , the famous sir james balfour , lyon king at arms , who had a curious bibliotheck , had collected in his cabinet many curious products of nature and pieces of art , and took delight to cherish this early curiositie of his youngest brother : with this disposition & proficiencie in the learning then taught in his native country , he begun his travels , which , in so long a tract of time he employed that way , came to qualify him exceedingly for performing all that is recorded of him . ‖ when he wrot these letters he had setled his abode at edinburgh , where he practised physick with great success , & deservedly gained the reputation of the best qualified physitian in the place , and accordingly was employed by these of the best rank . about a year or two after his settlement here he took the resolution of erecting a publick garden for plants , and a cabinet of curiosities : he had begun the last in his own lodging ▪ and was projecting how he might establish the other , when he became acquainted with that worthie gentleman patrick murray , baron of livingstone , to whom these letters ( now publish'd ) were addressed . this gentleman designed so much for the good & honour of his country , that i cannot but in this place do that justice to his memorie to give the world some character of him , having been well acquainted with him , & having had the happiness to make the acquaintance , & beginn the friendship contracted betwixt him , and sir andrew balfour , which produced these letters . this gentleman had a particular genie inclining him to studie natural history , and all the wayes and means , how to improve the arts , most usefull to his countrie ; he had studied the mathemathicks , & delighted much in the practical part of them , & employed much of the revenue of that plentifull estate he had from his ancestors , in purchasing instruments , & curious books , which treated on these subjects , he having travelled over a great part of this country , in searching after the plants that grew wild up and down in it , & withall having read severall writers on the plants , he every year sent for new seeds of foreign plants : he inclosed a considerable parcel of ground , in which he trained them up with great skill ; and before he 〈◊〉 to his travells , he had of domestick and foreign plants , growing in his garden at livingstone , above a thousand : he was above thirty six years of age before he began his travells , and had fitted himself by reading of voyages , and such books as might best inform him of what he was to inquire for , in foreign countries , ye● he was so sensible of the great advanta●●● 〈◊〉 that learning sir andrew balfour 〈◊〉 ●●●ster of , that he not only inform●d 〈…〉 him of the best books , fitted 〈…〉 and the designe he had to learne all that might be for the improving of knowledge , & of the arts usefull to this country , but likewise he obtained his promise to intertain a correspondence with him whilst he was in foreign countries , by letters , upon all occasions . these three make a part of what sir andrew wrote . he had whilst he was abroad , bought up most of the writers extant upon plants and other parts of naturall history , and many relating to the culture of plants ; he had ●exactly learned all the plants then keept in the kings garden at paris ( the most compleat that is in the world , either for the number or the quality of the plants ) or in privat gardens there ; and had travelled thorough a great part of france , when he was surprized with a feaver , that he contracted at avignion , of which he dyed . he begun his voyage the 2d . of september 1668 , and dyed in august or september 1671. in these places of england and france he travelled thorough , he gives a very particular account , even of the dimension of the publick buildings , the remarks , the distances of the places ; he gives an account of the government of france , of the peers there , & the orders of knighthood ; he gives an account of the remarkable manufactories in france , & particularizes some of the mines and quarries of marble , and has an account of the canale for the communication betwixt the mediterranean and the ocean ; he shows the quality of the weather , the habits of the people in the souths parts of france ; he des●●ibes the monuments of eminent men , & 〈◊〉 some of their sepulchral inscriptions , and takes notice of the best gardens and of the c●●iners of the curious where he travelled ▪ describing many particulars not to be ●et ●ith in the printed voyages , and upon this account his voyage deserves very well to be made publick . as to these letters of sir andrew balfour now published , i shall leave the judgement of them to the learned , who may peruse them ; yet this i must say , there are many particularities in them relating to natural history , and the way of safe and connient travelling , not to be met with in the printed accounts of these countries , and i am perswaded they are of excelleut use for these who study natural history , and physick , where they may be informed where plants , & other subjects of them , are to be found in their native places , and where they may see the cabinets of the curious . others will be hereby instructed in the manners , orders , and customes , of these people ; they will find likeways many curious reflections , which are pleasant to read , and may give rise to higher considerations . they will see what varieties foreign countries of a different soil & temperature of air , do afford ; severall of which may be brought here , and may be made usefull to this country . what sir andrew delivereth here , is what he observed , experienced , and handled himself , and none need question the relations in any circumstance ; he was known to be a most candid and ingenious gentleman , he gives his apprehension and judgment of the reasons & causes : which was allways much valued by all which knedw him ; being a gentleman of excellent vvit , and judgment : he did not expect that they should be printed , and in his lifetime he would never hear of it ; and such was his modesty , he never shewed them to any but his most intimate friends , and could not be perswaded to give a copie of them , but since his death copies of them have past from hand to hand , and all who have seen them are very well pleased ; whereupon at the earnest intreaty of his friends , his son hath published them in the stile he found them writen ; his design was to render all easie & intelligible to his friend he wrote them to ; if the phrase & language seem in some places less ornate , & not so congruous as may be expected now , it is to be remembred , they were writen thirty years ago , when he had been fifteen years absent from his own country , & had accustomed himself to speak foreign more language , than to studie the elegancie of his own native tongue ; & this i think should excuse him at the hands of the criticks , he studied more things than words , & yet , as all know , he expressed himself most handsomely upon all occasions . it was fitt this should be represented : the rest is left to the impartiall reader , who will meet with so many remarkable & usefull things in the letters , that there is no doubt of his kind acceptance of them . if these meet with the encouragement hoped for , 't is like , the baron of lovingstone his observations in his travels , in our language too , and a voyage of another countryman of ours , through france and italy , writen in a pure stile of latine , may be published for the satisfaction of such as are curious of travells , farewell . letter i. containing an account of what is remarkable in and about london , &c. and in and about paris , &c. sir , i cannot inform you of any thing considerable on this side london , except it please you , when you are got the le●gth of huntington , to turn six or seven miles out of the road to see cambridge ; which i doe truly think worth the while , in regard it is one of the two famous universities of england , where if it please you , you may take notice of the number , structure , and order of the colledges , &c. but particularly of the libraries and gardens ; as also of the book-sellers shops in the town-where possibly you may meet with something that you shal not meet with any where els in order to this it would be convenient to have some letter of recomendation or adress to some member of the university whom you might be sure ( upon this account ) to find very ready to serve you ; i am sorry that i cannot help you in this particular , having never been in this place my self ; but i think if you address your self to mr. ray ( who wrote and published the catalogue of plants growing about cambridge ) upon the score of seeing that place , and himself as a person so deserving especially in the knowledge of plants , of which you are also a verie great lover ; i make no doubt you shall find him as ready to oblidge you there , as you use to be to any virtuoso here . at london i shall advise you to lodg in or about convent-garden , as a place most commodious for your business . i thought it necessar to accompany you only with two leters of recommendation , the one to dr. morisone , whom i think the best botanist in the world , and a most honest and obliging friend ; by his means you will easily see all that is considerable of plants about london , and purchase what seeds that place affoords . the other is to mr. scott a book-seller , dwelling in little-britain by whose means you may be furnished with any book that may be be had in london ; and i think as reasonably as else-where : notwithstanding you will ' doe well to see other shops , as particularly mr. bees and mr. pulleyns , both of them in little-britain . as for the other beauties of the court and city i need not say much , being you will easily be informed of them upon the place : i shall only hint at some of the most considerable , and first , at whythall be pleased to take notice of the ●anquetting-house ; you will find it of a stately fabrick , such as the late king designed to have all the palace of ; it was built by king james , the historie of whose diefication you wil find painted on the roofe within , by the noble artist rubens , only you will find the figures too big , occasioned by the painters misinformation concerning the hight of the room , which he was made beleeve to be greater . the king 's privy rooms are worth the seeing , because of their excellent ornaments of hangings and pictures . 2 the palace of westminster , in which i find the great hall only considerable for its great breadth and artificiall roof . 3. henry vii . chappel and the tombs in and near it . 4. you will do well upon some holy-day ( if any happen during your abode there ) to see the king at divine service , in regard of the extraordinary state used on such dayes , as also of the excellent musick ; i would advise you likwise to see the king dine on some such day . 5. the tower , in which be curious to see the mint crown , scepter , & treasury , the magazine of ancient arms &c. and the new arsenall built and furnished by the present king , the wild beasts . 6. gresham-colledge , where the exchange is now kept ; inquire there for dr. pope that by his means you may see a verie fine collection of naturall rarities kept in that colledge . he will likewise carry you to see the royall society , if you so desire . 7. the king and dukes play-houses . 8. the innes of court , especially the temple , lincolns inn , and gray's inn. 9. the new exchange , and not farr from it , sommerset-house . 10. st. james's-house and park . 11. if yow please to take a pair of oares the length of greenwich , you will see the kings new house that is a building there , and if you please to walk up to the hill above it , you will have a prospect up and down the river , which the multitude of goodly ships , the pleasantness of of the countrey about , and our countreyman barcly's curious description and commendation of it , render most famous . 12. for the rest , i shall only put you in mind , that about london there are such places , as wimbletone belonging now to the earle of bri●●o● , but lately to the queen-mother and in the time of the rebellion possest by lambert ; who imbellished the garden thereof with great variety of plants . hampton-court and park belonging to the kings majesty . i shall likewise put you in mind that oxfoord is but fifty miles from london , and that it is one of the most famous universities in the world , both for the number and structure of the colledges and halls , and for the multitude of ●●udents , and competency of their provision . the chief colledges are christs church , magdalens , all-souls , st. john's , &c. baliol colledg was founded by a scots king's father of that name , the schools is a stately fabrick where there is kept a most magnificent librarie for number of books beyond any that ever i saw : there is besides near magdalen-colledge a physicall garden ; when you resolve to goe thither dr. moreson wil recommend you to such persons as will be carefull to shew you every thing . from london to paris the best way is to goe by dover and calais , that you may returne by die● and rye , except you make account to returne by flanders in which case i advise you rather to goe by rye and deip , because rouen ( which otherwise will not fall to be in your way ) is a more considerable place and better worth the seeing , than any thing upon the way of calais . for your accommodation from london to rye , you may either take post , or enquire for the rye carrier at the kings head in southwark , he will furnish you sadle horses for 12. sh. a man , and if you have anie baggage he will carrie it at an easie rate ; by this way you will arrive at rye in two dayes , where you may lodge at the marmaid untill you find an oportunitie of passage , for which if there be passingers enough you must pay 10. sh. but if there be few passingers you will be obliged to pay more . at deip be pleased to lodge a la bastile , the master of the house hath a son that speaks english , and they are all verie civil people . you may see in the shops verie manie curiosities in that place , and particularlie , au roy de la chine ; the town is famous for working in ivory , horn , and tortois-shell , for combs , boxes , dialls , and a thousand other conceats . from thence you must hire horse to rouen , the ordinarie price is a crown , if you have no companie you will do well to take a guide by the land-lords direction ; you dine at a place called tostes , the first house of the village which you come at is the best . at rouen lodge au bon pasteur , the master is a protestant , and speaks english ▪ be pleased to take notice in the town , of 1. the bridge on the river , which is of wood , supported by boats , and rises and falls with the tide . 2. the great church ; if you will be at the pains to go to the top of the steeple you may ●●ave a verie good prospect of the town and avenues , you may also see the biggest bell in the world called the st. george of amboise . 3. the palace , where the parliament sits ; the great hall is commended for its breadth , being it is without pillars , but in my opinion it comes far short of westminster-hall at london . there is a litle village about half a league from the town called santeville , famous for cream , if you please your landlord will find you a guid to conduct you thither . you may herbarize by the way . you may take the messenger to paris , as being the easiest way , you pay 13. or 14. franks a man , for which you are to be furnished with horse , lodging and diet to paris , as al●o to have six pound weight of baggage allow'd you , but if you have any more , you must pay for it beside ; the last meal which you make by the way is at po●to●● , where it is usuall after dinner for every gentlman in the company to give to the conductor a peice of 13. solds . at paris i shall advise you to lodge at mr. haes , they are very honest people , at least you may stay there untill you find the way of accommodating your self better ; he lodges a. fauxbourg st. germain rue de la bouchery ; there are so many worthie things to be seen in this place that i shall only name some of them , for fear of troubling you too much , and leave the rest to your own observation . 1. see luxemburgh palace & gardens ; monsieur marchant will be a fit person , because of his aquaintance there , to wait upon you . 2. the kings garden , where be sure to make a strong friendship with the gardner ; and you may command what you will of plants or seeds . 3. the kings library , and especialy there , the books of minature done by monsieur robert , which i look upon as the best curiosity of that kind in the world. 4. the garden of tuilliaries . 5. monsieur marchant's own garden ; he dwells , rue du roy de sicile devant la nostre dame d' argent , deriere le petit st. antoin ; his gard●n is hard by his house , and there you may see some curious plants , not to be found elsewhere in france . 6. the jesuites college , where enquire for some scots father , and desire him to procure you a sight of the bibliotheck , and mathematical house ; there you will see the 3. systems of the world , according to the severall hypotheses of copernicus , tycho brache , and ptolomeus , represented in motion . if you be desirous to learn chymie , you may cause monsieur marchant address you to monsieur barlet ; he lives au college de cambray , and uses to teach courses ; it will cost you ten crowns for the course , and two crownes for his book ; he demonstrates from two a clock in the afternoon till five , and finisheth his course in three weeks . i think it might be worth your while , in regard you will hardly find the like occasion any other where . i need not say any thing of the booksellers , being they are obvious a la rue st. jaques ; for new books at the palace ; for french books , as romances , &c. a la place de sorbone ; as also at the end of the new bridge about nostre dame church , also at the postern gate of the palace and upon the mont st. hiller , for old books of all sorts . remember to cause monsr . marchant show you a maker of mathematical instruments that lives dans l'isle du palais au key qui est vis a vis la valle des miseres , and enquire for the designing instrument ; about the same place also you may be provided of microscops of al sorts ; if you desire to have your own , or any other picture done : enquire for monsr . ferdinand , paintre sur la fosse an fauxbourgs st. germaine proche l' academy de monsr . du plessis , but make your bargain before hand . it will be worth your while to see some places about paris , as particularlie , 1 maisone , a very delicat house , belonging to the president of maisone , & standing upon the river of saine , some 4. leagues from paris ; from hence you must go two leagues up the river , to 2 st. germaine , a house belonging to the king ; from thence four leagues further a little off the river , to 3 versaile , a house begun by the late king , but finished by the present ; it is a most delicate fine place , but ( as i think ) there will be a necessity of procureing an order from the superintendent of the house ( who ordinarly resides at court ) to the cons●erge of the house to show the same to you ; from thence to 4 rue●e , you have about two leagues : it is a prettie little house built by cardinal richlieu ; the g●rdens are exceedingly prettie , and the water-works the best in france ; from thence you may come to 5 st. clou , a house belonging to the present duke of orleans ; from thence on your way to paris ( which is not above 3 leagues ) you pass thro' a wood called bois de bologne ; in which there stands a house called madrid , built by francis i. after his return from spain where he had been prisoner , to save his promise of going back to spain once a year . in my time there was a manufactorie for weaving of silk stockings kept there . having performed this journey in one or at the most two days , you may with your conveniencie visit 6 st. denys , in the abbey whereof there is a famous treasurie kept . remember to take nottice of charles the great 's crown , in which there is a rubie of the bigness of a pidgeons egg ; a large cup of oriental aggat , which they count much of ; one of the nails that fixed our saviour's bodie to the cross , sent to charles the great by constantine v. emperour of constantinople ; one of the potts , wherein our saviour changed the water into wine at the marriage of cana in galilee ; the pucel of orleans sword , wherewith she overcame the english ; the lantern that was carried before judas , when he betrayed our saviour ; and a thousand other things of great value . see the tombs likewise : you will do well to go earlie in the morning that you may have time to speak to the religious men , and take their hour of conveniencie for seing of the treasure ; which being done , you will have time enough to return to paris . 7 i know nothing better worth your seing about paris , than the aqueduct at arcqueul about 2 leagues from the town , it was built by mary of medices in the time of her regencie , for bringing the the water to her palace of luxemborg . besides the aqueduct , you will also see there a verie fine grotto with fine walks and manie prettie jetts of water ; one afternoon suffice for this journey . 8. fountainbleau , in which there are so manie things considerable : not only in the house , furniture , and painting ; but also in the gardens , walks , fish-ponds , and water-works , that it will be less trouble for you to observe them by seing , than by a long narration ; i shall only tell you for the better improvement of your journey thither that you will doe well first to go to 9. esson a house seven leagues from paris belonging to a private gentleman , where you will see very fine water works and many other prettie conceats ; from thence you have 3 leagues 10. to durance , a privat house likewise , but to which there belongs very noble gardens and walkes , with delicat ponds and jetts of water . it will not be a miss to stay here all the night , being you will have 4 leagues to fontainbleau , a great part of which is through the forrest , and therefore better to be gone in the morning , when the day is before your hand , than in the evening when night may surprize you. 11. you may arrive so early in the morning at fountainbleau that you may have time to see all before dinner , and thereafter returne to veau , a most stately house and gardens correspondent to it , built by monsr . fougues● , but since his disgrace it 's fallen to the king : from hence you may returne a short league off your way to lodge at melun ; the next morning you will have an easie journey to paris , and time enough if you please to see vinceu , within two short leagues of paris . it is a house belonging to the king in the middle of a verie pleasant park : after you have seen the house emember to see the wild beasts that are kept not far from it . if you resolve upon making any greater toure into the counrey , i shall advise you to provide a book called le voyage de france , of the latest edition , which will give you a hint of the most considerable things that are to be seen in those places you go to . i shall deferr any thing i would say further , untill i be happie to hear of your safe arivall at paris , and then i would be content to trouble you with an other sheet : in the mean time i pray for your happie journey and safe returne . sir , i intreat you to signifie to mr. hannay as also to mr. cranston that if they have any thing to send to me , you will be pleased to take charge of it ; i shall beseech you likewise to do the same by monsr . marchant at paris . letter ii. containing advice for makeing the grand toure of france , with an account of what is most observable relateing especially to the natural history and antiquities of that kingdom . sir , it seems you are not yet resolved whither to spend the winter in paris or in the country , my opinion is that out of paris , there is litle thing either to be seen or learned in all france ; but in regard it is pertinent for a traveler to see some thing of the countrie as well as the chief town : i shall therefore advise you to see those places chieflie that i judge most suitable to your inclinations , and particularie in order to botany , that is languedock and provence , for altho' there be manie other places of france verie worthie the ●eing , as particularlie the river loyre from orleance downward to nantes , which for the fertilitie aud beautie of the countrey , the frequencie of good towns and gentle disposition and courtesie of the inhabitants , is called the garden of france : yet you will find that climate produces but a few things different from normandy or the isle of france : but if you should incline to see it , my advice is that you should not spend much time in doing of it , and therefore if you think fit you may make use of the following advice at your discretion . i suppose you leave paris about the beginning of june ( for i would not have you loose the month of may in the kings garden , in regard most things will be then , or a little before , in their prime , which now that the garden of blois is no more in condition , is undoubtedly the best you are like to meet with ) and therefore , 1. you may go to orleans by the messenger : it is but two days journie ; lodge chez monsr . ogilbie , sur l'●●stape au roy de la grand bretaigne ; a day or two will serve you to see all that is considerable in the place ; it will be worth your while to see a place some two leagues from the city , called the source , where in the midst of a fair green meadow you will see a spring of water so plentifull , that it is navigable from its head , and powrs out a river called loirette . 2ly . from orleans to blois , they count 15. leagues , yet it is but a short days journie : besides if you please , you have the commoditie of the river to go by boat ; be pleased to take notice of a place by the way , some 4. leagues from blois , called st. die , where the best claret in that countrie grows , and is ordinarly to be found . blois of itself is no very considerable town , yet it is famous for makeing of watches , for the civilitie of the people , for the sweetness of the air , and puritie of the french language . you must stay there some days till you have seen the following particulars ; viz. in one day you may get to chambort , a house belonging to the king , some three leagues off , on the south side of the river , and south-east from the town ; it is said to have been built by king francis i. and is a very statelie house , though of a far different order of architecture than what is now used . from thence you may go to herbeau , 3. leagues to the southward of that , a privat house belonging to a gentleman that beares the title thereof . it is a very pleasant seat having very fine gardens with an orangery , fish-ponds , woods , maille and meadowes belonging to it ; from thence you may go to bean-regard another privat house , where amongst other prettie things you will see a fine gallerie well ornamented with the pictures of such persons as have been illustrious for some age ; from thence you returne to blois at night , & as you go and come you will have occasion to see that part of the forrest of blois that lyes to the south of the river and town ; as also a litle village called st. gervais , famous over all that countrey for excellent cream ; being returned to blois , you may take notice of the castle , as also of the garden which is now seges ubi troja ; the keeper of it is dr. brumer my very good acquantance , and sometimes one of the herbarists to the late duke of orleans , as were also monsr . morison and monsr . marchand ; upon any of whose accounts or yet upon mine , i am confident you will be very welcom to him ; i believe you may as yet see some plants in the garden , from thence walk towards the capucins or the mount , and you will have a delicat prospect both up & down the river ; from thence walk towards the alleys which you will possibly find to be the finest in length and breadth , and being well planted on either side , that you have hitherto seen ; you may chuse whither you will see vendosme or not , it being a place not verie considerable except for the holy tea●e , which is preserved in the cathedrall church with much veneration , and which people go to see out of devotion ; the toun is famous for makeing of gloves which are accounted the best of that countrey ; upon the returne from that place you may see the fountain of orchaise , of old horrcum caesaris ( for some where not far from thence the roman legion was said to be quartered ) i take the fountain to be nothing else but a rivulet or litle burn falling over the top of a soft rock into which by process of time it hath cut in a considerable way thro' the whole deepth of it , and being grown together upon the top , it seems now to spring out of the rock ; over against that , cross a meadow , you must take notice of a cave or hole digged in the side of a litle hill in which there is an aromatick kind of earth , not much inferiour as is believed to the terra sigillatae of lemnos ; the common people call the place la cave de la terre sigille . and here i must put you in mind that in this same meadow i have very often seen very large green lizards , which because it is a beautifull creature and not found with us , i must intreat you where ever you find of them to cause preserve 1 or 2 , to add to my tradescants . i know not which will be the best way of preserving them , whither by skinning them , or drying the flesh , but i suppose the best way will be ( especially if the skin be any thing strong ) to cause skin them , preserving the head feet and taile , and then stop the skin with flax. there are likewise severall other birds in france which are not common with us , which i must earnestly intreat you to do the same by , as for example the pie verte or green pyet , &c. 3ly . from blois you go to amboise in half a day by water ; the boat will give you libertie to see the castle ; in the chapell whereof will be shown you hanging a pair of hornes , they say , of a hart , the largest and biggest ( if they be true ) that ever was seen in the court of the castle there is likewise to be seen a rib , and one of the back-bones of the same animal , you are brought out of the castle by a toure whose descent is so large and so easie , being without steps , that a coach may drive from the bottome to the top thereof . from thence you go tours all night , where 4ly . in my time the best lodging was a la st. marthe ; the place is commended for the sweetness of it's situation , the delicacie of it's fields and gardens , and many other particulars . it will be worth your while to see the manufactories of silk , especially the way of working tissenes , and brocarts , which you will see of diverse colours and some of gold and silver . the invention and way of making tabbies , which i forbear to descrive , because you will abundantly discover it by sight . you must be at the pains to fetch a walk out of town a litle way to see the maille , which in any time was the longest and in the best order of any in france ; and at the same time , you may go the length of the minims convent because the first instituter of their order st. francois de paul , lyes buried in the church in a marble coffine , as will be shown you , which people visit with great veneration : if you will be at the pains to pass the river there is an ascent to the capucins whence you may discover the whole city , and a great part of the countrey about , which for it's beauty and fertility is called the gardin of france . and certainly deserves that name better than any place upon the whole river of loir . there is likewayes not far from tours , a place which they call la cave gutiere , from the top of which there drops a liquor which congeals into a substance almost as hard as a stone not much unlike that you sent me from hamiltoun . 5ly . you may go from tours to saumure a town famous for it's protestant university , of which we have two very honest countrey-men that are members , monsr . doule and monsr . gray . you may take the pains to see nostre damo d' ardeliers a place of great devotion ; if you please you may see the treasurie which is rich , and as you go and come , you may observe the great trade of that suburbs , to be making of beads or chaplets ; i beseech you forget not to bring us some that are made of young oranges : if you please you may see the castle . at saumure you must hire horses to make a litle tour of three days , and first you must go to doue , where there is to be seen an ancient amphitheatre cut out of a rock , as it is said , by the romans . there are likewise verie many great quarries of free stone and the workmen often find in cleaving of the stones , some litle peices of a finer and harder substance by farr than the rest , which from the shape they have , they comonly call langues de serpents . the little boys for a small matter will sell you abundance of them which i pray forget not to buy , if not for your own , at least for your friends curiositie . from thence you must go to thouars , a most delicate house belonging to the duke of tremoville , it is situat upon a rock , and the greatest part of the office houses cut out of the solid rock . the next morning you go to waren , a verie prettie house but not much worth the pains of seeing were it not in your way to richlieu , where you are to spend the rest of that day , that you may have the more time to view the toun and house , which i think so well worthie your seeing , that for it's sake a journey from paris that length were not ill bestowed . i shall say no more of of it , that i may not deprive you of the gusto of being surprized with the beautie of it . amongst other things be pleased to take notice of two marble statues that stand over the gate , at the upper end of the inner court , as also of a peece of painting in the chapell , that was left by way of legacie to the cardinall by monsieur de mont morency , when he was beheaded at thoulouse . there are two books the one in 40. the other in 80. containing the figure of the house , and parts thereof ; they are sold , as i take it , by the porter , of whom i intreat you to buy them for me . the third day you may dine at loudun where in my time there was a religious woman , that had been formerly possessed . at the time of her cure which they say was miraculous there was found written on her hand jesvs maria joseph , which still remained indelible . if she be yet alive you may see it . from thence you returne by shinon , where they say the famous francis rablais had his first breeding in an old convent , from thence you pass throw most delicate meadows called the valey of shinon , and in your way to saumure some three leagues from the town you may see a monasterie of religious women whereof the lady abbas in my time was the queen-mothers sister of great brittain . 6ly . you may hire horses to la fleche , where the only thing considerable is the jesuits colledge . it is a most noble structure , and by far the best they have in france . take particular notice of their church where the heart of henry the 4th who gave them that house is kept : the bibliotheck : the theatre-hall : their office houses , particularly the kitchen ; the bake-house , where one man and a dog makes bread for all the colledge every day : the myln where the water that moves the wheele doeth likewise move a pump that furnisheth water to the whole colledge . the best lodging was au quatre vents . from hence you must again take horse to angiers . 7ly it is a town famous for the profession of laws , and hath likewise a faculty of physick : see the great church called st. maurice , and therein one of those pots in which our saviour converted the water into wine at the marriage of cana in galile . see the maill , and at the end of it next the town the minims convent . you will find in their garden severall kinds of ilex ; you will likewise find in severall places of the countrey not far from the town severall sorts of pinastres , as also a kind of fruit tree called cormes , not mnch unlike our raun-tree , the fruit whereof hangs in clusters like our roddens : but of an other colour , and bigness every one being as big as a plumb . a league or two from the town towards the east , are the pierries or quarries , of blew skleat called ardoise which serve the greatest part of france : see the castle , and in it that famous crib where rene king of sicilie and duke of anjou imprisoned his queen out of jealousie all the days of her life . about half a league distant from the town , doun the river stands a convent called bamet , worthie of seeing ; there is likewise on the other side of the river an old abbacie called les bons hommes , near to which there is a litle lake , which i suppose to have been the place where the blew sklate was dug of old ; you will find about the sides of it , aboundance of tribulus aquaticus , the fruit thereof is ripe in the moneth of august ; they use to boyll them and sell them as they do chasnuts , from which they differ not much in tast or quality , but verie much in figure , and therefore be pleased to provide a quantitie of them for your self and friends . you may likewise dry the plant , if you think fit . 8ly you may go if you please from angiers to nantes either by water or by land , in one day ; it is a prettie town and stands upon the loir and the sea flowing up above the town gives commodity to ships of a considerable burden to come up to the town . it is here that the greatest part of the wines that grow upon this river or near to it , together with the brandie made thereof , which are carried out of france , are imbarked . you must return again to angiers , and from thence to paris with the messenger . it is a journey of five days , and all that i know considerable in it , is first , that when you come near to mans ( which you will leave at a leagues distance , upon the le●t hand ) you will find in aboundance a kind of cistus , not mentioned by any that i know of , except petrus bellonius . forget not to preserve a branch or two , which you may fold in your portefoile , which for such rancounters you 'l do well to be stil provided of , and you may cause make them of what bigness you please , and have them furnished with gray paper within . i did allways use to carry one of a 40 form , with good tyers to it in a carpet bag ( such as they use in france ) tyed to the tore of my saddle , so that if it was my fortune to meet with any thing by the way worth the gathering , i could easily take it and preserve it with out being in danger to loss my companie . 2ly . the town of chartres ; in the great church whereof ( which is a most stately fabrick ) k. henry iv. was sacred . it is a place of great devotion , and there is kept in it amongst other relicts , one of our ladys smocks . you wil meet with several litle shops near to the church , where the chief trade is beads , and as they call them des chemises de chartres , which devout people buy and append to their chaplets , and then get them to touch the relicts , according to the custom . you may furnish this journey , and have time enough at paris to prepare your self for the journey to provence and languedock before the dog-days be ended , at which time it will be fit to begin your journey . and 1st . you may take the messenger to lions ; i think you must pay about twentie crowns ; for the journey is of nine days ; there are not many things considerable to be seen by the way ; only take notice 1st at nevers of the glass-works , and faiance , or white lame-works , of which the best in france are here . 2ly . at mouline ( where you will fall to dine ) ●●quire for the monasterie where the body of monsr . de monmorancy is in●erred , you may see a very stately monument of marble . the town is famous for the manufactorie of knives and scissers . you will not miss to be troubled with a company of women , who wait upon the arrivall of strangers , to show them quantities of this kind o● ware in hopes to sell some . 3ly . take notice of the well of pouge , the water is alummous and boills up in great quantity , of a whiteish colour , as if there were meal mixed with it . 4ly . roane ; which is said to be the largest bourg in france : they call that bourg which is not incompassed with wall or ditch . the loir begins to be portable here and cary boats , but it 's source is many leagues higher . 5ly . mont tarare ; it is a very great hill , and here you will find a change of the climate together with the change of plants , which i leave to your observation , and think it will be worth your while at night to make a note of all those plants that you meet with . being arrived at lions you must stay some time to see the place , which altho' in regard of its situation amongst hils and rivers , it be somewhat unwholsome , the air , being either too moist , or in summer t●o hot ; yet i look upon it as one of the best and most important towns in france , both for the magnificknesse of the buildings , the great tra●ique it hath with almost all places of the world , to which the situation of it betwixt two rivers , the soane and the rhosne is no small advantage ; for by the soane it hath communion not only with burgundie , but also with the ocean ; for chalon which stands upon the soane , is but a days journey from auxere , which stands upon the saine , and that river you know disimbogues it self in the ocean at haver●degrace . by the rhosne , it hath communion with the mediterranean sea , and consequently , with all the levant . the soane in latine araris is a pleasant and very soft flowing river ; the rhosne is fluviorum rapidissimus . the people are very ingenious and dextrous in the matter of traffick and business , they are likeways courteous & human , your most convenient lodging , will be auxtrois-rois : it is a good house and nea● to the place where the messenger of paris arrives . as also to the post-house . remember to see the maisone-de-villo which without exception is the most stately in france : take particular notice of its fabrick , statues , paintings , and ancient inscriptions , of which some are extant upon brass , its fountain's , courts , &c. 2. see the great church of st. john , and in it a most stately and curious clock , upon the upper part of which , i●mediately before the hour strike , the blessed virgine appears with the angel before her , as she uses to be represented at the annunciation , and within a little , a cock upon the top claps his wings and crows , and then the hour strikes . there is likeways considerable in it , a hand that points the minut of the hour upon the o●al , and altho' the parts of an oval line , be not equally distant from the center yet the hand which is fixed in the center , doth alwayes reach that line and never exceed it , in the whole compase it maketh . 3ly . there is an old monument about the midle of that fauxbourgh , by which the messenger of paris enters they call it tombeau-de-deux amants . it seems to be of roman antiquitie . 4ly , see the bishops house & and gardens , the great place before it , the bridge over the rhosne : and in short consider the avenues and compass of the town . 5ly . forget not to take with you your catalogue of books , for there are many booksellers in this place , that have great magazins of books , and have great traffick with all germany , swizerland and italy , and it is very like , you may come by books here that you missed of at paris ; for so it happened to my self . i must not omit in this place to tell you that it will be expedient , to draw your money from paris , to lions , either by bill of ex-change , or letter of credit , upon some honest , substantiall merchant , to whom yon must be sure to yet good recommendation : by his means you may return your money , to any other place as you shall have occasion , and likeways be furnished with new recommendations as you desire ; & this way you may make your money march from place to place , without fear or danger ; and if you light upon honest men the exchange will cost you nothimg , unless it be from paris to lions ; because of the disrance and that will not be above half a one per-cent : your merchant at lions , will be a convenient steple for receiving your letters , or any thing else , that you please to send from any other place , and to send it forward to paris , to be keept for you . by them you shall give advice to receive it from the carriers , or otherways to the merchant , that returnes your money to lions : but of these things i have said enough , for i doubt not that you are sufficiently informed of them already . from lions , you take boat to avignion , which is about fi●tie leagues : if the river be not very low , which seldom happeneth , you would go near to accomplish it , in two days and a half , or three at most . you have to take notice of , by the way 1st . vienne , a little but ancient town , five leagues from lions . see the forges where they make sword-blades , the haminers are moved by a wheell which the water turns , so that the stroakes are both frequent and equall . the town hangs upon the side of a hill toward the river . 2ly . some nine leagues from vienne , there is an old castle called le maisone de pillate , the place is no otherways considerable than for having been the retreat of pontius pilate , driven here , by , god knows , what accident . 3ly . valence , a pretie town only considerable for its university . 4ly . le pont-sanct-esprite seventeen leagues lower than valence , the town is not very considerable , but only for the bridge , from whence it takes its name , and which at that place stands upon the rhosne ; that which renders the bridge so considerable , is the breadth of the river , and impetuosity of the current ; for besides other small rivers , both the soane and the isere , a little before you come at valence , and several others below that , loss themselves therein . when you come at avignion , you may lodge at louxenbourg . the town and country belongs to the pope , whose legate resides in quality of governour . it will be fitting to stay here some days , that you may the better take notice of the following particulars . 1. the churches and religious houses . 2ly . the legat's palace . 3ly . the situation , and avenues of the town , together with the walls thereof , which are high and stately , and it will be worth your while to go about them in regard of the occasion you will have to herbarize , for here you will find many plants that did not appear in any other part of your journey . 4ly . the jurie or cantone of the town where the jewes dwell , i advise you by all means if you can stay of a saturday to see their synagogue and manner of worship , and if you be curious and make enquiry , you may possibly see a circumcision . 5ly . you may hire horse● to orange , which is but half a days journie up the river . the town and principality belongs to the prince of orange ; it is an ancient , tho' little town ; it was considerable in my time for the castle , which was very strong , both by art , and by its natural situation , which was so high , that from thence one might have discovered seven or eight provinces about , at least some part o● them : the town hath an ●niversity tho' not very considerable ; the inhabitants for the most part are protestants . there are yet extant some monuments of antiquitie , viz a triumphal arch a lttle without the town , and some ruins of a theatre within the town , both of which shows something of the roman greatness , in respect of modern times ; the coun●ry about is fertile , and there are whole ●●●lds of ●a●ron . i think it might be well worth the while to enquire about the best way of p●anting , cultivating , gathering and preparing o● it . having seen these thing and dyned , you return to your lodging at avignion the same day . the next day you take horses for aix , which is about two days journey or two days and a half a most . if you depart from avignion early in the morning you will have time enough to see vauclus , which is three leagues from avignion and then to go dine at cavaillion . i look upon vaucluse as one of the most considrable things i have ever seen : it is a fountain at the foot of a great rock very large and ●f immense deepness , which poures out so much water as to move four or five milnes about half a mile below . it is observed that the water diminishes and increases according to the season of the year . in rainy weather it abounds most , and yet when you consider the position of it , how much it is elevated above the plain , and what vast hills and rocks are about it , it is not conceaveable with what other water ▪ it should have any communion . the river that comes from it tumbles over so many stones and craigs ; that it makes a noise like the catarracks , and having neer three quarters of a mile to fall , it becomes exceeding swift before it arrive the plain , and there divides it self in two , and incloses a litle meadow in form of an isle , and then joyns again . the water is so clear , finding nothing among the rocks to defile it , that notwithstanding its swiftness , yet it hinders not the grass to grow in it's bed . the fiver is likewise recomended for excellent trouts and crawfish and it is agreeable to reason they should be good that live in so pure streams ; when you come the length of the mil●s you must quite your horse , to walk up ●o the sour●e , & and for that 〈◊〉 must take a guide , without which the way is not easie . as you go up you will observe upon the other side , in two other places , the ruins of two old castles , the one standing about a musket shot higher than the other , in the uppermost whereof did sometimes live that noble philosopher , and poet franciscus p●trarcha and in the lower donna laura his mistriss , in the praise of whose beautie and vertue he composed his most excelent triumfe d' amore ; a monument that hath outlasted her familie , in which her memorie is like to live as long as wit and learning continues in reputation . you may also in this place take notice of the paper-milns and consider that so usefull art of makeing paper , and labour to informe yourself well of all the particulars that when god shall be pleased to return you , you may make it practicable in your own countrey . i am sure we want not linnen rags in abundance which might be preserved for this use , and not thrown into the dunghill's , were people put once in the right way . from hence you go to dine at cavaillion ; in the rest of the journey to aix , there is nothing considerable , only you have a river to pass by boat called durance . aix , is one of the most delicate towns in france , it 's the capitall city of provence and the seat of a parliament . the streets are large , especialy one great street , the buildings fair and stately , the city well watered and the air very healthfull and sweet . from hence you go to marseilles in half a day , you may lodge at a l' aigle or al' teste noire . you must resolve to stay two or three days at least , for the more commodious seeing and observing the following things . 1st . the harbory or port , which is very spicious and deep , and exceedingly well guarded , having upon he entrie thereof to the sea ward , which is very narrow , not only a chain drawn , but also a very strong citidale , built within these seven or eight years , upon the one side o● it , and an other ●ort upon a litle island within the sea , at a leagues distance from the entrie , all which rendreth it most secure from the algiers and t●n●ies men of warr and other pyrats . 2ly . the cathedrall church , which you may easily guesse to be very ancient , from the modell and architectu●e thereof . it was first extructed in the honor of digna by the greek phocenses , who had a colonie here . 3ly . take notice in the 〈◊〉 before the church upon the wall looking to the sea , of nine or ten large brass guns , which use upon the day of the towns great festivitie ( which is sometime in october ) to be loaden with bull and discharged by so many of the best gunners of the town , a●ter great mass is ended , at a white mark placed on the side of the hill , on the other side of the harbour . he that shoots nearest the mark is esteemed the best gunner for that year . they begin to fire just as the arch-bishop comes out of the church . who having celebrated mass in pontificalibu● , returnes to his own hous● accompanied with the consul and chief magistrats of the place , and generally a●l the gentlemen & citizens of the best fashion , in their best apparell and a great consort of musick . 4ly . nostre dame de la gard , a castle upon the top of the hill to the southward of the town , in in the going thither , you will do well to bestow a whole day , and take with you a couple of souldiers , from the citidale , or else a couple of other souldiers armed at least with swords , and let one of them cary a couple of botles o● wine with bread and what else you think fit , as provision for that day , the other may cary a basket with you emptie , being thus accourted , you may herbarize upon the way to the castle , and put a litle quantitie of every herb you find into your emptie basket , the better to judge of it at your return ; as also of what seeds you find you may put up some for your own and friends use , you may returne by the way of the sea , and so herbarize all thereabouts . it is a most excellent place for varietie of plants , amongst the rest take particular notice of the tarto●rair massiliensium , upon the sea side you may likewise take notice , what stones or shells , mosses or any other naturall curiosities you can observe , & if any be worth the preserving bring them along with you . 5ly i would have you bestow half a day in a boat upon the sea without the harbour , but so as it be very calm , for then you will easily se the botom of the water , especially where it is not very deep , because the water hath no motion of ebbing or flowing , and so you may possibly light upon curiosities worth the gathering , for the taking up of which , you must provide creepers , which the seamen know how to use . 6ly . take notice of the situation fabrick , and avenues of the town , especially some shops upon the shoare , where you will find many curiosities , especially from the levant . i must recommend my self to you here , but especially for a good handsome tree of red corall ; as also one of those that are black , but are not true corall , and what else you think fit ; i shall hold you good accompt , for all expenses ; you may send them with your own things to lions , with order to your friend there to send them to paris , to be received by your factor and keept for you . 7ly . the place is commended for perfumes , sweet-powders , franchipane-gloves , &c. but there is great cheating both in the prices and quantities of the things ; therefore take heed to your self , if you buy any of them : i did formerly forget to tell you that avignion is famous for the same things , but especially for gloves ; whereof the manufactorie is very good ; and essences . but now i return to marsails where 8ly . take occasion frequently to view the fish-market , where you will not miss to see great variety of strange fishes well worth the observing , and for that end i wish you to acquaint your self with the icones piscium , together with their description , by petrus bellonius , it is in a long 80. and not very thick , & therefore you may take it along with you from pari. if any of these fishes which are not common with us can be preserved or keept any way ; as i doubt not but you will find inventions to do it , you will exceedingly oblidge us to bring them along with you , or send them as said is : be pleased to enquire ches les espiciers for a kind of seed which they call graine d' avignion , they sell it in great quantity to dyers who use it for dying yellow ; it is the lycium gallicum dalechampij ; it is a shrub not common here , nor yet in the north of france , and therefore worth the taking notice of ; i would have you bring us some quantity of the graine for a show about an ounce or so : but because i suspect , that which the grossers sell is dryed ; therefore i think it will be more profitable to search at avignion , where it grows plentifully , for some that is better conditioned for your own use . in your herborization at marsaills especially upon the hill , amongst other rare plants , you will find mypum montis ceti , sive herba terribilis narb●n●nsium lobelij . 9ly . take a view of the country about marsaills from some eminent place , especially east from the town , where the fertility is so great and the country-houses , and gardens , so thick , that they use to call it the suburbs o● marsaills , and say merrily , that marsaills and its suburbs is bigger than paris : the great conveniencie of these houses is to acc●mmodat the citizens with a retireing place , in time of plague , as also to divert themselves in summer , and to provide necessars for house keeping . at marsaills you must hire horses to frayole , which is some three dayes journey east ward toward neice ; in this journey , besides the things of pleasure you will see in this higher provence , you will have the best herborization , almost all the way , that you can possibly desire ; you must part from marsaills early in the morning , that you may have the more time to herbarize by the way , & that you may arrive in good time before it be night at saincte beaume , a place of much devotion , and the greatest solitude in the world. in the midle of a vast and terrible rock , there is a great cave where st. maria magdalen did pennance for many years before her death : it 's now upon that consideration turned into a chapell , with some few rooms clacht up against the face of a rock , like a bird cage upon the side of a wall , where some religious men ( as i think jacobins ) keep the place , and serve the cure in the chapel every day receiving confessions , & giving the sacraments to such as require them . there is a little kind of a chainge-house close to it , that provides meat for men and horses , at their own expences , but you mnst lye within the convent ; in the morning you must take a guide to the top of the craig , where there is an other chapel of devotion just in that place where the angels did use once a day , to carrie the saincts , from the cave to administer consolation to her . as you go and come you may herbarize , for the whole side of the hill before you come at the rock , is a wood : upon your arrival at the convent it is expedient to give some little thing out of charity , which i think is bestowed in maintaining the place . you will ordinarly find without the chapel door , some few little merchants that sell reads , and amongst other things , silk-cords of the just length and greatnes of the saint , all which people use to buy and carrie in to the chapel , there to touch the statue of the sainct ; which l●es just in that place , and in that posture , that she used to do pennance in ; you will likeways see within the chapel a very large well of good water , which they say did first spring there by miracle , for use of the sainct . from hence you take horses to sainct maximine , a little town , in the great church whereof , amongst other reliques , the body of st. maximine , uncle to st. mary magdalen , & sometimes bishop of marsaills , is preserved : if you please you may take this opportunity of seeing it , and there dyne , for it is a little out of your way to brignole , where you must lye the second night , and the day following you dine at a village called luques , and then go to lye ae frayote , or freust , which you please to call it . it s a town of roman antiquity , of which there are yet some rests to be seen , as aqueducts , &c. the town is not otherways considerable at all ; you will do well here , besides your own guide that goes along with you to take another man from the town , with an emptie basket , to wait upon you to the hil , called astral , about a league from the town , where you will have one of the most pleasant heborizations in the world : amongst a great variety of shrubs , plants , and trees , you will find a great number of arbutus , loaden with fruit , of a most beautifull aspect ; yet , somewhat insipid to the taste , it may safely be eaten , but doth not much allure the taste . several kind of spinous shrubs , amongst which acaeia secunda dioscorides sive aspalathus , when you come upon the top of the hil , upon the way to neice , there is an inn , where you may make a shift for dinner , and a little beyond it , upon the north-side of the hil , you will meet with aboundance of cork-trees , ilex , abics , picca , &c. i must give you notice here , that in this place , you are not , above two or three hours ryding , from cane , a village , upon the sea-side , some eight or nine leagues distant from neice , where ( were you to go to italy , ) you might commodiously hire a fel●oque of two oares a side for genova , and arrive there in four or five days , ter a terre , that is landing every day to your dinner , and to your lodging , in some convenient town : but i shall say nothing of italy , untill i understand from your self , that you have a design for it . i shall therefore returne to astrate , where having satisfied your self , with herbarizing you may returne to freiust ; loaden with seeds , and plants , and there consider them at your ease : from thence you may return to marseills in two days and so to avignion , by the way of arles , sainct eloy de cro● tarascon . at arles , remember to see the entry into a great passage all vaulted , which they say goes under the rhosne to nismes , & was made by the romans . at tarascon , you will see on the other side of the river bea●caire , most famous for a very great faire or market , keept there once a year , to which great numbers of merchants from many places of the levant , do resort . from avignion , you go ●o nismes , but you must part by times in the morning that you may have the conveniencie to see pont de gard , which is one of the finest peeces of antiquity extant in the world. it is a part of that a aqueduct , which the romans built for conveying a part of the water of the rhosne from the pont st. esprite to nismes , & because at the place where the bridge stands , the river gard runs low betwixt two hills , there was a necessity of raising the aqueduct so high as to level the tops of these hils , therefore it hath three ranges of arches , the lowermost are the biggest but fewest in number ; they are likeways the broadest , for besides that they support the second row of arches , they do likeways serve on the other side for a passage and bridge for foot , horse ▪ and coaches to the high-way : the second supports the third , which are not so high , but many more in number , on the top of all is the aqueduct five or six foot broad , and four or five foot deep , it is compassed with great flag stones on all sides , exceedingly well cemented together , insomuch that i beleeve it be yet very intire , except it be some few of the covering stones that are broak and fallen away . nismes is some three leagues , but they are long ones , from the pont de gard ; and i must tell you , altho' the way you are to follow from avignion to nismes , by the pont de gard , be for the most part very barren , yet you will find the weeds for the most part are , cistum ledum narbonense , thime , lavender , satureia , mirtles , timelaea , corranda , smilax aspera , lentiscus , terebinthinus , staebe salamantica , caliculis argenteis b. ilex , sabina baccifera , iunip : fructu majori , cistus mas , cistus faemina , thymum cephaloton clematis , vel flammula repens , aespalathus ▪ phyllarelea folio non serrata , jesiminum luteum bacciferum , stellaria argente● ambrosia campestris , datura simplici calice albo , aster attious foliolis ad florem rigidis , aster lunariae folio , flore trifolij . jacea cianoides flore albo folio multifido , trifolium bituminosum , acarna lutea , eringium luteum monspel : bicopsis flore carnec , carduus spharocephalus ceruleus , amaranthus viridis , campanula flore plumeo , attriplex non descript● semine singulari binis foliolis incluso , linaria minor lutea , paliurus and a great many more that i cannot remember of ; but it will be well worth the while to take a note of the plants you find in every place . at nismes you must lodge aux arenes ; you will see there a brave amphitheatre built by the romans , in greater integritie yet than any that ever i saw in italy , the stones of which it is built , as well as the pont de gard , are of incredible bigness , and altho' the things themselves be somewhat ruined ; yet they show greater statelynesse and magnificence than any modern building . there are some other remaine● of antiquitie about the town which will be showen you . from nismes you take horses for mompellier , which is a days journey from it ; you dine at lunel which is about mid-way , and because i have nothing to say of this place , i shall intreat you to bring me three or four ounces of the seeds of palliurus , for amongst other uses they serve for , they are the best bullets for cauters that can be , but it is for an other use i would have them . you will do well to stay some days at montpellier : you may lodge at the white horse , or otherways as you find your accommodation . it is a delicat sweet town , the streets well built , but narrow , because of the heats which are as great here as in any place of france , nor is it strange it should be so , being it is near upon the same latitude with rome . you will do well to see the physick schools , there is some curiosities to be seen in them . 2ly . the physick-garden ; in which you will find many excellent plants ; by making a little acquaintance with the gardener , you may command what seeds he has . 3ly . you will do well to make acquaintance with some of the students or young doctors of physick , by whose means and in whose company you may see all the places about monpelier that are fit for herbarizing , as particularly magelon , a little island of the mediterranean sea , lying within sight of monpellier . but by all means of the world , you must be sure to make a journey ten or twelve leagues from mompellier , to a place amongst the hils , which for the great varity of plants , that is found in and about it , is called hortus dei. you may likeways find some variety of shells and productions of the sea , to mompellier and the shoar , or coast , which is near the town . i must not omit to tell you , that if you please to make a collection of dry plants , this is a very fit place for it , both because of the heat which helps to dry them , both soon and well ; & also because of the garden & fields , that abound with plants , that are not common , & likeways , because of the good occasion you have to send them in a box , close packt up , ( as you have seen mine ) to lions , &c. in like manner , if you will make a collection of seeds , the best will be to keep them in their seed-vessels , and write upon every parcell , that you may dispose of them afterwards according to your pleasure . this i wish you to do in every place , that afterwards when it shall please god to bring you safely to bring them home , tho' you should not be able to raise them in this climat , yet you might have enough to know them by . do not forget the booksellers here , who may possibly have some of the books you look for . i must desire one favour of you in this place , that you would be pleased to enquire after the psilothrum or depilatory ointment , which they use in rome in the baths , and which i was so unluckie as not to mind when i was upon the place . it you can find the receipt , cause make some small quantity of it to try if it be right , which you will easily know by this , that being rubbed upon any hairy place , within a little space , when you come to wipe it off , it takes the hair without burning or scalding the skin ; but if it either burn or discolour the skin , it is not right . the place is afterward to be washed with a little warm water . i must likeways intreat you to be at ths pains to cause dry me a viper or two , it will be enough to dry their skins with the heads at them , stopped with flax , or cotton : but in no way must you medle with them your self , because there is danger , but imploy one of those fellows that brings them to the apothecaries , who for a small matter will do it . some day or other , you may be at the paines to see frontiniague famous for that generous moschat wine , called by the name of the place , you may collation there , and harbarize as you go and come . when you are satisfied here , it will be fit to set forward to thoulouse . you will see by the way , 1st . pesenas a pretie town , where it may fall you to dyne , au tapis vert , hard by the town , there is a very fine house , with excellent gardens , belonging to the prince of condie , it is worthy of your seeing . 2ly . beziers ; 3ly . narbone , which is a very strong and well fortified town , near upon the borders of catalonia . it hath communion with the sea , by means of a little river , that runs through the town . be pleased to see the great church , and in it a peece of excellent painting , representing the history of our saviour's raising lazarus from the dead . take likeways notice of the organes , the great pipes whereof ●stand by the pillar sides , at a great distance from the organ roome , and have the wind conveyed to them by a secret conduct ; which tho' it be no difficult thing , yet it is not common . from narbonne , you have six or seven leagues to carcassone ; they are two , ville and city ; the city stands upon a hight about half a leagues distance from the town : it is twice encompassed with walls and ditches , and is very strong , as being upon the frontiers o● catalonia . the town stands below in the plaine , and is much larger , better ●uilt , and better inhabited , & walled about with a more modern kind of fortification . the town is commended for cloath-works , & making of combs : the tradesmen use to bring them to the innes as soon as they understand any stranger to be arrived ; but your best will be to go to their houses , and see all , & try severals , for so you may best please your self , and make the best bargain too . there is of all prices , insomuch that i have seen ten pistoles refused for one single comb , of box-wood . but indeed it was of a vast bigness and most curiously carved . you may have very good ones for three , foure , or five livres a peece , as also some for 30 , 40 , & 50 solds . to be short , there is of all kindes and prices , and i shall earnestly intreat you , to bestow foure or five crowns , upon some of the midle sort , that is next to the best , and some again of the next degree to them for me , ( because of the carving ) to add to my tradescants . they must be packt up in a little wooden box , which the tradesmen know very well how to do . from carcassone to thoulouse , you have twelve leagues , viz. foure to vilpeinte , two to castelna● ▪ d' arri , two to vignonnet and four to thoulouse . the second town ( in the opinion of some ) in france , how justly , i leave to your self , when you shall see it . the town indeed is very big , and well built , all of brick ; but not very populous , i think for the want of trade , in regard it lyes farr from the sea. amongst other things , take notice of the following particulars 1st . the town house , in the court whereof they show you the place where the scaffold was erected , that monsr : de momorancy was beheaded upon , and some of his blood yet sticking upon the wall. 2ly . the parliament house , into which ( if it be sitting ) you must neither carry sword , nor spurs , unless you make account to pay a forfaulter . 3ly . the bridge over the river garonne , which is very stately , built of brick , somewhat after the model of the new bridge of paris , having a foot walk raised on every side , so that these that pass on foot , are not troubled with coaches , cairts , &c. that pass in the midle . 4ly . in the convent ( as i take it ) of the cordeliers , there is a peece of ground under a chapel , belonging to the church , wherein all dead bodies , that lye eight and fourtie hours , are so dryed , but without the consumption of any substantiall part , that they become incorruptible for ever thereafter . they will show you in a vault , hard by the chapell , some hundred of bodies , standing about the walls intire and dryed , as i have said , amongst the rest they show one bodie of a woman , called la belle paule , mistrels as it is said to some king , whose name i do not remember : but it is some hundreds of years since she died , and yet me thinks there is a beautifull proportion observable in her face . the rest of the curiosities consist in churches , religious-houses , &c. which i leave to your self . from thoulouse to montauban you about halfe a dayes journey , it is famous for the protestant university ; it stands somewhat high and declines a little toward the bridge , that stands over the tarne , which not far below the town , casts it self into the garonne . it hath many fine fountains ; but especially one , which they call the gri●one . it hath good trafique , because of the situation betwixt thoulouse and limoge and paris , as also because of the commoditie of the river , to bourdeaux : the town and bridge are all built of brick . it was formerly very strong , but because of its rebellion is now dismantled of all fortification . from moutauban to bourdeaux , you may go by water in a very short time , because the river is rapid ; the countrey about is very fertile and pleasant . you will see by the way , agen , an ancient city , where iulius scaliger was born : within 4 or 5 leagues of bourdeaux stands cadiliac , a most delicate castle , belonging some time to the duke d' espernon ; you must not faill to see them . at bourdeaux , i did lodge au chapeau rouge ; but i have been told since , that there are more commodious inns in town , which you may easily be addressed to . you will meet with severall of our countreymen in this place ; but particularly , sir david inglish , and harie iossy ▪ are of my acquaintance . and therefore , i must desire you to see them , & permit this , to present them my service . i must likeways intreat you , to be at the pains , to enquire for a doctor of physick , of the religion that lives here , whose name i have forgotten ; but you will know him by this , that he hath written in french something against doctor willes de febribus : which i remember sir david inglish , did once send me to paris . and therefore , he may probably know the man : the reason i desire you to speak with him , is , that you may learn from himself , what he hath published , upon this or any other subject ; and whatsoever they be , i must intreat you earnestly , to buy them for me ; for i have a very great honour for the mans parts , tho' i know not his person ; and i had the evil luck to lend that book , which sir david inglish sent me , to a doctor at paris , that did never render it me again . remember to see in the town , 1st . piliers tutilarrs , which are the ruins of an ancient roman temple . 2ly . the ruins of an amphitheatre , without the town , of roman antiquity likeways . 3ly . the cheasteau trompette , in which there is a garison keept by the king. it was pulled down by the citizens , in the time of their last rebellion ; but since re-built much better and stronger . 4ly . the port , which if you happen to see in the time of vintage , will be well furnished with ships from all places , and it may be from scotland . 5ly . that peece of ground without the town , which they call grave ; which brings forth the best wine about bourdeaux , and which for the most part is sold within the town , at as great a rate as ordinary french wine gives with us : and therefore being there is no great quantity of it , and that it would not turn the merchants to accompt to send it here , you may easily guesse how much graves wine we drink in scotland , altho' our people are pleased to flatter themselves , that all their clarets are such ; the rest i leave to others , to inform you of . i must only tell you , you will meet with as good fruits here as in any place of france , des treffices in latine tuberae terrae , they are found under the ground by the hogs , who use to smell them before they come at them , and by the noise and gests they make , give notice to their keeper , who presently puts them by , and digs the trefice for himself : they are in great esteeme , & being boyled and pared , use to be eaten by themselves with pepper and oyle , or else cut down with other things en ragoust . there are likeways here a kind of small birds but exceeding fatt , which they call ortolans , which are much prized for great delicacies . from bourdeaux you go to rochelle . in the way you pass by these places ; first blay , ville et city , the city stands on a hight and commands the river . it was at this place that of old the english ships were obliged to liver their canon , which were permitted the scots ( as a priviledge ) to keep a board ; as they passed to bourdeaux . 2ly . xaintes or saintes , the capital town of xaintonge ; it stands upon the river charante ; here are some rests of roman antiquity , as of an amphitheatre , &c. but especially of an arch , upon the bridge over the charante , on which you will read this inscription . caesari nep : d. iulij pontifici a. there is also an inscription , on the reverse which i remember not . you will see likeways here a steeple , the stairs whereof that lead to the top are on the outside . 3ly . brouage ; about half a days journey from saintes , a little , but one of the most regularly fortified towns in all france , in which there is a continuall garison keept , as a guard for the salt , of which vast quantities is made here , by the heat of the sun every year in this manner . they let in the sea water by a 〈◊〉 , cut purposely in the ground into severall ponds , cut out likeways of purpose of a certain deepness : they fill them in the summer time , and then stop the entries that no more water come in ; when the sun hath co●●●cted it enough , they gather it together i●●eaps , and carry it to places appointed for it . the town stands upon a little river which i● navigable , because the sea flowes a good way above it , the salt marshes about the town , are little less than four leagues about , & render the town by so much the more strong . you must be sure to arrive there at a good hour in the day , for at sun-setting the gates are shut , and none whatsoever can enter . you must salute the governour , or in his absence , the chief●off●cer , and desire libertie of him to view the town , which he will readily grant you , and appoint a souldier to wait upon you ; from the walls , you will discover the marshes about the town , and then he will bring you to the arsenal , and there you will see their magazine of ai●s , and then having given something to the souldier to drink , you may thank the governour & take leave of him . this is all that is to be seen in this place except you make account to see the isle of ol●rone , which lyes without the mouth of the little river , about a league or two in the sea. from brouage you have seven leagues to the rochell , upon the way to which you will have occasion to see a great many sea-plants , such as kali , kali spinosum , salicornia , cakeile s●rapionis , papaver corniculatum luteum , eringium marinum , crithmum ; with many others . the rochel is much more famous for what it was , than for what it is , it was the strongest hold , the protestants had in france , but after the taking of the town by lewes the 13th . the walls thereof were quite demolished , so that scarcely the vestiges thereof remaine : the harbour is considerable , for it enters within the midle of the town . at ●resent it hath a considerable trafique 〈◊〉 salt , white wines , &c. you must be at the pains to see the isle of re , about a league from the town , but not above a quarter of a league from the land. as you go from the rochel , to the place where you are to take boat to cross over , they will show you the ruins of that digue , which cardinal richlieu caused make by sinking of barks , loaden with stones , to hinder all relief for the town by sea , and it was observeable , that the very day after the town surrendered , the digue was broke down by storm , which if it had done but three days sooner , it may be justly questioned whether the town had ever been taken , especially seeing the english fleet was ryding before the isle of re. in the isle of re , there is a citadale , near to which you will be put a shore upon the island , but it is not usual to permit strangers to enter into it . at the east end of the island , there is a little town called st , martines , in which there are many dutch families , because of the great trafique the dutch hath with this place , for salt and white-wines . the island is generally of a sandie soil , and only made fertile by the sea ware which they throw upon it , and which in my opinion is the cause , that all the wines both of the island and about the rochel tast brackish , especially when they begin to be old . you will find amongst other plants upon the island aboundance of pancratium , except you come in the latter season of the year , when probably it may not be found . you may returne at night to the rochelle , from whence you have a messenger to paris , upon the way to which there is nothing that i need to trouble you with , except poictiers , that i have not seen my self , and therefore can say nothing of ; from poicteirs your way is to amboise midway betwixt tours and blois of which before . i must advertise you here , that if you please you may make this tour an other way viz. to nantes , as in the former advice concerning the petit tour , as far as nantes , from thence to the rochell , bourdeaux , toulouse , narbonne , montpellier , avignion , and so all the rest throw provence ; and then back to avignion , from whence to lions , and so to paris with the messenger , or coach , which you like best . for your better understanding in the country , it will be fit to carry a map , or carte of france along with you , to look upon the situation of every place as you pass , for doing of which a litle time will suffice once a day . let it be illuminat for the more easie discerning the different counties and their bounding . you will do well likewise to carrie a book with you in 80. called le voyage de france , which will inform you of many particulars , that either were not at all seen and observed by me , or else have escaped my memory ; and indeed it is no great wonder if they have , having been so lazie as not to make any memoire of them whilst they were yet recent in my mind . and this is one reason of the tumultuarinesse and disorder of this letter , but i am well pleased to think , that by the amendements you will make both in seeing , observing , and writing down all things more particularly , we shall have occasion afterward to put the voyage in a better dress ; i must likeways beg your pardon for not having writen to you sooner , having been several times called out of town since i began to write this letter : if you find it tedious in reading , blame your self for being the cause thereof , and be the more patient , in regard i shall not have occasion to be any more so tedious , unless you go for italy , and give me a timeous advice of your intentions . i shall conclude all with my best wishes for your health & happy return , & most earnestly intreat you not to grudge us with the effects of a spare hour , that seeing at this distance , we cannot be so happy , as to enjoy you personally ; we may at least by this next best way entertain a correspondence , which i assure you will be a great kindness to your friends here , but to none so much as to my self who cannot be indifferent in any thing , that concernes you , and therefore cannot but be sollicitous , to hear often from you , as the only thing , that can supply the want of your person , so much desired and longed for , by &c. letter iii. containing advice for travelling into italy . written to a friend it is much better to go into italy in the latter end of autumn , than in the spring ; because the change of the air is not so much from one extreme to another in that season , as in the other ; for the mildness of the winter in italy ( especialy upon the south side of the appennine ) doth not so much recede from the temperatness of autumn in france , as the heat of summer in italy exceeds the mildness of the spring in france . it is certain , that if a man intend to stay but a half a year , it is better to begin the journey in autumn , and finish it in the spring , than to begin in the spring , and finish it in autumn , and so be obnoxious to the excessive heats of summer . if one intend to stay one or more years , it is undoubtedly best to begin the journey in autumn , because the winter , being much more clement than usually it falls out with us , will be easily supported , & all the heat that happens in the following summer , in regard it comes by degrees , will not so readily affect the body , that hath been already inured to the air of the climate , for some time before . the most convenient way of making the toure of italy , ( in my opinion ) is to go through provence to cane , a small inconsiderable town upon the frontiers of provence , and there to hire a felluck to genoua , and , if you cannot get one at cane , to go to nize , which is but six or seven leagues further , where you will be sure to find one ; a felluck is ordinarily of four oares , and hath this advantage that you go in it ter ' a terre , that is so near the land , that in the case of any danger by storm or otherwise , you may easily run on shoar and escape it , and besides , land as often as there is any town or other thing worthy the seeing , and likewayes ly a shoar every night , at some good town or other . a felluck will serve to carrie half a dozen of persons with ease , besides the rowers : the price is not fixt but more or less as the fellucks happen to be more or fewer in number . ours cost us about 11 or 12 crowns , in regard there were but few at cane , but you may chance to get one for 8 , or 9. especially if ye be few in number and not much baggage ; you may provide every morning to take along with you , wine and what victuals you please , the rather because sometimes it will happen that you will have no conveniency of any town about mid-day , and therefore must dine aboard your fellucke . the first thing you will meet with , worthy the taking notice of , is nize , a city belonging to the duke of savoy , it lyes near to the sea syde , at the very foot of the alps , and hath a very strong cittadale belonging thereto : some two miles from thence stands villa franca , one of the best ports in italy , it belongs likewise to the duke of savoy , and is guarded with two castles , one whereof stands on the top of a rock , upon which growes in great aboundance the ficus indica . some three miles farther upon the coast stands the town and palace of monaco , or morgues , it is a principalitie by it self , and hath very litle land belonging to it : the place is strong standing upon a rock , which is not accessible , save at the side where the palace stands , and where it joynes with the land , all the rest being compassed with the sea. in the palace they use to show 1. the princes wairdrob , in which there is good store of silver plate , and other rich furniture , 2. severall rooms as halls , galleries , chambers &c. well furnished with hangings , cabinets , pictures , &c. 3. a little garden upon the top of the rock , behind the palace , made up of earth brought thither on purpose . at the foot of the hill near the town there are store of carobe trees , or siliqua dulcis , bauhini in pinace . i must not omit to tell you that you must be sure at your first leaving of france in the last town that you happen to be in , whither it be cane or any other , to get a certificate of your health and freedome from the plague , as also of the freedom of that town . there are persons appointed in every place for giving of such bills , or patents de sainte , as they call them . their subscriptions are known to the next townes about , where you are to go , so that it is not easie to counterfit , and besides it were very dangerous to doe so ; they are very scrupulous in this matter upon all the coast of liguria , for fear of contagion ; so that when you arrive at any town , before you go a shore , you must send one of your boat-men , with your certification to be shown to such as are appointed for those matters in that place , who immediately upon the sight of the bill permit you , la practica , that is libertie to stay in the town as long as you please , and do what you will. when you part from that , you must take a new certificat to the next place , and so of the rest untill you come at ligorn , where this niceness will end . you must carrie with you no secret weapon , as dagger , pocket pistols , or the like : and this is general all over italy , except only in the kingdom of naples , and states of venice and milan , where it is permitted to wear daggers . at most towns in italy , you will be oblidged to leave yonr hulster-pistols , and sometimes your sword with the guard at the gate you enter in by : and then they will ask you , by what gate you are to go out , and accordingly your arms will wait for you , which they will know to be yours , by the delivery of a nick-stick given you as you enter , and which for that purpose , you must carefully keep . in most places , strangers are permitted to weare their swords . your cloak-bag likeways will be visited at every town , to to see that there be no customable goods in it , and if there be any books , you must give up a list of them to the visitor , or inquisitor appointed for that end , and he will signe it with order to let them pass , providing , there be no prohibited book amongst them , for if there were any such , it would be dangerons ; yet there are wayes enough to convey books , or any other thing of whatsoever nature , or quality , from any sea-port , without any danger , which you will easily understand , after your being a while in the country . from monaco you will easily reach oneglia , which is at about twelve miles distance , and about 5 miles further albenga , from thence you have seven miles to n●li , & ten more to savona , from whence there rests five miles to genoua , all the coast , of liguria , from nize to genoua , & some days journey beyond genoua towards ligorn , is nothing but rude alps , for the most part infertile and unhabitable , except towards the bottom near the sea , where there are little smal valleys here and there , both delicious and fruitfull . for the rest it is wonderfull to see with what industry & trouble , they have been able to place little smal villages , as it were in the clefts of the hills , and plant olive trees , where one would think nothing but crows could venture to big . all this tract is extreamly hot , especially in summer , being directly opposit to the south , and altogether guarded from the north , so that the reflection of the sun beames , makes a heat almost insupportable . genoua la superba , so called from the sumptuousness of its buildings , and so they use to give other epithets to other towns , as roma la saneta , fiorenza la bella , bolognia la grassa , padua la dotta , venetia la rieta , &c. it is said that genoua has montagnie senza legno , mare senze pesce , donne senza vergonia , & gente senza sede . it is a republick & the government administred by a senate . it is a city of great trade and very rich , and it is said they account usury no great sin : it being their maxim , that cento per cento e niente , cento cinquanto per cinto e quelcha cosa , du cento per cento e quadagnio hone●io . you may take notice in the place ; first , of the situation of the town , and so you may herbarize towards the west-side . 2ly . the senate house , 3ly . the churches , and particularly that of st. lorenzo , which is the cathedrall , a stately fabrick crusted with marble . 4ly . that famous street , called la strada nova , which is composed of so many palaces , most of them of marble : you must by all means endeavour to see the most considerable palaces . within you will find them most delicatly adorned with all sorts of fine things , as statues , paintings , &c. you must also see their gardens , where besides severall sorts of flowers , shrubs , and trees , you will likeways find delicat fountains , fish-ponds , and grotto's ; as particularly in the palace of the principe d'oria ; i would likeways have you see the palace of signior baldi , and some other houses of pleasure especially towards the sea-port , where they stand at the foot of the hill over looking one another as they mount in degrees in form of a theatre , and all of them having a full view of the sea-port , which is very spacious and very deep ; but in my opinion , not so very well guarded from stormes . that which i find most considerable in it is , the mole , which secures the entrie thereof , it being the best and strongest and in the deepest water i ever saw . at the east end of the port there is a litle promontory called capo de fara , upon which stands a high turret , which they call la lanternâ , from the top whereof they use to discover all vessells at sea at a considerable distance . 5ly . forget not to visit the book-sellers , but in regard this is a generall remark not to be omited , in every town where there any , i shall say no more of it here , but shall put you in mind of it now and then . from genoua you must again provide your self of a felluck to ligorn , which you will find readier and at an easier rate , because of the more frequent traffick and intercourse , than from cane or nize , you will pass by porta fino , leresi , viaregia , &c. and you wil not find many things considerable more than i have already noted on the coasts of liguria betwixt genoua and nize , except that when ye pass leresi a litle , you begin to discover a large plain , part of which belongs to the state of genoua , and therein are the quarries that furnish all italy with the best marble , and the rest is the principality of massa ; for the better seeing of which if you please you may go from genoua by horse to ligorne . tuscany begins about viaregia , the greatest part whereof is under the dominion of the great duke of tuscany . ligorn is no antient , but yet a very handsom and well built city , by ferdinand the first , great duke of tuscany , of whom you will see a most stately statue or rather colosse , with slaves chain'd at his feet , on each side kneeling ; a litle without the gate as you go to the sea-port . the town is regularly fortified , they say , by the contrivance of the duke of northumberland , who was banished out of england in the reign of queen eli●abeth , and well receaved and much esteemed by the then duke of tuscany , for his excellent parts and qualifications . the duke for incouragment of trade hath granted great immunities to merchants of all nations whatsomever , which is the great cause that the town flourishes so much in trade , and is so well peopled : severall nations have established great factories here , but especialy the english and hollanders who have made this place , as it were the staple of all their commerce into the levant . the jews also have a very great freedome here and are not distinguished by any particular mark , as in other places , from other merchants , but live honourably in a particular street of the town , built by themselves , yet not sequestrated from the rest of the town by any wall or gate , as they use to be in all other places , where i have seen them . the english merchants live very splendidly , and are very hospitable and courteous , especially , to their countrymen , that travell that way , under which name they comprehend all that are subject to our king : the jews synagogue here is the best in italy ; and therefore worthy your seeing . they observe our saturnday , so that if you please to stay , you may see their form of worship . you must take particular notice of the sea-port , which is undoubtedly the most secure and finest in all italy , in which you will see the great dukes gallies , which he kee●s for a guard , to his countrey against the turks men of war. it is worth the while to see a gallie put out to sea , or , as she comes in , for so one may see the discipline of the slaves to whom the bosson delivers the word of command by the noise of a whisle , the diversitie whereof they are as well acquainted with , as horse-men with a trumper , or foot with a drum. if you be diligent you may meet with severall curiosities , some naturall , some of art , especially from the levant , and all at reasonable rates : and for the more commodious doing of this , it will be fitting to make acquaintance with severall merchants , especially english , who will either inform you themselves , where such things are to be found , or else address you to such persons in the town , as may best hap to do it . it is likeways necessary for you to have such acquaintance , and amongst them some one confident for returning you money from england , or at least for returning you , what money you have not present use for , to florence , as also for keping correspondence with ; that by this means , you may send any thing you please to your confident at london . and because this advice may be usefull in many other places ; i shall be more particular in it here for all . i suppose then you were to send any little ball for trunk from ligorne to london ; your way would be first to pass it at the custom house , where , i think books , and curiosities pay nothing but yet you must have an order for shipping of them , then you must agree with some english master of a ship , bound for london , for the portage , and accordingly draw a bill of loading — which is of a common stile bearing , that such a ball or coffer marked , — ( and sometimes it says , marked as on the margen , and then the mark whether it be letters or figures or both , which is put upon the goods , is likeways placed upon the margen of the bill ) is imbarked this — day of — and year of god — aboard the good ship called — now in the port of ligorn , and bound for london , whereof mr : — under god is master , the which ball is consignable at london to mr — merchant &c. or bis order , for which he is to pay — english mony , he receiving the said ball well conditioned , without skaith or damage , there must be three copies of this bill , one you must subscribe , and give to the master of the ship , for 〈◊〉 warrand to carrie his fraught . the other two he must subscribe and give to you , whereof you must send one by post with a particular letter of advice , to your correspondent at london , to warrand him to call for the goods , at the master of the ship ; and the other you must keep by you for your own security , in case there should be any miscarriage , either through the skipper , or merchants fault , and then your goods may be imbarked . if you were to send from florence , then you must in the like manner pass your goods at the custom-house ; if there be any books among them , you must have a particular licence as i noted formerly , and then cause unball them at the custom-house , and set your mark upon them , and find out some boat going for ligorn , ( which you will be sure to do , ) and take a note under the boat-masters hand of the recept of such goods so marked , consignable to such a ma●n merchant in ligorn , for which he is to pay so much fraught , he receiving the goods well conditioned . this note you must send by the post to your merchant in ligorn , together with your acquittance at the custom house of florence , which will serve to acquit them at ligorn ; together also with particular advice to dispatch them by the first good occasion for london , and to take bills of loading for them , whereof you must desire one copie to be sent to your self , which you must keep for your security , as said is ; from rome you must use the same conveyance to ligorn : but from venice you must address immediately for london , and in the same manner as from ligorn . if you be to send any thing over land , where you go not along your self , you must make two letters of voiture ( having first agreed for the carriage at the rate of so much per cent. ) whereof you must give one to the carrier , which is a kind of advice to the person you address your goods to , which is in this form : suppose from turine to lions , you write thus , sir i have sent a bundel marked — by — indweller in this town , and carrier to lions , addressed to you , which i desire you would be pleased to receive , and being in good condition , pay for it at the rate of — per cent. and i shall hold you account thereof , or otherways place it to the account of — at paris , to whom i desire you to address the bundell and send it with the first good occasion , and i shall be accountable to him . the carrier will part from hence , such a day being the — day of — and will arrive at lions the — day thereafter , the bundell contains no merchant goods , being only books , &c. for my own privat use and therefore not customable i rest . sir , yours &c. the other letter of voiture is an obligation under the carriers hand to you , which you must send by the post to your correspondent at lions . the form of it ought to be as follows . i vnder subscribed carrier of turin , acknowledge to have received from — the — day of — at turin a bundell marked — weighing — addressed to — merchant of lions to whom i promise to deliver it in good condition at lions , ( with the help of god ) or to his order , he paying me at the rate of — per cent. therefore . in witness whereof i have subscribed their presents with my hand at turin the — day of — anno — i have been the more particular in these things , because altho' they may seem to be triffles , to those that are conversant in such matters , yet a small mistake , may be the occasion of a great miscarriage . i shall now return to put you in mind of some other particulars , and 1. that in this place , oisters are a very great delicat , there being but one person that has priviledge to sell them , for which he payes a considerable sum to the great duke ; i know not well from whence they are brought , but i am sure it is from a considerable distance : they are keept in the town-ditch , on the east side of the town , which is full of salt water , because it hath communion with the sea ; the keeper hath a little house hard by , and according to the number bargained for , takes them alive & very fat out of the ditch , & sells them at the rate of a pistole the hundred . they are many times put into the ditch little , and keept untill they be big enough , they taste very well , and are by far the best in italy . 2. to the east-ward of the town , about a mile or little more , there is an hill called monte nero , upon which there is good harbarizing . you will do well to take a horse and a guide with you to the place . from ligorn you have 15 miles of smooth and plain way to pisa. it is an ancient city , sometimes a common-wealth by it self , and then both rich and populous : but since it was reduced under the command of the great duke of tuscany , it is neither of the two ; the far greater part of the inhabitants , after the town was reduced , chusing rather to abandon their native country , than their liberty , or at least preferring a voluntar subjection abroad , to a necessitated slavery at home . the city is large and beautifull , divided , as it were in two by the river arno , and again conjoyned by a beautifull bridge , of white marble . the air of this place , in winter , is judged to be more temperate than that at florence , & therefore the great duke uses to pass the winter here . there are many things considerable in this town ; as , 1st . the great church , which is a stately fabrick , and well adorned within , as also the batistaria whereof the doores , as also of the great church , are all covered with massive brass , cast into delicat figures . 2ly . the crooked steeple , which leanes to one side very far from the perpendicular ; some people alledge it was purposely so built , but i am more apt to beleeve that the ground hath miss-given on the one side by little and little , or rather insensibly , which may be some part of the reason , why it hath hung together so long without falling , to which the excellencie of the cement and workman-ship hath contributed very much ; my opinion , to one that narrowly observes , will not appear to be unreasonable , for the outside is of so many rows of small pillars going round about , and the lower-most row , on that side that it leanes to , is more than half hid in the ground , where as those of the other are wholy to be seen ; which i suppose could not have happened otherways , than as i have said . 3ly . the buriall place , which is the most stately i ever saw , being a long quadrangle , well walled and galleried about , in the midle whereof are very many monuments of great antiquity , of many of the ancient noble families of pisa. they are most of them of white marble in shape like a coffine , wherein the body of the dead persons was laid : some of them are carved in one fashion and some of them in another , and some of them into excellent figures . 4ly the dukes palace . 5ly . the physical garden , together with the rarities that are keept in a gallery belonging to the garden , where you will see a very great collection of natural curiosities . the garden uses to have very rare exotick plants ; but in regard you can have no access to it , except by the recommendation of the physitian , that is professor of botany for the time , therefore i think it will be worth your while to make your address to him , for a libertie , first , to see the garden and gallery ; secondly , to get from the gardener or himself , the seeds , of such as you have a mind to , and a peece of the plant for drying , if you think fitting ; you must not be negligent here , for this is one of the best gardens in italy , & in my opinion preferable to that of padua , especially for exotick plants . the university , for the whole estate of tuscany , is keep'd here , and if you please you may see the schooles for all professions , and particularly that for the lawes , where the most renowned bartholus did teach . amongst the booksellers you may find something to accommodat you , because it is an university town , and i shall tell you here , because i do not remember to have it done as yet , that , generally speaking , all sort of books in italy , are cheaper than in any other place where i have been . i pray you remember to get a couple of the catalogues of the garden there , of the last edition . from pisa , you have but a small half days journey , of very pleasant way , to luca , which is a delicat little town , a republick by it self , and having but a very small territory belonging to it ; it is well and regularly fortified with a dry ditch , which is keept very cleane and in good order , and allways green : the republick is governed by a prince or chief magistrat , whom they choose of their own town , and change him every two month : so soon as any one is chosen , he must leave his own house and friends , and retire himself to the publick palace , where he is assisted by some other of the nobles , & cannot come out untill his government be finished . the humour of the people is chearfull and very civil , and contrary to the custome of all italy , men and women converse freely amongst themselves or with strangers . they use balls & danceing , much after the french fashion ; the religious people use to distill spirits and essences , whereof you may provide what quantitie you please , both good , and good cheap , i wish you might help a friend to some of orange-flowers and myrtles ; the religious women likeways use to make very prettie things , and particularly i remember they use to sell stomagers of quilted silk , which most people use to wear in the winter-time , of one fashion or another . from luca , if you please , you may go to pisloia , and so to florence , or otherways returne to pisa , and from thence , either by coach or horse , to florene . if the weather be not too hot , it is better to go on horse-back , in regard of the prospect of the countrie , which cannot be had in a coach. florence is a new town , but one of the most beautifull in all italy , and therefore called fioren● a la bella ; it is situated upon the river arno , which divides it in two sev●rall places , over which stands four fair bridges . the city is counted at least six miles in compass ; the beautie of it consistes in the stateliness of the buildings , the great number of palaces , the neateness and cleannesse of the streets , occasioned by the largeness and smoothnes of the stones , with which it is paved ; the many large places , fountains , statues , churches , towers , convents & gardens ; of all which it hath very many of the best in italy . there is scarce any thing in this city ; which is not very well worthie to be taken notice of ▪ but particularly . 1. the dukes two palaces , the old and the new ; in the new the great duke himself keeps his court. it is a ●ost magnificent structure , o● the t●scan order of architecture , but not finished as yet ; the garden belonging thereto is very well furnished , with rare plants and flowers ; of which the catalogue is printed , of which i desire you to bring alongs a couple of copies . it will not be a miss to make acquaintance with the gardener ; for , so you will get what seeds you please . the old palace stands in the great place of the city , in the midle of which place there is a stately colossus of brass , of cosmus great duke of florence a horse back , by the model whereof that of henry the great upon the new bridge of paris was made . near to the entrie into the palace there are severall other noble statues of marble : within the palace it self is that so much famed , over the world , gallerie , which is composed of many roomes , containing great varietie of the choisest curiosities ; as sta●ues , busta's , baserelieues , paintings , drawings , prints , cabinets , jewels , cameo's , intaillia's , with all sorts of anticailles , with an infinite number of master-peeces of latter times . amongst other things , there is a chamber or two full of all sorts of armes , amongst which those of charles the great and roland , with severall swords of henry the great , also a great number of cymiters , some whereof have their scabbards set with rubies , emeralds , and other precious stones . there is an ancient buckler with a medusa's head , painted by michael angelo bona rota . i remember to have observed some ancient casaques , whose weight i am confident no head could sustain , unless so adjusted to the rest of the armour , and that to the sadle , that the horse must have carried all . you must endeavour to get a writen inventure of the severall curiosities in the gallerie , for without that it is not possible to remember every particular ; within this palace , the great duke uses to keep the most excellent artisans he can meet with , of all trades , to whom he gives considerable salaries and priviledges , whom you will do well to see , but especially the stone-cutters , of whose art i intreat you to take particular notice , and what instruments they use , and learne at least as much of it as may serve to polish stones . amongst other curiosities of this trade , you may see a new way of mosaick work , wherein the figure is compleated most delicatly , both as to the parts and colours thereof , by the natural colours of the severall peeces of stones assembled together ; and which is strange , all the lights and shadows requisite in painting is herein observed ; so that they can imitate nature allmost as fully this way as in painting it self . this way differs from the old mosaick , in that the particular peeces that compose it , are of different figures according as the colours require ; for example , a cherrie because it is all of one colour , therefore it may be represented by a red stone of a round figure in one peece , but the stalk of it must be of an other different figure : but in the old way , all the peeces were quadrangular , whatsoever might be the colour or thing to be represented , and of this kind of mosaick you will see a most excellent peece in st. peters church at rome , representing st. michael the arch-angel treading upon the devil . in this palace likeways , the great duke keeps a chymical laboratorie , called la funderia , wherein are made very many notable preparations with great faithfullness , especially spirits and essences , which may be bought here at reasonable rates , and without fear of being cheated , as to the goodnes of the things , 2ly . severall churches and convents , particularly the dome the out-side whereof is the most beautifull in europe , being all crusted with black. white and red marble , fit●y placed together in regular figures . the church within is paved with black and white marble , and richly adorned with chapels and altars ; the cupola is very large and fine insomuch that the golden ball upon the top of it , which is able to contain a great many persons , does not appear from the ground to be bigger than a good foot-bal ; near to the dome stands jota's towre , one of the most admirable peeces of architecture , in the world ; being a square steeple , without any spite on the top of it , all crusted with black , white and red marble , in most regular figures from the top to the bottom ; near to it stands the round chapel of st. john delicately payed with marble , and adorned with statues , with a rich vase adorned with precious stones , wherein the children are baptised . the doors of the chapel are of brass , all in figures of personage in base-relieve of most admirable workmanship ; in this chapel is the sepulchre of jota , that renown'd painter and architect , upon whom there are some excellent latin verses there ingraven , which i have lost , but ●o●mend to you to take a copie thereof . in the church of st. spirito ; there is an altar ha●cost above a hundred thousand crowns , which were left by a florentin gentleman for that effect . in the church de sancta cr●ce , ( i h●ve ●orgot whether i● belongs to the 〈◊〉 or ja●obi●● ; ) michael ang●●o bona rota i● interred , and it is said at his own desire , that he might lye within the view of jota's towre , which he did so much admire in his lifetime ; upon his tome there are three most delicate statues , the one represents painting ; the second , sculpture ; the third architecture : in which three arts , he was so great a master . st. laurence church was magnificently built by cosmo de medicis , whose scpulchre is to be seen there . there is that famous chapel , which the dukes continually labour to finish . it is the most glorious thing extant in the world , there being already bestowed upon the workman-ship thereof above eight millions of gold , and i beleeve a considerable deal more will not perfect it . it is not very large , but built round ; it is all mosaik , both the floore , roofe and sides ; and the least considerable stones that compose it , are jasper , porphir , alabaster , lapis lazuli &c. there are severall nests in the wall about , where the statues of the dukes are to stand as they lived and succeeded to the another . the great altar is not yet set up , because of peoples being still at work in the chapel , nor is it yet altogether finished , but yet there is so much done , that to look upon it , one should hardly think there were any thing wanting . it is keept in the dukes wardrobe in the old palace , of which i forgot to speake formerly , and therefore tell you now that it is one part of the old palace which you must not faile to see , there being in it a vast treasure of silver and gold plate , with many other precious things . the altar is keept in a little room by it self , i shall not under-take to descrive it particularly , but only desire you to consider well every part of it , the richness of the materials and excellencie of the workemanship , the mosaicks , and the christall pillars , and i believe you will easily excuse my holding by the general , and omitting to speak of particulars : i do truely think that the beauties and excellencies of this chapel and altar , are so great and so many , that they deserve a particular book to make them known to the world , and it may be there is some such work intended , or alreadie extant , which if it be i am confident you will take care to have it . i must give you notice in this place , that you will doe well to treat with some of those men that work about the chapel , or else with some of those stone-cutters in the gallery for some small peeces of all the species of stones ; let them be of such a bigness as may easily serve to know them by . i make no doubt but you may get them at a reasonable rate . but i must earnestly intreat you to mind those two species of stones which are found in quarries not farr from florence , whereof the one naturally represents townes and landscapes , the other is some what whiter , and has trees and forrests represented on it , by little black draughts ; i remember to have shown you a small peice of each sort , but now i would have , two or three larger peeces of both the sorts , of about a span-length , and of the best marked , for i intend to put them in frames , as a cheif ornament of my tradescants . i shall hold you compt for the price . 3. the place where the wild beasts are keept . it is a long square peece of ground walled about , and galleried on the top for spectators ; under the galleries are litle cells that open to the place , in each of which there is keept a severall wild beast , such as lyons , tygers , leopards , woolfs , beares , &c. these have their keeper that waits upon them , and feeds them , and when the great duke commands , they are brought out , one or more , as he pleases , and bated with dogs , or otherwise set to fight with one another , upon such occasions strangers are permitted to see . 4. the book-sellers ; of which there are prettie store here and those well furnished too . you cannot miss of a casalpinus de plantis or two , for it was printed in this place . if you can get his appendix ad libros de plantis , you will oblidge me to bring it with you ; it was printed by it self at rome . you may possibly meet with other good books , for it is ordinar when learned men die ▪ for book-sellers to buy their books . i must likeways put you in mind to buy a printed paper for me , that was published at florence , called testis examinatus ; it containes two or three figures of the testicles with a short description thereof , in one single leaf . there is one dr. kirton dr. of physick , he is a very civill and obligeing gentleman ; if he be yet alive he will be your interpreter : and if you need not that , he will help you to expede the rest of your affairs ; in short , both his counsell and his company are to be esteemed ; he is an english man born , low in stature and prettie ancient . you must not faill in this place to take notice , of the variety of fruits , & wines ; as the red florence wine , which is counted the best for ordinar drinking , being stomachical and without sweetnes . the white florence wine , which is sweet ; verdea , which is delicious small sweet white wine ; monte pulciano , white and red , both very good wines , so called from the place they grow upon , and many more such . if you happen to be here in the summer time , especially when the grapes are ripe , you will find in the markets great varietie of fowles and small birds , whereof i intreat you to take notice , but especially of those kinds , that are not common with us , and try to get their skins , which may be easily done , when the bird hath not been long dead ; the rump must be left at it for preserving of the taile ; the head , wings and feet must be likewise left , and only tbe body taken out , & so the skin filled with flax or cotton . this i intreat you to remember to doe wheresoever you shall happen to be in the summer time , and if any such occasion present it self to you in winter , not to ommit it . from florence to rome you have 140. miles ; there are severall wayes of travelling , viz. by coach , by procaccio or messenger with whom you agree for so much ; as is usuall in france : and by the viturin , that is , by hyring of horse at a certain rate , & paying for your own entertainment at every part as you pass . if you be acquainted with the customes of the countrey , and have language enough to make your self understood , this last way is the best , because you will be sure to fare better , and cost you no more , than you would otherwise pay to the messenger , who will be sure to provide the worst chear for you , that he may make the better for himself : in short , it is best to be master of your own purse , and not live at the discretion of your conductor . i have forgot hitherto to tell you that there is some incommoditie for travellers upon the road , as to their bedding , their cloaths espiecially , the sheets being for the most part very nasty , and it is but now and then that either money or fair words can procure a pair of clean sheets . the best remedy i know is not to put off ones cloaths , and to wrap ones self , especialy the head , in their cloak , that the face and hands may not touch any unclean thing ; in short a litle patience will do it , and you will be sure to be better accomodated in good towns. the places you are to pass by , are cheifly these as follows . florence . s. casciano 9 miles le tavernelle 8 miles pogibonzo 5 miles staggia 4 miles siena 9 miles montarone 5 miles lucignano 3 miles bonconvento 5 miles tornieri 5 miles s. quirie 4 miles la scala 4 miles ricorso 4 miles la paglia 5 miles ponte centino 9 miles acquapendente 2 miles s. lorenzo 3 miles bolsena 4 miles montefiascone 6 miles viterbo 8 miles ronciglione 10 miles monterosi 8 miles roma 20 miles there are not many considerable things to be seen upon this road ; siena was a republick by itself , but was reduced by the emperour charles the 5th . and by his son philip gifted to the great duke of tuscany , under whose power it still remains . the town is of a good bigness , and commended for it's situation , and the purity of the italian tongue . the dome or great church is a statly fabrick ; it is paved with marble , but especialy the quire , upon which is most curiously graven the history of abraham sacrificeing his son , and history of the maccabees , and for the better preservation of them they are covered with matts . there is likewise an entrie from the church to the bibliotheck of aeneas sylvius , who was born in this town . he was once legat from the pope into scotland , and afterwards created pope himself , and took the name of pius secundus . he was a man of great learning . the late pope alexander vii . was native of this place , of the family of chigi ; his statue is to be seen in the great church . the greatest part of the and the towre belonging to it are of black and white marble without . in the church of st. dominic , amongst other relicts , is preserved the head of st. catharine of siena . the tovvne is well watered with many fine fountains . the great place is made with a kind of descent theatre ways , so that from the middle of the place you may see all that walk in it . montefiascone is famous for a most delicious kind of muscatello wine , which you must be sure to tast. the messenger uses to dine without the town , but you will be sure to fare better and get better wine within ; there goes a storie that a german killed himself in this place with drinking excessivly of this muscat . as you goe from thence to viterbo you will find a kind of aspalathus , which i take to be acacia altera angularae . it growes as high as our broom , and is plentifull enough , so that you will easily discover it . from viterbo , all that distance to rome is called the campania of rome , in which it is thought most dangerous to sleep in the summer time , therefore if you fortune to travel it in summer , whither to rome or from it ( the same is under stood of 40. miles distance round about rome ) you must be sure not to sleep in the campania , which you may easily avoid by travelling in the night . when you arrive at rome you must give up your name at the port ; your countrey , the place from which ●ou came last , and the house you goe to lodge at : and from thence you must go a la dogano , or to the custom house , where your cloakbag must be searched , and from thence to your lodg●ng place , according to the billet given ●ou at the port , without which no house ●eeper dare receave a stranger ; but they ●re things of course and effectuat without any trouble . you will doe well to lodge in a pension for the first week , untill you have made some acquaintance , by means whereof you may be fullie informed where to light upon a convenient camera locanda : there was two french pensions , and one english in my time . the first of the french was al monte d'oro . the second was nella strada del populo the english pension was in the same strada del populo , alla villa di londra : we had severall countrey men living in the town in my time , as particularly signior roberto pendrick , a worthie old gentleman , and most obligeing to his countrey men , he was my particular good friend ; and i make no doubt but you will find him so , for i hear he is still alive , and i wish he may be long so . he lives in a house of his own upon the triuita di monte . there is an other called signior don gulielmo lesly , he is chaplain to cardinal carlo barberino and lives nella cancellaria . i dare be confident to give you this man for one of the most faithfull friends in the world , and one in whose goodness , prudence , kindness , and good conduct you may trust ten thousand lives : to be short you will find i am not mistaken , when i call him deliciae humani generis , for in all my lifetime i never knew another like him , make it their whole work and study to find opportunities to oblige every countrey-man according to his condition : the p●●r of them , with food and rayment and whatsoever else they may stand in need of , and all other men with continual offices of civility . by his means you will get to see many of these things i shall recommend to you hereafter . if i know of your going to italy in time , i shall have a letter there before you . your best convenience for lodging and diet will be a camera locanda . you may take it in that place of the town that suits best with your occasions , you will pay for it by the month , less or more according to the goodness of the chamber and furniture thereof . as for your diet it will be drest in the house , and you must tell at night what you intend to eat next day , that they may provide it for you : as for the prices you cannot be easily cheated , because as to that , most things are regulated , and in the quantitie it is not possible you should be overreached because all things are sold by weight . there are severall kinds of bread used in this city , but that which is called papaline is undoubtedly the best . there are likewise many sorts of wines , some of them galliardi or strong , as greco , muscatello di saragosa , lagrima &c. others are legieri , or small , and they are many ; the best for common use is albano , which you may drink pure : and it is remarkable that there are but few places in italy where water may be drunk safely , and because one may be mistaken in the choise , the best remedy is to drink none at all . there are great variety of fruits according to the seasons of the year , i shal only desire you to be cautious , and not to eat too much or too often of any , but especialy , of melons , cucumbers , and the malanzane , or mala insana , which are a kind of solanum pomiferum . there are good store and many kinds of fishes , especialy sea fish , whereof the best are , sols , il pisce capone &c. the tunino is a great fish as big as our salmond , and red like it , but harder and dryer a great deale , the bellie of it is verie fatt and they use to salt and sell it in the taverns , being sliced in small peeces upon a trencher ; fresh sturgeon is very common ; lobsters are much harder and worse to disgest than ours : as for fleshes , bufalo is only eaten by the poorer sort of people ; beif which they call vacina is good ; vitella campo reccia , or hudron is good , but above all the vitella mongana or sucking veal . lamb is worth nothing , nor mutton either , which they call castrato , and serves only to make broath for sick people ; kids are good . in the winter-time there is is abundance of sangliers or wild boars , as also porcepics . the snow in that season , driving them from the hills to the valleys , where they are killed by the hunters . there is likeways great variety of fowl. there is none so common as quailes , at two seasons of the year , that is , the spring when they come into italy , and the latter end of autumn , at which time they are much fatter and better when they go from it . it is said that they draw together to the coast side , and there wait for the rest of their number a whole moneth , and then at last , their caravan being complete , they flee away nearer the sunn in a great cloud . the pigione sotto hanca are the biggest and fattest , and best for eating in the world : they are good in all seasons of the year . about the time of vintage there are great variety of small birds , all very fatt & good , and at easie rates , amongst which the ortolani , and beccafiche are most esteemed . as for the things to be seen here , they are so many , and so considerable , that it would require a large volume to describe them , and there are abundance of such books extant , to which i referr you , and especially to one in 80. called l' antichita di roma di andrea fulvio : but you must not fail to get an antiquario , who for a certain summ of two or three crowns will show you all the particular antiquities and considerable places of the town , and as for the fuller information of them your book will serve you : i shall only hint at somethings worthie to be taken notice of ; 1. the court ; that is , the pope , cardinals , prelates , monsigniorie &c. there are some great holy days , when the pope celebrats mass in person ; it will be sit to wait upon some of these occasions , for then you will see the grandeur of the court and the forme of a cavalcata , together with the popes ordinary guards . 2. the churches . 3. the palaces ; especially those of the vatican , together with the bibliotheck and gardens of belvidere , in which amongst other things take particular notice of the statue of ly●aon with the serpents wreathed about him ; there is an other garden also belonging to the vatican , in which there are many exotick plants , it was planted by the popes order , by tobias aldinus and is keept still in reasonable good order ; amongst other things you will find the cameripses , or camedactylus , of the bigness of a low tree and carrying fruit ; there is likewise a grotta or water work , and very fine fountains of water , about which grows plentifully the capillus veneris major or ramosus . and arum aegyptium mathioli , sive colocasia , which is a plant carying no stalk , flowr nor fruit in italy ( i know not what it does in its native soyle ) but only broad leaves very large and round . the palace of farnese ; and in it that gallery whereof the painting in fresco by aniball caraccio is so famous , and the tauro which is kept in a little house a part , in the back court of the palace . it is the noblest piece of art extant in rome altho it be very antient , as being one of those named by pliny , to have been in his time in foro trajani ; yet it is not only intire , but as beautifull as if it had never been moved out of the place it stands in now . the palace of principe pamphilio ; it stands in the piazza navona , where you may take notice of that glorious fountain made by cavelier bernini , whereupon the top of a little artificial rock , are placed , four great delicate marble statues , representing the foure great rivers of the world , and each of them pouring out of a vale placed under one arme , a great quantitie of water , and in the middle of the four there stands one of these gulias graven with aegyptian hieroglyphicks , brought from a●gypt by the antient romans . they use to stop the way-goe of the water , sometimes in the summer , and lett the place overflow with water , and then people come toward the evening , in their coaches , and drive softly up and down the water to take the fresco , which is one of the greatest gusto's in rome . palazzo borghese , standing near to the ripetta . palazza palistrino ; and in it the library , where you may see two copies of the hortus eystetensis , one illuminated and the other not ; mr. lesty will command you a sight of that when you please , for it belongs to cardinall francisco barberino . the popes palace of monte cavallo , and the gardens thereof . 4. the villa's : as first that of borghese , which is without the walls : there is a particular book to be sold by the house keeper , that sufficiently descrives it and all the beauties of it , to which i refer you . 2ly . the villa or palazzo medici , belonging to the great duke of tuscany . it stands upon the monte trinita , the hall is adorned with a great many pillars standing about the walls , of most delicat marbles , and the originalls of a great many illustres and virtuosi . in one of the chambers there is a most beautifull statue of venus , of grecian antiquitie . in the garden there is a noble statue of cleopatra , the ruins whereof were repared by michaell angelo bona rota , and many other statues releiv's and vases , which for brevities sake i must omit , and refer you to the particular books that treat of those things , but most of all to your own diligence in viewing them and keeping a punctuall register of all that you see , and so i shall only name some of the villa's that remain , and are most considerable . as the villa montalto ; the villa ludovisi , where amongst other admirable things the statue of the dying gladiator is excellent . the villa farnesi ; the villa pamphilio , which is a pretie way without the walls , and the rest which i leave to your sight . 5ly . the castle of st. angelo , which formerly was the burial place of hadrian the emperor . 6. the hospitalls ; particularly that of st. spirito , which is a most magnificent structure , and well appointed in all things . they will show you amongst other remarkable things , the place where the children of such a bigness are permitted to be put in , without any further inquirie made after them , or who brought them . by this means the life of many a child hath ben saved , which otherways would have been taken away to prevent the disgrace of the parents . they are no sooner put in , but nurses are got for them : if they be boyes , when they come to a convenient age they are put to trades , according ro their several inclinations and capacities . but if they be girles , then when they come to the years of discretion , if they incline not to a religious life , every one of them is provided with so much portion to marry her with , out of the common revenue of the house ; and then upon a certain day appointed for that purpose ; all zitelle or maids come in procession , one after another , with their faces vail'd , and the men that come there upon such days , of purpose to choose a wife , ( for all of them have a like portions ) pitch upon such as please them best , and present them a nosegay , after which , she is sequestred from the rest , & the marriage solemniz'd , after the man has given information of himself and sufficient caution that he shall provide a lively-hood for her . there is a very fine little garden that belongs to the hospital lying just upon the tyber . it uses to be well furnished with plants , and i have seen the dictamnus creticus in flowre there . 7ly . the convents ; as particularly the french minims upon the monte trinita . in the upper gallerie of their cloyster there is a dyall , where the sun beams , entering by a small round hole , point the hours . it was made by marsennus that famous mathematician , a father of their countrie and order . they have likeways , in a particular part of their garden some rare plants , as malus punica flore amplissimo pleno & variegato . the minerva ; which was anciently the temple of minerva , and now is the chief convent of the domini●ans in rome . in my time there was a french father there called padre barilieri secretarie to the general for his nation ; he was a great virtuoso , and exceedingly well versed in the whole historie of nature ; he had a very curious collection of many naturall things , and was about to have published a large book in folio , wherein he had designed a natural history , with a great many cutts , which he showed me . if the book be published , i should be very glad to see it ; if he be alive , it will be worth your while to procure his acquaintance . he hath also a garden well stored with plants at st. xisto . the roman colledge ; where there is a famous shop and laboratorie for pharmacie , as also a garden . 8ly . the capitol ; the middle of the place before it , is the statue of the emperour marcus aurelius , a horse-back in brass ; it was brought thither from the place before st. john de lateran , and is thought one of the best modells in the world. at the top of the staires , as you enter into the place are two horses , one on every side held by a slave in marble . they were brought thither from the ruines of pompey's theatre . there is also in the same place two trophies of marius ; there is also columna milliaris , with a brass-ball on the top of it ; there used to be such a one at every miles end , upon the common roads ; & from thence came their fashion of counting the miles per lapides , as primo ab urbe lapide was a mile from the town &c. the capitol , as it now is , consists of three palaces all of excellent architecture , and beautified , both within and without with painting , statues , and other monuments of antiquitie ; the particular relation whereof i referr to the books that are written thereof , and particularly to one called roma antica & moderna , & to the particular demonstration of the antiquario , for i find it will be utterly impossible to discourse of every particular , unless i should resolve to compile a volumn . the rest of the monuments , and rests or rather ruins of antiquitie , i shall pass over , and only name a few of them ; as for example , first , the walls of the city , which were built by bellisarius captain of the guards to justinian the emperour . the breaches have been repaired by severall popes . the ports for the most part are the same they were anciently , only the porta del populo was made a great deal more stately , at the first entrie of chris●ina queen of sweden into rome . there is a long courten of the wall betwixt porta del populo and villa borghese , under which it seems the ground has misgiven , so that the wall bendeth , & is therefore called muro torto . near to this place also , is the burial place delle cortegiane , there being no christian burial or holy ground allowed to such persones . there is good herbarizing about the walls , especially on the out-side , and particularly you will find a plant there which is not common else where , at least that i have observed , viz. sature●a spicata sive thymbra s. juliani● 〈◊〉 satureia vera lobelii . upon the wall of the city , close by the port of st. paul● in via ostiensi ; there is yet extant a pyramid built of marble , which was the burial place of c. ces●ius septemvir epulonum . secondly . the old temples ; whereof there are so many that it would be tedious to describe them all , i shall only name some , viz. the pantheon now called madonna della rotunda ; it was built by marcus agrippa , son-in law to augustus caesar , in honour of all the gods. it had the fortune to escape almost totaly , the ruine , and fury , which the goths & vandals brought upon the roman empire and magnificence thereof . i admire the roofe of it , being so large and so flat without any pillar , to support it , and altho ' it be a vault , it hath no nevilstone to bind it in the middle , but in place thereof a round hole so wide that it lights the whole roome abundantly , nor is there any other window in the fabrick . the next thing i admire in it is ●he doore-cheeks and couple which is all of one peece of white marble . the door opens in two leaves , very wide & very high , they were covered with corinthian brass , as was also the whole roofe , until the time of vrban viii . who took it off , and covered it with lead as it now is , and made thereof the great altar of st. peters , and some peeces of ordinance , that are keept in the castel st. angelo , as will testifie a particular inscription at the side of the pantheon doore , made by the popes command . upon this occasion was that pasquinad ; quod non fecerunt barbari , fecere barberini . it has a most stately portico before the gate , of a great many large tall pillars of egyptian black and white speckled marble ; the descent into the portico from the street is of ten or twelve steps , but it is said , before the ruine of the city , that there was as great an ascent to it ; whence it may be gathered , what an universal & great devastation of buildings must there have been to fill up so great a deepth . and indeed it is observed , that when they have any occasion to dig , it is long before they come , in most places , to the terra virgine , that is , which hath not formerly been broke upon : and when they are digging into old ruins , for anticails ( as they are continually doing in severall places ) they leave off when they come to the terra virgine . before the portico there is a large coffine , with it's cover and supporters of porphyre which they commonly call agrippa's tombe . near to the entrie of the camp of vacino , at the bottom of the back stairs that lead to the capitol , there is a chapel under ground , which was formerly the prison of st. peter and st. paul , when they suffered for the holy name of jesvs . it was then called tullianum , according to that of cicero ; est locus in carcere quod tullianum appellatur . the temple of saturn is hard by , which in ancient times was the aerarium publicum , in which the publick treasury was keept . thirdly , the amphitheatres ; most part of which are ruined , especially that which was built by titus , now ●alled the coliseo ; by the part thereof that is standing you may abundantly judge of the magnificence of the whole , when it was extant . there is good herborizing within it , and there is one dominicus pa●arolus that hath writen catalogus plantarum amphitheatralium ; with the rest of his works in ●0 . romae , apud ●ranciscum monetam 1652. to which i refer you. fourthly , the aqueducts ; of which the most part are ancient : when they come near to the city , they are convey'd under ground to several fountains in the city , and some of them so deep , that it is prodigious by what art they could have peirc't so deep , as for example , the aqua virgine , which is the sweetest and best for use in all rome , is conducted so deep thro' the monte trinita , that in the french minims garden there is a descent of six or seven score steps to come at it . amongst all the fountains in rome the most beautifull are in the piazza navona , in the piazza st. pietro , the tre fountane , &c , 5ly the thermae , or baths ; as the thermae diocletianae built by the emperour diocletian . it is said that ten thousand christians were imployed about this work , and all cruely massacred when they had finished it . it is now a monastery of carthusians , in whose common garden i remember to have seen the myrtus buxifoliis . the ruins of thermae antonini caracallae ; they are situated ad radicem collis aventinae . i have seen amongst these ruins that kynd of capillary , which is called hemionitis , and no where else that i remember of . sixthly the two columns of antoninus , and tra●an emperours ; the statue of st. peter stands upon the top of one , and that of st. paul upon the other : trajan was so well beloved of the people that to make a place , which in honour of him they called forum trajani , in the midle of which this column stands , they levelled a great hill , of the precise hight of the column it self . both the columns are of white marble , and all the out side historified in base relieue , in a spirall line beginning at the bottom and ending at the top . that of trajan hath the whole storie of the dacian war. there is a great book in folio of this column , wherein all the figures are cutt in brass , and the large description thereof added . i have forgot the authors name , but i believe you will find the book al insegna di parigi alla pace from jacomo rossi . where you will likewise find all other sorts of prints and t●lledouces . the columne of antoni●us ▪ is 160 foot high and that of trajan 128. altho' they apear to be but smal yet each of them hath a stair-case within , that leads to the top. there are some others but less considerable , as that which stands before st. maria majore , which was one of the pillars of the templum pacis , brought hither by paulus v. who placed a brasen statue of the blessed virgine upon the top thereof . there is likewise not far from the same place a little column with a crucifix on the top of it , erected in memorie of the absolution given to henry the iv. king of france ; in the capitoll likewise there are two viz. the columna milliaris , of which already , and the columna rostrata , which you will see when you view the fine things within that part of the capitoll whi●h stands next to the river , where the hill is most steep and was anciently called tarpeia rupes . seventhly , the triumphall arches ; as particularly that of septimius severus ; that of titus ; and that of constantine &c. eighthly , the bridges upon the river . ninthly , the obelisks ; most part whereof are graven with aegyptian hieroglyphicks . the best of them is erected in the middle of the place before st. peters , upon the back of four brazen lyons , and a large pedestal of marble . the next best is at the porta dell populo . tenthly , the septem colles or montes ; upon which rome is said to be built viz. mons capitolinus , mons palatinus , mons aventinus , mons celius , mons esquiline●s . ( where the house of virgil was and the garden of mecoenas , ) mons viminalis and mons quirinalis , called now monte cavallo where the popes palace is . eleventhly , some other hills : as the janicular , which is a chain of hills without the walls in the trans●evere . and the mons testaceus , which is nothing but a heap of broken earthen pots and bricks ; for in ancient times these were so much in use ; and the figuli or tradesmen that made them , so numerous , that there was a necessity of appointing them a particular place , and that by publick edict , for throwing the ru●bish of their furnaces and the pot sheards that broke in the baking into , least otherwise if it had been permitted to throw them into the river , it might have occasioned an ●nundation of the city . in process of time it grew to the bignes of the third part of a mile in compass , and a hundred & sixtie foot in hight . this hill is within the walls not far from the side of the river , as also mons vaticanus in trans●evere , so called a vaticiniis which used to be made there : the palace of the vatican stands upon it . twelthly , roma subterranea ; commonly called the catacombs , whereof bosio hath writen a large volumn in folio . there are two of them , both without the walls . one of them is at st. sebastion's church . they are caverns digg'd under ground in the forme of a town , that is , larger and lesser streets crossing one another , in some place lower so that you must be forced to stoop , but in others higher than a mans hight , and all along as you go upon the one hand and the other , as thick as they can stand one by another , are holes or nests wherein were placed the bodies of the dead , one by one , upright upon their feet , and so the nests plastered over . the bodies and reliques of many saints and martyrs have been found here , and were known to be such by the cross found upon their sepulchers , with this inscription pro christo . you must take good lights and a good guide to conduct you , for some have mistaken their way and never found an outgate . the second , i need not describe it . there are severall things about rome worthie the taking notice of , as 1. ponte mola a bridge standing upon the tevere ; in latine anio , some two miles from the town , before it joynes with the tyber . you go to it by the port del populo . it is considerable for it's antiquity . it was at this bridge that constantine the great vanquished maxentius the tyrant : there having appeared to him before the battle , in the firmament , a red cross with these words in hoc signo vinces . the story is painted in fresco in the palace of the vatican by a great master , where you may see it and you will seldome miss painters in the roome a copying of it . 2. the city of tivali , in latin tibur ; by the way you will pass a little river , the sulphureous and noysome smell whereof you will perceive at a miles distance ; it is of a whitish colour as if meall were mingled with it ; there is a white slymie sulphureous substance adhering to the sydes and bottom of it , which is soft whilest it is under water , but being once dryed becomes very hard , they use to make counterfeit comfits , & which they call comfits of tivoli and use to cheat people with them for sports sake . the river runs into the tiverone and spoils the water thereof , and in my opinion , does much harme the water of the tyber it self , because the tiverone joyns with it before it come at the city of rome . the town is verie ancient , having several marks of great antiquity , as sybilla's temple , &c. close by the town the river teveron● falling from a great hight over a rock makes that famous cascata so much talked of . it makes a horrid noise and continues frothy and working for a good way below the fall , and hath made a million of meanders and strange figures in the rock where it falls . a little below the fall there is a bridge over it of a considerable hight above the water , where if you stand a while you will perceive a dew able to wet you , which arises from the fall of the water after the river is fallen . several parts of it are conveyed by aqueducts into the town for severall uses ; as namely one part for the brass works , where you may observe , that the waeer blowes the fire , not by moving the bellowes ( which is common ) but by affording the wind ; an other part of it is carried to the villa d' este where there is a curious palace and most curious gardens with all sorts of ingenious water works and other ornaments , as statues &c , belonging to gardens . amongst other things there are several artificial birds , that sing their natural notes by the help of the water . there is an organ that plays sweetly , moved only by the water , which also furnisheth it wind. the girandola is considerable , where the water rises in a gross body very high , and the ayr being artificially mixed therewith , makes a noice that exactly imitats thunder . tivoli is some eighteen or twentie miles distant from rome you may easily go from rome and see all things considerable there , & returne the same day to rome , unless you please rather to goe to frescati , which is a most delicious litle toun about twelve miles distant from rome , standing upon the side of a hill , from whence in clear weather you may easily discover rome . the place is beautifi'd with many delicat villa's about it , amongst which the most considerable are , first , the belvidere belonging now to the principe pamphilio , the water works whereof are esteemed the best in italy : there is a centaur that winds a horne by the help of the water , with that loudness , that it can be heard at six or seven miles distance . there is a low room which they call the apollo , at the end of which apollo sits upon the top of an artificial parnassus . with the nine muses about him , he with his harp , and they with their severall instruments of musick , which play by the help of the water , which is convoyed under ground and is not seen within the room . about the middle of the room there is a little hole , out of which the wind ( occasioned by the motion of the water underneath ) comeing furth , hath so much strength as to support a wooden ball , of the bigness of a tennes ball , at half a ell's distance and more from the floor , without ever letting it fall to the ground . 2ly . at half a miles distance from frescati are the ruins of cicero's tusculanum , and lucullo's country house ; as also a curious villa called monte dragone , where the house is well adorned with paintings , &c. and the gardens with water works . 3ly if you desire not to returne to rome first , you may goe directly from hence to castello gondolfo , which is about ●ive miles distant from frescati , and fourteen from rome . it is a most delicious countrey house of the popes , to which he uses to retire some moneths in the summer , for the good air 's sake , it hes the prospect of a most delicat lake , encompased with hills , that are all shadowed with trees , where amongst other pleasures you will not want that of herbarizing . being returned to rome you may make another little journey with your convenience to ostia , which is some twelve miles distant from rome doun the river tyber , it was of old the great harbour for all the ships and gallies that belonged city and empyre , cutt out as it seems by art , but now thro' long neglect filled up and useless . having seen all and dyned , you may returne before night to rome ; it will be fit you be at the pains to make another journey to caprarolla , one of the noblest palaces in italy , built by the famous architect vignoli , by order of cardinal alexander farnese . it belonges to the duke of parma . it is distant from rome miles it is in figure , pentagone , having five very high and equal faces , with a court perfectly round in the middle , as likewise are the galleries and corredor's about it . morover there is almost as much lodging below ground as above . the hangings , statues , pictures , as also the gardens , fountains , and other embellishments , doe well sute the magnificence of the palace . having seen rome and the places about it . it will be fit to make the voyage of naples . the months of april and october are most convenient for this journey , the heat being too great in summer , and the snow and raine troublesome in winter . from rome to naples .   miles . marin● , 12 velitre , 08. sezza 15 biperno , 04 terrazina , 10. portella , 03. fondi , 05. itri , 05. mola . 04. tragetto , 10. pass the river garrigliano . sessa , 07. carionole , 04. capua , 12. auersa , 07. naples 08.   114. as you go out at the port st. gioua●ni , all along the campania on every side of the high-way , you will meet with many ruins of ancient burial-places for several miles from the city . velitre ; is an ancient city of the volsci , much famed also for the parents of octavius augustus , who were originaly of this place . upon the way from veletri to sezza , upon the hill-side under sarninetta , there are some ancient ruins supposed to be the tres taberna● , of which st. luke speaks in the 28. chapter of the acts of the apostles . sezza , formerly setia ; was much commended for its wine , whence that of juvenal . — tunc illa time cum pocula sume ▪ gemmata & lato setinum ardebit in auro . piperno ; in latin privernum ; and the inhabitants privernati ; near to this place , iris florentina , grows abundantly . terracina ; was anciently called auxur , in the language of the volsci , of whom this was the metropolis . strabo sayeth that it was called trachina , quasi aspera from the rockiness of the hill upon which it is placed ; altho' the town be ancient , it is not very considerable , it is the last place of the ecclesiastick estate towards naples ; passengers use to dine here at a pittiful inn without the town , where there is no manner of furniture , but vvood to make fire : it not being secure for any body to live in it , because of the turks that often land here , and take what they can meet with . vvhen the people that keep the house see any strangers arrive , instantly they make fire and bring provision from the town . the sea comes very near to the foot of the hill where the town stands , and on that side which is towards naples , the rock is precipitious , and betwixt it and the sea , leaves but a very narrow and strait passage , which one man may guarde against a hundred . fondi is the first town you meet with in the kingdom of naples ; here you must give notice to the officers appointed for that purpose of your intended journey for naples , and cause registrat your name , together with the marks of your horse , that he may be the better known when you return , to be the same that you brought along with you from rome , or otherways you will not miss to be challenged upon your return , and stopt , untill you can produce a certificat that he is the very same you brought into the kingdom with you . there being a general prohibition , the observance whereof is strictly lookt to , against carrieing horses or mares out of the kingdom , into any foreign part , least the breede of them , which is esteemed amongst the best in europe , should become common to other nations . notwithstanding of this severity , sometimes with credit , and sometimes with a little money , a man may obtain permission for the transporting of one or more , either horses or mares . mola , is one of the most pleasant places in rhe world ; being close upon the sea side , and but a little way from gaieta , to which you may go either by sea or land. it is likeways hard by the ruins of the ancient city formiae , where cicero had his villa formiana . the place abounds with many plants , and great varietie of the choisest fruits ; especially the agrumi , such as citrons , oranges , limons &c , of all sorts . if ye please to go to gaieta , it is worth the while : it stands at the extremity of of a promontory or tongue of land that runs out into the sea , from the main-land about three miles , and by that means becomes peninsule , and formeth on the side towards rome , betwixt it and terracina , that sinus gaitanus , about twelve miles in length . the town is pleasantly situated and strongly . there is a great rock hard by , which is rent from top to bottom , which they say , happened when the saviour of the world suffered upon the cross. there is excellent herbarizing all the way betwixt it and mola . trajetto is a castle near the place where the ancient city of minturnae stood , where there is yet to be seen an amphitheatre almost intire , and the remains of a great aqueduct : it was amongst the marishes near to minturnae , that c. marius did hide himself , when he fled from his enemies ; whence that of juvenal , exilium & carcer minturnarumque paludes , et mendicatus victa carthagine panis . you must pass at this place the river garigliano , called li●is anciently . capua , is a new city standing upon the side of the river vulturnus , and some two miles from it , the ruins of the old famous capua which in the old romans time , was esteemed one of the most delicious places in the vvorld . there are yet vestiges of the gates of the city , of a theatre , of a great many sumptuous temples , cisternes under gronnd , and a great many other things ; that evidently show it to have been a magnificent city . the country from vulturnus to naples , is called the campania felice , and is indeed the fertilest soyle and bautifullest country that my eyes ever beheld . aversa is a new city , extructed out of the ruins of atella , it is distant 8 miles from naples , and famed for a kind of wine called asprin● . that way which leades from rome to naples , was anciently called via appia , from appius claudius the censor , who caused pave this way from rome , just to capua . it begins at the port now called st. sebastian , but anciently porta capena , from the capenati a people of latium , to which that way did lead . the via appia is of that breadth that one chariot may easily pass another . the emperour trajan did renew it , and continue the pavement even to brindici , drying the marishes , plaining the hills , and filling up the valleyes . by this way anciently did pass the greatest part of the triumphs ; whence it was called regina viarum : whence that of papinius ; appia cunctarum fertur regina viarum . altho' this way be ruined in many places , yet it is wonderfull to see , in how great perfection a great deal of it continues . without doubt it has been a matter of vast expense to make a way of that length , and breadth so well paved , with quadrangular stones , that even to this day ( altho' it be of common & frequent passage ) continueth as intire as if it were newly done . upon both sides of this way , as far as capua , there are a great many ancient sepulchres ; many whereof are altogether ruined , and some almost intire , as yet ; in one of these sepulchres , in the reign of alexander vi. ( as volateranus tells ) the body of a delicat young vvoman , was found altogether intire in a marble chist . she was of incomparable beautie having her long flaxen hair drawn together upon her head with a circle of gold. the body did almost swim in a mervellous kind of liquor and had a burning lamp at the feet thereof , which the air , coming in at the opening of the sepulchre , did instantly extinguish . the body ( as did appear by the letters graven upon the place ) had lyen there thirteen hundred years . some have been of opinion that it was the body of tulliola , the dearly beloved daughter of cicero . it was presented in its integrity to the conservators of rome , and for some days keept in the capitol as a singular curiosity ; but pope alexder coming to understand it , caused it to be thrown into the tyber . i must not omit to tell you , that there is some incommoditie in this journey both as to dyeting and lodging ; and sometimes there is perill from the banditi ; but he that will gather roses , must not be affraid to prick his fingers : besides , that danger is but sometimes , and you may probably find the way clear , especially , if the vice-roy be a stirring active man , as it often happens : for then the banditi will hardly dare to come so far down from the hills ▪ as the via appia , or high-way to naples . naples was anciently called parthenope , from one of the sirens , buried in this place , ( who as the fables say ) drowned her self for grief , that she could not charm vlysses and his companions . hence silius lib : 12. sirenum dedit una tuum memorab●●● nomen . parthenope muris acheloias , aequore cujus regnavere d●l cantus , cum dulce per undas , exitium miseris caneret non prospera nautis . it was built closs upon the sea , at the foot of most pleasant hills ; first built by the cumani or inhabitants of cuma ; who being taken with the sweetness of the air & pleasantness of the place ; did daily increase in number ; insomuch that the cumani that lived at cuma , took a resolution utterly to ruin parthen●pe ●east their own city should become deso●at . but it being ruined , there came so great a pestilence upon cuma , as carried away multitudes , and having consulted the oracle about the cause of this mortality ; it was answered that this fate had come upon them for the ruine of parthenope ; and that if they ever hop'd to be free from this disease , they should first restore it , whence with all diligence they went about the restauration thereof , and called it neapolis , that is to say the new city . the sweetness of the air , & delicacy of the country about is so great , that many emperours and roman senators being wearied with the wars , and weightiness of government , did repair to this place , that they might live pleasantly & peaceably , & give themselves to the study of letters ; amongst which were virgil , t. livius , horatius , claudianus ● & a great many more : at this very present it is no less frequented by the nobility and gentrie of the whole kingdom , who for the most part have their own palaces and pass the greatest part of the year here ; so that for nobility and gentry there are few cities in the world more considerable than this . i think it is for this reason , that it is commonly called napoli la gentile : nor is it to be passed by , that it gives name to a kingdom ; which is not very ordinary . the city is big and sumptuously built from the sea to these pleasant hills about it . it is very well fortified with strong walls & castles , especially since the dayes of charles v. who built the castle of st. elme and called it la brilia , that is , bridle ; intending to make it so , to the mutinous humour of that people , and it may be alluding to the armes of the city , which is an unbridled horse ; the exact emblem of the disposition of that people , as witness the innumerable tumults and revolts both of old and late years made by them . i confess there is no small occasion given them by the severe domination of strangers over them ; and it is strange that having so many brave and valourous men amongst them , they should more readily agree to submit their necks to the yoak of a stranger , than to the sweet scepter of a native of their own number and nation . it is thought the great emulation , ( which the spaniards as wisely , as industriously keep up to the hight ) amongst the princes , who are but too numerous for the extent of the kingdom , is the great cause of their unhappiness . you may take notice of these particulars within the town . 1ly . the churches ; of which this city hath a greater number , than any other of its bigness in europe . amongst the rest , that of the annunciata , is so rich ; that the rent of the hospitall thereof is capable to entertain , 5000 poor , part whereof are children found . st. chiana , together with the monastrie of nuns consisting of 400 with as many servants , is very glorious ; it was built by agnes of spain queen to king robert. there are many curious sepulchres to be seen here of kings , queens , and their children . in the church of st. dominico is to be seen the image of the crucifix , that said to st. thomas aquinas ; bene scripsisti do me ▪ thoma . in the church of the frat● di monte oliueto , the true pictures of ferdinand , the first and the second ; and alfonsus the first ; both kings of naples , are so admirably well done that they seem to be living . there is likewise buried here alexander ab alexandro , who composed that learned work genialium dierum . the church called the domo , hath a chapell composed of marble , jasper , gold and brass ; wherein is keept the head of st. gennaro , and a little phiole of his blood all together fixed , which being approached to the head of the st. ●immediatly begins to boyll , dissolves and becomes clear . the most ancient of all the churches is that of st. paul , keept now by the jesuits ; it was formerly the temple of castor and pollux . 2. the religious houses or convents ; of which there are so great a number , that the dominicans alone have seventeen . the chartrous convent stands upon the hill , a little beneath the castle st. elm● ' it hath the pleasantest situation that i ever beheld ; one may discover from it the whole city and suburbs of naples , a great part of the campania felice , the monte vesuvio , all the bay of naples , the island of capreae , the hill posilipo , puteoli , baii , cuma , &c. the cloister of the convent is all of white marble , and in short , both the church and whole convent are altogether magnificent . 3ly . the hospitals ; which are about twelve in number ; amongst which , that of the annunciata and of the incueabili are the most considerable . it is said that they marry 665. maids every year , and the least portion they give with any is 24 ducats , and the greatest 300. 4ly . the castles ; of which there are 4. the castle d'ovo stands within the sea upon a rock , built of an oval figure by willam iii. a norman . the castle nov● was built by charles the first , brother to st. lewes , but it was ferdinand of aragon that fortified it so well . it is of a quadrangular figure , built of polished stone as hard as marble ; it hath foure great bastions , and five towres , together with strong ramparts , and deep ditches , which the sea water filleth : it is ordinarly keept by a garison of the spaniards consisting of 500. there is a great magazin of all kinds of armes & engines for war keept within it . in the middle of it stands the governours palace , capable to lodge a king. it is excellently furnished with hangings of silk and gold , many excellent statues and pictures . amongst other fine things there is a cabinet furnished with all sorts of curiosities . the castle of st. elm stands upon the top of a rock , commanding all about it ; it 's garison consists of 250. spainards . it was built by king robert the first , son to charles ii. but afterwards farr better fortified with great bastions by the emperour charles v. who called it la brillia di napoli . the castle capuano ( so called from it's situation which is near to the port of capuano ) is rather a palace than a fortress where the magistrats of the city , and officers of justice keep their assemblies . 5. the palaces ; whereof there are a very great number , amongst which that of the viceroy ; that of the prince of salern ▪ which the jesuits now possess , are very considerable . the palace of the duke of gravina is most superb . that of the carafi is adorned with abundance of excellent statues of marble and brass . there be many other worthie to be seen : as also the beautifull garden of don garcia di toledo , which is full of grotto's , fountains , water works , statues &c. 6. the harbour , or sea port ; which is fortified with a superb mole , first made by charles ii. and then very much mended by alfonsus the first , for the greater security of the harbour . 7. the publick places , the streets , & the avenues of the town . 8. the suburbs ; which are seven in number ; amongst which the most considerable , is that which leads a la grotio di posilipo ; near to the entry of which grotto stands la mergelina , looking into the bay ; it was sometimes the house of pleasure of sanazarius that famous poet , who gave it to the religious men called servi . this suburb is no less than two miles in length from the city to the grotto of po●lipo . the circuit of the town and suburbs is counted to be about six miles : and the inhabitants to be about 30●000 . soules . statius papinius and jacobus sanazarius ; both excellent poets ; together with many other great virtuosi were borne in this city . it will be worth the while also to take a view of the book-sellers shops , there being many good books printed here which hardly or not all can be found with us ; as for example , the works of baptista porta , whereof the impressions at naples were both the first and fairest , and the cutts for the most part tailledouce . the works of fabius columna , which are almost out of print , and especially his phytobasanos . it may likewise happen that there are some new peeces emitted which will never come to our hands for at least , not tell after a great while . it is likely too that you may meet with many other books , that in other places you had sought in vain for : there are many learned and curious men in this city , and they are as mortall here as elsewhere , and as ordinary a thing it is to sell their books . you will likewise meet with a great many curiosities of all sorts , espccially from the levant : some naturall ; as stones , shells , animalls , or parts of them , fruits &c. others artificiall ; some of leather , as purses , letter-cases , cups , and a great many things of that kind , usualy brought from allepo and constantinople : some of silk either alone , or mingled with gold and silver ; as sashes , girdles , cravats , night-caps , wastcoats , stockings , &c. outlandish armes , as cimetres , poyniards , bows and arrows , with severall sorts of fire armes . medalls antient and modern : intalio ' s chameo ' s &c. but in these you must take some heed , that you mistake not the modern for antique . having well viewed and considered the city and all things in it . it will be necessary to see those things that are considerable about it . and first the hill posilipus , famous for it's gardens and houses of pleasure , for it's fruits and wines , especially the greco di posilipo . but that which is most admirable in this hill is the passage cut quite thro' it . by cocceius of whom pontanus saith , nescio an is fuerit m. cocceius nerua augusti avus , qui romae aquarum curam habuit tulitque m●ximam architecturae laudem . howeve● it is certain he must have been a man of great riches that durst undertake so great a work , at his oun expence . it is called la grotta di posilipo , and is very near a mile in length , cutt thro' the rock . as for the breadth of it , one coach may pass another with ease . and for the hight , i believe a man on horseback will hardly touch the roof of it with a lance ; at the two ends it is some what higher than in the middle , i think of purpose that the light might enter the farther . when you enter at the one end you will very hardly perceive the light in the other end , but as you advance it begins to appear by little and little . in the just middle of it , on that side which is next the sea , there is a little chapell , where a lamp is keept continually burning , but it is more out of devotion than for any light it gives : betwixt the chapell and the end , as it were about the middle on every side of the chapell there is a hole cutt thro' the hill which serveth for a window , but it gives little light . it is exceeding dusty , especeially if there be many horses ryding together altho' it be paven with stone , because there comes no rain to wash it , and none takes pains to make it clean . those that goe from naples to pozzuolo if they hear any horses coaches or carts coming toward them , least they should stop the way , or unawares justle one another , they use to cry aloud dal mare , which when the others hear , they cry in like manner dal monte and so those that goe from naples take that side of the grotto , which is next the sea and these that go to it take the side next the hill ; and so avoid all incumbrance . at the mouth of the grotto , upon the top thereof is the famous sepulchre of virgil. there is little remaning of it now except a few ruins of an old brick wall in the middle whereof anciently there did stand nine small pillars , which sustained a marble u●● , in which were contained the poets ashes , with this distich . mantua me genuit , calabri rapuere , tenet nunc parthonope ; cecini pascua , rura , duces . not far from this tomb , is the sepulchre of that famous poet sanazarius , in a place called mergelina , a villa given him by king frederick , where he built a church in honour of the biessed virgin , and composed that incomparable poem de partu virginis . he is buried within the church in a tomb of pure marble upon which his statue done to the life standeth with this epitaph by cardinal ●embo . da sacro cineri flores , hic ille maroni sineerus , musa proximus , ut tumulo . there are many other excellent statues , base relieves , and pictures within this church well worthie the seeing . when you go to pozzuolo , you must take a guide with you to show you all the considerable places . it will be a good dayes journey because you have many things to see and consider , and therefore you must part early in the morning from naples . the first thing you will meet with upon the way , ( but you turne out of the common way ) is the lago di agnano at the side of which are the natural stoves of st. german , which are certain little roomes , where the hot and sulphureous vapors entering from the ground quickly provoke sweating , and is commended in severall diseases . at a little distance from thence , upon the side of the lake is the grotto de i cani . it is a little hole dug out of the side of a brae where two or three persons scarcely can stand . the floore of it is ordinarily wet and dirtie , out of which there riseth a poisonous vapour , in form of smoak , but it ascendeth not above a foot from the ground . they use to trie it with torches and dogs , which you must carrie from naples with you , for you will not find them upon the place . as for the torches , the guide lights two , and then reaches one of them to the smoak , which instantly extinguishes , as if it were blown out by the force of powder : then he lights it at the other , and so renews the experiment as oft as you please , keeping always one lighted , untill your curiositie be satisfied ; as for the dogs he holds their nose into the vapour , and instantly they begin to fetch their breath thick , and in a very little space are quite suffocated . if ye let them ly long , they will never recover , but if ye take them immediately when they are fallen down and throw them into the lake , they will by little and little returne to live again . i guesse this vapour to be so much like the damps , that are sometimes found in our coal-pitts , only , with us , they are soon dissipated , but here this lasteth continuallie , and ( which is yet more strange ) in an open air ; but it may be the openness of the air is the reason why the vapour ascendeth no higher . i remember one of our dogs did recover without being thrown into the lake , which makes me believe , that it is not any peculiar vertue in the water ( as is commonly said ) that restoreth them to life , but only the freedom of the air , with the help whereof nature reinforceth it self , the life being yet not quite extinct , which is cleared by this , that if they lye any considerable time in the cave , neither air nor water will recover them . it is very true that , that which was thrown in the lake recovered much sooner , and better : whereas the other remained paralytick , and impotent to move his hinder quarters : ( tho' he could sit upon his foremost leggs and bark ▪ ) for almost two houres thereafter . it seems there is something in this vapour or damp that coagulats or fixes the spirits , that they cannot move or circulat in the body . from hence you take the way to pazzuolo , near to which you will meet with a place called la solfatara , it is a large plaine , oval in figure , representing a theatre , it is above 1200 foot in length and 1000 in breadth , it is compassed about with white & high hills , from which in many places , arise clouds of smoak , of a sulphureous smell , rolling up into the air impetuously , with great crackling . some of these spiracles are very small , so that it is a pleasure , to see the smoake ascend , by a direct line of the bigness of cane , and sometimes smaller by much . about these spiracles you will see quantitie of the flowres of brimstone sublimed ; but i suspect the internal use of them , because of the mixture of other minerals wherewith they may be infected : but for external uses , i am not so doubtfull , as also of the spirit which by the help of convenient glasses might be gathered in aboundance from these spiracles . when you consider the plaine you will wonder to hear it sound under your horse-feet , as you were riding over a large floore , which is caused by the vacuitie underneath . all the hills about abound in veines of allum whereof some is scissile ; nitre , sulphur , vitriol & salt armoniac . the vitriol is of a delicat blew colour and much finer than that which is commonly called roman-vitriol . it will be worth your while to take particular notice of these minerals , how they are extracted out of their mines , what differences there are of every species , how they are mixed with one another sometimes , by what art they are purified , and with what instruments , and to what use they are put . i would have you take a parcel of every sort and bring along with you , which you may box up at naples with cotton , and send before you to rome . having done these things , you come to pozzuolo ; in latine puteoli . the city is now much ruined ; but was stately and rich of old. cicero writing to atticus saith quid potui non videre cum per emporeum puteolanum iter facerem ; which is chieflly to be understood of that part of the town , which stood upon the shoare where the arti●ans , and chiefly the goldsmiths , had their shops , whereof there remaines little now except the ruins , and vestiges : and yet beneath the church di giesu maria , possessed by the dominicans , when the wind dryves out the sea , they do find sometimes severall precious stones , some cutt , some uncutt ; and if you be curious to enquire you will find people that make a trade to sell such things amongst other anticails . i remember there came severall of these persons to our lodging-house , with medals , intaglio's , lucerne antiche &c. but i found many of them to be cheats , and but moderne , brought thither from naples and other places , of purpose to cheat strangers , who are ordinarly more curious than knowing of these things ; as for medals , were they never so ancient , they are little worth unless they be well preserved , and the characters and impressions easie to be discerned . and for intaglio's unless the figure be good ▪ and well done , and the stone entire and unbroken , they are not worth much . the great church now dedicated to st. proclus was anciently dedicated to octavianus augustus . it is a sumptuous fabrick of great square marble stones ; serving for the whole thickness of the wall , with great and high corinthian pillar 's , and other excellent ornaments of architecture . here are also be seen many ruins of great antiquitie , amongst which she gardens of cicero famous for his academy , where he wrote his quaestiones academicae . but this city , in diverse ages has suffered so much by the tumults of wars , as also by the eruptions of fire and earthquakes , that it is wonderfull there should yet remain any vestiges of antiquitie . the soil about it is most fertile and fruitfull , and nature produceth here many plants of it's oun accord , which in other places are kept in gardens , not without care : among others i remember to have seen the ricinus or palma christi not only growing wild but out-living that winter , and continuing fresh green and strong in the month of march ; altho ' it be an annual plant with us , that can hardly be raised upon a hot bed . you may have your horse at pozzuolo , and hyre a boat to cross the bay for seeing of the following things , and 1. hard by the city the remains of that superb mole , which having been ruined by storme was afterwards restored by the emperour antoninus : but at present all that remains is 12. or 13. great pillars built of brick and stones of vast bigness . they appear so many towrs , over which there are yet remaining , but half ruined , some arches . this fashion of moles seem to be the best , because the pillars and arches are sufficient to break the water and secure the ships within , and by letting part of the water enter betwixt the pillars lessens it's violence , so that the pillars suffer not half so much , as if they were one continued wall . the emperour caligulae built a bridge of boats from pozzuolo to baii upon which he went in triumph first on horsback and then in chariot , but it was of small continuance and served only to be the subject of discourse in future ages . having passed these pillars . yov put ashore hard by the lacus lucrinus which as some said was so called a lucro from the profit which it yeilded to the romans by the great abundance of excellent fish especialie oysters , which were esteemed before any other in italy : whence martial to express the gluttony of a certain person . ostrea tu sumis stagno saturata lucrino . but there is little water in it now , it being almost dryed up by that most terrible eruption of the solfatara which happned in the year 1538. the 29. of september two hours after sun set , the whole countrey about having been troubled for two years before with earthquakes : at which time there burst out in one night so great a quantitie of fire , stones , pumecks , and ashes , that near to the monte barbaro formerly called mons gaurus it made another hill , near three miles in compass , and almost as high as the monte barbaro . the south part of it looks to the sea , the north reaches to the lacus avernus , & on the east it is joined with the foot of monte barbaro . it is called monte nuovo . these ashes did not only make this hill , but covered likewise a great part of the country about , killing both beasts and trees , and ruining the vintage for that year . the sea in the mean time retired above 200 paces , leaving abundance of fish upon the dry sands , and many wells of fresh water , which sprung here and there . 2. the lacus avernus is about half a miles distance from the lago lucrino . it is compassd about with small hills which they say were formerly covered with trees , that did over shaddow the water , and make it look black , and likewise did hinder the sulphureous vapours that did arise from the water to dissipat , so that the air being infected with these vapours became so noysome especially to fowls , that they could not live in it , and hence came the name avernus . at present there is little or no wood about it , nor is the air any thing more noysome there , than in other places about , and i have seen fowles haunting about it and swimming in it . it is said to be very deep & for that reason without fish but i am not certain hereof . 3. upon the west side of the lake , cutt into the hill is the antrum sybillae commonly called grotta della sybilla , but not truly , for the true cave of sybill● is at c●●●a . this seems rather to have been a common passage from avernus to p●ia , but is now stopt at the one end by the falling down of the hill above . the passage is large and high , but altogether dark , and therefore you must be guided by torch light . when you are got a good way in , upon the one side there is a little narrow passage of about three or fourscore foot in length , that leads into a handsome large chamber , which altho' it be now much ruined , appears to have been richly adorned , the roof of it being painted with gold and blew , and the walls with curious figures of divers colours and the pavement consisting of many small peeces like unto mosaick . it is a vulgar errour that this was sybilla's chamber , and that the temple of apollo , where she received her responses , was hard by upon the right hand as you enter to the lake ; but it is not so , for the ruins of that place appeare not to have been any temple at all , but rather a superb bathing house , such as that of baia , for it has the same order of windows , & spiracles for conducting of the vapours . but to returne to the grotto , upon the left hand , as you enter into this chamber , there is another passage , some what higher and larger than the first , about 40. foot in length cut out into the hill , which leads into another chamber , from which there is a narrow passage , which leads into another chamber , and severall other little passages and roomes which i doe not distinctly remember , only this much that in one of them , there is as it were a little pool of warm water . in this room the heat is so great , that it is impossible to continue any time in it without excessive sweating , which makes me to believe , that these rooms were intended for no other use than bathing and sweating . 4. the remains or ruins ; and first bagno di cicerone . 2ly . bagno di tritoli ; quasi frittoli , q●od corpora ibi fricrentur , the entrie to it is large and high . towards the ground it is cold , but if you stand upright you must needs sweat for heat , and the farther one goes in , the greater the heat is . at the bottom of the rock within sea-mark , and even where the sea covers it , the sand is so hot that one cannot lift a handfull of it . 5. baia ; so called from baius , the companion of vlysses , who was buried there . it was a most delicat city , but now altogither ruined , and in the place of it there is a castle lately built with a a garison of 30. souldiers for securing the port , which is verie safe for gallies , but not deep enough for ships . the whole bay , or sinus of baia , is exceedingly pleasant ; all that tract betwixt avernus and the mons misenus being full of the remains of great and noble structures . many of the roman emperours took great pleasure in this place , & and spared no cost for the beautifying of it . horace , who was no ill judge , gives this testimony of it , nullus in orbe locus baiis praelucet amoenis . as you go forward from baia , you will still be finding something worthie the remarking ; as , 1. the house of nero's mother , who was put to death here by her sons command . it is commonly said to be her sepulchre , but it is not true . there is yet to be seen the plaister of the roof and walls in severall curious figures , but they are much defaced by the smoak of the torches which strangers from all parts so frequently carry down with them . 2. that delicat pleasant field called the eligium , so much renowned by virgil in the 6th . book of the aeneids . all the noble persons that lived here abouts , or did otherwise attend upon the court , which did often happen to be here , likewise those that for their health's sake came to the bath's , used to walk in this place for their recreation and converse . i am easily inclined to believe that considering it's situation , prospect , and the order that it was keept in , when so many great persons frequented it , it could not chuse but have been the most delicious place in the whole world , and no wonder that it prompted virgil to borrow both it's name and his conceit in expressing and describing the place of the blessed soules departed . i saw it in the begining of the moneth of march , and then the heat was considerable , and the place not only green but covered with anemonies and other flowers . hard by this , is the piscina miraebilis : it is a cistern for keeping of fresh water , of a vast bigness , the roof whereof is supported by 48. great pillars on everie side . the whole inside of it is crusted over with a kind of plaster as hard as marble , which whither it was so made by art , or by the continuance of the water in it , i know not , but i think it probable that both have contributed to it . boccace in his book of rivers , believs it to have been built by agrippa , for preserving of fresh water , for the commodity of the navie which used to stay at misenum . the water was brought to it by aquedu●ts from serino . 3. mons misenus or the promontorium misenum , so called from aeneas's trumpeter , who was buried here . it is of a reasonable hight , and without doubt the prospect from it is noble ; but i did not ascend it , by reason of the company that would not stay for me . 4. the centum cellae ; which are a continued fabrick built of brick with great art under ground , it seems they have been cisterns for conserving of water . in short , all this peece of ground is full of ancient ruins , and it is not easie to guesse , what every one of them in particular hath been . having vieued all these things , you either go straight to cuma , or else you leave it for another day , and so returne to pozzulo , by the same boat that waited upon you from it , and so returne by horse , by the lower but plainer and more pleasant way , to naples , from from whence the next day you may go to cuma , in latine cumae ; a city built upon the top of a hill six miles from naples ; upon the highest top of this hill stood the temple of apollo built by dedalus , when he fled from the wrath of king minos . it was in this temple that sybilla cumea did pronounce the oracles of apollo . hence that of virgil , at pius aeneas arces quibus altus apollo praesidet , horrendaeque procul secreta sybillae . as you descend from cuma upon that side that looks to the east , is to be seen the frontis-peece of the true grotta of sybilla , which was cut out of the solid rock , which virgil describeth , excisum euboicae latus ingens rupis in antrum . there are many other ancient ruins worthie the taking notice of , which you may have leasure enough to observe , and have time enough to returne to naples at night . the next day you may take horse again and a guide with you from the town , to see the burning hill , about 8 miles distant from the town ; it is called in latine vesuvius , and in italian monte di soma , from the great plentie of all things wherewith it aboundeth . the hill it self is of a very large compass , and about the middle divided in two tops , of which one is much abated of its length by the burning . before the first eruption of the fire , it was much higher than the other , but now it is by much the lower . it is not easily accessible both in regard of its steepness , and the great quantitie of ashes that cover it every where , by reason whereof , the ascent becomes slippery and uncertain . in the ascending , you may take nottice of many several channels , some larger and deeper , some narrower and shallower made by the torrents of burning sulphur and other mineral substances , which boyled out at the top in the last great eruption it made , which torrents were carried several miles into the gulf or bay of naples without being quenched , and killed the fishes in the middle of the deep . you may likeways take notice of the various mineral substances , & stones burn'd to pumick , which are scattered over the whole hill. when you come at the top you will see the great gulf made by the several eruptions , which is suposed to be six miles in compasse about the brimmes , so that it makes a very large plain field at the bottom , that in deepness from the brimm is not above a hundred yards , it is all covered with ashes , and nothing green in it , except it be some few tufts , of i cannot tell what , not being able to judge of them at that distance . the descent to the bottom at some places seems to be easie enough , but we could find none so hardie as to venture to show us the way , altho' some of our guides had undertaken it before , and to speak truth , it is no great discretion to venture so far down upon a ground , which probably is not able to support one , being nothing in appearance but a field of ashes of uncertain deepthness . you will see in a hundred diverse places , spiracles , some greater , some smaller , out of which the smoak rises impetuously , as it were shott out of a gun , and with a continual crackling , like that of thunder at a distance , or the quenching of fire . when you have satisfied your curiositie of seeing all , you must return the same day , and take your horse where you left him , about the middle of the hill ; and so returne to naples . it is usuall for strangers to light at a village about midway to the city , to taste of these excellent wines , that grow upon the fertile places of the hill , and particularly of lachryma christi , otherways called lagrima di soma , which is a gross bodied red wine , strong and sweet to the taste , and very pleasant . in the suburbs of the town , as you return , you may see the kings stables , where the choisest horses of the kingdom are menaged and keept for the kings use . thus having vieued all in & about naples , it will be time to order your return for rome , by the same way you came , nor do i remember any other thing needfull to be observed or advised , except that you must l●t● your baggage ●e vieued at the gate ▪ as you go out , and take a pass from the customers ; or which you will pay some small thing . you will likeways do well to rid your self of all spanish monie ( gold excepted ) unless it be somuch as will serve to bear your expenses to fu●die , because it will not pass in any place of italy , except such as are under the spanish dominion . if the season of the year be good , there is excellent her●●rising upon this ●oade to naples . you will find wild in the fields , many sorts of narcissus's , many colours of single anemone's , squills : as●h●delus albus ma●or ; tithymalus dendroides . it is a plant i never saw , except upon the way from pipern● 〈◊〉 t●rrachina , about mid way upon a hill side , where it groweth in great aboundance . it is a stately tall plant , 〈◊〉 reading it self into severall branches , some whereof i observed to be as big as a mans wrist . it had few or no leaves on it in the season when i saw it , which was march , but aboundance of yellow flowers at the top's of the branches : the ficus indica lati-folia , is a beastly weed in the same place , and spoiles all the ground ; every leafe that falls springing up into a new plant , which at last becometh hard and woodie . tuchr●um lusit anicum arborescens , of which i saw some goodly tufts near to terachina . there be many other , which for brevities sake i omit to mention , and likeways a great many that i have forgot , having lost those notes i made of their names and places ; but i hope you will supply this defect , being your self much more able to do it . being returned to rome , which i shall suppose to be about the middle or end of april : it will be fitt for you to think of the next voyage towards loretto , unless you resolve to pass the summer at rome , for after the 20th . of may , untill the latter rains fall ( which is commonly about the middle of september , or the beginning of october , the extream heat makes travel very unseasonable . but if in the case of necessity , such as pestilence , or war , you should be forced to undertake the journey , you must order it so as to travel most in the night , and rest in the heat of the day , and be sure not to sleep till you have passed the campania of rome , as i have formerly marked . the way to loretto from rome .   miles . prima porta 7 castel novo 8 rignano 7 civita 9 o●ricoli 8 nar●i ● terni ● strettur● 8 spolet● 8 passo di spel●to 8 verchi●no b●rg● 9 pi● di dignano ● mucc●a castello 7 valcimara 8 to●entino 9 macerata 10 loretto 6 i have not much to say of the particular places upon this road , only tern● is an ancient city and pleasantly situated ; the river negra , in latine nar being divided in many branches , and drawn through the town , are as it were so many little rivers , whence also the town in latine is called interamna : the meadowes & fields about it , are exceedingly fertile , in so much that the meadowes are mowen three or four times a year ; and they talk that turneps are often found there of five or six & thirtie weight , of which seaven or eight will load an ass ; it is also renowned for pidgeons , which are thought the biggest & most savoury in italy . if you can take the leisure to stay here any time , it will be worth your while to see the lago di piedi luco , in latine lacus velinus ( not far from terni ) which is said to be the middle of all italy , that which is most considerable in it , is the issue of the waters from it , which was cut by a roman consul through a rock , whence it rushes out , and falls over so great a hight of rocks , that it makes a noise which may be heard at ten miles distance , and makes a greater cascata then that of tivoli . from verchian● you have the appennine to pass , which is that ridg of hills that divides all italy by the length . from valcimara , the way is exceeding good to loretto . loretto it self is a little town not very ancient , built upon the top of a hill , not above 3 or 4 miles from the adriatick sea , it is fortified reasonably well : the most considerable thing in it , is the church , in the quire whereof stands the casa s●ncta , brought thither from judeae miraculously by angels , as is beleeved . this is the house in which the blessed virgin is said to have been born. the out-side of it is walled about with marble cut into excellent figures , but yet so as the walls touch not the holy house . the inside hath continually lamps burning in it , some of gold , some of silver . there is in it a picture of our saviour and the virgin , which they say were painted by st. luke . the image of the virgin , which stands upon the altar , hath a garment upon it all covered with pearles , & upon the head a crown of gold , enriched with jewells ; upon the top whereof there is a carbuncle of the bigness of an egg. there is likeways shown within the house a little dish , out of which our saviour is said to have eat his meat whilst he was yet a babe . people commonly bring their beads , medals , & other peeces of devotion to be put in this dish , & to touch the other relicts . the sacristia is well worthy the seeing because of the jewels , and other rich presents and ornaments belonging to the house , which are keept there , and have been given and offered continualy , by allmost all princes and great persons in christendom . the cellar is likeways worthie the seeing , being exceedingly large and full of wines . amongst others they ordinarly shew one great tun out of which they draw 3 or 4 sorts of wine , some red , some white . the number of pilgrims , and other persons , that out of devotion resort to this place , from all the parts of christendom , is allmost infinit , insomuch that every day appears to be a holy day and the whole year but one continued feast . so soon as the gates are opened in the morning , they begin to enter as it were in procession . i believe there are but few inhabitants in the town , except a few trades-men of all sorts , for the accommodation of strangers , the greatest part are merchants , that sell nothing but beads and peeces of devotion , such as medals of silver , gold , brass , christal &c. books of devotion , and such like . there is good accommodation in the town , at a reasonable rate . the city is commanded by a governour , who hath his palace near to the church . we were recommended to him by cardinal charles barbarini , and were treated by him with great civilitie ; his secretary being commanded to wait upon us , and show us all that was considerable in the place . after two days stay here we dismissed our horses that we brought from rome , and hyred new ones from loretto to bolognia . from loretto to bolognia .   miles ancona 15 la casa brugiata 9 cenigalia 9 fano 9 pesaro 6 rimini 20 sanigniana castello 9 cesena 10 furli 10 faenza 10 imola 10 st. nicola castello 10 bolognia 10 ancona is about half a days journey from loretto . it is a verie ancient city and the best sea port in italy , at least upon the adriatick coast : the port was built , at least restored and beautified , by trajan the emperour , in whose honour a most stately triumphal arch was raised upon it , which it yet extant , with this inscription in capital letters . imp. caes. di●i nervae f. nervae trajano optimo august . germanic . daetico . pontef . max. tr. pot. xix . imp. xi . cos. vii . p. p. providentissimo princ. s. p. q. r. quod adcessum italiae , hoc etiam addito ex pecunia sua portum tutiorem navigantibus reddiderit . and upon the right side thereof you may read this inscription plotinoe aug. conjugi aug. and upon the left , divae marcian : aug : sorori august . cenigalia is a little town having a sea-port ▪ it seems from the name to have been built , and to have belonged to the galli cenones . fano , antiently fanum ; because of the temple of fortune that stood here ; there is a stately triumphall arch of marble 30 , cubits high. pesaro is a very pleasant and handsome city having many fine houses and a magnificent palace , it is well peopled and well fortified . the duke of vrbin , to whom this city did belong , used to pass one half of the year here ; but since his death without heirs male the whole dutchie is reunited to the ecclesiastick state . rimini , in latine ariminum ; is like to be so called from the river arimine that passes by it . there are severall fair palaces in it , built by the mala-testi antient lords of the place . there is a triumphal arch erected in honour of augustus , yet extant , and the ruines of a great theatre . but the most considerable thing of all is the bridge , built of great square marble stones , of twentie foot in length and 15. in breadth , with five arches . the bridge joynes the via flaminia and the via emilia together . it is said to have been built by tiberius caesar. in the mercat place there is to be seen the stone upon which julius caesar stood , and encouraged his officers , when he began the civil war. this stone hath this inscription c. caesar d. rubicone superato , civili bello , comilitones suos hic in for● ariminensi adlocutus . within a mile of cesina , or there abouts , you must pass the rubicon , which seems to be but a torrent , and in the summer time for the most part dry ; at the place where you pass there is yet extant an ancient pillar , the inscription whereof hath made the name of rubicon so famous . it is as follows ; jussu mandatuve p. r. cos. imp. myli tyro comilito manipulariaeve cent. turmaeve legionariae armat quis quis est hic sistito . vexillum sinito , ne citra hunc amnem rubiconem signa , arma , ductum , commeatum , exercitumque traducito ; siquis hujusce jussionis ergo adversum ierit , feceritve , adjudicatus esto hostis p : r. ac si contra patriam armaverit , sacrosque penatos e penetralibus asportaverit sanctio plebisci senatus . ne consulto ultra hos fines armae proferre liceat nemini . s. p. q. r. and upon the other side of the pillar , the following inscription ; rubiconem ponta subjectum transis viator , romano interdicto caesaris ausu , & adagio , jactae alcae , celebratum . flumini huic stabilem imponere trajectum , ethnica diu vetuit pavida superstitio , catholica nunc suasit socura religio . innocent : x o summo pont : card : d : legato 1654. furli ; in latine forum livii , where there is litle thing considerable except the market place . faenza ; is divided in two by the river lamone , over which stands a goodly bridge that joynes the two parts of the town together , it is called in latine faventia , and the people faventini . the whole way from ancona to bolognia is plain and smooth , and the countrey on all sides very rich and fertile , but especially near to bolognia , ( which deservedly is called la crassa ) where the whole countrey , on everie s●de of the high way , looks like gardens , being hedged and closed in on all sides , and planted with olive and while mulberry trees , the leaves whereof ●erve to the ●eeding of silk wormes , and at the roots of which the vines being planted , run up and spread themselves thorow all the branches of the trees , and load them with grapes . the distance betwixt the ranges of trees is sowen sometimes with wheat , or other usefull grain , or kitchin herbs and roots , nor is there wanting here abundance of the choisest fruits that italy affoords . bolognia ; is the second town of the ecclesiastick state , sweetly situated in a large plain , near to some hills at the one side . the city is near two miles in length and one in breadth , and about 5 miles in compass . the inhabitants are not esteemed to be under 80 thousand in number , amongst which it is thought there are two thousand gentlemen , whereof many have the titles of count and marques . there is a famous university & many fine colledges worthie to be seen : as also many fine churches & religious houses . the archdean of the cathedral of st. peters , has the priviledge of making doctors , above others . in the church of corpus christi , may be seen the intire body of st. katharine of vigri , a religious woman of the order of st. clare , that died at bolognia , in the year 1463. she sits in a chair , with a religious habit. the skin of her face seems to be bent and streacht , her eyes open , her hands and feet bare : in one hand she holds a crucifix , the other is placed upon a pillow . they use in the presence of a great deal of companie to paire her nails every month , and to cut her hair once a year , after they are grown . in the iacobins church is keept the head of st. dominick in a rich tabernacle , and his body in a curious tomb of white marble cut in severall figures of base relieve ; in the choire may be seen the histories of the new and old testament , with wonderfull artifice represented in mosaick of of wood. there is also to be seen here , a rare peece of painting , of the innocents made by guido reni ; all the parts of this convent are worthie the taking notice of , the cloisters , the dormitories of above 150 religious , the refictory painted by great masters , the apothecaries shop , and the bibliotheck , and the cellar which is extraordinarly big . there be many fine palaces worthie the seeing , and very well ornamented within , but especially the popes own palace , where the legat resides , and in it you must take particular care to see aldrovandi's studie , and collection of curiosities , which are keept in this palace , and commonly intrusted to the legats physitian . there is likeways to be seen in the back court aldrovandi's garden , in which there are some curious plants . in the study you will see a great herball , in water colours , but without any description , as also a whole press full of manuscripts , written all with his own hand . there are severall towres in the town , but especially that of degli pisanelli , which is one of the highest i remember to have ever seen ; it stands about the middle of the town , and near by it there is an other which is not finished , and the reason they give for it is very apparent , that the builders mistook the perpendicular ; when one stands near to it , it is so very crooked that it appears to be just a falling . i had the curiositie to go as high in the other towre as i could , and rather because i thought i might more easily discover the situation of the town , it's avenues , and the country about , but i had much reason to repent me : the ladders for the most part being old and rotten , so that i was in continuall apprehension of falling , and one slip would have done my turne as well as a hundred . i shall advise you rather to take the paines to see a convent , a little without the town , toward the hills , called st. michaele in bosco , from whence you will have a most delicate prospect of the town and country about . the town appears in the form of a ship , and the towre deglipisanelli , may be the maine mast of it . this convent is one of the most glorious in italy ; the religious are of the order di monte olivetto , there are many other things in the town worthie the taking notice of , which for brevities sake i omit . you must not forget to see the silk-work , which is a most curious contrivance ; it is three or four storie high , in the highest storie there are innumerable pirns of silk , which are all moved by the generall motion that the water gives to some wheeles below , & there they receive the first twist ; in the storie next to that , they receive the second ; & in the lowermost storie the last : which brings it to that form of raw silk that we commonly see sold. this place above all others in italy , or in the world , is famous for excellent soap-balls , of which you will do well to provide your self abundantly ; they will keep in their perfection above 20 years : you may have them of severall sizes , bigger or lesser as you please . it is likeways famous for sassadges , which are the best cetainly in tke world : i have seen of them of 5 crownes the peece . there is good herbarising towards the hills , if your leisure can permit you ; you may take a guide along with you . upon these hills , you will likeways find that famous stone called lapis phosphorus bononiensis , of which fortunatus lic●t●s hath written a particular book . it is very hard and flintie like , but more glistering ; when it is calcined 48 hours in a reverberatory fire & then set to cooll : if you expose it a little to the light and free air , and on the sudden bring it to the dark , it shines for a little while as if it were a red burning coale , but there is a kind of efflorescence like rust or greenish dust that growes upon the top of it , whilst it is a calcineing , which is most effectuall for the shining , and which if it by lost by any accident , the rest will not be much worth , and for saving of this they use ordinarly to fix the stone in wax in the bottom of a box , & so sell them to strangers , but this way does not secure them , to my certain experience . the best way is to bring the stone uncalcined and prepare it at home . i would have you to see an apothecarie , who is a great virtuoso especiallie in plants . he is called jacomo zanoni speciale da san biaggio custode de simplici in bolognia ; i believe he has published something of plants by this time , for he shewed me a number of brass cutts , which were allreadie graven , and told me the intention he had as soon as he could get the rest perfected , to cause print them . if they may be had , i intreat you to procure me one of them ; you will do well to see his garden , which is very curious . and the best way to ingage all such men as he is , is to have allways a parcell of rare seeds with you , and to give them some , by which means you will find them readie to give you whatever they can spare , in like manner . i shall advise you to visit the booksellers shops , concerning which i must give you this generall advice , for finding out botanick books , that you take paines to look them all over your self ; for many times the book-sellers do not know their names . you will find here panacea ex herbis quae a sanctis denominantur item historia & icones capsicorum bartholomaei ambrosini in 80. bononiae 1630. also hyacinthi ambrosini hortus studiosorum & novarum plantarum hactenus non s●ulptarum historia in 40. bononiae 1657. but above all i must intreat you to buy me aldrovandus's works , which ate 13 or 14 tomes in folio ; you may buy them in sheets , and have them packt up in your own things for venice , where you will not fail to meet with frequent occasions of sending them for london . i believe they will not cost above 18 or 20 crowns . and if they do i shall be readie to allow it . it will not be a miss here , if you think fit , to go by land to modena , parma and piatzena and returne by the river po to ferrara : but because i had not the fortune to see them my self , i shall not say any thing of them , but returne to ferrara , which is not above half a days journie , or thereabouts , from bolognia . ferrara , is situated in a large plain about half a mile distance from the po. it belongs to the ecclesiastick state , and is governed by the popes legate . the streets , houses and places , are very handsome & fine , as also the churches & religious houses . in the monasterie of s. bennet , you may see the sepulchre & epitaph of the famous poet ariosto . it hath a verie strong and well contrived cittadale . from hence you go to venice by water , that is in an open boat , by a canale near to the side of the po , where ye imbarke in a bigger vessel , which goes constantly twice a week to venice . if the wind be favourable , you will easily accomplish the voyage in 10 or 12 houres time , but if otherways , you may be longer , and therefore you will do well to make provision of victuals , to take along with you . when you arrive at venice , it will be needfull to lodge in a convenient place of the town , and for that end , you will do well to provide your self of a recommendation to the english consul ; from rome or from bolognia . giles jones was consul in my time , and entertained lodgers himself , he was a verie honest man , and did faithfullie send my things to london , according to the address i gave him . when you are setled in a lodging , it will be time to take a view of the town , for the doing of which and considering it well , 3 or 4 weeks is little enough . nothing in nature can appear more prodigious than to see a vast big town seated in the middle of the sea ; everie house whereof at one side or another is touched by the water , and the nearest land being 4 or 5 miles distance . it was built at first upon the little island of rialto in the year 421 , perhaps later by the inhabitants of the firm land that were chaced from their own homes by attila king of the huns , & forced to make choice of this place for their safety ; since that time they have built upon 70 or 71 isles more , which are joyned together by upwards of 450 bridges . the town is about 8 miles in compass . there are but few streets built on both sides , except some open places . the most part of the streets have a canale or ditch in the middle , by which the gondols pass , which is a great commoditie , for there is scarce a house in the town , but one may be carried this way , either close to it or within a few steps of it . the canals are different in breadth , some more some less large , the narrowest is broad enough for one gondole to go by another ; it is remarkable , that the water ebbs and flowes here 4 or 5 foot , which is not observed in the adriatick farther down towards naples , nor in any other port of the mediterranian sea ; the gondals are believed to be above fourteen or fifteen thousand in number ; they are small tight boats much cleaner & finer than oares upon the thames , having a prettie tilt over the seat where the passingers sit , & will be able to accommodat 5 or 6 persons : it is usual for gentlemen or persons of qualitie to have their own gondols , and those richer than the ordinary ; some are rowed by one , some by two , and it is somewhat extraordinary that the rower does not sit within the boat , but stands upon one side of it , and lookes the same way that he rows . at the turning of any corner , after they come within such a distance of it , they are obliged to cry , to give notice to the gondols on the otherside whom they cannot see , and he that cryes first hath this advantage , that he turnes close by the corner , and the others are obliged to give him way and take it larger : and i assure you it is no small wonder to me that there being so many corners to tur●e , and so continuall and frequent intercourse of gondols going some the one way , and some the other ; and in the dark as well in the day : there should be so few accidents of running one another down , especiallie , considering with what swiftness thay go . the largest canale , called canale grande , is about 13 or 14 hundred paces in length ; & fourtie in breadth , and divides the town as it were in two . the bridge of the rivo alto , or as it is commonlie pronounced rialto , is one of the most magnificent structures in the citie : it consists but of one arch , & yet is said to have cost above 250 thousand duckets ; at the one end of the bridge , there are three large streets divided by 2 rowes of houses , which are so many merchant shops . this serves for the exchange , where the merchants meet about noon to do their affairs . there are so manie things considerable in this place that it is difficult to comprehend them in this short narration , and therefore i shall onlie name a few of them , and leaue the rest to your particular inquirie , which will not be hard for you to make , when you are upon the place . be pleased then first to take notice among the churches of that of st mark , which properlie , is onlie the dukes chapel belonging to the palace of st. mark , whose bodie being brought from alexandria is preserved here ; the church has 24 chanoines belonging to it under one head , called primicero . he is commonlie chosen by the doge , and wears the miter and other ornaments of a bishop , & uses to give his benediction to the people as bishops do . the inside of the church is of marble of diverse sorts , and all verie fine , with above 40 marble pillars ; it is paved with porphire , serpentine &c. in mosaick work ; upon the top of the great altar , there is a globe enriched with a great number of pearles and other jewels of price ; the roof of the church consists of 5 cupula's covered with lead ; it hath 5 doors of brass , and over the great entrie on the outside there stands four delicat horses , equal in bigness to the natural , of brass guilded , which at first were placed upon the triumphal arch of nero , after he subdued the parths , but were afterward carried to constantinople , when the seat of the empire was removed from rome and at last brought hither by the venetians when they took constantinople . 2ly . that which is most worthie of the seeing ( it may be in all the world ) is the treasure of st. mark , where amongst other things you will see 12 royal crowns & 12 breast plates of gold , ful of pearles and jewels ; taken as they say at constantinople ; and the tradition is , that they were the ornaments of the 12 maids of honour that waited upon st. helena mother to constantine the emperour ; several rubies weighing 8 ounces a peece , and a saphir that weighs ten ounces ; two unicorns horns ; severall vessels of precious stones ▪ as agat , j●spir one of emerauld which a king of persia presented the senat with . one of one single turkis ; another capable to hold a scots quart of one single granat ; the tiar or bonnet wherewith the duke is crowned , is garnished with jewels of inestimable price ; there is a vast deal of other riches , which i cannot particularly remember ; there is likewa●s to be seen the picture of the blessed virgin done by st luke . the acts of the apostles writen in golden letters by the hand of st john chrysostome , patriarch of con●tantinople . it will be worth your while to go to the top of the steeple , from whence you will have a delicat prospect of the whole city and neighbouring islands , of a part of lumbardie , of the severall mouths of the river po , the hills of ●tria ; & the sea about ▪ 3ly : the palace of st mark , whereof the arches , pillars , halls and chambers are all most statelie , especialy the great halls , which are painted by the greatest masters of their time ; for the fetter understanding of which , it will be fitt , that you get a printed inventorie ●f all the particular ornaments of this palace . 4ly , the piazza of st marco , which is one of the largest and finest that can be 〈◊〉 in any town in italy ; being com●●●sed with most stately and regular buildings ▪ with large arches and portic●es to walk in , in the time of heat or rain ▪ with all sorts of merchandise and trades . this place is the most diverticeing in all venice , for here you may see people of many nations with different habits . at that end of that place which lookes to the sea , there stands two marble pillars , each of them of them one peece , of a great hight and bigness , at a reasonable distance one from another . upon the top of the one is placed a flying lion guilded , which is the armes of venice , and the symbole of st mark ; upon the top of the other the statue of st theodore gilded . betwixt these pillars , justice is usuallie done upon male-factors . about the middle of the place stands 3 verie tall poles like unto ships masts , whereupon the standards of the republick are displaied at great solemnities . on that side of the place , which is opposit to the dukes palace , stands the mint-house , a verie goodlie fabrick , composed of stone and iron , without any wood at all . 5ly . the arsenal , which is the largest and best furnished in the world ; it is strongly walled about , and the sea drawn about it likeways . there are fifteen or sixteen hundred men constantly at work , besides old men , who are not able to work , but intertained for instructing the younger . here are keept all sort of amunitions of war both for sea & land , in vast quantities , and in that good order , that i have heard some confidentlie say , that there were workmen within the arsenal , that were able to build a gally , and reik her out compleatly in one hours time ; which if it be true , argues a great deal of sharpness in the workmen , and readiness of the materials . there are severall lesser islands at some distance from the town , worthie to be seen , and particularlie , 1. murain about a mile northward from the city . it is well built and many good houses in it ; it is in this island , that all those famous crystall glasses so much talked of , and so much sought after throughout the world , are made . it is observed here , that the glass-works succeed much better on the one side of the street than on the other . they have likeways a great art of whitneing wax , which is observed to succeed better in this island than any other place in or about the city . there are abundance of oysters likeways in this island ; they ordinarly keep them in baskets near the shoare , to have them in readiness when they are called for , but in my opinion they are neither so pleasant , no● so wholesome as at lighorn and other places , especiallie being eaten raw , for i have often found the eating of them so , to give a verie troublesome flux of the belly to severall persons . 2ly . the isle of st helena , where there is a verie statelie monasterie & church , with monks of the order of mont olivet . in this church is keept the body of the emperess st helena . this isle lyes to the eastward of the town , and about two miles further the same way , stand the two forts del l●do and casielnovo , which both defend them selves mutuallie , and secure the entrie to the city from enemies in time of war ▪ 3ly . malamocco , where all ships and vessels of anie considerable burden do arrive because of the deepness of the harbour . 4ly . the isle of st. george , lying just before the place of st. mark , at half a miles distance , where there is an abbace of the order of st. benedict , with a most stately and glorious church , together with a garden and fair walks , which is thought no small thing in that place . altho' a traveller cannot be alltogether sure of his times , there being so many contingencies that may force him either to arive too soon or too late ; yet it were to be wished that a man might happen to be at venice in the time of carnoval , because of the opera's and fine shows that are to be seen , and the extraordinarie musick at that time . in the summer time the great divertisement is to go in gondole upon the great canale , where towards the evening , one may see five , or six hundred gondols touring up and down , full of ladies and gentlemen , & severalls of them with musick , both vocal and instrumental ; which is one of the greatest gusto's imaginable . you cannot miss to meet with a great many curiosities here , both natural and artif●cial , because of the great resort that strangers have to this place , especiallie from the levant ; you will find medals , intaleo's , chamaeo's &c. amongst the goldsmiths . i have seen severall curiosities to sell in the place of st. mark , and sometime within the court of the palace , and in many other corners throughout the city . you may meet with maby curiosities of glass , that are both usefull and delightfull . it will be worth your while to visit the book-sellers shops , for besides many curious books , that you may light upon here , and particularly of botany ; you may likeways find verie many books , that are prohibited in many other places of italy . be pleased to inquire diligently for a thin 40. called trattato de simplici pietre . & pesci marini che nascono del lito di venetia di antonio donati farmacopeo all'insegn● di st. liberale in venetia 1631. printed by pietro maria bertano . donati himself was dead before i came thither , but i found out his brother , a man of the same profession and living at the same place , but nothing knowing in simples . after i had told him the respect i had for his brothers memorie , and my regrate for the loss of so worthie a person ; he was pleased to show me a great many brass-plates of so many plants not yet described , together with their description done by his brother ; i am confident were they published , they would make a bigger volume than the first . they were in confusion when i saw them , but i put them in order and prayed him to keep them so , untill he should find the opportunitie of printing them , which i found him willing to do at his own expense , nor to trust it with an other , least his brothers name should have been stolen from it . if it be not as yet printed , you may see what you can do , either to purchase the manuscript and plates , or promise the printing of it . there are many virtuosi in the city , that have great collections of fine things which you may be pleased to inquire after and see . from venice you have twentie five miles to padua , whereof fo●r by berg to the terra ferma , and the rest you go by boat , drawen with horses by the river brent , which is a most pleasant and soft running river , having plain , fertile & most delicious fields on either side , full of villages & pleasure-houses , to which the inhabitants of venice use to resort in the summer-time . the river runs not all of a levell , & therefore there are three or four locks or sluces , by means whereof , at severall places the river is made portable ; which otherways it would not be . there is such an other lock upon the canale of briar , near to montargis in france . you will more easilie understand the manner of them by seeing them , than by any description i can make of them . padua , in latine pattavium . is a very ancient and large town ; famous over the world , for its vniversity ; whence it is called padua la dotta . there are many things considerable in the town fit to be seen and take notice of . as 1. the churches as namely that of s. sophia , that of justino , which is all pavemented with white & red marble ; there is an abbacy joyning to it of the order of st. benedict ; the reformation of which order did begin first here . it was anciently the temple of concord . the place before the church is very large & spacious . they say ten thousand men might be drawn up within it . the church of st. antonia de lisbon , is notably designed , and hath many rich things belonging to it ; many relique's , but amongst others the most considerable is the body of st. antonia , commonly called of padua , because he died and was in●erred here . there is great a devotion payed to this sainct , and a great concourse dayly to the place , as well of the inhabitants of the town , as of pilgrims that come from other places . they use to kiss the marble-stone that covers his sepulchre ; and they say it smels of musk. 2ly . the palace of justice , which is most stately . the stairs are all of marble covered with lead without the support of any pillar . the great hall is 256 foot in length , and 86 foot in breadth , and very well painted , and at the end of it , that statue of titus livius , whose tomb is likeways to be seen in the town . 3ly . the schooles , which is a very stately fabrick , being a 4 square court , where you will see a great many of the statues or busta's , names & arms of so many consuls , that have been of the several nations that compose the vniversity ; the scholars here have large priviledges , and many times abuse them , and become very insolent , insomuch that they have been sometimes known to threaten the podesta himself or governour of the town ; they have , likeways a beastly custome of carrieing arms in the night , insomuch that it is never safe to be abroad after it hegins to be dark , for many are this way unhappity murthered without any offence given or taken , but only by wantoness , or rather wickedness of the scholars . 4ly . the physical garden , which is exceedingly fine , not so much for the number as rareness of the plants . you may easily make your addrefs to the professor that keeps the garden who in my time was the excellentissimus signeur tore , but the gardener will be sufficient to do your turn , for in giving him a small peece of mony , you will command both seeds , plants , and all that he hath . we have a very worthie gentleman of our countrie , called doctor cadenhead ; in my time he was publick professor of logick nel bo , which is the publick schooles . he is a most courteous and obliging gentleman , and will be ready to do you all the kindness's imaginable . 5ly . you may see the hospitals for sick folk , and many other things , which for brevities sake i omit , only i intreat you be at the paines to visit the book-sellers shops ; and if there be any new thing in physick , since the 62 or 63 year of god , i intreat you to bring them along with you for me , especialy if there be any thing of rhodius , who hath promised us his commenta●s upon cornelius celsus long ago . if you please , you may make a little journey to the euganean hils , which are not far from p●dua . there is very good herborsing upon them . it will be worth your while , likeways to see abbano , a village 3. or 4 miles distant from padua ; famous for its natural baths . at the end of the village there is a little rising or know ; upon the top of which there are a great many springs of hot water , some where of are scalding hot . the water is convoyed by little conduits to several houses about , where baths are keept for sick people , but the greater part of it is convoyed the other way by a trough , where , at the distance of a musket shot , it moves a milne . the water it self is whitish , having a white slimy substance in it , which it deposes every where , where it runs , and which in process of time becomes as hard as a stone ; in so much that the miln-wheel , and all the wood that is toucht by it , becomes crusted as it were with marble ; and if it be not broken of timeously , it stops the motion of the wheel just as i●eicles use to do with us . the country about padua is very plain and exceedingly fertile , insomuch that they use to say , b●lognia la grassa , ma padua la passa ; yet the wine is not good , but a red small claret-wine such as they use at venice for ordinarie drink . when you ha●● past some time at padua , and satisfied your self , of all that is to be seen and known there , it will be time to set ●orward for milan . from padua to verona .   mil●s vicenza 17 montebello 12 scaldere 10 veron● 12 in going from padua to vicenza , you will do well to turne a little out of 〈◊〉 way to see a place called gus●●so , 〈◊〉 is a house of pleasure belonging to a ●●r●ticular person , where , besides many ●●riosities , of gardens &c. there is p●●ticular wayes of conveying the win● 〈◊〉 the caves below to the upper 〈◊〉 which makes a delicat fresco in the greatest heats of summer . it stands at the foot of a very great mountain , under which are the vastest and biggest caves i ever saw ; but seem not to be natural , but rather quarries , out of which the greatest part of the stone that vicenza has been built with , has been taken . in one place of these caves , there is a little well made by the water that drops from the top of the cave , which petrifies any wood , straw &c. that lyeth any time in it , and yet the water keeps clear it self , without congealing . near to the city of vicenza , upon your left hand , you wil see a delicat peece of architecture , made by the famous architect vinogli , which is likeways designed in his book ; it is only a house of pleasure , and stands upon a considerable hight from the city , discovering all the country round about . vicenza is a good large town , having many fine churches and palaces , with a large place for tilting and other exercises : there is likeways in it a noble theatre built by vinogly : the country about is exceedingly fertile , and abounds with all sort of good fruit , and is therefore called the garden of venice . verona is an easie days journey from vicenza ; it is an ancient city , large and well built , having many stately palaces , churches &c. & an old amphitheatre , yet more intire than any other in italy . the town is divided in two by the river adice , it is wel fortified , having 13 royal bastions , and three castles ; the two parts of the town , are conjoyned by 4 large stone bridges . there is excellent herborizing upon the hils near to the city , but especially upon the monte baldo , which is about 20 miles distant from this city , and which is described at great length by joannes pona , whose book i suppose you have seen . the palace del conte justi , is worthie the seeing , together with the gardens and grotta's . amongst the rest , there is one of a reasonable capacitie built with that artifice , that four persons being placed in the four corners , may speake each of them to his neighbour in the opposit corner , and yet not be heard by those that stand in the middle between them . in the palace of the signeur conte gregorio bevila●●● ▪ there is a gallerie , in which you may see a great many fine pictures , statues , medals , and other rarities . ●rom verona you pass by la peso●eira , which is a strong fort , upon the river 〈◊〉 issues from the lago di garda : from 〈◊〉 you go to dissanzano , which tho' 〈…〉 big town , but rather a village , i look upon it as one of the pleasantest 〈◊〉 in italy ; being upon the side of 〈◊〉 lago di garda , a lake not so 〈◊〉 as long , for in length it reaches to 〈…〉 rhetici . the country about 〈…〉 and fertile , and the lake it 〈◊〉 ●●ounds with all sorts of excellent 〈◊〉 such as pykes , pearches , red and 〈◊〉 trouts &c. and of all there are 〈◊〉 very big . in my time there was 〈◊〉 ●rench-man , that keept a very good 〈◊〉 , where we had excellent fare 〈◊〉 of fish and flesh , and the best wine 〈◊〉 the whole state of venice , and all at 〈◊〉 rate . from dissanzano , you go to bre●cia , which is not above half a days journey distant from dissanzano . it is a large and very strong town , especialy the castle thereof placed upon a hill , that commands the town . it is famous for making of guns , and pistols , especialy the cannons of them , which are the best i ever saw by farr . if you have the opportunity of carriage , it would be worth your while to make provision for your self here . if you resolve to make your return , not to lions but , throw switzer-land and germany , down the rhen , & so throw flanders and holland , then it will be fitt when you are at bol●gnia to go up the po , by modena , parma , piazz●nza , and so to millan , and from thence to turrin , and then back to millan again , and so returne by the other way of bergamo , brescia , dissanzano , verona , vicenza and padua to venice , by which means you will not only see the sweetest and most fertile places of lumbardie , but also have the commoditie of bringing what ever you find in all that way to venice , from whence it may easily be convoyed into england . from bres●i● to bergamo you have a dayes journey : you must dine at a place called pallazolo ; it is a little inconsiderable town . i remember we had a letter of recommendation from the duke of norfolks major-domo at padua , to a gentleman in this place , who was exceedingly civil to us & sent us a present of excellent wine , & ( which was of farr greater importance to us ) gave us the assurance of the peaceableness of the countrey & security of travelling , which sometimes is not without the danger of being robbed ; it being near the frontiers of the state of millan : & in such cases , it is usual for rogues , when they have done a mischief to pape into the next state , where the laws of the other state cannot reach them . the project of our recommendation , was to have been conducted by this gentleman on our way ; if there had been any such need . he willingly profered it , but we , upon the assurance he gave us did as willingly deny to accept it . bergamo is situated upon the side of a hil , fortifie with 9 bastions besides the castle , which is extreamly strong . there is , as i take it , in the dominicans a rare bibliotheque , collected by the great expense of alexander martinengo , you will do well here to exchange all your venetian money into spanish money , & such as will pass into the state of millan . you have a days journey from hence to millan , and must dine at a place called villa nova : as soon as ye have dined , you pass the river tesin : and then enter the state of millan . as you enter the state of millan , you will find some searchers or wayters of the custom-house , to whom you must give some small thing to let your baggage pass , or else you may be troubled with them . the state of millan , altho' but small in extent , is yet one of the pleasantest & fertilest places in italy . the country is very plain . the high-ways for the most part very large and straight , planted with trees and hedges , on every side , and having canales of water , for the most part , on every side ; and travellers have this advantage also to meet with better inns and better accommodation here than on any other road in italy . the inhabitants are not given to mutiny and rebellion as those of naples , but willingly submit to their prince . it is said that the king of spaine governs the kingdom of sicilie with mildness : naples with subtilitie and the dutchie of millan with authoritie . they say likeways that the inferior governours of sicilie , only but gentlie : those of naples eat lustilie , but that in millan they devoure . i have observed throughout all italy , that the greatest part of the inn-keepers and taverners even in rome it self are milanese : as also that the greatest part of the masons that serve all italy , are of this countrie : and it is a verie great mark both of their love to their countrie and loyaltie to their prince , that when they are not able to get so much by staying at home , as to entertain their wives and children , and pay publick burdens , they are contented to live abroad most part of their lives , and returne that home which they gaine abroad ; for they never carrie their wives with them , nor children till they be able to gaine for themselves : onlie it may be they make them a visit sometimes . the citie of millan , which is capital of the dutchie , is one of the stateliest in italy : it is near ten miles in compass , but a considerable part of it , especiallie toward the walls , is gardens . the streets are large & handsome ; many statelie churches and palaces : but i shall mark them a little more particularly as i have done in other towns : and 1. to begin with the churches , it is said there are above 230 in the citie and suburbs , whereof 96 are parochial : 40 convents of religious men , and 50 of religious women . the cathedral church called il domo , is one of the greatest and most glorious in italy except st. peters at rome . it is intirely built of white marble within & without , but that which is to be pitied is , that the design is gothick ; it is not yet quite finished ; but they are still at work , and you may guess when they are like to come to an end , they haveing been up wards of 200 years at work allreadie . there are above 600 marble statues about the walls , everie one of which cost at least 1000 crowns , amongst which the statue of adam and st. bartholomew are much esteemed , especiallie the latter which is thought to be one of the best in europe . the pend of the church is supported by 160 white marble pillars , each of them of that bigness , that scarcelie can three men fathom them . it is believed that they stand not under 10000 crowns a peece . all the rest of the parts of the church are correspondent in magnificenee , only it appears to me to be somewhat darker than need were . amongst many other things that are considerable in this church is the body of st. charles boromeus in a chappel under ground . it hath a lamp burning before it , and you look down through an iron tirles from the church to see it . you may see the head and feet , but the rest of the bodie is covered with his pontificall habit. there is a rich treasure belonging to the church , where you will see , amongst other things ▪ a silver statue of the same st. charles in his pontifical habit , with many precious stones of great value upon the myter thereof . it was presented by the jewellers and goldsmiths of millan . in the church of st. ambrose , you may see a pillar in the middle of the church , upon which stands the brazen serpent that moses elevated in the wilderness . you may likeways see two statelie tombs , one of the emperour luis , and the other of pepin king of italy , both sons of charles the great . here also you may see the chapel where st. augustine was baptized . in the church of st. satyre , upon the great altar there is a picture of the blessed virgin with the babe jesus in her armes , of which they tell a wonderfull story , that it being placed upon the church-yard-wall , a certain gamester called massario vigonzonio , being mad to have lost his money , struck the little jesus with a poynard , whereupon immediately there gusht out abundance of blood , after which it was placed upon the great altar where it is yet to be seen . 2ly . the palaces ; amongst the rest that of the governour . 3ly . the hospitals ; which are said to entertain above 9000 poor people all the year long , at the expence of the publick . that which is called the great hospital , entertaines alone more than 4000 , and so it may , for it has three score ten thousand crowns of yearlie revenue . the lazaretto is a kind of hospital without the walls , it is a large square court about a mile in compass , not unlike the form of the carthusians houses ; that are divided into so many little appartments . the chief design & use of it , is in the time of the plague : at other times it stands emptie , only some few persons that have the keeping of it , remaine there . 4ly . the places in the town ; chiefly the exchange , where the merchants meet ; there you will see the statue of st ▪ augustin , and the place where he taught rhetorick before his conversion to the christian faith. 5ly . st. ambrose's bibliotheck , where not only these books that belonged to st. ambrose himself , but many other books that have been presented since , are kept . septalie's galerie . this manfredo septali , is son to that famous physician ludovicus septalius , who hath written many things , & learnedly in philosophie and medicine . he is at present one of the canons of the great church ; and one of the greatest virtuosi in italy . his studie of books consists of 2 or 3 roomes . his galerie of curiosities of three roomes . the curiosities are both natural and artificial , of so great a number and varietie , that i must not insist upon particulars ; but only refer you to the description thereof in latine by paulus maria tersagus , the book is in 40. dertono 1664 , and bears the name of musaeum septalianum . he hath also an other room or two , full of working tooles , ●ome for turning , others for grinding of optick glasses of all sorts and fashion ; and here you will see a great variety of musical instruments . most part of the booksellers live near to the exchange , but their magasins are in severall other places of the town ; you must be carefull to see them all . you will undoubtedly find some to please , on which perhaps you will not readily fall else where . you will meet with many curiosities in this place , especiallie of cristal , brought hither from the alps , and a thousand conceits , most delicatly wrought of straw . i have heard of peeces of cristal , with severall shapes represented within them naturally , as of trees , flees , &c. others with a drop of water within them , that one might perceive to move , but is was not my fortune to light on any such . 7ly . the castle of milan , is one of the greatest forts in italy , with six royal bastions , a large fossey full of running water , and within it a second wall of strength . the place within will admit of 6000 men to be drawn up , it has above 200 peece of cannon ▪ all sorts of ammunition and 600 spaniards in garison . it has a water miln within it for grinding of corn , which is moved by the running water that fills the ditches . at a miles distance from the town , there is a privat gentlemans house , where the echo is so excellent that it repeats above 40 times , which you may try , ether by speaking loud or otherways with a trumpet ; but the surest way is with pistol shot , for then you may distinctly tell to 40 , one after another . the carthusians have a stately monastery at 10 miles distance from millan , wihin five miles of pavia , which hath 500000 crowns of yearly revenue ; the monks use to entertain strangers for one night . the church is of a most delicat fabrick and very rich. if you please you may go from hence to pavia , anciently ticinum , and afterward called pavia . the town is very strong and stands upon the tesin ▪ it is the chief vniversity of the dutchie of millan , but because i was not in it my self i cannot say much of it , only i have heard that in the great place of the city stands the brazen statue of the emperour constantine , or as some think of antoninus , very much esteemed . if you list to go thither i believe it may be well worth your seeing , because of the vniversity , for , for any thing i know , there may be both good books , and a physical garden there . from millan to turin , you have about 73 miles . from millan to turin . buffalora 9 novara 16 vercelli 15 s. germano 13 ci●uas 10 turin● 10 you have two rivers to pass , by boat viz. the dorn , after you pass vereelli and the tesin near to ci●uas : near to vercelli you enter into piedmont , & there you will meet with waiters or customers to whom you must give some thing , and before this time it will be fitt that you have changed all your spanish money except it be pistols , or half pistols of gold , for these will pass any where , either in piedmont or france . when you arrive at turin you will think your self allready in france , for their apparel , customs and discourse , are almost altogether french. turin , augusta taurinorum is the capital city of piedmont , and is situated in a plain about 20 miles distant from the alps ; having the po on the one side and the dorn on the other . the dukes of savoye keep their court here , and have made it both very pleasant & very strong : there is the old and new city , which is very well and regularly built . it is compassed with royal bastions , and walls . it hath a citadale , consisting of 5 strong bastions . they say it is after the model of the citadale of antwerp . the great church is called the domo , where amongst other relicts is keept and had in veneration the sanctum sudarium , upon which the visage of our saviour & the greatest part of his body is impressed . there is a famous vniversity here , & this is said to be the first town in italy that had the first use of printing . the castle serves now the duke for a palace . there is a rare galerie to be seen , with many fine pictures , antick statues &c. and a great collection of manuscrips . amongst the new buildings the royal place is considerable ; the walks thereof being full of shops and merchandice of all sorts . you may likeways see the valentine , which is a beautifull palace , built by madam royal a little beneath the town upon the bank of the po ▪ in the suburbs of the po , there is a house called albergo worthie the seeing , because of the many excellent manufactories of silk , and other stuffs that are made there . i leave the rest to your own observa●ion , that i may haste to bring you over ●he alps ; the ordinarie way is to tra●el with the messenger to lions or to ge●eva . we came to lions . it is a jour●ey of 8 or 9 dayes . the first day we ●arted from turin about ten a clock in ●he forenoon , and came to lye all night ●ome 10 or 12 miles from turin , having ●llready entered into one of the vallies ●hat leads to the foot of the hill ; the next day we dined at an other little village hard by the foot of the hill , cal●ed monte cene , here we hired mulets to ●arrieus up the hill ; it being impossible for our horses to do it . you must likeways ●ire men to carrie you down on the other side of the hill , because it is a great deal too far to walk , and the way that the horse goes , is farr about , because of the steepness of the hill. and yet i mnst tell you that the hill is three times steeper and less accessible on the italian side than on the french side . as you mount the hill , at first you will find the soyle somewhat fertile at least wayes for pasturage and abundance of wood ; but when you are ●ot higher you will find nothing but rocks , & shrubs , here & there ; there is a little beck in the face of the hill , where there stands a few houses , or rather corbie nests ; a habitation which some people have chosen for the benefit they may make by accommodating strangers that pass that way , for they are all victualing-houses , and ( as i take it ) a smith or two . when you pass this and continue still to mount , you will be about the middle region of the air , and it 's a hundred to one ; but you may see clouds enough beneath you , & it may be the rain falling from them ; and then you will begin to find it cold what ever time of the year it be , and the the higher you go it will still ▪ be the ●older , till you come to the very highest pitch you are to go , and there you will meet with a little house , in which one can scarce stand upright , where , if you have leisure , you will get some bread & drink to buy ; they usually have white hares and white partridges to sell , and as usuall it is for strangers to buy them for curiosities sake , & have them dressed at their next lodging . from this you have a plain of above half a mile in length , which for the most part is coveted with snow , except in the heat of summer and then it will be green in some places that are most exposed to the sunn . the great pike of the hill , which yo● leave upon the right hand as you enter the plain , is above two miles higher , and perpetualie covered with deep snow . about the middle of the plain stands the ruin of a great house , which madam ro●al began to build , but whither she finished it or not , i cannot tell ; however i am sure nothing but omnipotencie could make a house resist the rage of so much wind and storm , as that place is subject to . when you come to the end of the plain , there is an other little victualling house , but it was desolate , when i pass'd . you quite your moulets at the entrie into the plain , and take your own horses , and here you quite them again , and leave your messenger to wait upon them to the bottom of the hill , the best way he can , and permit your self to be carried by two men which came along with you ( for according to the number of the companie there comes two for one from the italian side , as i hinted at before ) it is a kind of barrow , with a litle seat , & a back at it , with two little handles to hold by , & a foot board for streaching your limbs before you , tyed at both ends with a peece of small rope , that they set ●ou upon ; & then carrie you the nearest way down the hill , which you would think steep enough for goats to climb . they go at the rate of an ordinary horse trot , & as they go will trist the stones to step upon , which lye confusedly here and there , as exactly as if they were a paire of stairs and yet they will not fall once in 500 times , and if they should it would be a fall without any great perill . but indeed the danger on the italian side is much greater ; there being great precipices on the one hand , where into , if one should fall it were impossible to escape , insomuch that i have often wondred how any body durst adventure to climb upon a beasts back : and yet is admirable to see with it what dexteritie these poor moulets pick out their way , where scarce any man could crawle all four , & how sure footed they are . but i must returne to the french side , where you may pay off your porters when they have brought you to your lodging at a little village near to the foot of the hill. the ordinarie rate is a crown a head that is , half a crown to every porter . i have told you the way of passing the mount cene at such seasons , of the year , as there is little or no snow : but in the winter time when the snows are fallen the passage is much more uneasie & unsafe , especiallie if they be newly fallen , and the paths not trod ; for then it is not only impossible to go without 2 or 3 guides , that in case one should drop throw the snow there may be more hands to let fall a rope and bring him up again ; for sometimes that will happen , as when a courier is necessitat to pass upon important affairs , & any of the guides chance to mistake a step , he will some times slip down 100 fathom or two . but this is not the greatest danger neither , for in the french side , from the foot of the hills , you have a whole dayes journey and more through a narrow valley with a small river in the middle of it , which , at the foot of the mount cene , one may easilie step over , but it grows still bigger , as it advances throw the valley ; being increased by the water that pours from everie cleft of the hills and rocks , which are on everie side of the valley , of a prodigious height , and most precipitious : the current of the river falling sometimes to be on one side of the valley , and sometimes on the other , for the most part casts the highway on the contrary side ; so that verie often you will chance to pass under horrible rocks that hang over the high way , and when the snow is new fallen and they loaden with it , the least noise in the world would bring down a whole mountain of snow , so that if a passinger were so caught , you might look upon him as buried till the following spring . but i shall advise you to choose a fitter season , and then you will have the satisfaction of herborising , for the lower parts of the hills are all covered with trees & many sorts of plants , that do not grow naturalie in an other soil . i confess my fortune , as to this , was ill ; for after i past the monte cene , we had a constant deluge of rain , till i came the length of chamberrie . but i must not here forforget to acquaint you with an other particular that had almost escaped me , in time of snow : and it is this . when you come to the french side ( supposing the snow to be frozen and able to bear above ; ) there is a singular way of going down the hill , which they call r●masser , ou se faict ramasse . that is to have a little hurdle of wood , upon which the passingers is placed , with a little bit of boord behind it , upon which the fellow stands that guides the way , and so you come hurling down together , at a greater rate than the swiftest horse in the world is able to go . i do not remember to have remarked any thing worthie the troubling you with , upon the way from mont cene untill you come the length of momilian , except only that the inhabitants near the alps , are troubled with a certain disease called bronchocele , which is an outward swelling in their throats from the chin downward , sometimes to the middle of their breast , so that they appear at first to have no neck or chin , but one continued thing from their mouth downward . it is exceedingly hard and easily affected with cold ; the cause of it is believed to be their continual drinking of snow-water , which runs continually from the neigbouring hills . montmelian , is a fortress of great strength upon the borders of savoye near to daufin ; it is the only considerable place for strength in all savoye , & stand● within 3 leagues of chamberrie , & within 5 or 6 of granoble , which is a parliament town , and the capital city o● daufine ; as chamberrie is of savoye . 〈◊〉 the necessity of your occasions and you● engagement to the messenger oblige you not to go straight to lions , it will be very proper to see granoble , anciently called gratianopolis from the emperour gratian : not that he was the first founder of it , but because he enlarged it much , and beautified it . it lyes in a plain at the foot of the hill chelmont , and hath the river isere on the one side , & drac , which is an impetuous torrent on the other . a little beyond the drac , there is a wonderfull curiositie to be seen ; that is , a fountain that burneth constantly . the fields about the town are exceeding fertile , and carrie good wine , but the neighbouring hills are so high , that you may see snow all the dayes of summer upon their tops . the manufactorie of gloves and dressing of skins of all sorts is much commended in this city . but the most considerable thing in all this country to be seen is the great charter-house , so called because the general of the order is obliged to reside here . it is a statelie monasterie , but stands in the wildest place that ever my feet trod upon . the reason they give for choosing this place is , because st. bruno , the first instituter of their order , did pennance here ; it stands very near the mount chelmount , being three miles distant from granoble by a continual ascent . these three leagues will take you eight or nine good hours riding , for in many places it is not safe to ride , and you must be forced to walk a foot . about the mid-way there stands a little inconsiderable village of 4 or 5 houses , where it wil be fit to repose a little ; you will get bread and wine , and it 's fourtie to one but you may meet with some good peece of sanglier , which abounds upon the hill ; being it is for the most part covered with trees . when you come within a mile of the house , you meet with a great port and a porter to wait upon it , who i suppose shuts it in the night time . within the port there is a bridge over a great cleft , within , which runs a little rivolet ; there is no possibilitie of entering any where on that side , but by this port , from which you ascend still to the monasterie , but , the way is easie , and all within the top● of the hills covered with oakes , beeches , and firr-trees ; within half a mile of the monasterie or some less , stands their stables , garnels and other office-houses , which indeed are statelie and well appointed , for there ▪ they have lay-brothers of all trades that serve to their purpose , and to this place it is that your horses are sent back from the monasterie to be ●eept till your going away , and if by chance any of your own or horse-furniture had been broken by the way , or your horses lost a shooe , they will be all repaired next morning without your desiring it . they have good store of hay , and have made severall closes near to the monasterie , ( which stands on that side of the hill that hangs to the southwest , and consequently has most of the sun for making of hay , ) having felled down all the wood that grew upon them . when you arrive at the monasterie , you alight from your horses and then the porter desires you to stay untill he call the prefect , who presently comes and informs himself of your names , qualities , country , and the occasion of your coming ( for most part come out of devotion , and they be but few strangers that come for curiositie , but however all are welcome , ) which being done he craves you patience to acquaint the general , but he very soon returnes to conduct you to your apartement , only you must leave your swords and pistols with the porter at the gate . the monasterie is verie large , and they have a different apartment for most nations . we were carried into one that was very convenient , being a large room wanscoted about with firr-●●ords ; and for fireing , every log of wood they put on , is like the end of a ships-mast . our beds for the most part were at the sides of the room within the wal , all boorded abou● like a ships cabbin ; and for courtens having two folding leaves , which you may shut or leave open at pleasure . upon our first arrival into this room , we were presented with a collation of very good wine , bread , butter and cheese ; and then a guide given us to conduct us up the hill , yet half a mile further , to see st. bruno's chapel , that stands in the place where he did his pennance for many years together , as they will more particularly inform you , & as you returne they will let you see another chapel dedicated to our lady . by that time you are returned to the monasterie it will be time to supp , and then according to your number you will be treated with more or fewer dishes . we were only six in companie , and we had above 30 dish of meat , but there was not above three or four varieties , except in the way of dressing ; & for that they are admirable . i believe we had at least a dussen of different dishes of eggs , all prepared in different maners ; the rest were a few fishes and fritato's , for seeing they never eat flesh themselves , it cannot be exspected they should give it to any other body within their monasterie . the next morning the prefect conducts you thorow the house , shewes you the different apartments , and particularlie to us was shown that of the english nation , which they used to assigne for them in former times , but now because of their defection from the faith , they have given it to the german nation . they show you painted about the walls the severall torments & deaths inflicted upon those of thei● order in england , in the time of king henry the 8. & queen elizabeth . they let you see the church , the library , the refectory , the religious cells , the kitchen , ( which is the best i have seen in france after that of the jesuits at l●-flesch , ) and lastly the cellers , which are well enough furnished , but nothing so well as those at naples of the same order . if any gentleman be desirous to see the general , and speake with him , it will be granted him , and he will find him very civil . all this being done you breakfast , the prefect waits upon you to the gate , where your horses attend you , and your arms are delivered you , & so leaveing a little drink-money to the servan●s , ( about a crown a head for gentlemen , ) you take leave and returne again to granoble . i must only add that all this hill over there is excellent herbarizing . from granoble to lions , you have a matter of 15 leagues , in which there is little considerable . from chamberrie to lions there is 16 leagues , but nothing considerable upon the way ; save only that within 2 miles of chamberrie you have only the gabelette to pass , which is a very steep and high mountain in several parts precipicious , especiallie on the savoy side , yet you mount that side on your own horses , and must carrie along with you from chamberrie porters to carrie you down the hill , on the french side . i think you will pay but half a crown for your two porters , and you will find them as dexterous in their trade , as those of mount ceni's . some that have a mind to see geneva pass the alps , either by the mount sampion or the mount st. bernard , and so from geneva either go straight to lio●s , which is a matter of 26 leagues , or else from geneva go to chamberrie , which is 12 leagues , and from thence to montmelian , the grand charterhouse , and so pass by granoble to lions . this is all that occurs to my memorie at present , concerning this journey . in truth i am very sensible that it might have been much more accurat , had i been so diligent as to write of it in the time i made the journey , when all things were fresh in my memorie . but that occasion being lost ; i had no more left me , but to recol●ect my thoughts as carefully as i could to satisfie your desire , & the rather because i am hopefull , it will provoke you to make a more diligent inquiry after all things , and to set them down orderly , without trusting your memorie . this i conjure you to do ; and assure your self , it is one of the greatest things i will expect from you at your return . i confess , i have been somewhat prolix in my narration , but , if you consider the vastness and fertilitie of the subject , you will find few towns in italy , of which there might not have been more said than i have said of them all ; & this you will easily find to be true if you please to make a collection of those books that are writen of the antiquities , and curiosities , of each of them : for there is scarcelie any town in italy , where , you may not find such books . however such as it is i offer it you , and wish it were better for your sake , for whole service it was only undertaken ; aud if it prove acceptable and usefull to you , i have my designe . i shall o●lie add that it had been sent you much sooner , had not the necessitie of an extraordinarie attendance upon this winter-session , so often withdrawn me , together with the other duties of my profession , which i was obliged to perform . postscript . a list of those things , which i desire the laird of levingstone to procure for me in italy . 1. all the new books of physick , botany , and that any way relate to the historie of nature , that have been printed since the 64. and of old books , aldrovandi's works at bolognia , together with any other he can meet with , that was contained in the first list i gave him when he parted from hence , as also at rome i desire him to buy me a book in taildouce , containing all the antiquities , palaces statues , churches , villa's , fountains , pyramids &c. in rome . i would have it of the best , largest and finest impression ; and if you cannot get them so in one book , i would have you take them in severall fashions as you can best find them : you may inquire appresso giacomo di rossi a la pace in roma . also caroli avantij , paraleipomena botanica , if it be to be had , for i never saw it , onlie he promiseth it in his notes in caenam baptiste fiera 4. patav 1649. 2. at florence i desire that you would remember to procure me a small parcel of all the varieties of stones you can come by . the readie way will be to inquire for them at the stone cutters in the great dukes chapel at st. laurence church , or else at the work-men that work in stone for cabinets at the dukes gallerie . but above all , of these two kinds of stone that are most comon at florence ; whereof the one represents trees , and forrests ; the other , towns and villages : i would have of each two or three large handsome choise peeces , fitt to be put in frames . i would likeways have of those peeces of cristal that are extraordinarie for colour , or otherwayes that have any substance , contained within them ; as water , &c. you may possibly find such , either at florence or millan , or it may be venice or any other where . there is likeways a stone called lapis fungiferus ; it is a stone that being placed in the ground produces large mushroms ; i had one of them given me at rome , but unhappily lost it at london . to the best of my memorie , they are commonly found about praenestae , commonly called palestrina . some honest virtuoso , & particularlie padre barilieri alla minerva in roma , will tell you where they may be got ; i have likeways heard that they were in many places of the kingdom of naples . 3. i humbly desire likeways some parcel of antieails , some●three or 4 of the antiche lucerne of the best fashioned and best preserved . in my time there was 2 or 3 in the piazza navona , that sold such things , and particularly an old man , whose name i have forgot , that had whole cabinets full of intalio's and medales . i desire likeways some intalio's that be truly antique : the excellencie of the impression , and the deepness of it commends them , especiallie if they be well preserved , & neither the stone nor impression spoiled . i would likeways have some brass-medals of the 1st . or second magnitude , that be well preserved . there are many things that commend medals to be good , particularly , 1. to be antique and not counterfeit . 2. to be well preserved , 3ly . to have a good reverse ; & it is to be observed , that the differences of reverses make different medals , altho' they be of the same emperour , or consul , and of the same magnitude , and it is likeways to be observed that those emperours who reigned longest had the greatest varietie of medals ; as for reverses , the best are such as are least common ; as for example a charriot , a triumphal arch , a trophie of warr , a man or a womans head for the reverse , two faces on one side , a galey , the instruments of sacrifice , an amphitheatre , a mousolium , an elephant , a lion , a dolphin , and many more such that i cannot remember of ; as also a reverse charged with many figures , can never be ill , nor one that relates any known historie , as one that i have of titus vespasian with a palm●tree , a slave sitting at the foot of it , with this word , judea capta for the reverse thereof . but i doubt mine is only a copie , and not truly antique . i would likeways have a few chamaeo's providing they be not dear ; that which commends them is to have the figures well done , and to be well preserved . the pretiousnes of the stone doth likeways contribute much to their value . in all there , that is , chameo's , i would be content that ye did bestow 4 or 5 pistolls for me , which tho' i confess it be a very small summ ; yet you may chance to make a better purchase for it at rome than any where else for a farr bigger . lastly , to conclude this article , i would fain have some of the ancient glass , which through time looks now as it were opal ; nothing will commend it so much as to find an intire vase or phiol , for example a lachrimatory , such as the ancients used to cape their own or their friends tears in . 4ly . there is the face of a hill near to rome , as i remember , it is at the end of the janicular , not farr from cardinal francis barherin's villa , that is full of shells of all sorts petrified , or if ye please to call them stones , resembling all the species of shells . by what means they came there , i leave you to find out ▪ only i would fain have you to make good provision of all the varieties of them , and these as intire as you can get them . 5ly . at naples i would desire you to buy me a couple of black sashes , net-work such as they use . i think the best use to cost 3 or 4 crowns a peece , and i would have the best . i would likeways have you to buy me at luca , or at florence , i think you may do it in either , two of the largest quilted silk stomagers , or breast-plates , such as people use to wear there in winter time . and at rome i intreat you to buy me a dossen a pair of gloves , concia di roma , not exceeding a testone , or 4 julio's a pair : and at venice two pound , of the best old theriae . at bolognia a dossen or two of soap-balls . 6ly . all the natural curiosities that you can meet with , with your conveniencie of fowls , fish , insects or other animals , the manner of ordering , of which i have written to you formerly . i confess these you sent me from paris were the best ordered i ever saw ; but besides that it is too expensive , you will not allways meet with the oportunity , of having them so ordered ; therefore it will be sufficient , if the skins ( being carefully taken of , and stuffed with flax , or cotten ) be so preserved : but for the smaller sort of insects , their whole bodies will easily preserve ; the guts being first taken out . of this kind i would have these viz. a viper or two both the kinds of tarantula , viz. the stellio , which is a kind of lizard curiously , spotted , but accounted poysonous ; and the other true one , which is shaped like a spider : and what others you think fitt . 7ly . be pleased to make me some purchase of outlandish curiosities , especially , such as are from the levant , of whatsoever sort that you can meet with . buy me at venice , a stilletto , and a pair of armenian shoos , shod with iron on the heels , such as they use to wear undermost . for the rest i refer you to the itinerary , and shall earnestly intreat you to do me the favour to remember all my desires , as farr as may stand with your convenience , for further i should be very sorry to trouble you . i do likeways with much earnestness recommend to you those particulars , concerning my self , mentioned in such places of the french itinerary ( which i sent you last year ) as you have not yet seen . thus , once again wishing you all happiness , i remaine your &c. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30142-e480 ‖ in the memoria balfour●a●a . loves empire, or, the amours of the french court bussy, roger de rabutin, comte de, 1618-1693. 1682 approx. 295 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49300 wing b6259a wing l3264a estc r3172 12412909 ocm 12412909 61590 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49300) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61590) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 282:17 or 1773:14) loves empire, or, the amours of the french court bussy, roger de rabutin, comte de, 1618-1693. r. h. [8], 224 p. printed for dorman newman at the kings arms in the poultry., london, : 1682. attributed to roger de rabutin, comte de bussy by wing (2nd ed.). dedicatory signed: r.h. item at reel 282:17 identified as wing l3264a (number cancelled); wing (2nd ed., rev.) identifies this item as b6259a. reproductions of originals in huntington library and harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -court and courtiers. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion loves empire ; or , the amours of the french court . london , printed for dorman newman at the kings arms in the poultry . 1682. to the right honourable the earl of thanet , &c. my lord , the present times being pestered with nothing but narrative and narrative , evidence upon evidence ; one to strengthen , and another to invalidate the truth of a plot : the papists libelling the presbyterians , and the presbyterians zealously answering them , and both disturbing the publick peace : insomuch that mr. stationer hath now nothing to entertain his customer with but some rare pamphlet , which he is ready to commend as excellently penned , and learnedly handled . st. austin 's city of god , the practice of piety , the whole duty of man , &c. are grown even mouldy upon their shelves ; and none but the advising c — , and intelligent v — , ( the former furnishing us with news from the pope , and the latter with strange stories of things which never were ) can merit their favour , or be vouchsaft an acceptance : and therefore for me to intrude into his shop , and desire a place in his classes , under the notion of a lover ; is look't upon as the superlative degree of boldness and impudence , and i am immediately commanded to retire ; or if i persist intreating , i am thrust out of doors , and called an idle fellow , a to●y , an enemy to the good old cause , and i know not what . forgetting that love ought at this time especially , to have the greatest empire in mens hearts , to vnite the dissentingly reformed to the truly reformed opinion ; and thus like ephraim and manasseh , both would agree against judah ( the papists ) . and now , my lord , being likely to be kept in silence and obscurity , and uncapable to appear abroad without a protection , i made bold to enter into your lordships presence , and casting my self at your feet , humbly implore your honourable patronage . your lordship will perchance be apt to ask me if this be a time to talk of love ; to which i believe i need not study for an answer , when the high station your lordship has in the world , gives you the affrighting prospect how little room love takes up now among men ; nay , 't is almost forgot , and therefore to give them this memento of it , will not altogether be inseasonable . my lord , the stage whereon our gallants acted their several parts was france , and having met with a general acceptance and favour in their french , i ventured to equipp them in our english garb. i hope they may give your lordship some agreable diversion , when your vacant hours from more serious affairs shall permit you . your lordships favour and incouragement is the sole azyle to which i shall have recourse , with which if i am honoured , i shall not value the severe scrutinies of of the nice critick , nor the opprobrious censure of the sedate phanatick , whilst i think it my duty to write my self , my lord , your lordships most humble and devoted servant , r. h. loves empire ; or , the gallantries of the french court . notwithstanding that in the reign of lewis the fourteenth the war had continued above twenty years , yet it did not hinder love from causing some amourous intrigues ; but as the court was only filled with old insensible gentlemen , and young sparks bred up in armies , and whom that profession had rendred brutal , most of the ladies were become less modest than formerly ; and seeing they should have languished in idleness if they had not made advances , or at least if they had been cruel , a great many grew tender hearted , and some very confident . of this last tribe was madam d' olonne : she had a round face , a pretty nose , a little mouth , fine sparkling eyes , and delicate features , yet smiling , which embelishes most people , had in her a quite contrary effect ; her hair was a bright brown , her complexion admirable , her neck , hands and arms were well made , her shape was not to be commended , nor would she have been thought charming had it not been for her face : this much her flatterers say , that when she first appeared at court she had a handsome body ; which is the usual plea of those who would excuse women who are too corpulent . however this lady was too sincere in this case to leave people in an errour , for every one that had a mind might be informed of the contrary , and it was not her fault she did not undeceive all the world. madam d' olonne had a quick and pleasant wit when she was free ; yet she was something false , inconstant , bold , malicious , loved pleasures even to debauch ; and there was excess in her least divertisements : her beauty rather than her estate , which was but small , obliged the count d' olonne to endeavour the making her his wife : which he quickly effected , for being a person of quality , and having a great estate , he was agreeably received by madam de la louppe her mother , and had not the leisure to sigh for charms which for two years had inflamed the desires of all the court : this match being consummated , those lovers withdrew who pretended to marriage , and others came who only aimed at being beloved . one of the first who offered himself was beuvron , whom the neighbourhood of madam d' olonne gave the more conveniency of seeing ; and by this means loved her a pretty while without being discovered ; and i fancy this amour would have still been concealed , if beuvron had never had rivals : but the duke of candale being fallen in love with madam d' olonne , quickly perceived what had thitherto remained concealed for want of interessed people : not but that d' olonne loved his wife extreamly , but husbands are stupid , and so are never lovers , and the jealousie of these is much more piercing than that of the others : so that the duke of candale saw things that d' olonne did not , and never has seen , for he is still ignorant that beuvron has had an intrigue with his wife . beuvron had black eys , a handsom nose , a little mouth , a long face , very black long and thick hair , a fine shape , and wit enough ; he was not one of those who talk all in company , but was a man of good sense and honour , tho he had naturally an aversion for war , so that being fallen in love with madam d' olonne , he sought for an opportunity to discover to her his passion : their neighbourhood at paris gave him occasions enough , but her inconstancy made him apprehend an intrigue with her : at length happening one day to meet with her without other company , if i only designed , madam , said he to her , to let you know that i love you , words would be altogether unnecessary , my cares and my looks have told you sufficiently what effect your charms have had upon me ; but , madam , as i expect you should one day make returns to my flames , it is requisite that i discover 'em , and assure you at the same time , that whether you love me or not , i am resolved to be your votary as long as i live . beuvron having ceased speaking , sir , answered madam d' olonne , this is not the first time i perceived you loved me , and tho you did not acquaint me with it , i did not fail to think my self obliged to you for all you have done for me since the first moment you saw me , and this ought to be my excuse when i confess i love you : therefore do not esteem me the less , having long understood your sighs , and tho i should be something blamed for my little resistance , it would be a mark of the force of your merit rather than of my easiness . it is easie to imagine that after this confession it was not long before the lady delivered up her fort to her gallant : this intrigue lasted four or five months without disturbance to either party , but at length the beauty of madam d' olonne was too much talked of , and that conquest promised too much glory in appearance to him who should make it , for beuvron to be at rest . the duke of candale , who was the handsomest man of the court , fancied that nothing was wanting to his reputation , but the being beloved by the most beautiful woman of the kingdom : wherefore he took a resolution at the army , three months after the campaigne , to be in love with her assoon he should see her ; and made appear by a great passion he had afterwards for her , that love is not always the work of heaven and of fortune . the duke of candale had blew eyes , a handsome nose , irregular features , a great and disagreeable mouth , but very fine teeth , light yellowish hair both long and thick , his shape was admirable , and he dressed so well , that the greatest sparks endeavoured to imitate him ; he had the air of a person of great quality , he held one of the first ranks in france , was duke and peer , governour of burgundy joyntly with his father , and sole governour of auvergne , and colonel general of the french infantry : his genius was mean , but in his first amours falling into the hands of a lady who had an infinite deal of wit , and as they had loved one another extreamly , she had taken so much care to polish him , and he to please that fair one , that art had surpassed nature , and he was a much better bred man than a thousand others who have more sense than he . insomuch that being returned from catalonia , where he had commanded the army under the prince of conty , he begun by a thousand eagernesses to acquaint madam d' olonne with the love he had for her , thinking she had never had an amourous intrigue : but seeing she made no returns to his passion , he resolved to acquaint her with it after such a manner as that she might not seem to be ignorant of it ; but as he had a kind of bashful respect for all women , he chose rather to write than speak to madam d' olonne , and his letter was in these terms . i am grieved , madam , that all delarations of love are alike , and that there is sometimes so much differences in sentiments . i am very sensible that i love you more than all the world is used to love , and yet i cannot express it otherwise then is done by all the world : wherefore do not take notice of my words that are weak , and may be deceitful , but be pleased to make reflexion on my conduct towards you , and if you find that to continue it with the same force , i must needs be deeply struck ; yield to these testimonies and be assured , that since i love you so much , not being beloved by you , i shall adore you , when you oblige me to have acknowledgment . madam d' olonne having read this letter , made this answer : if any thing hinders you from being believed when you talk of love , it is not that it is importunate , but that you tell it too well : great passions are usually more disordered , and me thinks you write like a very witty man , who is not in love , but would fain be thought so ; and since it seems so to me , who am infinitely desirous that what you say were true , judge what people would imagine to whom your passion should be indifferent , they would presently think you had a mind to railly ; for my part , i 'le never make a rash judgment , but will accept the offer you make me , and am willing to judge by your conduct of the sentiments you have for me . this letter which grateful people would have thought very kind , did not seem so to the duke of candale ; as he was very vain , he had expected less intricate favours : and this obliged him not to press madam d' olonne so much as she was willing he should have done , and made her a hard task in spight of her self ; and the thing had lasted a long time , if the fair one had not gained upon her modesty to make him so many advances , that he fancyed he might make an attack without being exposed to a repulse . the business being done , he quickly perceived beuvron's commerce . usually a pretender looks only before him , but a lover well treated , looks on the right and on the left , and is not long without discovering his rival : hereupon the duke complaines ; his mistress calls him caprichious and tyrant , and takes him up so roundly , that he asks her pardon for his suspicions , and fancies himself too happy in having appeased her . this calm did not long continue , beuvron for his part reproached her to as little purpose as the duke did , and seeing he could not destroy his rival himself , he caused notice to be given under hand to olonne that his wife entertained the duke of candale for her galant . d' olonne forbids her to see him , that is to say , redoubled the passion of those two lovers , who having the more desire to see one another since it was forbidden , found a thousand more convenient oppurtunities than those they had before ; however beuvron remaining master of the field of battails , the duke of candale renewed , his complaints against him , and used all his endeavours to have him cashiered , but all to no purpose ; madam d' olonne told him that she perceived he only considered his own interest , and that he cared not if he ruined her , since that if she should forbid beuvron to see her , her husband and all the world would not doubt but that she made that sacrifice to him ; madam d' olonne did not love beuvron so much as she did the duke , yet she was not willing however to lose him , and as well because one and one make two , as that because cocquetts fancy they can retaine their galants better by a little jealousy than a great tranquility . in the mean time paget a man pretty well stricken in years , meanly born , but very rich , fell in love with madam d' olonne , and having discovered that she loved the sport , he fancyed that his money would serve him instead of merit ; and founded his greatest hopes upon the sum he resolved to offer her ; he had access enough to her house to have spoke to her himself , if he had durst ; but he had not the boldness to begin a discourse , which might be of ill consequence if it was not kindly received , so that he thought the best course would be to write to her , which he did in these termes . i have often in my life been in law , madam , but i never loved any thing so much as i do you : and what makes me think so is , that i never gaveth any of my mistresses above an hundred broad pieces to purchase the fruition of them ; but to enjoy you i am willing to exceed to two thousand : think of it i beseech you , madam , and be mindful that mony was never so scarce as it is at present . quentine , madam d' olonne's waiting-woman and confident , delivered her this letter from paget ; and immediately after this faire one made him he answer that follows . i had already perceived you had a great deal of wit by the conversation i had with you ; but i knew not that you could write so well as you do ; i never saw any thing so pretty as your letter , i should be overioyed if i might but receive often such , and in the mean time shall be very glad to discourse you this evening at six a clock . paget did not fail to be at the assignation , and went thither in a habit , that is to say , with his bag and the appurtenances . quintine having introduced him into her mistrisses closet , left them together : see here , madam , said he to her , shewing what he brought , this is what is not daily met with : will you receive it ? i am willing , said madam d' olonne , and it will help to amuse us . whereupon having counted the two thousand broad pieces they had agreed for , she shut them up in a little trunk , and placing her self by them upon a little couch , which did not last her long , sir , said she to him , there is not a man in france wrights like you ; what i am going to say , is not to shew my self a critick , but it is certain that i find but few people that have so much wit as you have . most men entertain us only with fopperies , and when they would write to us kind letters , they think they have done miracles in telling us that they adore us , that they shall dye if we do not love them , and that if we will be so gracious to them , they will serve us as long as they live : we have much need indeed of their services . i am overioyed , said paget , that my letters please you ; i should not say this elsewhere , but to you , madam , i shall not mince the matter , my letters cost me nothing . this is hard to be beleived , answered she , you must then have a very great stock . after some other discourses , which love interrupted two or thre times , they agreed of an other interview , and at that of another : insomuch that those two thousand broad pieces procured paget three assignations . but madam d' olonne being willing to make advantage of the love of this citizen , and of his riches , desired him at the fourth visit to begin again to write to her such letters of gallantry as that she had received from him : but he seeing that this would come to be of consequence , he fell to reproaching her , which did him no good ; and all that he could obtain was , that he should not be drove from her house , and that he might come and play when she should send for him . madam d' olonne fancied that by letting paget see her , she should inflame his desires , and that perhaps he would be again so simple as to satisfie them at any rate ; but tho he was so much in love as not to be able to forbear seeing her , yet he was not charmed to the degree of buying her favours daily . things being in these terms , whether spight made paget blab , or that his frequent visits and the money that madam d' olonne had played away , caused the duke of candale to make reflexions , he desired his mistress , when he departed for catalonia , not to see paget any more , whose commerce was injurious to her reputation ; which she promised him , but did not keep her word ; insomuch that the duke being informed by those who sent him news from paris , that paget went oftner then ever to madam d'olonnes house , he wrote to her this letter . when i took my leave , i desired you , madam , not to see that rogue paget any more , and yet he is ever at your elbow ; are not you ashamed to give me reason to be jealous of a wretched citizen , who could never be feared , were it not that you your self did make him confident ? if you do not blush , madam , i blush for you and my self , and for fear of meriting that scandal you would heap upon me , i shall make an effort upon my love to consider you only as an infamous woman . madam d'olonne was much surprized to receive so rude a letter , but as her conscience reproached yet more sharply then her lover , she did not seek reasons for her excuse , and contented herself with answering in these termes . my conduct hitherto is so ridiculous , my dear , that i should despair of being ever loved by you , if i could not redeem my credit by the assurances i give you of a more honest civil carriage in the future ; but i swear by you your self , which is what i have most dear in the world , that paget shall never enter my house ; and that beuvron , whom my husband forces me to see , shall see me so seldome , that you shall know , that you alone are in stead of all things to me . the duke of candale was so fully assured by this letter , that he resolved not to condemn his mistris any more upon appearances , which he judged to be all deceitful . and for having been , as he thought , without reason suspicious , he fell into the other extremity of confidence , and took in good part all the cocquetry and infidelity that madam d'olonne committed for six months together ; for she continued to see paget , and to give favours to beuvron ; and tho the duke of candale had notice given him of it from several parts , he fancied that it proceeded from his father or his frinds , who were desirous to divert him from loving madam d'olonne , believing that this passion would hinder him from thinking of marrying . so that he returned from the army more in love than he had ever been ; madam d' olonne likewise , with whom so long an absence made the duke of candale passe for a new galant , redoubled her eagerness for him , even in the sight of all the court ; this lover took the imprudences she committed to see him , for marks of a passion she was no longer mistriss of , tho they were only testimonies of the natural irregularity of her reason ; when she did any passionate act that made a noise , he thought her deeply in love and yet she was only silly . and he was so perswaded of the kindness she had for him , that tho he should dye for her sake , he apprehended he should be still ungrateful . it is easy to imagine that the carriage of these lovers made a great noise ; they had both of them enemies ; but the fortune of the one and the beauty of the other made-a great many envy them : tho all the world would have served them , they would have destroyed all by their imprudence , and all the world would have done them hurt : they made assignations every where , without having taken any measures with any body . they saw one another often in a house , that the duke of candale kept in the name of a country lady whom madam d' olonne pretended to visit most commonly by night at her own house : all these rendevouzes did not take up all the time of this perfidious one , for when the duke left her she went to the conquest of some new lover , or at least to reassume beuvron by a thousand kindnesses for the fears the duke gave him . the winter passed thus without the duke of candales suspecting the least ill in all she did , and he left her to return to the army as well satisfied as he had ever been : he had not been there two months but that he learnt news which troubled his joy : his particular friends who took strict notice of his mistresses conduct did not dare to say any thing to him as long as they found him prepossessed by that faithless one ; but something very extraordinary having happened since his absence , and not fearing a sight of her should destroy the impressions they would give him , they altogether hazarded , without making appear any design or concert , to acquaint him with her behaviour . whereupon they each of them singly sent him word that ieannin was deeply engaged with madam d' olonne , that his assiduities gave cause to believe , not only a design , but a happy success ; and in a word , that tho she were not culpable , he ought not to be satisfied with her , seeing she was suspected by all people . but while these news are going to put the duke of candale in a rage , it is fit i should speak of the birth , progress , and ends jeannin's passion . jeannin de castille was well shaped , had a pleasing countenance , was very spruce , but had little wit ; his quality and profession were the same that pagets , and was very rich as well as he . he was handsome enough to have it believed that in case he had worn a sword , his merit alone might have procured him the ladies favours , but his profession and his riches made it suspected , that all the women he had had intrigues with , were interessed , insomuch that when he was seen to be in love with madam d' olonne , it was not doubted but that he would be beloved for his money . the king after having passed the summers upon the frontiers , usually returned to paris in the winters , and all the divertisements of the world possessed his mind by turns ; billiards , tennis , hunting , plays , and dancing had each their times with him : at that time lotteries were so much the mode , that every one had them ; some of money , others of jewels and moveables . madam d' olonne resolved to have one of money ; but whereas in the most part of them all the cash was employed they had received , and that fortune shared it , in this , which was of ten thousand crowns , there was not five employed , and those five too were distributed according as madam d' olonne thought fit . jeannin was present when she made the first proposals of the lottery , and as she asked a sum of every one according to their abilities , and that she told him he was to give an hundred pound , he made answer , that he was willingly , and moreover promised her to procure amongst his friends wherewith to make it up a thousand . presently after , all the company being gone except jeannin , i know not , madam , said he to her , whether you are yet acquainted with my passion , for i have loved you a long time , and my sighs already mount to a very great sum ; but after having given my self entirely to you , i must needs ask the confirmation of my bail , which i beseech you to sign , madam ; and observe , that besides the hundred pound you taxed me , i give you nine hundred more for the having your affection ; for what i said of my friends was only to deceive the people that were here when i spoke to you of this affair . i confess , sir , answered madam d' olonne , i never thought you in love till now , not but that i have observed by certain meenes in you , what made me suspect some things , but i am so disgusted with those kind of ways , and sighs and languishings are in my mind so poor a galantry , and such feeble testimonies of love , that if you had not taken a more gentile course with me , you had lost your pains all your life time . now as for acknowledgment , you may believe that people are not far from loving , when we are well assured of being beloved : there need no more to make jeannin believe that he was at the critical minute . he cast himself at madam d' olonne's feet , and as he would have made use of that action of humility for a pretext to higher enterprizes , no , said she , you are mistaken , sir ; in what country have you heard say that women make advances ? when you shall have given me reall marks of a great passion , i shall not be ungrateful . jeannin , seeing that with her , money was to be delivered before the commodity , told her , that he had two hundred broad pieces , and that he would give them her if she pleased : she consented , and having received them ; if you think fit , madam , said he to her , to grant me some favour upon the account of this money , you will extreamly oblige me ; or if you will stay till you have received the whole sum , give me a note under your hand of the value received . she chose rather to kiss than write ; and a moment after jeannin went away , assuring her that he would bring the rest on the morrow , which he did not fail to do ; and the moment was no sooner counted , then that she kept her word with him with all the honour that can be expected in such a treaty . tho jeannin came in through the same door that paget did , she used him much better ; whether she hoped to draw greater advantages from him at length , or that he had some concealed merit that served him instead of liberality ; she did not ask him new proofs of love for the giving him new favours . the thousand pounds made her love him three months together , that is to say , treated him as if she had loved him . in the mean time the duke of candale having received advice of his mistresses new intrigues , he wrote her this letter . tho you would justifie your self to me of all the things you are accused of , i can no longer love you , tho all that is said of you was done only out of malice : all lovers are usually overjoyed to hear their mistresses named , as for me i tremble as soon as i hear or read your name , i ever fancy in these occasions , that i shall learn some story worse , if possible , than the former : and yet i need not know more to have the utmost contempt for you , you cannot add any thing to your infamy ; wherefore expect all the resentment that a a woman without honour deserves , from an honest man that has loved her extreamly . i shall not come to particulars with you , because i do not seek for your justification , for you are convicted in my opinion , and i will never have more to do with you . the duke of candale wrote this letter just as he was upon returning to court ; he had newly lost a battail , which did not a little contribute to the bitterness of his letter : he could not suffer being beaten every where , and it would have been some comfort to him in the misfortunes of the war , if he had been more happy in love. so that he began his journey under a terrible melancholy : at another time he would have come post , but as if he had had some fore-knowledge of his ill fortune , he came as slowly as possible ; he began to find himself something indisposed upon the way . at vienna he fell very ill , but being but a days journey from lyons , he resolved to go thither , knowing he should be better looked to . but the fatigues of the campagnia having brought him very low , his troubles made an end of him ; for notwithstanding he was young , and had the assistance of the best physicians , yet they could not save his life : but as his greatest sufferings could not make him forget madam d' olonne's infidelity , he wrote to her this letter just before his death . if i could preserve any kindness for you upon my death-bed , i should be very loath to dye ; but not being able to esteem you any longer , it is without regret that i leave the world ; i only loved it that i might pass it the more sweetly with you : but since some little merit i had , and the greatest passion imaginable , could not procure me your affection , i do not desire to live any longer , but perceive that death will free me from a great many troubles . if you were capable of any tenderness , you could not see me in the condition i am in , without dying for grief : but god be thanked , nature has done the business , and since you could daily torment the man of the world who loved you the most , you may well see him die without being concerned . adieu . the first letter that the duke of candale wrote to madam d' olonne about jeannin , had made her so much affraid of his return , that she dreaded it like death , and i fancy she wished she might never see him more . and yet the rumour of his being in that extremity grieved her to the heart , and the news of his death , which her friend the countess of fiesque brought her , had like to have made her dye her self . she lost her senses for some moments , and came only to herself at the name of merillus , whom she was told asked to speak with her . merille was the duke's principal confident , and brought madam d' olonne the letter from his master that he had written to her as he lay a dying , and the little trunk wherein he put his letters , and all the other favours he had received from her . after having read this last letter , she fell a crying more bitterly than before . the countess not being willing to leave her in so deplorable condition , proposed the opening that trunck for the amusing her grief . the countess found at first a handkerchief stained with blood in several places . ah! my god , cryed madam d' olonne , how has that poor man , who had so many other things of greater consequence , kept this handkerchief till now ; is there any thing in the world so kind ! and thereupon she related to the countess , that having cut her finger as she was working by him some years ago , he had asked that handkerchief of hen , with which she had wiped her hand , and had kept it ever since . after that they found bracelets , purses , hair and pictures of madam d' olonne , and coming to the letters , the countess desired her friend that she might read some of them . madam d' olonne having given her consent , the countess opened this first . it is reported here you have been beaten ; this is perhaps a false rumour , and set on foot by those who envy you : but perhaps it is a truth . ah! my god! in this uncertainty i require my lovers life of you , and i abandon to you the army , yes , my god , and not only the army , but the state and all the world together . since i have been told this sad news without particularizing any thing of you , i have made twenty visits a day ; i fell to talk of the war , to see if i could learn any thing that might give me ease : i am told every where that you have been beaten ; but they donot speak particularly of you , and i dare not ask what is become of you , not that i am affraid of making appear thereby that i love you ; i am in too great a fright to take care of my reputation ; but i fear to learn more than i am willing to know . this is the state i am and shall be in till the arrival of the first post , if i am able to expect it . what redoubles my disquiets is , that you have so often promised to send me express couriers upon all extraordinary affairs , that i take it ill i have had none in this . while the countess was reading this letter with motions of concern and pity , madam d' olonne was melting into tears ; after having perused it , they were both some time without speaking : i 'le read no more now , said the countess , for since it puts me in pain , it must needs trouble you much more . no , no , replyed madam d' olonne , continue , i beseech you , my dear , it makes me weep , but it puts me in mind of him . the countess having opened a letter , found it in these terms . how ! will you never leave me at rest : shall i always be in fear of losing you , either by your death or inconstancy : as long as the campaigne lasts , i am in perpetual alarms , the enemies do not fire a shot but what i imagine is aimed at you ; and then i hear you have lost a battail without knowing what is become of you , and though after a thousand mortal apprehensions , i know at length my good fortune has saved you , ( for you know by experience you are not at all obliged to your own ) i am told you are at avignon in the arms of madam de castillanne , where you comfort your self for your misfortunes . if it be so , i am very unhappy you did not lose your life with the battail : yes , my dear , i should choose rather to see you dead than inconstant ; for i should have had the pleasure to believe that had you lived longer , you would have still loved me , whereas my heart is only filled with rage to see my self abandoned for another , who does not love you so much as i do . is it true , merille , said the countess , that the duke of candale was in love with madam de castillanne ? no , no , madam , said he to her , he was two days in avignon at his return from the army , to refresh himself , and there he made two visits to madam de castellanne ; judge if this can be called love. but , madam , added he , addressing himself to madam d' olonne , who has given you such good information of all my master did ? alas ! answered she , i only know the publick report ; but it is so common , that this amour is even said to be partly cause of his death : and then she fell a crying again more than ever . the countess , who only sought to make a diversion to her grief , asked her if she knew not the hand of a superscription of a letter she shewed her : yes , answered madam d' olonne , it is a letter from my steward . this must be something very curious , said the countess , i must see what he writes ; and thereupon opened this letter . let my lady tell you what she will , her house is never empty of normans ; those devils would be much better in their countrey than here ; i am mad , my lord , to see what i see , which i do not send you the particulars of , because i hope you will be here very suddenly , where you will take order for all your self . by these , normans the steward meant beuvron and his brothers , jarry and the chivalier de sainct earemond , and the abbot de villerceaux , who were very assiduous at madam d' olonne's house . the plainness with which this poor man sent this news to the duke of candale , did so move that foolish woman , that after having looked upon the countess to see how she took it , she burst out a laughing ; the countess not having so much reason to be afflicted as she had , did the like : but poor merille not being able to bear with so unreasonable a joy , redoubled his fears , and went out of the cabinet in a pet . two or three days after madam d' olonne being perfectly comforted , the countess and her other friends advised her to mourn for her honours sake , her intrigue with the duke of candale having been too publick , to make a mystery of it : so that she constrained her self four or five days , after which she followed her old course , and that which hastened her laying by her mask of mourning was the carneval , which by giving her an opportunity to satisfie her inclination , helped her likewise to content her husband , who had great suspicions of her correspondence with the duke of candale , and thought himself very happy in being freed from him . wherefore to make him believe she was no longer concerned , she masked herself four or five times with him , and being willing to regain entirely his confidence by a great sincerity , she not only confessed to him her love for the duke , not only that she had suffered the fort to be taken , but the particulars of their enjoyments : and as she specified the number , he had but little love for you , madam , said he , insulting the memory of the poor deceased , since he performed so seldom with so beautiful a woman as you are . she had left her bed but a week , which she had kept above four , by reason of a great hurt she had in her leg , when she resolved to mask herself . and this desire advanced her cure more then all the remedies she had used of a long time : so that she went in masquerade four of five times with her husband ; but as these were only little private masquerades , she resolved to have a great and famous one that might be talked of ; and to that intent she , and three more , disguised themselves like capuchins , and caused two others of her friends to be diguised like nuns : the capuchins were she herself , her husband , jarry , and the abbot de villerseaux : the nuns were my lord crofts an englishman , and the marquess de sillery . this troop run into all companies on shrove-tuesday night . the king and queen his mother having been informed of this masquerade , were extreamly displeased with madam d' olonne , and said openly that they would revenge the injury and contempt that had been had of religion in that occasion . some time after their majesties were pacified , and all these threatnings ended in their having no more esteem for madam d' olonne . during all these passages , jeannin peaceably enjoyed his mistress . when she caused the lottery to be drawn , i have already said that of ten thousand crowns she had received , she had employed but the half at most , and the greatest part of this half was distributed to the capuchins , to the nuns , and others of the cabal . the prince of marsillac , who was young , to act the chiefest part upon this stage , had the greatest lot , which was a silver cestern . jeannin , with all the favours he received ; had only a jewel of very small value : the great rumour that run of the deceit of this lottery , vexed him to see that he was no better treated than the most indifferent . he complained to madam d' olonne , she not thinking fit to acquaint him with her roguery , received his complaints very ill , insomuch that before they parted , they both fell to reproaches , the one for his money , the other for her favours . the conclusion of which was , madam d' olonne's forbidding him her house , and jeannin told her that he had never obeyed her so willingly as he should do in that occasion , and that this command would save him both trouble and expence . in the mean time beuvron's commerce with her , lasted still ; whether the spark was not much in love , or that he thought himself happy in having her favours at any rate , he tormented her a little about her behaviour , she also treated as one she made use of when others failed her , and her love for him was as little as nothing . shortly after her falling out with jeannin , marsillac who had friends who were much brisker than he was himself , was advised by them to apply himself to madam d' olonne , and told him that he was of an age to make himself talked of , that women procured esteem as well as war , that madam d' olonne being one of the greatest beauties of the court , besides the great pleasures , would likewise be an honour to him she should love ; and that it was very glorious to fill the place of the duke of candale . with all these reasons they egged on marillac to make his visits to madam d' olonne ; but because he was naturally very distrustful of himself , his cabal being also very distrustful of him , judged it was not fit he should be left upon his word with her ; and it was concluded that sillery should be appointed for his governour , and to assist him upon occasion . marsillac had made great application to her for two months for this , without having spoke to her of love , otherwise then in general terms : he had however told sillery , that it was above six weeks since he had made an amarous declaration to her , and had likewise invented a very harsh answer , that he said she made him , that he might not think it strange he was so long without receiving favours . whereupon this governour , to serve his pupil , spoke thus to madam d' olonne : i know very well , madam , that nothing is so free as love , and that if the heart is not touched by inclination , the mind will never be much perswaded by words ; but i must however tell you , that when a person is young and unmarried , i do not comprehend why a young amorous gentleman is refused , who is as well provided , or i am much mistaken , as any man about court ; it is poor marsillac i speak of , madam , since he is desperately in love with you , why are you ungrateful ? or if you find you cannot love him , why do you amuse him ? love him or dismiss him . i know not since when , answered madam d' olonne , that men pretend we should love them , without their having made it their request ; for i have heard say , it was they who formerly made court. i know very well that in these latter days they treat gallantry after a strange manner ; but i knew not that they had reduced it to the point of requiring that women should be their votaries . how , answered sillery , has not marsillac declared he loved you ? no , sir , said she to him , it is you who first tell it me . not but that his assiduities have made me suspect he had some design ; but till we are spoke to , we do not understand the rest . ah madam , replied sillery , you are not then so much in fault as i thought , marillac 's youth renders him fearful ; but the same youth makes women excuse several things : persons of his age are seldome faulty , and men but twenty years old always meet with compassion . i grant , replied madam d' olonne , that the bashfulness of a young man raises pity , and never anger ; but i likewise pretend he should be respectful . do you call respect , madam , said sillery to her , the not daring to say we are in love ? it is all meer folly , i say , in regard of a woman who would not make returns : for in that case the gallant would not lose his time ; and would quickly know what he was to trust to : but this respect which you require , madam , is only of advantage to you with those you have no inclination for ; for if the man you are inclined to love should have too much of it , you would be very much perplexed . as he had done speaking , company came in , whereupon he took his leave , and went to seek out marsillac , to whom having made a thousand reproaches for his timidity , he made him promise that before that day was at an end , he would make an amorous declaration to his mistress : he likewise told him part of the things it was requisite he should say , which marsillac had forgot within a moment after ; and having encouraged him as much as he could , he saw him set out for this great expedition . however marsillac was under strange disquiets , sometimes he thought his coach went too fast , sometimes he wished he might not find madam d' olonne at home , or that he might find some body with her : in a word , he feared the same things that a brisk man would have desired with all his heart . however , he was so unhappy as to meet with his mistress , and to find her alone . he came up to her with so disordered a countenance , that if sillery had not already acquainted her with his love , she would have discovered it by seeing him only that time . this disorder helped to perswade her more then all he , or the eloquence of his friend could have said to her : and it is for this reason that fools are more happy than the wise in love. the first thing that marsillac did after being seated , was putting on his hat , so little was he himself ; an instant after perceiving his folly , he took off his hat and gloves , then put on one again , and all this without saying a word . what 's the matter , sir , said madam d' olonne , you seem to be concerned at something . do not you divine it , madam , said marsillac ? no , said she , i do not comprehend it ; how should i understand what you do not tell me , being hardly able to conceive what i am told ? i shall tell you then , what it is , replied marsillac simpering , i am in love with you . but why so much ceremony , said she , for so small a thing : i do not see there is so much difficulty in loving , there appearing much more in loving well . ah madam ! i find it much harder to tell it than to do it ; i find none at all in loving you , and i should find it so difficult to cease loving you , that i should never be able to forbear , tho you should order it me a thousand times . i sir , replied madam d' olonne blushing , i have nothing to command you . any other than marsillac would have understood the cunning way that madam d' olonne made use of to permit him to love her : but his wit was gone a wool-gathering , and all delicacy upon him was lost . how madam , said he to her , do you not esteem me enough to honour me with your commands . well , said she to him , should you be glad i ordered you not to love me any longer ? no , madam , replied he bluntly . what would you be at then , said madam d' olonne ? love you as long as i live , said he . well , said she , love me as long as you please and hope . this had been sufficient for a more pressing gallant than marsillac to have pretended to enjoyment immediately ; and yet notwithstanding all that madam d' olonne could do , he made her wait two months , and at length , when they came to the point , she was forced to make all the advances . the establishing : this new commerce did not make her break that she had with beuvron : the last lover was ever the most beloved , but he was not so much in her favour as to drive away beuvron , who was a second husband to her . a little before the repture of jeannin with madam d' olonne , the chevalier of grammont was fallen in love with her , and he being a very extraordinary person , it is fit i give a description of him . the chevalier had brisk eyes , a handsome nose , a pretty mouth , a dimple in his chin , and i know not what of sine in his phisiognomy , his shape had been comely , had he not stooped , his wit was delicate and gallant . however , his meen and his accent gave a grace to what he said , that became nothing in the mouth of another . a mark of this is that he writ the worst of any body , and he writ as he spoke . though it be superfluous to say that a rival is incommode , the chevalier was to that point , that it would have been better for a poor woman to be troubled with four others then he alone . he was so sprightly that he hardly ever slept , he was liberal to profusion , and by that means his mistress and his rivals could not have servants nor secrets but what he knew , otherwise the best man in the world. it was twelve years since he began to love the countess of fiesque , a woman as extraordinary as he was a man , that is to say , as singular in merits as he was in ill qualities ; but as of those twelve years she had been banished , five from mademoiselle d' orleans , gaston's of france's daughter , a princess whom fortune persecuted , because she had vertue , and could not reduce her great courage to the basenesses that the court demands . during their absence the chevalier had tied himself to a very regular constancy ; and tho the countess was very lovely , he merited some excuse for his lightness , being he had never received any favour from her . he had however caused several to be jealous ; rouville was one of those who were so : as he was one day reproaching the countess that she loved the chevalier , that fair one told him that he was mad to believe she could love the greatest cheat in the world. this is a pleasant reason , madam , which you alledge , i know you are a greater cheat than he , and yet i cannot forbear loving you . tho the chevalier was in love with all women , the countess however had that power over him , that what engagement soever he had elsewhere , so soon as he knew that any one visited her oftner that ordinary , he quitted all to return to her : and he was in the right , for the countess was a lovely woman , she had blew and sparkling eyes , a handsome nose , an agreable mouth , of a fine colour , and white and smooth skin ; the forme of her face was long , and never any one but she in the world was embelished with a long chin ; her hair was brown , and she was ever gallantly drest , but her finery proceeded rather from art than the magnificence of her clothes ; her will was free and naturall , her humour cannot be described , for it was with the modesty of her sex of the humour of all the world. people by much thinking of what they have to do , think usually better at the end than at the beginning . the contrary happened usually to the countess , her reflections spoyled her first motions . i know not if the confidence she had in her merit made her careless of seeking lovers , for she took no pains at all to have them . and indeed when any one of himself made his addresses to her , she neither affected rigour to be rid of him , nor kindness to retain him , he left of his courtship if he pleased , if he pleased he continued it : and what course soever he took he did not subsist to her cost . so that the chevalier as i have said , had not visited her in five years time , and during that absence that he might not lose time he had had a thousand mistresses , amongst others victoria manciri , duchess of mercoeur , and three dayes after her death , madam de villars , and it was for this reason that benserade , who was in love with her , made this sonnet upon the chevalier . can you rejoice after the mortall stroak that kill'd the loveliest object e're was seen ? a real lovers heart would have been broke , in the same tomb he would have buryed been . a heart so charm'd can it new flames receive ? ? i is an unheard of infidelity ! when a fair mistress's death you ought to grieve , you turn gallant and at new game would fly . for this unworthy weakness you will smart ; you love have fail'd , & love will fail your heart , and you 're already fall'n into the snare . i. know the beauty who does you decoy i love her , and that all i may declare ; what gives you ease , alas ! does me destray . the countess returning some time after to paris , the chevalier not being tyed to madam villars by any favours , quitted her to return to the countess ; but as he was never long in the same state , and being tyred with her , he made his addresses to madam d' olonne , at the same time that marsillac entred into an engagement with her , and tho the chevalier was less modest than marsillac with the ladies , he was not however the more pressing ; on the contrary provided he might toy with 'em , have it said in the world that he was in love , find some people of easie belief to flatter his vanity , put a rival in pain , be better received than he , he was not at all fond of a surrender . one thing he did that made it more difficult for him to perswade than it was for another , was that he never spoke seriously . insomuch that a woman must needs flatter her self extreamely , to beleive he was in love with her . i have already said that never any gallant that was not beloved was more incommode than he , he had ever two or three lacquies without liveries , whom he called his bloodhounds , whom he caused to dog and observe his rivals and his mistresses . madam d' olonne being in pain one day how she should go to an assignation she had made with marsillac , without being discovered by the chevalier , resolved for her pleasure to go hooded up with her chamber maid , and to pass the river in a boat ; after having given orders to her servants to go wait for her at fauxbourgs saint germain , the first man who gave her his hand to help her into the boat , was the chevaliers bloodhound , before whom , without knowing him , she had been merry with her chamber maid , for that she had deceived the chevalier , and talked of what they were going to do that day ; this blood-hound went immediately to acquaint his master , who strangly surprised madam d' olonne the next day , when he acquainted her with the perticulars of her rendevouz of the evening before . an honest welbred man having convicted his mistress of loving another than himself , withdraws immediately and without noise , particularly if she had not made him any promise ; but the chevalier was not of that humour ; when he could not procure being beloved , he would rather chose to have been stabbed than leave his mistress and rival in repose . now madam d' olonne having reckoned for nothing the assiduities that the chevalier had payed her for three months together , and turned into raillery all that he had told her of his passion , and the more for that she was perswaded , that he had as great an one for the countess as he could have for her , she hated him as the devil . then this lover fancying that a letter would do his buisness much better than all he had done or said thitherto , in that opinion he writ to her in these termes . is it possible , my goddess , that you should be ignorant of the love , that your fair eyes , my suns , have kindled in my heart ? tho it be useless to have recourse with you to those declarations which we are forced to have with mortal beauties , and that mental prayers , ought to suffice you , i have told you athousand times that i loved you ; yet you laugh and make me no answer ; is this a good or an ill sign my queen , i conjure you to explain your self therein , that the most passionate of mortals may continue to adore you , and cease to displease you . madam d'olonne having received this letter , carried it immediately to the countess , with whom she fancyed it had been concerted , but did not seem to beleive any such thing at first . as there was alwayes a seeming kindness between them , she smiling valued at a high rate her refusing her lover , and the notice she gave of the infidelity he would have committed . this vexed the countess , tho she did not love the chevalier : most women are no more willing to lose their lovers whom they had no kindness for than those they favour , and particularly when they abandon them to give themselves to others , and their vexation does not so much proceed from the loss they have as from the preference of their rivals : which was the countesses case in this encounter . however she thanked madam d' olonne for the intention she had to oblige her , but protested she had no engagement with the chevalier , but that on the contrary she should be obliged to those who would rid her of him . madam d' olonne did not content her self with shewing that letter to the countess , she likewise vapoured with it to marsillac ; and whether she or the countess spoke of it to others , every body knew that the poor chevalier had been sacrificed , and he himself was quickly acquainted with the jeasts that were made upon his letter . contempt offends all lovers , but when raillery is joyned with it they are netled to the heart : the chevalier seeing himself casheired and laughed at , kept no longer any measures , he said all manner of ill things of madam d' olonne , and it was perceived in this occasion , that this foolish woman had found the secret of losing her reputation by preserving her honour of being cruel , and cryed out upon for a gilt. the chevalier hated none of his rivals so much as he did marsillac , as well because he thought him better treated , as for that he fancyed he the least deserved it : he called madam d' olonne's lovers , the philistins , and said that marsillac by reason he had but little wit , had defeated them all with the jaw bone bone of an ass . in this same time the count of guiche , the mareschal of grammont's son , as beautiful as an angell , and full of love , fancyed that the conquest of the countess would be both easie and honorable to him ; insomuch that he resolved to undertake it out of motives of glory ; he mentioned it to manicamp his saithful and necessary friend , who approved his designe , and offered to serve him in it . the count de guiche and manicamp have so great a part in this story , that it is necessary to speak of them en passant , and make them perfectly known ; and in order to that it is fit i begin with the description of the former . the count de guiche had great black eyes , a handsome nose , well made , his mouth was something wide , the forme of his face round , his complexion was admirable , had a great forehead and a fine shape : he had wit , was very knowing , addicted to raillery , light , presumptuous , brave , hasty and without friendship : he was colonel of the french gards , jointly with the mareschal of grammom his father . manicamp had sweet blew eyes , a hawk's nose , a wide mouth , his lips were very red and full , his complexion was something yellow , his face was flat , his haire thick long and white , his shape was fine if it had not been too much neglected : as for wit she had enough of the count de guiche's sort ; he had not acquired so much , but his genius way at least as good ; his fortune not being so well setled as the others , made him something the more cautious ; but they had naturally both the same inclinations to the hinder parts and to raillery ; and indeed they loved one another as ardently as if they had been of different sexes . at the same time madam d' olonne shewed all the world the chevalier de grammont's letter , he discovered the love the count de guicke had for the countess of fiesque , this was of no small use to him for the making her fall out with madam d' olonne , fancying his reconciliation would be the more easy with the countess , the less he kept measures with the others : but while he is endeavouring to make peace for himself , let us se what the count de guicke did to render himself lovely . first you must know then that the count had a very great passion for mademoiselle de beauvais , a maid of mean birth , but of a great deal of wit ; it must likewise be known that he had been so traversed by his relations in that amour , that they feared she would make him commit the same folly , that his sister had caused the marquess of richilieu to do , whom that consideration , as well as the rigours of the faire one , had very much disgusted , and had the deeper engaged him in the design of loving the countess ; but he had not for this fair one , all the inclination she deserved , and it was less a second passion than a remedy to the former . but he got little ground , & all that he could do was to move the countess and to put the chevalier into dispair ; and for that end he kept to lookes and assiduities , without caring to spur on faster . the countess , whose heart , as is beleived , was never smitten with any thing but the merit of guistand , the prince of conde's favourite , whom she had not seen in four or five years , but with whom she had kept a commerce of letters , felt her constancy shaken by the count de guiches addresses , and notwithstanding all that gersé , guistavel's friend , could say to her , for the obliging her to chace away the count , she would not at first yeild to it , but seemed to ridicule that amour , and a long time eluded the counsels of all her friends : yet at length she her self perceiving that the count took no advantage of it , she resolved to procure her self honour by making a virtue of the necessity she beleived her self in of loving her , and that this might not seem a sacrifice to the chevalier , who had bragged he could cause his nephew to be cashiered , she turned them both off , yeilding at that time to the advise of gersé , as she told him ; and hereupon was made this jeast , that the countess was going to signe the discharges and passports of her lovers , but the chevalier caused her to be so intreated by her best friends , that he obtained leave to see her at a fortnights end , and it was upon this that this song was made to the tune of saraband . so zealously old gerse plaid his part , with such success he serv'd his flemmish friend , that the fair lady , who has still my heart , never to see her did me orders send . he fancied then , and i was much afraid , an everlasting doom on me was laid ; in a short banishment yet all will end . five or six months being passed , during which the chevalier was too happy , he was not troubled with his nephew , had enjoyed the pleasures of solely loving the countess ; some friends of the count de gutche represented to him that being the handsomest man of the court , it was a shame for him to find any lady cruel , and that the success he had had with the countess had done him any injury in the world : these reasons made him resolve to reingage himself : he returned from he campagne wounded in his right hand , but his wound , tho great , not having hindred him from going abroad some times , he met the countess one day in the tuilleryes : he had the abbot fouequett with him , who was that lady's particular friend , who thinking to do them a pleasure , engaged them in discourse , and left them together a pretty long time . the count said nothing at all of love , but his ways and his looks made the countess understand but too much , nay more than he designed she should : this conversation was quickly ended by the count de guiche's sainting away , out of which he was recovered by the help of the countess and the abbot . their opinion of the cause of his sainting away were divers , the abbot attributed it to the counts wound , and the countess to his passion . a woman believes nothing more willingly than that she is beloved , because love makes her beleive that she ought to be beloved , and because one is not hard to be perswaded of what one desires . these reasons made the countess not at all doubt of the count de guiche's love. at that time madam de olonne not being willing that a young spark so well made should escape her , desired vieneuil to bring the count de guiche to her , but this gentleman's time was not yet come , he went from thence as free as he came thither . he continued his design for the countess , his assiduities having renewed the chevaliers jealousie ; he to inform himself how his nephew stood with his mistress , wrote with his left hand the following letter to that fair one. it is no small trouble to have only a poor left hand ; i beseech you , madam , to grant me the honour of seeing you some time this day , but my dear vnkle must know nothing of it , for i should run a risque of my life , and perhaps you your self would come off but little better . the countess having read this letter , gave charge to her porter to bid him who should come for an answer , that he should tell his master , that he should send manicamp to her at three a clock in the afternoon . when the chevalier had received this answer , he fancied he had wherewith to convict the countess of being in the deepest engagement of an amorous intrigue with his nephew ; and in that opinion he went to her house : the rage he was in had so changed his countenance , that had the countess ever so little distrusted him , she had discovered all at the first sight ; but not suspecting the least , she took no notice of his looks . madam , said he to her , is it long since you saw the count de guiche ? not these five or six days , answered she . but , replied the chevalier , it is not so long since you received letters from him . i , letters from the count de guiche ? said she ; why should he write to me ? is he in a condition to write to any body ? take care of what you say , madam , replyed the chevalier , for it is of moment . the truth is , said the countess , that manicamp has newly sent to ask me if the count de guiche might come and see me to day ; and i sent him word , he should come without his friend . it is true , replyed the chevalier hastily , that you just now sent word to manicamp that he should come without the count de guiche , but it was upon the count's letter that you sent him that message , and i come to know it , madam , because that it was i that writ it , and had your answer delivered to me . is it not sufficient that you do not make returns to the passion i have had these twelve years for you , but you must prefer a young boy before me , who does not love you , nor has seemed to love you above a fortnight ? after this discourse he was like a mad-man for a quarter of an hour together . the countess seeing herself convicted , would turn the thing into raillery : but since you suspected an intrigue between me and your nephew , said she to him , why did you not ask me things of greater importance than an hour to see me ? ah! madam , replyed he , i know but too much to make me believe that you are the most ungrateful woman in the world , and i the most unfortunate of all men , manicamp came in just as he had spoke these words , whereupon he went away to conceal the disorder he was in . what 's the matter , madam , said manicamp , i find you in a strange perplexity ? the countess related to him all the chevaliers deceipt , and their conversation thereupon ; and after some discourses upon this subject , manicamp went away , and within an hour brought this letter from the count de guiche . for fear forgers should injure me by acting my part , and lest you should be mistaken in the character and the stile , i was desirous to make known to you both the one and the other ; the last is more difficult , being dictated by something above their sentiments . the countess having read this letter , my god , said she to him , how silly is your friend ! i am affraid he will bring trouble both upon me and himself . provided , madam , answered manicamp , that you understand one another , you cannot come to trouble . but , answered the countess , can he only act with me the part of a lover ? yes , madam , said he , it is impossible for him to change ; and what ought to perswade you , is that he returns to the charge after having been routed : this shews a furious necessity in him of loving you . as they were going to continue this conversation , company came in who interrupted it , manicamp taking leave , went immediately to his friend to acquaint him with what had just passed between the countess and him . the count de guiche not believing that the letter he had written to the countess , was sufficient to perswade her perfectly of his passion , he wrote another , which expressed it more clearly , and gave it manicamp in charge ; who carrying it the next day to that fair one , lost it by the way , insomuch that he returned immediately to acquaint the count with the accident that had befallen him ; whereupon that count writ this letter to the countess . if you were perswaded of my sentiments , you would easily comprehend , that i am ill satisfied with so careless a man as manicamp ; you are going to see the greatest quarrel in the world , if you do not prevent it ; think but what i do for you , since i break with the best of my friends without return on my side ; but , as he has still other assistance , and that you are not so much displeased as i am , i fear he will force me to pardon him through your intercession . manicamp went and sought every where for the countess , and having at length found her at play at madam de bonnelle's , i bring good luck , madam , to people i approach , said he to her ; and having placed himself by her , he neatly slipt his friends letter into her pocket , and went away . the countess withdrawing some time after to her own house , having left off play , in taking out her handkerchief , she sound the count de guiche's letter , sealed and without superscription ; if she had thought what it was , she would not have opened it , but for fear she should be obliged not to break it open , she was not willing to spend thoughts upon it , and opened it immediately without the least reflexion : all the countesse's vivacity could not make her imagine what the count de guiche meant by his being dissatisfied with manicamp ; insomuch that she ordered one of her servants to go tell him , he should come and see her on the morrow , being resolved to rattle him for the letter he had given her from the count de guiche , and to forbid him to charge himself with any more for the future . as he entred the chamber the next day , her curiosity made her forget her anger : well , said she , tell me your quarrel with your friend . it is , madam , said he to her , that as i was bringing you a letter two days ago , i lost it , and he is enraged against me , and i know not what to say to him , for i am in the fault . the countess fearing this lost letter might be found by some one who might make a story of it , to make the publick sport ; go , said she to him , go seek it every where , and do not return till you have brought it me back . manicamp went away immediately , and returned in the evening to tell her , that he could not find it , that the count de guiche would no longer see him , and that he came to beseech her to reconcile them . i will , said she , tho you do not deserve it : and i shall go to morrow to mademoiselle , bid your friend be there . i have no more commerce with him , said manicamp to her , and nothing can appease him but a letter from you . i write to the count de guiche ! replyed the countess , you are a pleasant man to make such a proposal . tho we are fallen out , madam , answered manicamp , i cannot forbear telling you still that he deserves that favour . do not think of him in this occasion , give this letter to the friendship you have for me , and i promise that when it has done the business , i will return it into your hands . the countess having made him engage his word he would bring back her letter , she writ to him the day following in these terms . the intention of these lines are only to ask manicamp 's pardon , and if it is necessary to say anything more to oblige you to grant it me , give credit to what he shall acquaint you with from me ; he is so much my friend , that i cannot refuse anything that may be useful to him . the count of guiche having received this letter , sound it too hard to restore it ; he fancied he should get quit by disavowing manicamp , and in the mean time he encharged him with this answer . i could infinitely desire you were as much inclined to grant me what i should desire of you , as it was casie for me to grant pardon to the criminal : i avow to you , that with such a recommendation it was impossible to refuse any thing : if i was so happy as to be able to give you proofs thereof by something more difficult , you would know that you did me an injustice , when you doubted of the truth of my sentiments : they are , i assure you , as passionate as so lovely a person as you are can inspire , and shall ever be as middest as you can desire them . notwithstanding all what our governours say , i conjure you to follow the advice of the criminal ; for tho he is something careless , his zeal for our service deserves to be commended . that advice was to be very distrustful of the chevalier , who did all he could to traverse his nephew , and to make him appear indiscreet and unfaithful to the countess . after that manicamp told her that the letter she had written to the count de guiche , had so transported him with joy , that it was impossible to get it from him , but that she should not be in pain , for that it would be as safe in his friends hands as in the fire ; and moreover , that he had never seen a man so much in love as the count was , and that he would certainly love her as long as he lived . but , interrupted the countess , what is the meaning of so many visits that your friend makes to madam d' olonne ? does he go to desire her to intercede with me for him ? he does not visit her at all , madam , answered manicamp , that is to say , he has been there but once or twice ; but i discover the chivaliers malice in what you tell me , and i am certain the count de guiche will know this knavish trick to be of this vnkles stamp . but , madam , hear my friend before you condemn him . i am of your opinion , said she to him ; and indeed manicamp guessed right : for the chevalier had told the countess that the count de guiche was in love with madam d' olonne , that she only served for a pretext , and a thousand other things of that nature , that appeared to her so likely , that though she distrusted the chevalier in what concerned the count de guiche , she could not forbear giving credit to him in this encounter . the next day a lady of her acquaintance being come to press her to go into the country , she let herself be perswaded : and really fancying the count de guiche false , she would not come to any explication with him ; and not to break off all , she thought it convenient to prepossess guitand by a false confidence , for fear he should learn by other means the truth of all ; wherefore she sent him a copy of the count de guiche's last letter , and after that her friend and she went out of town . the chevalier , who had an eye upon all the countesses actions , and had bribed all her servants , had the pacquet she sent to guitand two hours after it was made up . he took a copy of the count de guiche's letter , and cast the pacquet into the fire . two days after , having learnt that the countess was gone , he wrote to her this letter . if you had had as much desire to informe your self of things you seemed to doubt of , as i had by a thousand true reasons to take from you all manner of scruples , you would not have undertaken so long a journey , or at least you would have been sorry to have appeared so good a friend . i would not forbid your having a kindness , but i should extreamly desire to have some part in the application , and i avow to you , that if i was happy enough to compas it by the same means , i should endeavour to render my self worthy of it by my conduct . while this letter was a carrying to the countess , the chevalier went to seek out his nephew , with whom he found manicamp . after a prologue of raillery upon the good fortunes of the count de guiche in general : faith , my poor friends , said he to them , i confess you are younger and genteeler than i am , and i shall never dispute with you a mistress i have not been a long time acquainted with : but however , you must yield the countess to me , and all those i have any engagement with . the vanity women take in a great number of galants may oblige them to give you some hopes . there are few who at the first onset will stifle the vows of their adorers : but sooner or later they return to reason ; and it is then that the new comer passes his time very ill , and that the old gallant jointly with his mistress cry , farewel you gentlemen serenaders . you promised me , count de guiche , never to torment me more , as to what concerns the countess ; you have broke your word , and committed an infidelity that has done you no good : for the countess has given me all the letters you wrote to her ; i 'le snow you the originals when you will : in the mean time here is a copy of the last letter you sent her ; and saying that , he took out a letter of the count de guiche's , and having read it ; well! my dears , said he to them , you 'l hunt upon my grounds again , will you ? while the chevalier was speaking , the count de guiche and manicamp looked amazedly upon one another , not being able to comprehend that the countess had so basely deceived them . at length manicamp broak silence , and addressing himself to the count , you are treated , said he to him , as you deserved ; but since the countess has not had any consideration for us , added he , turning towards the chevalier , we are not obliged to have any for her : we easily perceived we have been sacrificed , but there was a time , chevalier , that you was so too ; we have indeed great reason to complain of her , but you have none at all to be satisfied with her : when we some times rejoyced and were merry at your costs , the countess went halves with us at the least . the truth is , said the count de guiche , that you would not have , reason to be satisfied with the countesses preference in your favours , if you knew the esteem she has of you ; and this makes me draw infallible consequences that she is deeply engaged with you , since after all the things she has told me , she only betrays me to give you satisfaction . thereupon being all three really reconciled , and having given one another a thousand assurances of friendship for the future , they parted . the count de guiche and manicamp shut themselves up to make a letter of reproaches in manicamps name to the countess , to which the poor countess being innocent , made answer , that he and his friend had been taken for cullies , and that the chevalier was cunninger than they ; that she could not tell by what means he had got the letter he had showed them , but that they one day should clearly see that she had not made a sacrifice of them . this letter not finding manicamp any longer at paris , he being gone out the day before with the count de guiche to follow the king in his progress to lyons , he did not receive it till he arrived at court , and thought neither the more , nor the less advantageously of the countess : during all these passages , marsillac's intrigue with madam d' olonne jogged on ; that lover seeing her with the greatest conveniency imaginable by night at her house , and by day at mademoiselle de cornuelle's , a lovely creature , and of a great deal of wit. madam d' olonne had by her bed-side a closet , in a corner of which she had caused a trap door to be made , which went into another closet underneath , wherein marsillac entred when it was night ; a foot-carpet concealed the trapdoor , and a table covered it . thus marsillac passing the night with madam d' olonne , according to the common report , did not lose his time : this lasted till she went to the waters , in which time marsillac , who wrote to her a thousand letters that are not mentioned here , because they are not worth the pains ; wrote this amourous ticket to her one day , before bidding her adieu . i never felt so lively a grief as that i am sensible of at present , my dear , because i never yet parted from you since we have been in love with one another . nothing but absence , and that too the first absence of what a person infinitely loves , can reduce one into the lamentable condition i am in . if any thing could lessen my trouble , my dear , it would be the belief that you would suffer as much as i do . do not take it ill that i wish you in pain , since it is a mark of your love . farewel my dear , be well assured that i love you , and that i shall love you ever ; for if you are once really perswaded of this truth , it is impossible but that you must love me as long as you live . her answer was : comfort your self , my dear , if my grief gives you case , it is as great as you could desire it ; i cannot explaine it better , than by telling you that i suffer as much as i love you : if you doubt it , my dear , come to me , but come early , that i may be a long time with you , and that i may in some manner recompence my self for the absence i am going to suffer . farewell my dear , be assured of my passion , it is at least as great as yours . marsillac did not fail to be at the assignation much sooner than ordinary ; in accosting his mistress he flung himself upon her bed , and was thus a long time melting into tears , and all his words were interrupted by sobs . madam d' olonne for her part appeared no less concerned , but as she was desirous to receive other marks of love from her galant than those of grief ; how ! my dear , said she to him , you sent me word a little while a go that my grief would case yours , and yet the affliction you see me in , does not render you the more capable of comfort . at these words marsillac redoubled his sighs , without making her an answer , the dulness of his soul had caused the same effect in his body ; and i fancy that this lover deplored at that time more the absence of his vigour , than that of his mistress . however as young people recover easily , and he being of a good complexion , he began to come to himself , and recovered his strength in a little time : insomuch that madam d' olonne could hardly discover he had been so lately ill . after he had given her so many testimonies of his good health , she recommended to him to have care of it above all things , and told him that he should judge thereby of the love he had for her . thereupon they made a thousand protestations of loving one another all their life-time ; they agreed of the means of writing , and then took leave , the one to go to court , the other to the wells . prince marsillac went the next day to take his leave of mademoiselle . cornuelle , his good friend , he desired her to perswade his mistress to be more circumspect in her carriage than she had yet been . rely upon me for that , said this young lady to him , she must be very incorrigible if i do not keep her within bounds . two dayes after mademoiselle cornuelle went to madam d' olonnes , and having prayed her to order her porter to say she was gone out : i am too much your friend , madam , said she to her , not to speake franckly to you in all that concerns your carriage and your reputation ; you are beautyfull , young , you are of quality , you have riches and will , you have infinitely charmed a prince who loves you extreamly : all this ought to 〈◊〉 you happy , however you 〈◊〉 not so ; you know what reports run of you , we have talked of them sometimes together , and this being so , you are mad you are not 〈◊〉 : i do not pretend to consider your weakenesses , i am a woman as well as you , and i know by my self the want of our sex : your manners are insupportable , you love pleasures madam , and i allow them , but you take delight to set people a talking , and it is that i condemn you for ; can you not leave off your extravagances ? it is impossible but that you must be in a rage , when you hear of the reputation you have in the world , and men conceal the love they have for you more out of shame than modesty . well my dear , said madam d' olonne , do you here any thing new ? does the world renew its satyr's against me ? no , madam , said mademoiselle , it does only continue them , because you still continue to give it new matters . i know not what i must do then , replyed madam d' olonne , all the prudence that one can have in love , i fancyed i had ; and that since i have been concerned in loving , i never fruitlesly delayed nor spun out any intrigue , well knowing that the greatest noise is usually made before the business is agreed on ; and when lovers act not in concert together . pret hee tell me exactly my dear , added she , what i must do to love well , and entertain a gallantry , that shall do me no injury in the world , tho it should be suspected : for i am resolved to do my devoir in the future with the utmost regularity . there are so many things to say upon that point , said mademoiselle cornuelle , that i should never have don , if i would neglect nothing , however i shall tell you the principal as succinctly as possible . first you must know madam , that there are three sorts of women who make love , the debauchées , the cocquets , and the honest mistresses . tho the first are abominable , they certainly deserve more compassion than hatred , because they are hurryed away by the force of their temper , and that almost an impossible application is required to reforme nature ; however if in any encounter we ought to conquer our selves , it is in that , wherein no less is concerned than our honours or lives . as for cocquets , the number being much greater , i shall enlarge more upon that point : the difference between debauchées , and them , is , that in the ill the former commit , there is at least sincerity , and in what the cocquets do there is treachery : the cocquets tell us to excuse themselves when they give ear to the courtship of all comers , that how honest soever a woman is , she never hates a person who tells her he loves her . but one may answer them that distinctions are to be made : either that lover addresses himself to a woman , who will be either honest for her self or for a lover : allow that she cannot hate a man for the sentiments he had for her , yet this will not hinder her from being carefull of not having so much complaisance for him as for another , who had never declared any thing to her , for fear she should thereby entertain his hopes , and that at length it might make a noise , and be injurious to the reputation she would preserve . if the woman be prepossessed that the man declares love to her , she will have the same precautions as the other to hinder it from continuing , but if he persists , i maintain that she shall hate him as much as she shall love her true gallant : it being natural to hate the enemies of the person we love , because love will not allow love to be importunate , and because that a lover well treated may suspect that a passion that continues in his rival , is atleast nourished by some hopes ; an honest mistress considers his rival as her mortal enemy , who maks her run the risque of losing her lover whom she loves more than her life . this being plain , you must likewise know that there are several sorts of cocquets ; some take a pride in being beloved by a great many people , without ever loving any of them , and do not perceive that it is the advances themselves make which invite men , and which retain them rather than merit . besides as it is not possible they should dispose their favours so equally , but that some one will seem better treated than others , and there being some who will not content themselves with equality , but pretend to preference ; this gives jealousy to the malecontents , and makes them say in quitting them , all , nay more than they know . there are other cocquets who manage several lovers , that they may save the real one in the multitude , and cause it to be said , they have no amorous intrigue , since they treat equally all those who visit them ; but the best luck that can happen to them is to have the truth discovered ; or at least , it is better than by believing they love no body , every one sancies they love all. there are others who by managing several gallants would fain perswade , that if they should love any one of them , they should hazard the vexing him , in the mean time they vex and lose him by these means . for to imagine that it is in the absence of their true lover that they make love , he will know nothing of it ; or if it is in his presence , by acting in concert together , he will easily see that is nothing , since he is taken for a witness of what is done , or at all hazards if he is troubled , their caressing him , and their promises to do so no more , will oblige him to be satisfied . all this is very subject to caution , a lover is not long deceived , and if he does not discover it to day , he will discover it to morrow . and crying 't is well , adieu my dear , i find no longer pleasure here . and tho his passion should be so strong , that he could not get rid of it , the reproaches and noise he would make , would occasion more vexation to the cocquet mistress than all those managements could have procured her pleasure . there are cocquets who fancy they have so ill a repute in the world , that they dare not be cruel and rigorous to any man , for fear it should pass for a sacrifice to some other , and never think that it would be better for their honour that they were convicted of sacrifice : this is , madam , the course the coquets take . i must let you see that of honest mistresses . as for them , they are either satisfied with their lovers , or they are not : if they are not , they endeavour to reduce them to their devoir by a tender and civil carriage : if this cannot absolutely be , they break off without noise , upon a pretext of devotion , or the jealousie of a husband , after having got from them , if they can , their letters , and all that could convict them : and above all things they so contrive it , that their lovers do not fancy they abandom them for others . if they are satisfied with their lovers , they love them with all their hearts , they are continually telling it them , and they write them the kindest letters they can : but as this does not prove their love , because coquets say as much , or more every day , their actions and their carriage does sufficiently justifie the meaning of their hearts , because there is only that insallible . we can indeed say , we love tho we do not , but we cannot seem kind to any one long without having an affection for him . an honest mistress is more afraid of giving jealousie to her gallant than of death , and when she sees him alarmed with any suspicion that the obstinacy of his rival might give him , she does not content herself with the testimony of her conscience , she redoubles her cares and caresses for him , and her rigours for the other ; she does not defer the extreamest severity till another time , fancying she could never be soon enough rid of an importunate person . she knows that as many moments as she defers the chacing away this rival , she should give as many stabs in his heart she is in love with . she knows that as soon as her lover begins to have suspicious , the least care she should take to remove them , would preserve in him the esteem and love he has for her ; whereas if she neglected to satisfie and cure him , he would come again to have so little confidence in her , that she should not be able to recover his good opinion , tho she even offered him to lose her reputation for his sake . she knows that a lover would ever believe , that it would be the fear she was in of him , had forced those sacrifices from her , that at another time he would have took for great marks of love . she knows that in the woman a man confides in , all is excused , and that nothing is pardoned in her that is distrusted . she knows that at length a man comes to be fatigued with the trouble a mistress gives him , and the reproaches that he has made her after having pardoned her a thousand considerable faults , that he breaks off upon a trifle , the measures being plain , and he not able to suffer any longer so much vexation . there are women who love their gallants extreamly , and yet make them jealous by their ill carriage , and this proceeds from their slattering themselves too much with the assurance they have of their good intentions , and for that they do not sufficiently quash the hopes of those men , who make court to them , or who only seem to love them by their cares and their assiduities ; and they are ignorant that the civilities of a woman one loves , are such favours as all lovers flatter themselves with sometimes , because they have merit ; or often because they think they have so : sometimes because they have no good opinion of the persons they make their addresses to , and who fancy that the resistance that they make is only to set a greater value upon themselves . insomuch , that if a woman , who has never given occasion to be talked of , is still very jealous of her reputation , she ought to take care , as i have already said , not to entertain in any manner the hopes of all that has the air of a lover , and if it is a woman who has not thitherto been careful enough of her carriage , but designs to be so for the future , which is your case , madam , it is requisite that she be more rude than another , and especially that she be impartial in her severity , for the least favour she shall let herself loose to , does more reingage a lover than a thousand refusals does disgust him . an honest mistress has so much sincerity for her lover , that rather than fail to tell him things of consequence , she tells him even what are trifles : well knowing , that if he came to be informed by other means of certain indifferent things , that are rendred criminal at their being told again , it would have the worst effect imaginable . she keeps no measures with him in point of confidence , she tells him not only her own secrets , but even those she knew before , or what she learns elsewhere every day . she calls those people ridiculous , who say , that being mistress of anothers secrets , we ought not to tell it our lovers : she answers to that , that if they still love us , they will never say any thing of it : and if they happen to abandon us , we should have much more to lose than our friends secret ; but she fancies , we ought never to consider them , as such as will one day leave off loving us , and that otherwise we should be fools to grant them favours . in a word , her maxim is , that who gives her heart has nothing more to manage ; she knows that there are only two encounters that can dispence her from telling all to her lover ; the one if he was indiscreet , and the other if he had any gallantry before hers . for it would be imprudence in her to speak to him in that case , at least without he pressed her extreamly , and then it would be he himself that occasioned his own vexation . finally , an honest mistress believes that what justifies her love even with the most severe men , is , when she is deeply smitten , when she takes pleasure in making it appear to her lover , when she surprizes him by a thousand little favours , that he did not expect ; when she has no reserve for him ; when she applies herself to procure him esteem amongst all people : and that in a word , she makes of her passion the greatest business of her life : without this , madam , she holds love for a debauche , and that it is a brutal commerce , and a trade by which ruined women subsist . mademoiselle de cornuelle having left off speaking , good god! said madam d' olonne , what fine things have you now said ; but how difficult are they to be put in practice ? i even find therein some injustice ; for in a word , since we even deceive our husbands , whom the laws have made our masters , why should our gallants come off at a better rate ? they whom nothing obliges us to love but the choice we make , and whom we take to serve us as long , and as little as we please . i did not say , answered mademoiselle de cornuelle , that we ought not to abandon our gallants , when they displease us either by their own defects , or our weariness ; but i have shown you the nice manner by which you ought to disengage your self from them , not to give them any reason to cry out upon you in the world : for in a word , madam , since they have imposed that tyranny upon the honour of ladies , not to love what they find lovely , we must comply with custome , and conceal our selves at least when we will love . well! my dear , said madam d' olonne to her , i am going to act wonders , i am fully resolved of it , but withal i ground the greatest hopes of my conduct upon avoiding occasions . whether it be by avoiding , or resistance , said mademoiselle de cornuelle , it is no matter , provided your lover be satisfied with you ; and thereupon having exhorted her to remain firm in her good intentions , she took her leave . during madam d' olonne's separation from marsillac , they wrote to one another very often , but as there was nothing therein remarkable , i shall not mention their letters , which spoke of their love , and of their impatience to see one another again , but in a very common manner . madam d' olonne was the first who returned to paris ; the count de guiche during the progress to lyons , perswaded monsieur , the king's brother , with whom he was much in favour , to have a gallantry at his return to paris with madam d' olonne , and had offered himself to serve him in it , and to procure him content in a short time . this prince had promised the count de guiche to make the necessary paces to engage that cocquet , insomuch that in the conversations he had with madam d' olonne , he only spoke to her of the love that prince had for her : he told her that he had declared it to him more than an hundred times upon the journey , and that she would certainly see him sigh assoon as he was returned . a woman who had citizens and gentlemen her gallants , some handsome , others ugly , might well love a comely prince , madam a' olonne received the count de guiche's proposition with an unexpressible joy ; and it was so great , that she did not so much as make those excuses which coquets make in such like encounters . another would have said that she would not love any one , but less a prince than any man soever , because he would not have so much application . madam d' olonne , who was the most natural woman in the world , and the most passionate , kept no bounds of modesty , but answered the count de guiche , that she esteemed herself more than she had yet done , since she pleased so great and so rational a prince . when the court was returned to paris , the duke of orleans did not answer the eagernesses , the count had prepared madam d' olonne for , who delivered herself all entirely . all this produced nothing , and made her but the more know how indifferent she was to that prince . the count de guiche seeing that the duke of orleans did not bite at the hook , changed his design , and was desirous at least that the services he would have rendred to madam d' olonne , should be of some advantage to him . whereupon he resolved to act the part of a lover himself , and being the commerce he had had with her upon the amours of the duke of orleans , had made him very familiar , he did not balance to write to her this letter . we have laboured hitherto in vain , madam , the queen haters you , and the duke of orleans apprehends displeasing her , i have reason to be in despair , madam , but you can comfort me if you please , and i do conjure you to do it , since the natural sharpness of the mother , and the weakness of the son , have ruined our projects , other measures are to be taken . let us love one another , madam , it is already done on my part ; and i easily perceive , that had the duke of orleans loved you , i should quickly have fallen out with him , because i should not have been able to have resisted the inclination i have for you . i do not question but that at first you will be shocked at the difference , but lay aside your ambition , and you will not find your self so miserable as you imagine . i am certain that when spight shall have cast you into my arms , love will there retain you . let people say what they will against women , there is sometimes more imprudence than malice in their conduct : most of them no longer think , when they are courted , that they ought never to love : in the mean time they proceed further than they imagine , they do things sometimes , thinking they shall be always cruel , which they extreamly repent of , when they are become more humane . the same thing happened to madam d' olonne ; she was stung to the quick that she had failed of the prince's heart , after having reckoned it amongst her conquests ; in seeking some one to apply herself to for the amusing her grief , she found nothing more likely to believe , than that the count de guiche for his own interest had hindred him from loving her . insomuch that as well to revenge herself of him , as to reassure marsillac , whom this intrigue had alarmed , she sacrificed to him the count de guiche's letter , without considering that love would perhaps oblige her to do the same with those of marsillac , and he whom madam d' olonne gave a thousand favours to , made the use of them that is common , when one is satisfied with his mistress , he rendred her a thousand thanks for her sincerity , and contented himself with triumphing over his rivals , without showing any indiscreet pride . in the mean time the count de guiche not knowing the destiny of his letter , went the day after to madam d' olonne's house ; but so much company was there that day , that he could not speak to her about business at that time . he only observed that she had eyed him very much , and from her house he went to acquaint fiesque with the state of his affairs , who since his return from lyons , he had made his consident ; he went likewise to tell the same to vinevil ; and they both judged by the weakness of the lady , and the gentleness of the spark , that his pursuit would neither be long nor in vain : and the truth is , madam d' olonne had found the count de guiche so handsome , and so much to her mind , that she repented the sacrifice she had newly made to marsillac . the day after the count de guiche returned to her house , and having found her alone , he spoke to her of his passion , the fair one was pleased , and received that declaration the most agreably imaginable ; but after having agreed upon loving one another , as they were upon certain conditions , people came in ; which obliged the count de guiche to go out a moment after . madam d' olonne having disingaged herself from her company as soon as she was able , took coach , being desirous to discover if the countess de fiesque took no interest any longer in the count de guiche : she went to her , and after some conversations upon other subjects , she asked her advice in the designes she told her the count de guiche had for her . the countess told her that she was only to consult her heart in such occasions : my heart does not say to me much in favour of the count , replyed madam d' olonne , and my reason tells me a thousand things against him : he is a spark i can never love . in saying these words , she took leave of the countess , without waiting for her answer . on the other side the count de guiche being returned to his house , he met with vinevil , who waited for him with great impatience to know what posture his affairs were in ; the count de guiche told him something coldly , that he believed all was broaken off , considering how madam d' olonne treated him ; and vinevil desiring to know the particulars of the conversation , the count de guiche not being willing to discover what passed , changed discourse every moment ; this gave some suspicions to vineuil who was cunning and in love with madam d' olonne , and only concerned himself in the affairs of the count de guiche , that he might prevail with his mistress by the things he should have learnt . he went away seeing he could not make any discovery , and was for three days in mortal disquiets , not being able to learn the certainty of what he suspected , and what he would know . he went to fiesque's house with the countenance of a disgraced favourite , since he saw he had no longer any share in the count de guiche's confidenc , he said nothing of it to that fair one , not to discredit himself in showing his misfortune , at three days end he went to the count de guiche's house . what have i done my lord , said he to him , that obliges you to treat me thus ? i easily perceive that you hide from me your intrigue with madam de oolonne , learn me the reason of it , or if you have none , continue to tell me what you know as you used to do i ask your pardon my poor vinevil , said the count de guiche to him , but madam d' olonne upon granting me enjoyment , exacted from me not to speak thereof to you nor to fiesque , much less then to any others , because she said that you are malicious , and fiesque jealous . how indiscreet soever a person is , there is no intrigue but what 's kept secret in the beginning , if there be no need of a confident : this i have had experience of in this occasion , for i am naturally enough inclined to tell an amourous adventure : and yet i have been three dayes without acquainting you with this , tho you know all my secrets ; but have patience , my dear , i am going to tell you all that passed between madam d' olonne and me , and by the exactest relation in the world , in some manner requite the offence done to the friendship i have for you . you know then that the first visit made her , after having written to her the letter you have seen , i did not sind in her looks any aversion or kindness ; and the company that was at her house hindred me from having any further information . all that i could remarke was , that she observed me from time to time ; but returning thither the day after , and having found her alone , i represented my love to her so well , and so eagerly pressed her to make returns to it , that she confessed she loved me , and promised to give me marks thereof upon condition i have newly told you . you know very well that i would promise her all in those moments ; we heard a noise , insomuch that madam d' olonne bid me come again the next day dressed in womens cloathes , and as one who brought her lace to fell ; whereupon being returned to my house , i found you there , and you might easily perceive by the cold reception i made you , that all the world importuned me at that time , and particularly you , my dear , whom i was more jealous of than any one ; you likewise perceived it , and it was that which made you suspect i did not tell you all : when you was gone , i gave order that my porter should say i was not at home , and prepared my self for my mascarade of the morrow : all the pleasure that imagination can give beforehand , i had for four and twenty hours together : the four or five last hours were more tedious than all the others ; at length that which i expected with so much impatience , being come , i caused my self to be carryed to madam d' olonne's house , i found her in a cornet upon her bed , in a rose colour undress . i cannot express to you my dear , how beautifull she was that day , all that can be said , comes short of the charms she had : her neck was half uncovered , she had more hair loose than usual , and all in rings and curles , her eyes were more sparkling than the stars . love and the colour of her face animated her complexion with the finest vermillion in the world. well , my dear , said she to me , are not you full of acknowledgment that i spare you the pains of sighing a long time ? do you find that i make you pay too dear for the favours you receive ? tell me my dear , added she , but you are mute . ah! madam answered i her , i should be insensible were i in cold blood , seeing you in this posture . but may i assure my self , said she , that you have forgotten little beauvais and the countess of fiesque ? yes said i to her , madam , you may ; and how should i remember others , added i , since you may perceive i haue almost forgot my self ? i only fear , replyed she , the future ; for for the present , my dear , i am much mistaken if i suffer you to think of any body besides myself ; and in finishing these words she took me about the neck , and pressing me you know how with her arms , she pulled me upon her ; both of us lying in manner , we kissed ill one another a thousand times : but not willing to stop there , and this seeking for something more solid ; but on my part in vain . we ought to know our selves , and what we are fit for : for my part i perceive i am no womans man. it was impossible for me to come off with honour , what effect soever my fancy made , and the idea and the presence of the most beautifull object in the world. what 's the matter said she to me , my lord , what ales you , what is it that puts you in so sad a condition ? is it my person that disgusts you , or do you only bring me the leavings of an other ? this discourse made me so ashamed and out of countenance , my dear , that it quite deprived me of the forces i had left . i beg of you , madam , said i to her , not to ruine a wretch with reproaches ! certainly i am bewitched . in stead of giving me an answer she called her chamber-maid , prethee tell me quentine how do i look to day ? am not i very ugly ? do not deceive your lady , there is something about me that does not sit well ? quentine not daring to answer seeing her in that rage , madam d' olonne snatching alooking-glass from her she held in her hands ? after having made all the gestures she used to do when she designed to charm any one to judge if my insufficiency proceeded from her fault or mine . she got up and shaked her petticoat that was something ruffled , and went in a fury into her closet that stood by her bed-side . for my part , i was like a condemned man , i asked my self if all that had passed was not a dream , with all the reflections that one can make in such an encounter ; i went to manicamps house , where having related to him all my adventure . i am mightly obliged to you , my dear said he to me , for certainly it was for the love of me that you were so insensible near so pretty a woman . tho perhaps you may be the cause of it , said i to him , i did it not to oblige you ; i love you extreamely , and i do confess it ; but with all that i had forgot you in that occasion ; i do not comprehend so extraordinary an obligation by quitting the habit of a man : i had quitted you before , but that part is dead in me , by which i have been hitherto a kind of chancellour . as i had done speaking , one of my servants brought me a letter from madam d' olonne that one of hers had given him , here it is in my pocket ; in saying that the count read this letter to vinevil . if i was a lover of venereal pleasures , i should lament my having been disappointed , but far from complaining ; i am obliged to your insufficiency , it is the cause that in the expectation of delights you were not able to give me , i enjoyed others by imagination that lasted much longer than those you could have been capable of furnishing , tho you had been as well provided as an other man. i send at present to know how you do , and if you were able to get a foot to your lodgings : it is not without reason that i make this inquiry , for i never saw a man under such sad circumstances as you were when i left you . i counsel you to settle your affairs with more natural heat than you had when i saw you ; for you cannot live much longer . really my lord , you raise my pity , and what outrage soever i have received from you , i shall not forbear giving you good advice . avoid manicamp if you are wise , you may recover your health , if you leave off seeking him for some time , it is certainly from him that your impotence proceeds : for my part neither my glass nor my looks belying me , i do not fear being either accused or reproached . i had no sooner made an end of reading this letter , than that i made her this answer . i confess , madam i have had failings in my lifetime , for i am a man , and still young ; but i never had a worse than that last night . it is not to be excused madam , and tho your sentence be never so severe , it can be but what i have deserved : i have killed , i have betrayed , i have committed sacriledge ; for all these crimes you need only seek out punishments , if you please , my death , i will bring you my sword ; if you only condemn me to be whipt , i will come naked to you in my shirt ; remember madam , that i failed in power , not in will ; i was like a brave soldier who finds himself without arms when he should engage : i should be extreamly puzzel'd madam , to tell you from whence this prov'd ; perhaps it happend ' to me as it does to those whose stomack is gone when they expect to eat most , perhaps the force of imagination consumed the force of nature . see what it is , madam , to be so charming . an ordinary beauty who should not have troubled the course of nature , would have been better entertained . adieu , madam , i have nothing more to say to you , but that perhaps you would pardon me what is past , if you would give me the opportunity of doing better herafter , to which purpose i only demand till to morrow at the same hour as yesterday . after having sent by one of my footmen these fair promises to madam d' olonne's lacquis , who waited for an answer at my house , i went home , and not doubting , but that my offers would be kindly received , i resolved to take all imaginable care of my self : i bathed and was rubbed with essences , i eat new laid eggs and artichoaks , and then drunk some wine ; i walked a while in my chamber , and then went to bed without manicamp . my head was so full of the design of repairing my fault that i shun'd my friends as i would have done the plague . i got up the next day brisk both in body and mind , i dined betimes , and eat what was provocative , but as little as i had done at supper ; and having spent the afternoon in preparing my little equipages of love , i went to madam d' olonne's house , at the same hour as the time before . i found her upon the same bed , which made me immediately apprehend that it portended me some ill fortune ; but in a word , having encouraged my self as much as i could , i cast my self at her knees . she was half undrest , and held a fan she played with . so soon as she saw me she blusht a little , without doubt remembring the late affront she had received and quentine being retired , i placed my self by her upon the bed. the first thing she did was to put her fan before her eyes , and that having rendred her as bold as if there had been a wall between us both . ah! well , said she to me , poor paralitick , are you come here a compleat man to day ? ah! madam answered i to her , let us talk no more of what is past : and thereupon thundering into her arms , i kissed her a thousand times , and begged she would let me see her naked : after a little resistance that she made to augment my desires , and to affect modesty , which becomes a woman so well , rather than out of any distrust she had of her self , she let me see all i had a mind to . i saw a curious , white , plump and the best proportioned body in the world . after that i fell again to embracing her , we already made a noise with smacking and bussing , our hands already clasped in one another , expressed the utmost tendernesses of love ; already the mixture of our loves had made the union of our bodies , when she perceived the sad pickle i was in . it was then that seeing i continued to outrage her , she thought of nothing but vengeance ; she called me all manner of ill names , she there attended me with the greatest violence imaginable . for my part without making either prayers or complaints , knowing what i had deserved , i went home in a fury and having put my self to bed , i turned all my choler against the cause of my disgrace . fury then seiz'd me , patience me forsook a razor in my hand , enrag'd i took , but my designe i found was all in vain , being the author of my shameful pain . all in a fright , and quite froze up with fear , some wrinckles of it only did appear . and towards it's center seem'd to crow'd , i thought , and thus for refuge in my belly sought . so that not being able to do any thing , the rage i was in made me talk to my self much to this purpose . ah! traytor , what hast thou to say , infamous part of my self , and really shameful member , for it would be very ridiculous to give thee an other name ? tell me , have i ever obliged thee to use me in this manner ? and make me receive the cruellest affronts in the world ? to make me abuse the favours that are done me ? and being but two and twenty make me have the infirmities of old age ? while that choler made me speak thus . my eyes towards heaven i then did ghastly turn , my cruel fate i did lament and mourn ; i saw that all reproaches were in vain to talk to it , to rocks was to complain . i spent the night in mortal agonies , i knew not if i ought to write to madam d' olonne , or surprise her by an unexpected visit : at lenght after having been a long time considering , i chose to do the last , at the hazard of finding an obstacle to our pleasures ; but i was so happy as to find her a lone ; just as it grew dark . she had put her self to bed as soon as i was gone from her ; at my coming into her chamber i told her , madam , i come either to dy at your feet or give you satisfaction , i begg you would not be in a rage , i know what i have merited . madam d' olonne , who feared as much as i did such an other mischance as those that had happned to me , took care not to daunt me with reproaches ; on the contrary she told me all that might re-establish in me a good opinion of my self which i had almost lost ; and faith , if i was enchanted , as i told her , two dayes before i break the charme , the third time you may imagine , added the count de guiche , that she called me no ill names at parting , as she had done the other times : this is the state of our intrigue , which i begg you would seem to be ignorant of : vinevil having promised him he would , they parted , the count de guiche went to the countess of fiesque's house , to whom amongst other things he said he had no thoughts of madam d' olonne . this gallant 's intrigue had not continued long with his new mistress when marsillac discovered it , tho he had so little sence , and she had taken all imaginable care to deceive him ; but jealousy that serves in stead of cunning , made him discover in her less eagerness for him than was usual . insomuch that having made her some modest complaints in the beginning , and afterwards more sharp ones , seeing at length they did not at all restrain her , he resolved to revenge himself at one blow , both of his rival and his mistress . whereupon he gave his friends , madam d' olonne's letters , and desired them to show 'em in all companies . mademoiselle d' orleans hated the count de guiche extreamly . he gave her the letter the count had written to his mistress , in which he had spoken ill of the queen and the duke of orleans . the first thing the prince did was to show the duke of orleans the count de guiche's letter , thinking to animate him so much the more against him , for that she knew that prince had had a great kindness for him : however that prince was not in so great a passion as she hoped he would have been , and contented himself with telling pequelain that his cosin was ungrateful that he had never given him reason to talk of him as he did , and that all the resentment he should have of it was , to have no longer the same esteem for him he had had ; but if the queen knew after what manner he had talked of her , she would not certainly have so much moderation as she had . the princess not being well pleased to see his royall highness so favourable , to the count de guiche , resolved to tell the queen , and having acquainted one of her confidents with her design , the marshal of grammont came to hear of it . he went and beseeched her not to ruine his son ; she promised him she would not , and kept her word . this princess was haughty and did not easily pardon people , who had not for her all the respect her illustrious birth and extraordinary merit obliged all the world to ; but when she was once perswaded they loved her , nothing was so good natured as she . while that the marshall and his friends were endeavouring to stifle the noise that marsillac had made with the count de guiche's letter , madam d' olonne was known to show this for the breaking of a marriage that made marsillac's fortune . you do not think , madam of the constraint i am in , i am sorced to go two or three times a week to visit mademoiselle de rochegayon , to talk to her as if i loved her , and to this purpose must spend that time i ought only to employ in seeing , writing and thinking of you : and in what condition soever i may be , it would be a great trouble to me to be obliged to keep company with a child : but now that i live only for your sake , you may very well imagine that it is to me the cruellest of tortures : that which makes me take patience in some manner , is that i hope to revenge my self on her by marrying her without loving her , and after that seeing more nearly the difference there is between you and her i shall love you all my life time , yet more if it was possible than i do at present . this at first surprized all the world : thitherto indiscreet gallants had only been found , and never mistresses : they could not imagine that a woman to revenge her self of a man she no longer loved , would help one in that manner to convict herself . this indiscretion had not however the effect that madam d' olonne had promised herself : monsieur de liancourt , mademoiselle de la rochegayon's father , knowing that madam d' olonne was desirous to incense him against marsillac , answered those who spoke to him of that letter , that were it not for offending god , marsillac could not do better than apply himself to gain the heart of so beautyful a lady as madam d' olonne ; that this was not the first time that wives were spoke ill of at mistresses bed-side : but as the passion men had for her , was more violent than that they had for others , it did not usually last so long : as for example , that of marsillac was not so fixed to madam d' olonne , and he still loved mademoiselle de la rochegayon . so that madam d' olonne did not spoil marsillac's fortune , as she hoped to have done ; and only confirming what he had said of her ; she deprived her friends of the means of vindicating her . things being in these termes and the count de guiche remaining master in appearance , madam d' olonne went one evening to the countess of fiesque , she prayed her to make her acknowledgments to the abbot foucquett for some service she pretended to have received from him , and to exaggerate very highly the obligation she had to him : but the abbot being one of the principal personages of this history , it is requisite to describe how he was made . the abbot foucquett , the treasurers brother , was originally of anjou , his family were gown-men till this man made his fortune , and then as noble as the king. his eyes were blew and lively , a handsome nose , a great forehead , a pointed chin , the form of his face was flat , his hair was a bright brown , his shape was ordinary , and his meen base ; his conduct in the world was quite contrary to his profession , he was active ambitious , and haughty towards people ; he did not love , but the most ardent and best friend that ever was ; he had engaged himself in an amourous intrigue more out of pride than out of love ; but afterwards love became master : the first woman he had made love to was madam de chevruese , of the house of lorraine , by whom he was entertained with a very great passion , the other was madam de chastillon , who in the favours she had granted him , had more considered her intrests than her pleasures : she being one of the most beautyfull and extraordinary women of france , it is convenient to make here the description of her life . the end. loves empire ; or , the gallantries of the french court . the second part. london , printed for dorman newman . 1682. loves empire , &c. the history of madam de chastillon . her grace , the dutchess de chastillon , monsieur de bouteville's daughter , who was beheaded for having fought a duel , contrary to the edicts of the late king , lewis the fourteenth's father , wife of gaspard duke of chastillon , had black and lively eyes , a little forehead , a handsome nose , a red lip , and full mouth , her complexion was as she thought fit , but she had usually white and red , she was so charming when she smiled , that she set all hearts on a flame ; her hair was very black , she was tall , had a good aire , but long , dry , and black hands , her arms were flat , and of the same colour , which made people draw ill conclusions of those parts they did not see : she had a loft and agreeable wit , was insinuating and given to flattery , was faithless , interessed and uncapable of friendship ; and yet what experience soever men had had of her ill qualities , when she had a mind to charm , it was impossible for them to forbear loving her ; she had some ways with her that were very tempting , and others that made her be despised by all people ; for money and honours she would have dishonoured herself , and have sacrificed father , mother , and lovers . gaspard d' coligny , and since duke of chastillon , after the death of the marshal his father , and of his eldest brother , fell in love with mademoiselle de bouteville ; and being the prince of condé fell likewise in love with her , coligny desired him to break off his amour , since his highnesses design was only gallantry , and he intended marriage . the prince being coligny's relation and friend , could not civilly refuse him his demand ; and as his passion was of a very fresh date , he did not find it difficult to get rid of it : he not only promised coligny that he would think of her no more , but that he would serve him in this affair against the marshal his father , and his relations who opposed it ; and indeed notwithstanding all the orders of parliament , and all the obstacles that the marshal his father was able to raise against it , the prince assisted coligny so well , then of that name , but since the death of his father called chastillon , that he made him carry away mademoiselle de bouteville , and lent him twenty thousand francks for his maintenance . coligny carried his mistress to chasteau-thierry , where he consummated the marriage : from thence they proceeded farther , and went to steny , a town of safety , which the prince , whom it belonged to , had given them , for their abode . whether that coligny did not find his mistress so full of charms as he had fancied in her , or that love being satisfied , he had time to reflect on the ill condition his fortune was in , or that he feared he had given his wife the disease he had , he fell into a terrible melancholy on the morrow after his marriage : and while he was at steny , his melancholy continued upon him to that degree , that he was as constant to the woods as a savage . two or three days after he went to the army , and his wife into a convent of the religieuses , two leagues from paris . it was thither that roquelaure , knowing the necessity she was in , sent her a thousand broad pieces , and vinevil two thousand crowns , which sums are still owing to them , tho the dutchess is very rich , and that money was employed to her own use . coligny being under age when he married his wife , it rendred his marriage invalid , but being of age at his return , a contract of marriage was made in the hostel of condé before all the young ladies relations , and they were afterwards married in nostre dame by the coadjutor of paris . sometime after madam de chastillon being indisposed , went to the wells , where she met with the duke of nemours , who fell in love with her . the duke of nemours had very white hair , a handsome nose , a little mouth , and of a fine colour , and was the prettiest shape man imaginable : the least of his actions was attended with an unexpressible grace , his humour was gay , wanton and toying , and his will was admirable brisk and quaint . the liberty of seeing one another at all hours , which custom has introduced in places where the waters are taken , gave a thousand opportunities to the duke of nemours of acquainting his mistress with his passion : but knowing that an amorous intrigue was never better regulated , at least with ladies we have some esteem for , than by making a declaration by word of mouth or by writing : he resolved to speak ; and being one day alone with her at her lodgings , i have been above three weeks , madam , said he to her , considering whether i should tell you the impression your charms have made upon my heart ; and when i determined at length to acquaint you with it , it is after having seen all the difficulties that i can find in this design : i do my self justice , madam , and for that reason i ought not to entertain any hopes . besides , you have lately married a beloved lover , and it is a difficult enterprize to remove him out of your heart , and to put my self in his place . however i love you , madam , and tho you should not to be ungrateful , make use of that reason against me , i confess that it is my star , and not my choice that obliges me to love you . madam de chastillon never had had so much joy as this discourse gave her . monsieur de nemours appeared to her so lovely , that if it had been the custom for women to have made declarations of love first , she would not have deferred it so long as her gallant did . but the fear of not seeming modest enough perplexed her so extreamly , that she was sometime without knowing what answer to make . at length forcing herself to speak for the concealing the disorder that her silence made appear ; you are in the right my lord , said she to him , with all imaginable postures , to believe that i love my husband very much ; but give me leave to tell you , that you do your self wrong in being so modest as you are : and if i was in a condition to acknowledge the kindness you have for me , you would see that others esteem you more than you do your self . ah! madam , replyed the duke of nemours , it is in your power , madam , and only in yours , to make me the most happy and most esteemed man in france . he had hardly finished these words , then that the countess of maure came into the chamber , before whom it was requisite to change conversation , tho these two lovers did not change their thoughts ; their distraction and disorder made the countess of maure judge that their intrigue was much more advanced than it really was , and for this reason she was preparing to make a very short visit , when the duke of nemours prevented her . the amorous and discreet prince well knowing that he acted but an ill part before such a sharp-sighted woman as the countess of maure was , went out , and being got home , he wrote this letter to his mistress . i leave you , madam , that i may be more with you then i was ; the countess of maure observed me , and i durst not look upon you ; and she being cunning , i was even afraid that my affection would discover me ; for in short , madam , it is so well known that people must eye you when they are in the same place , that those that do not are suspected of some design . if i do not see you at present , madam , at least it is not perceived that i am in love , and i have the liberty of acquainting you only with it . how happy should i be , madam , were i able to perswade you , to the point it is , and how unjust would you be in that case , madam , if you had not some kindness for me . madam de chastillon was very much perplexed at the receipt of this letter ; she knew not whether she had best be cruel or kind . kindness might gain the heart of her lover , and severity his esteem , and both might disgust him . at length she resolved to do what was most difficult , as being most honest : and notwithstanding all that her heart inspired her with , she chose rather to follow the counsel of her reason : wherefore she made the duke no answer ; and as he came on the morrow into her chamber , are you come again my lord , said she to him , to commit some new offence ? because my humour and looks are easie and soft , you think there is no more to do than falling on : and if your esteem is only to be purchased by rudeness , set that value on it as to constrain my self for some time : yes , my lord , i shall be angry , and i perceive i must be so with you . these last words were as a thunder-clap fallen upon this poor lover ; tears came into his eyes , and his tears spoke much better for him than all he could have said . after having been a moment without speaking , i am infinitely grieved , madam , answered he her , to see you thus in anger ; and i wish i was dead since i have displeased you . you shall see , madam , that in the vengeance i am resolved to take of the offence you have received , that your interests are much more dear to me than my own ; i am going so far from you , madam , that my love shall no longer importune you . this is not what i require of you , interrupted that fair one , you may still stay here , without displeasing me . cannot you see me without telling me you love me , or at least without writing me it ? no , no , madam , replyed he , it is absolutely impossible . well then , my lord , i consent that you see me , replyed madam de chastillon ; but observe well all that i do for you . ah! madam , interrupted the duke , throwing himself at her feet , if i have adored you when you were so cruel , judge what i shall do when you are kind : yes , madam , be pleased to guess at it , for it is impossible for me to express the sense i have of it . this conversation did not end as it began : madam de chastillon dispensed herself from keeping all the rigour she had promised herself , and if the duke of nemours had not great favours , at least he had hopes of being beloved . in confidence of this he was no sooner got home , then that he wrote this letter to his mistress . after having told me , madam , that you consented i should see you , since it was impossible for me to see you without telling you that i love you , or at least without writing it , i ought to write to you in confidence that my letter will not be ill received : however , i tremble , madam , and love that is never without fears of displeasing , makes me imagine , that you may have changed your mind within these three hours : do me the favour , madam , to inform me by two lines . if you knew with what ardour i desire it , and with what transports of joy i shall receive it , you would not judge me unworthy of this grace . madam de chastillon had no sooner received this letter , then that she made this answer . why should i have changed my mind , my lord ? but my god , how pressing you are ! are not you satisfied with knowing your power , and must you needs triumph likewise over anothers weakness ? the duke of nemours received this letter with such a joy , as put him almost out of himself , he kissed it a thousand times , not being able to forbear reading of it . in the mean time the passion of these two lovers augmented every day ; and madam de chastillon , who had already yielded up her heart , no longer defended the rest , but only to render it the more considerable by the difficulty . in short , the time of taking the waters being passed , they were to part , and tho they both returned to paris , they both imagined they should not see one another again with so much conveniency as they had done at bourbon : in the view of these difficulties their farewel was very moving ! the duke of nemours assured his mistress more by his tears that he should ever love her , than by the things he said to her ; and the constraint that madam de chastillon used not to weep , had the same effect in her lover : they parted very sad , but deeply perswaded that they would love one another passionately , & that they should ever do so . they seldom met the rest of the autumn , because they were observed ; but letters passed often between them . in the beginning of winter , the civil war which begun to break forth , obliged the king to leave paris something surprizeingly , and retire to st. germains . at that time , the marshal , coligny's father , happened to dye , and the prince of condé , who was then the cardinal of mazarine's right arm , obtained the patent of duke and peer for his cosin de coligny . the troops coming from all parts , the city was blocked up ; the court however did not seem very sad , and the courtiers and souldiers were over-joyed at the ill posture of affairs ; the cardinal only , whom they might ruin , concealed part of them from the queen , and all from the young king , whom when they talked to of war , it was only to acquaint him with the defeats of the enemies , and the rest of the time they amused him in plays that were sutable to his age : amongst other persons with whom he loved to play , the dutchess of chastillon held the first rank ; and hereupon benscrade made this sonnet under her husband's name . chastillon keep your charms for another lover , tho you stand with open arms , and keep a mighty pother . the king 's too young to quench the fires of such an eager beauty . how can such raging hot desires be still'd by minority . in these little playes the duke of nemours did not lose his time , they ever furnished the dutchess and him with occasions of giving one another testimonies of their love ; and by the same degrees that the passion of these two lovers augmented , their prudence did the contrary : it was observed that at a play called the bohemien they placed themselves opposite to one another , and were always whispering , and that when one was blind-folded , the other stood so as to be caught ; to the end that the hand in seeking to know who it was that was taken might have a pretext to feel every where : in short there was not one of these plays but what furnished them with the means of tickling their amourous fancy . the duke of chastillon , whom the knowledge of his wife's humour obliged to observe her , saw something of an intrigue between the duke of nemours and her ; glory more than love made him receive this discovery with an extreame impatience . he spoke of it to one of his best friends , who sharing his grief as deeply as possible , went and told the dutchess of it . the service that i have devoted , said he , to the family of his grace your husband , obliges me to come and give you an advice which is of consequence . beautyfull as you are , madam , it is impossible but that you must have adorers , and as certainly your intentions being good , you have not so strict a raine over your own actions ; most women who envy you , and men jealous of the glory of the duke your husband , give an ill interpretation to all you do . my lord your husband , himself has perceived that your conduct , which tho it were more imprudent than criminal , does not faile however to do you an injury in the world , and trouble him : you know how haughty he is , madam , and how much he would fear to be ridiculed upon that point : i give you notice of it , and humbly beseech you to take care ; for if by relying too much upon the clearness of your conscience , you should be too negligent of your reputation , his grace may come to such violences against you , as would not leave you in a condition to make appear to him your innocence . what you tell me , sir , answered madam de chastillon , ought not to surprize me ; my lord duke began betimes to accustom me to his caprichio's : on the day after our wedding , he fell into so furious a jealousy of roquelaure , who had helped him to carry me away , that he could not conceal it ; and yet he could never have had less reason than at what he gave him ; and now again i find that he renews his suspicions , and yet i cannot devine of whom it is : all that i can say is , that i doubt whether his mind would be at rest , tho i were in the countrey and saw none but my domesticks . i shall not come to further particulars with you , madam . i even know not whether my lord duke aimes at any one , when he tells me he is satisfied with you ; but you may upon what i have told you take measures for your conduct . and thereupon having taken leave of her , he left her under terrible disquiets . she immediately gave notice of all this to the duke of nemours , and they resolved together that they would constrain themselves more than they had thitherto done . in the mean time the prince of condé , was wholly taken up in contriving how to reduce the people of paris by famine , to deliver the parliament , that had promised a sum to those who would bring the cardinals head , fancyed that the taking of charenton would much advance this success , which clanle guarded with five or six hundred men : he reassembled part of the quarters , and with a thousand men , at the head of whom gaston of france , the king's unkle , and lieutenant general of the regency , would needs place himself , he came to attack charenton in three places . as the retrenchments at the avenues were but bad , it was not difficult for the king's troops to force them . but the duke of chastillon , who commanded the attacks under the prince was wounded in the belly with a musket shot in the burrough , of which he dyed the night after . the prince regretted him extreamly , and his grief was so violent that it could not last . by what had passed you may judge that the dutchesses affliction was not very great , and you may judge it much better by what shall happen in the sequel ; however she wept , she tore her hair , and made appear the appearances of the greatest despair imaginable , the publick was so deceived , that this sonnet was made upon his death . just as the court the honours did prepare that chastillon had merited by his arms , death did deprive us of this conquerour , and snatch'd him from the midst of great alarms . how great was , fairest dutchess , your despair , when you had lost all hopes of his return , all must have wept who saw you tare your hair , or else their hearts with love did ever burn . in such a sad estate , so strange surprize never alcionne , nor artenise of fate with so much reason could complain : you sigh , you weep , but all 's , alas in vain . the duke of nemours , who was better informed than the rest of the world , was not astonished at madam de chastillon's affliction : he timed his business so well , that the excess of grief had altered in that poor despairing fair one , and was so earnest with her to grant him enjoyment , that the fear she had had of her husband , had hindred her from allowing him during his life , that she made an assignation with him on the day of his burial . bordeaux , one of her women , who sancied that the duke's death would ruin the fortune of ricoux , who sought her in marriage , was under a real affliction ; insomuch that when she saw the duke of nemours upon the point of receiving the least favours from her mistress , on a day that the most dissolute constrain themselves , the horrour of this action redoubled her grief , and without going out of the chamber , she disturbed the pleasure of those lovers by her sighs and by her tears . the duke well-seeing that if he did not appease this woman , he should not have for the future in his amour all the sweetness that he wished for , took care to comfort her , at his going out , and told her that he was sensible of the loss she had of the duke ; but that he would be a friend to her , and take care of her fortune as the deceased had done ; and that she should find as much good will in him as she had done in the other , and perhaps more power ; and that till he could do something considerable for her , he desired her to receive four thousand crowns that he would send her on the morrow . these words had so much virtue that bordeaux wiped away her tears , and promised the duke to enteresse herself for him as long as she lived ; and told him that her mistress had all the reason in the world not to spare any thing for the giving him marks of her love. on the morrow bordeaux had the four thousand crowns which the duke had promised her , and since that time she served him preferably to all those who would not give her so much . the peace being made , in the beginning of the spring , the court returned to paris . the prince , who had newly freed the cardinal out of a dangerous business , sold him his services at a very dear rate , that he had done him in that war. the cardinal was not only unable to perform what he daily demanded of him ; but was not able to support the insolence with which he demanded favours : the government of pont de letreht , that the prince had forced from him for his brother in law the duke of longueville , contrary to the intention of the court , and the boldness with which he had exacted from the queen that she should see gersé , after the confidence he had had to write an amorous ticket to her majesty , made the cardinal at length resolve to free himself from the tyranny he was under , under pretext of revenging the contempt that was had of the royal authority ; he communicated this design to the duke of orleans , who remembred his exempt's broken staff by the prince , and who for that and the jealousie of his great merit , had reasons to hate him ; and the cardinal letting him know that riviere , who governed him , was the prince's pensioner , he made him give his word that he would conceal this affair from his favourite . the prince of condé , the prince of conty , and the duke of longueville their brother in law , were took into custody in the palace where the king then lodged : in the mean time monsieur thurenne , who for the engagements he had with the prince of condé , had reason to fear being taken , and who besides was enraged against the court for the principality of sedan , which his family was deprived of , withdrew to sthney , where madam de longueville arrived presently after , and the prince's officers cast themselves into bellegarde ; madam de chastillon applyed herself to the princess dowager , and engaged the duke of nemours her lover in her interests . sometime after that the princes were in prison . the princess dowager had leave to go stay at her cosins madam de chastillon's . a priest called cambiac , who had introduced himself to madam de bouteville's , by the means of madam brienne , was sent to madam de chastillon by her mother ; he had not been there long , but that he governed her , insomuch that he interposed between her and the duke of nemours . this commerce giving him occasion of having great familiarities with madam de chastillon , he fell in love with her , and to that degree , as to saint away as he was saying mass . the princess dowager falling into that fit of sickness , which she died of , cambiac , who had acquired great credit with her , employed it in favour of madam de chastillon : he procured her a hundred thousand crowns worth of jewels , and the lordship of marlou for her life , which was worth two thousand pounds a year . the duke of nemours , whom the cares of cambiac for madam de chastillon had something alarm'd , was quite jealous at the news of the princesses will. he did not believe that it was easie to resist such considerable service ; and though he could not blame his mistress for having received them , he was enraged that she was obliged for them to a man whom he considered as his rival . and he was not mistaken ; for what cambiac had done had cost that fair one favours ; for though she loved the duke of nemours best , she loved riches best of all . however , as she had no longer occasion for cambiac after the princesses death , it was not difficult for her to set her lovers mind at rest , by turning off that poor priest . the coadjutour of paris , and madam de chevreuse , who had been in the plot of seizing the princess , finding that the cardinal became too insolent , caused the duke of orleans to take it into consideration , and represented to him that if he contributed to the liberty of the princess , he would not only be reconciled with them , but would engage them altogether in his interests , besides the design of weakning the cardinal's authority , which gave ombrage to the party called la fronde , every one had still his particular interest . madam de chevreuse would have had the prince of conty , for whom the court had demanded a cardinals cap at rome , to have married her daughter ; and the coadjutour would be subrogated to the nomination of the prince . it was upon this promise that the princess of condé and conty gave under their hands to madam de chevreuse , that she and the coadjutour endeavoured to free them out of prison . the thing having succeeded as they had projected ; and the cardinal himself having been constrained to leave france , the prince had no moderation in his new prosperity , and this obliged the court to entertain new designes upon his person . he withdrew immediately to his house at saint maure , and sometime after to monrond , and from thence to his government of guyenne . the duke of nemours followed him , and madam de longueville , who was with her brother , being taken with his merit , had so much complaisance for him , that this prince , tho very much in love elsewhere , could not resist her ; but yielded through the weakness of the flesh , rather than the inclination of the heart . the duke of rochefoucault , who had been for three years the beloved gallant of madam de longueville , saw the infidelity of his mistress with all the rage that can be had in such like occasions . but she being full of a great passion for the duke of nemours , was not at all careful to please her ancient lover . the first time that she saw the duke of nemours in private , she asked him in the most passionate moment of the assignation , what had passed between him and madam de chastillon : the duke having answered her that he had not had any favour : ah! i am undone , said she to him , since in the posture we are in at present , you have the power to conceal the truth . this commerce did not last long , and the duke of nemours not being able to force himself to pretend love where he had none ; and you may imagine that the princess , who was nasty , and had an ill smell with her , could not conceal her ill qualities from a man , who was infinitely in love elsewhere . these disgusts did likewise further the journey that the duke of nemours was to make into flanders , to bring a succour of strangers to the princes party : but the real cause of his impatience was , to see madam de chastillon again , whom he ever loved more than his life ; whereupon he passed through paris , where he saw her again , and put her into that wretched condition that may be called the shipwrack of widows . when she perceived her misfortune , she sought for the means to be freed from it . des fougerets , a famous physician , undertook this cure , and while he had her in hand , the prince of condé , returned from guyenne to paris , and brought la rochefoucault with him . the prince had lively eyes , a hawks and sharp nose , hollow lean cheeks , a long face , and the physiognomy of an eagle , frizled hair , his teeth were ill set and nasty , a careless aire , had but little care of his person , but was well shaped ; his wit had a great deal of flame , but was not exact , he laughed much and disagreably , his genius was admirable for war , and particularly for battails . on the day of battail he was mild to friends , and fierce to enemies : he had an unparallel'd neatness of wit , force of judgment , and easiness of expression ; he was roguishly inclined , but had faith and probity in great occasions : he was naturally insolent and without regard , but adversity had taught him how to live . this prince finding himself disposed to fall in love with the dutchess , la rochefoucault helped still to inflame him by the great desire he had of being revenged on the duke of nemours . rochfoucault perswaded him to give her the propriety of marlou , which she had only the usu-fruit of , telling him that madam de chastillon was younger than he , and that this present would only injure his posterity ; and that a lordship of two thousand pounds a year , more or less , would neither render him richer nor poorer . when the prince fell in love with madam de chastillon , she was in the hands of des fougorests , who made use of vomits to free her of those ill circumstances . the prince , who was continually at her bed-side , asked her what her sickness was ; she told him that she believed she was poysoned . this lover being extreamly grieved to see his mistress in danger of her life , told the apothecary , who served her , that he would cause him to be hanged : this poor man not daring to justifie himself , went and told bordeaux , who was married to ricoux , that if he was pressed too much , he would tell all . in short , the remedies had the effect that they had promised themselves : and shortly after this cure , the prince having given her marlou , madam de chastillon was not ungrateful , but she only gave him the usu-fruit of what the duke of nemours had the propriety . however , rochefoucault took full vengeance of the duke of nemours , and gave him displeasures by so much the more cutting , that he had not the power to cure himself of his passion , as rochefoucault had done of that he had had for madam de longueville . besides rochefoucault , vinevil was likewise the prince's confident , who in serving him with his mistress , endeavoured likewise to be beloved himself . vinevil was the president d' ardiers brother , of a pretty good family in paris , had a pleasing face , much learning , and was a well-bred man : his humour was pleasant and satyrical , tho very fearful ; this had often brought him into trouble ; he was undertaking with women , and that made him almost always successful , he had had an intrigue with madam de montbazon , madam de movy , and likewise with the princess of wittembergh : and this last gallantry had so embroiled him , with the late duke of chastillon , that without the prince's protection he would have suffered some violences , and chastillons hatred for him , had sufficiently disposed his wife to love him . but let us leave vinevil for sometime , and return to the duke of nemours . his jealousie so transported him , that having one day found the prince at madam de chastillon's whispering with her , he all scratched his hands without perceiving what he did ; and it was one of his servants who made him take notice of the condition he had put himself in . at length , not being able to suffer the prince's visits to his mistress , he desired her to go for some time to her country house . she loving him extreamly , and not thinking that a short absence would cool the prince's passion , granted him his request ; and likewise promised him to turn off bordeaux , who had quitted his interests for to be for those of his rival . madam de chastillon was not long in the country ; and at her return , the duke of nemours was jealous to that degree , that he was twenty times upon the point of causing the prince to draw ; and he would at length have been overcome with this temptation , had it not been for the duel he fought with his brother in law , in which he lost his life . madam de chastillon , who of twenty lovers she had favoured in her life time , had never loved any so much as the duke of nemours , was really grieved for his death . one of her friends , who brought her the news of it , told her at the same time , that it was requisite that she should get out of one of monsieur de nemours his valet de chamber 's hands , a cabinet full of her letters . she sent for him , and upon the promise she made him of giving him five hundred crowns , she got the cabinet from him , but the poor fellow could never get any of the money . as for the prince , what obligation soever he had to the duke of nemours , jealousie had so disunited them , that he was very glad of his death . glory as well as love had caused so much emulation between them , that they could not bear with one another ; and this is so true , that if the prince had had a mind to have taken all the precautions necessary to hinder the duke of nemours from fighting , he might have prevented the duel . one thing more which made appear that there was more of glory than of love in the prince's heart , was that a moment after the death of his rival , he hardly loved madam de chastillon any longer , and contented himself with keeping measures of civility with her , to make use of her upon occasion , and when he should think convenient . and indeed at that time , the cardinal thinking that she governed the prince , sent the great provost of france to her , to offer her from him an hundred thousand crowns ready money , and the place of superintendant of the future queens family , in case she would oblige the prince to grant the articles he desired , and abandon the count d' oignon , the duke of rochefoucault , and president viole . during the negotiation of the grand provost , an officer of the guards , called mouchette , negotiated likewise on the queens part with madam de chastillon ; but she , seeing that she could not perswade the prince to do the things that the count desired , sent the queen word that she counselled her to grant the prince all that he should desire of her , and that afterwards her majesty would know well enough how to deal with a subject , who taking advantage of the disorder of the affairs of his master ; had forced from her shameful conditions , and such as were prejudicial to her authority . at that time , the abbot foucquett having been taken by the enemies , was brought to the palace of condé ; he had a very sharp conversation with the prince , but on the morrow things began to cool , and some days after the treaty of peace was renewed with him . as he was a prisoner upon parol , and that he went every where he had a mind to , he made some visits to madam de chastillon , believing that nothing could be done with the prince but by her interposition ; and it was in those visits that he fell in love with her . vinevil governed then madam de chastillon pretty peaceably ; cambiac was retired since that the prince was in love , and that the duke of nemours was dead , and this had very much diminished the prince's passion ; insomuch that some days after having been constrained to retire into flanders by the accommodation of paris , he was upon the point of departing without taking leave of madam de chastillon , and when at length he went to see her , he was but a moment with her . the king being returned to paris , the abbot foucquett fancied that if madam de chastillon stayed there , he should have rivals upon his back , who might be preferred before him ; insomuch that he perswaded the cardinal to send her away , saying that she would every day set on foot a thousand intrigues against the interests of the court , which she could not do elsewhere ; and this obliged the cardinal to send her to marlou : the abbot foucquett went thither as often as he could ; but there were in her neighbourhood two men who made her yet more frequent visits ; the one was my lord crofts an englishman who had hired a house near marlou , where he usually kept his equipage , and where he came to ly sometimes , and the other was digby earl of bristol , governour of the isle of man : these two noble men fell in love with the dutchess ; crofts was a peacable man and addicted to pleasures , and bristol was haughtly , brave and full of ambition , when that cambiac had seen the prince go out of france , he had made his applications to madam de chastillon ; insomuch that he stayed with her at marlou ; and as he was not so much afraid of the abbot foucquet or of bristol , as of the prince , he freely told madam de chastillon his sentiments of her carriage with all her lovers . she , not being willing to be contradicted in her new designs , and particularly by a party concerned , took his remonstrances very ill ; insomuch that things growing daily worse and worse between them , cambiac at length retired grumbling , and as a man that ought to be seared . sometime after he wrote a letter without a name , and with a forged hand , in which he gave her notice of the ill they talked of her in the world. she suspected however that this letter came from him , because he sent her word of things , that no body but she could know of . at length madam de chastillon learning from several parts that cambiac railed against her , she desired madam pisieux , whom she was very well acquainted with , and who had a power over him , to withdraw some letters of consequence that he had of hers , which madam de pisieux promised her to do , and at the same time sent word to cambiac to come to her at her house at marins near pontoise . it is to be observed that since that cambiac was gone from madam de chastillon , she had made a thousand complaints against him to my lord digby . this lover , who only thought of pleasing his mistress , and who ruined himself in expences for her sake , did not stick at promising her a vengance that should cost him nothing , and wherein he would find his particular interest : he took the time that cambiac being at marine , was one day on horseback to go abroad , and having seized him with five or six troopers , he sent him to marlou . madam de chastillon knowing that lovers that had been well treated ought never to be offended by halves , was much perplexed at the manner that cambiac was now used , and perceived that no body would be suspected but her ; she was very ill satisfied with digby , and would have sooner pardoned him the death of cambiac than the seizing him after this manner : but in short , not being able to undo what was done . i am extreamly grieved , said she to him , at what has now happened to you , i perceive that the impertinent who has done you this affront , would make you suspect me , by sending you to my house ; but you shall see by the resentment i shall have of it , that i have no share in this voilence ; in the mean time , sir , if you have a mind to stay here , you are master ; if you think fit to return to marine , you shall have my coach , you need only command it . i know , madam , answered cambiac to her coolly , what i ought to think of all this , i give you thanks for the offers you make me ; i shall return on horseback if you think fit : god , who will defend me from the attempts of the wicked , will have care of me to the end . and having spoke these words he went away in a pett , and returned alone to marine . he was no sooner arrived there than that he and madam de pisieux wrote these two letters to one of their friends at paris . a letter from cambiac to monsieur de brienne . you will be much surprized when you shall have learnt the adventure that has happened to me ; but to tell you the occasion of it , i must acquaint you with severall particulars that happened before , as that madam de chastillon sent hither to oblige madam de pisieux to come to her house , in order to the obtaining of me certain things she was desirous having . madam de pisieux , as you know , wrote to me ; and you likewise know that i undertook the journey the same day that i arrived ; madam de chastillon sent la fleur , to know if i was here , and on the morrow a man unknown under false colours , came to ask me , and know if i would return seddenly to paris . yesterday i departed from bence at four a clock ; being an hundred paces from pontois , after having passed the river , i was invested by six horsmen , with their swords in their hands , at the head of whom was my lord digby . he told me immediately , that if madam de chastillon would have done me justice , she should have caused me to receive a hundred stabs , but that i should fear nothing . i shall tell you without any bravado , that i acted very briskly in this encounter , and that i did nothing in this affaire that was unworthy ; he used me very civilly , and after having dined , be conducted me himself to the foot of marlou , and then sent me with four horsmen to make satisfaction to that worthy person ; she seemed to be displeased at this accident , and was really so at the haughtiness with which i spoke to her , which made her comprehend that it was the worst thing she had ever done . i returned to marine , to tell madam de pisieux the treachery that madam de chastillon had done her as well as me . she has all the resentment that a person of her qualisy , honour and courage ought to have . you see this is something an extraordinary accident , i conjure you let me know your opinion of it , and what course you think i ought to take ; you perceive i suppose that i ought not to rest satisfied , since that this base person has written to madam de pisieux , to conjure her to obtain of me to stifle my resentment , by assuring me that she knew nothing of all this . the answer that has been made her , is worthy of the generosity of madam de pisieux . i am resolved to stay three or four days here , to have leizure to think of what i have to do , and to hinder my self from attempting any thing that i may repent of : besides , to vent one's self in complaints , is but a feeble revenge , and i have a design to do otherwise if i can . i impatiently long to hear from you , and am wholly yours . a letter does not permit me to give you a very particular account ; i shall do it when i see you . farewel . july the 18th , 1655. madam de pisieux's letter to monsieur de brienne . i have too great a share in the adventure of monsieur de cambiac , not to add one word of my hand to the relation he has given you by his ; there is not a circumstance but what is surprizing , and the best that can be thought of me in this occasion is , that they have had but little consideration for me ; for according to all appearances , i ought to have a share in so worthy an action : the truth is , that the offended justifies me sufficiently , since he retired into the same place where the snare was laid for him . all my study is at present so to carry my self , that i may not be transported with a just anger , which i shall entertain all my life time , to make appear that i was a friend sufficiently useful to madam de chastillon . you know my name and my courage , i have ever spoke to you with sincerity enough ; i moreover add , that i make profession of a very austere christianity , and that i design to serve my god and my master without art and without deceipt . these foundations laid , i shall not be wanting in any thing that resentment and justice can permit me . oblige me with imparting this to monsieur de aubigny , and to no others : this will be no ill entertainment for the princess palatine , which i give you leave to tell it to . i do not believe that cambiac 's crime of returning to his duty , by the means of the bishop of amiens , nor mine for having concealed him , were great enough to occasion so ill an accident . i shall come on purpose to paris to discourse my friends in particular , and you in the first place . i cannot hold in this little word of revenge , madam de chastillon is not forgotten when an occasion is offered to speak of her : i wish you happiness , i am too angry to have any to day . in a short time after these two letters were sent , cambiac returned to paris , and no longer kept any measures with madam de chastillon ; he railed at her in all companies , and that he might fully glut his vengeance , he snowed the queen all the most extravagantly passionate letters of madam de chastillon , the modesty of the history does not permit them to be repeated ; but by the most civil fragment we follow , the rest may be judged of . in several parts she let cambiac know , that he might talk of her as he pleased , but that it was more generous in him to speak well of her than otherwise ; that when a woman lay at the mercy of people , as she did at his , they might make an ill use of the opportunity ; and that what a poor woman had to do in those encounters , was to suffer and to be silent . in another place she let him know , that notwithstanding all she did , she still loved him , and that though she was preparing to make a general confession at easter , there was nothing therein which concerned him . the queen was much surprized at madam de chastillon's extravagancy in her letter , however she was not sorry at the contempt it brought upon her ; and when that she had learnt the insult that had been done to cambiac , she made a great noise of it , and said publickly , that since people were so ill treated , who returned to do their duty , the king would know how to do them justice . when my lord digby came to see madam de chastillon , after what had been done to cambiac , he was astonished that he only received reproaches from her , instead of the thanks that he expected . when i let you know , said he to him , my being displeased with cambiac , it was not meant that you should use him as you did : and it is easie to see that in this fine action you considered your self more than you did me ; but i shall now be careful of my interests , and neglect yours . digby would have excused himself upon his intentions , that had been good , and seeing that notwithstanding all that he said to her she was not pacified , he likewise fell into a pet ; and madam de chastillan fearing by losing him to lose a protectour and a lover , soothed him up , and desired him to consider at another time , that he ought to ruin quite , or dissemble injuries with such people as cambiac . while that digby began to fall in love with madam de chastillon , my lord crofts , who in the time the disorders of england , had followed charles into france , had taken a house in the neighbourhood of marlou ; and leisure , conveniency , and the insinuating ways of madam de chastillon , had inflamed this lord's heart with love ; but as he was of a milder disposition than the earl , his passion had not made such progress as the earl of bristol's . things were in these terms , when that the abbot foucquett , seeing that his affairs did not advance with madam de chastillon , made use of this stratagem to hastem them : he had learnt that ricoux , brother in law to one of madam de chastillon's women , was concealed in paris , where he had correspondence with them for the prince's interests ; he sent so many people in quest of ricoux , that he was taken and carried to the bastille . the abbot foucquett having caused him to be examined , he accused madam de chastillon of several things ; and amongst others , of having promised him ten thousand crowns to kill the cardinal , and said that she had already given him two thousand beforehand upon that account . the abbot foucquett suppressed these informations , and caused others to be given , by which ricoux still confessed that he was at paris with design to kill the cardinal ; but did not accuse the duchess of having any hand in this conspiracy : and all that he said against her was , that she kept correspondence with the prince , and received a pension of four thousand crowns from the spaniards . he shewed these last informations to the cardinal , and the first to madam de chastillon , by which having , as may be imagined , extreamly terrified her , he told her he would save her , if out of acknowledgment she would give him the least marks of love : madam de chastillon , who feared death more then all things , did not stick to satisfie the abbot foucquett , but resisted just as long as was necessary to make him value this last favour . the abbot foucquett his whole thoughts were now , how to love his mistress ; and to that end he caused her to leave marlou one night , and carried her into normandy , where he made her change her abode every day , disguised sometimes like a gentleman , sometimes like a religious , and sometimes like a fryer . this lasted six weeks , during which the abbot foucquet went and came from court to the place where madam de chastillon was : at length he procured her an amnesty , when ricoux had been executed , and caused her to return to marlou , where she was not long in repose ; for she cast her eyes upon the mareshal d' hocquincourt , as well for the advantages she might draw from him by the posts he held upon the somme , as to free her from the tyranny of the abbot foucquett , who began to become insupportable to her . charles marshal d' hocquincourt had black sparkling eyes , a handsome nose , a little forehead , a long visage , and black frized hair , and his shape was very fine : he had but little wit , and yet was cunning by being very distrustful ; he was brave and ever in love , and his valour served him instead of wit and good carriage amongst the ladies . madam de chastillon knowing him by reputation , fancied that he was a proper person to commit the follies she had occasion for . monsieur de vignacourt , a gentleman of picardy , her neighbour , was the person she employed to him . whereupon the marshal having agreed with vignacourt , that at his going to command the army of catalonia , he would see her as he passed thorow marlou , as if chance had occasioned this interview . the thing hapned as it had been projected , and madam de chastillon took horse to go to conduct the marshal two leagues from marlou . on the way , she related to him the sad circumstances of her fortune , desired him to be her protectour , flattered him with the title of the refuge of the afflicted , and the resource of the miserable . in short , she so inspired him with generosity , that he promised to serve her with and against all , and even gave her his table-book , in which he gave order to the governours of towns and places to receive her and hers , as often as she had occasion . this interview was discovered by the abbot foucquett , who seeing the marshal d' hocquincourt upon the point of returning to court , judging his and madam de chastillon's neighbourhood dangerous for his and the courts interests , perswaded the cardinal to remove her to the frontiers of picardy , and caused an order to be sent her to go to her dutchy . as madam de chastillon was on her journey , she met with the marshal d' hocqiuncourt at montarquis , with whom she renewed the measures she had taken six months before , and after having mutually given one another , he positively words to protect her against the court , and she hopes to grant him one day marks of her passion . they parted , the marshal went to find out the king , and she to her dutchy , where she passed the winter , during which the marshal d' hocquincourt , and the abbot foucquett , who being the most difficult patron to be satisfied , impatiently supported the interviews that passed between the marshal d' hocquincourt and madam de chastillon , and the commerce she kept with him . to excuse herself , she told him that the marshal used his endeavours with the cardinal that she might have bordeaux again , who was taken from her , and to obtain of him for herself , leave to return to court : she added , that she could have wished she might not have been indebted for those favours to any other than himself , but that she was willing to spare his credit for affairs of greater moment . what perswaded the abbot foucquett that the intrigue between the marshal did only concern the court , was that in the spring she returned through his intercession , first to marlou , afterwards to paris and bordeaux with her . during the mareshal's campaign in catalonia , the king of england , whom the misfortunes of his family obliged to stay in france , and who had found the dutchess much to his mind , saw her at marlou in the little journeys he made to my lord crofts's his house ; and this commerce had inspired this prince with so much love for her , that he resolved to marry her : crofts perswading his master to satisfie her at any rate , upon the promises that madam de chastillon had given this lord that he should enjoy her , in case he would contribute to the making her queen : and indeed she had been so , if god , who took care of the fortune and reputation of that king , had not amused madam de chastillon with a foolish hope , which made her fail of so fair an occasion . charles king of england had great black eyes , his eye-brows were thick , and met together , was of a brown complexion , a handsome nose , a long visage , his hair was black and curled ; he was tall , and finely shaped ; he had an austere presence , and yet loft and civil more in good than in ill fortune : he was brave , that is to say , that he had the courage of a souldier , and the soul of a prince : he was a great wit , and loved pleasures , but yet he loved his duty more : in short , he was one of the greatest kings in the world : but however , tho nature had gifted him with admirable advantages , adversity , that had been his governour , was the principal cause of his extraordinary merit . the prince at his leaving of france , had shown , as i have already said , very little consideration for madam de chastillon ; but having known the value that the spaniards set on her , by the pension they had given her , and the credit that she had at the court of france , by the means of the abbot foucquett , was reinflamed for her : and his passion was so violent , that he wrote to her the most passionate letters in the world , and amongst others , this was intercepted that he wrote to her in cyphers . tho all your charms should not oblige me to love you , my dear cosin , the pains that you take for me , and the persecutions you suffer for being in my interests , and the hazards wherein this exposes you , would oblige me to love you as long as i live ; iudge then what all this together can do upon a heart , which is neither insensible nor ungrateful ; but judge likewise of the alarms that i am continually in for you . the example of ricoux makes me tremble , and when that i consider that what i have most dear in the world is in the hands of my enemies , i am in disquiets that never give me rest . in the name of god , my poorest dear , do not longer hazard your self as you do ; i should choose rather never to return into france , than be the cause of your having the least apprehension : it is for me to expose my self , and by a war put my affairs in such a posture , as that they may treat with me ; and then , my dear cosin , you may aid me with your intercession ; and in the mean time , as events are doubtful in war , i have one sure way to pass my life with you , and yet engage our interests to one another more than they have hitherto been . do not believe that the princess is an invincible obstacle to this ; people break through much greater , when they are as much in love as i am . in this part , my dear cosin , i give no bounds to my imagination , nor to your hopes : you may push them as far as you please . farewel . the hopes that madam de chastillon had upon this letter of marrying the prince , made her think of refusing the offers of the king of england ; hereupon she consulted one of her female friends in bordeaux's presence . she , whose husband was with the prince , told her mistress that she was mad once to think of marrying a shaddow of a king , a wretch who had not wherewith to live , and who in making her to be laughed at , would ruin her in a little time , that if it was possible , contrary to all appearances in the world , that he should one day recover his throne , she might very well believe that being weary of her , he would be divorced from her upon the pretext of the inequality of condition : her friend told her on the contrary , that her madness was to marry the prince who was married , and whose wife was in health , that persons of the quality of the king of england might be sometimes under ill fortune , but that they could never be in that extream necessity so common to private persons : that it was fine for a lady to live a queen , tho she should live unhappy ; and that she ought never to refuse an honourable title , tho she was only to bear it upon her grave . as for you mademoiselle , turning towards bordeaux , you have reason to talk as you do to her grace , considering only your own interest ; but for my part , who only consider her graces , i tell her what i ought to say . madam de chastillon gave them thanks for the kindness they showed her , and told them that she would take time to think of their reasons before she came to a resolution . she was not willing to give a more positive answer before her friend in an affair she was ashamed she should choose what was contrary to her advice ; in the mean time there came notice from several parts to the king of england of the life of madam chastillon , and of her present conduct with the abbot foucquett . never any man that had the least sense of honour , did lose his reason so much as in the beginning of his passion to marry a woman without honour . the king of england went from the neighbourhood of marlou as soon as he had learnt all these news , and would not hazard , by seeing madam de chastillon , a conflict that might be doubtfull between his sences and his reason . madam de chastillon was not then sensible of the loss she had : the desires and hopes she had of marrying the prince rendered all other things indifferent to her . madam de chastillon being returned from her dutchy to marlou in the beginning of the spring , through the intercession of the marshall d' hocquincourt , and sometime after to paris , he did not find her ungratefull for this favour . this little service and the promises he gave her of killing the cardinal and putting his places into the princes hands , touched madam de chastillons heart to that point , that she granted enjoyment to the marschal . the summer passed in this manner during , which the abbot foucquett who perceived this commerce , was often under strange disquiets ; and he had done at that time what he did afterwards , if lovers did not love to deceive themselves , when they are either to quit or condemn their mistresses . the winter after , the duke of candale at his return from catalonia , seemed to be in love with madam de chastillon ; the abbot foucquett allarum'd at so dangerous a rivall , caused boligneux to desire him to cease his persuit . the duke of candale being at that time really in love with madam d' olonne , and had only engaged himself with madam de chastillon to make her serve for a pretext , easily granted the abbot foucquett's request . but as with this mistress lovers were as an hydra , of whom one head was no sooner cut off , but that an other sprung up in the room , la feuillade took the place of the duke of candale ; the abbot foucquett who knew it immediately , spoke himself pretty sharply of it to la fuillade , who whether that he fancyed that his rivall being beloved he should not succeed in his enterprize , or whether that his blooming passion left him all his prudence , he did not judge it convenient to incurr the hatred of so violent a man ; wherefore he did not persevere in that amour . the marquess de cozuvres had not so much complaisance as feuillade had , he continued to see madam de chastillon maugre the abbot foucquett ; but as he had neither fortune nor merit enough to touch her heart , she only made a conquest of him , and only kept him in play to inflame the abbot foucquett , and oblige him to renew his presents , and let him know that she had persons of quality on her side who would not suffer her to be misused . wherefore the abbot was forced to bear with this rivall but he vented his choler upon poor vinevil ; who was one of the first lovers of madam de chastillon , beloved , a man of good sense , and whose wit was to be feared . the abbot foucquett gave the cardinal to understand that it was dangerous to leave him at paris ; insomuch that the cardinal seeing only through the abbots eyes , sent an order to vinevil to go to tours till further order ; and he not being suffered to take his leave of madam de chastillon , wrote her this letter on the last of october 1651. how desirous soever you seem to be that i should make you a visit , i fancyed that the little pleasure you took in the last , i should do much better to abstain ; since that indeed your coldness deprives me of the joy , that i received at other times in seeing you : for the truth is , i am perswaded that i ought not to pretend to any share in your favour , nor your confidence ; the engagement you are under , does not permit you to consider any thing besides , and that you are necessitated to be wanting in what you owe by essential obligations ; i am likewise of opinion that you would take it more kindly to forget you altogether , than to remember you on this occasion ; and that you willingly approve of my abandoning your person and your interest . and yet madam , i do not pretend that you should lose me quite , because i am very sure , you will be very glad to find me again one time or other , tho you despise me at present : i will serve my self as much as the knowledg of the present circumstances you are under will suffer , preand the friendship i have promised you , which makes me that i cannot dissemble that all human kind talk most disadvantageausly of your conduct , and that you are become the perpetual theme of all the conversations of the time . they describe your engagement to be the most pittyful and abject that a person of your quality was ever concerned in ; and your friend is said to exercise over you a tyrannical empire , and more especially that he causes all to be discarded that come near you , and that he even threatens those whom he is told are his rivals , as he has done feuillade ; and i pass over in silence several particulars of his private visits which are sufficiently known . do but consider , madam , of the prejudice that your reputation receives from this commerce ; and make reflection upon what you are , and upon what he is who has deprived you of your honour ; for the credit and consideration he procures you are not very honorable , and they are false lights which reflect upon you , rather to offend you than to give you a lustre . ah! madam , if the poor deceased had but the least sence , they would scratch their way out of their graves , and come and approach you with so shamefull a dependance , but i do not believe that you are concerned for the memory of them , fear the living , who sooner or later will be informed of your conduct and will doubtless behave themselves accordingly . i do not represent all these things to you out of a motive of jealousie ; for i assure you i am not infected with a passion so afflicting and so useless as that . if i was transported with love for you i should vent my self in invectives , which would do you irreparable injuries , and i should revenge my self of the wrongs you do me with so much ingratitude . if i had no love for you , i should railly as well as others : but in what concerns you i keep my self in a mediocrity , which gives me a mute grief for the blindness of your conduct , which at length will bring you into the worst of troubles , if you have not a care , and let your self be governed by your prudence without expecting events . to morrow i shall go towards tourraine , wherefore i take my leave of you , madam ; if you take kindly the advice i give you i shall continue to love you ; if ill , i shall endeavour to get rid of a principle that is the cause of it : in the mean time i doe not demaund any good offices for my concerns , but only that you would hinder ill ones from being done me , and you will oblige me in so doing . notwithstanding vinevil's banishment , the abbot foucquett was no more at ease than he was before , madam de chastillon making him mad every moment ; but that which disquieted him most was the intrigue between her and the marshall d' hocquincourt . this had rendred her so haughty that she had often treated the abbot foucquett as if she had not known him . during these passages the marshal de hocquincourt finding himself pressed by madam de chastillon to perform the promises he had made her , which not being willing to do , he gave notice to the cardinal of all that he had promised madam de chastillon , by one of his gentlemen , who seemed to betray him , and at the same time caused the same notice to be given to the abbot foucquett by madam calvoisin , the governour of roye's wife . this peice of cunning had the effect , that the marshall had promised himself ; the cardidinal was alarum'd , and to break of so dangerous an intrigue caused the marshal d' hocquincourt to be treated with . the abbot foucquett for his part , having had the information from calvoisin , desired the cardinal that he would cause madam de chastillon to be took into custody , and put in such a place where she might not have any correspondence till that he should think fit to restore her to her liberty . the cardinal having given his consent , the abbot foucquett caused madam de chastillon to be seized on at marlou , and conducted with one of her women to paris , where he caused her to be brought in by night , and lodged her at one de vaux's house in poitow-stret . on the morrow after her arrival , the abbot foucquett took a note under her hand by order from the cardinal , and directed to the marshal d' hocquincourt , by which she desired him to come to an accomodation with the king , and not to think any longer of the prince or of her , because it might endanger his life ; & as some days before she was taken she had agreed with the marshal , that in case they hapned to be taken into custody , and that letters were exacted from them , contrary to the measures they had taken together , they should give no credit to them if they were not written with a double c. which she did not do in this letter , but she did in an other which she wrote at the same time to the marshal ; by which she let him know that he should remain firm in the first resolution that he had taken of serving the prince , and of delivering up his places to him ; which the marshal never intended , and had only promised madam de chastillen that he would , that he might obtain favours from her , and to procure advantages from the cardinal , which he could not have without making himself be feared ; he suppressed the letter of intelligence , and sent that to the prince which the abbot foucquett had caused madam de chastillon to write to him , by which knowing that she was in danger of her life , he sent him word to make his peace with the court , provided he got madam de chastillon released out of prison . the cardinal believing the marshal to be really in love with madam de chastillon , and that he would give all that he should demand of him to set her at liberty , would have deducted upon her account an hundred thousand livers , out of the hundred thousand crowns they had agreed of together : but the marshal would not consent to it , and yet that she might not think him a cheat , and to keep some measures with her still , he would not put his places into the cardinals hands , til he knew that the dutchess was set at liberty ; insomuch that to satisfy him in that point , they deceived him , and sent the dutchess to the fathers oratory to shew her self to a gentleman he had sent on purpose for that end ; with whom she was free , after which she returned to her prison , where she was eight days longer . during the three weeks that she was a prisoner in poitoustreet , the abbot was not so free as she , he became daily more and more smitten ; for as with the liberty of going and coming he likewise deprived her of that of deceiving him ; he found her a thousand times more lovely than before . besides the dutchess being willing to recover his esteem that she migh procure being set at liberty , used him after such a manner as was capable of melting the heart of a barbarian , and had a thousand kindnesses and complyances for him : and she seemed to put so entire a confidence in him , that he could not forbear beleiving that she would never depend again on any body but him . things being in this posture , the abbot surprized a very kind letter , that the dutchess wrote to the prince of condé . this grieved him so extreamly , that in reproaching her , he would have poisoned himself with quicksilver from behind a looking-glass ; but beginning to find himself ill , he lost the desire of dying for a faithless one , and took theriaque which he usually carried about him to secure himself from enemies , which the employ he had about the cardinal procured him daily . except going where she pleased , the dutchess passed her time very pleasantly in the prison ; the abbot treated her with all manner of delicacies , and made her daily very considerable presents in knacks and jewels ; he went from thence at two a clock in the night , and came again at eight in the morning , thus was he with her eighteen hours in four and twenty . it was impossible but that the cardinal must know where the dutchess was , and this is pleasant that this great man , who decided the fate of europe , should go halves with the abbot foucquett in an amourous secret : i beleive that the reason he had to approve this commerce was , that knowing the dutchess to be intriguing , he chose rather she should be in the abbots hands , whom he was sure of , than in an other ; and besides the abbot keeping her in a chamber , and absolutely dishonoring her thereby , he was glad that the prince of condé her cousin and lover , might receive thereby an extraordinary mortification . but at length the marshal d' hocquincourts ' accommodation being made , upon condition that the dutchess should be released out of prison , she was to be let at liberty . they sent her to marlou , where some time after the worst accident imaginable happened the abbot foucquett and she had agreed together , that every saturday they would mutually return the letters they had written to one another all the week long , and that he would send for them by a man who should say that he belonged to mademoiselle vertus . this man being one day at marlou , a footman came thither from the marshal d' hocquincourt , with a letter for the dutchess , who having writ her answers , and given them to a chambermaid to deliver them to the bearers , this woman mistook , and gave the abbot's man the answer that her mistriss sent the marshal , and to the marshal's lacquie the pacquet designed for the abbot . it is easie to imagine in what allarms the dutchess was so soon as she knew the mistake , and particularly when it is known that in the letter , which she wrote to the abbot , besides a thousand kind things , there was also a long chapter against madam de bregi , whom she hated , because she had naturally the charms of body and of mind which the dutchess had only by art. it is certain thet the dutchess had ever envied her and was never able to pardon her merit . in an other place , she railed against my lord mountague , and almost in every part of it made the most biting railleries imaginable upon the marshal . and when she thought of the abbot's letters which she had sent to him , wherein there were tendernesses and transports of love , which might be good to a mistress , but which usually appear very ridiculous to the indifferent , and that all this was in the hands of a haughty and a laughed at rival , she was almost mad : the abbot for his part was in no less pain . as for the marshal so soon as he had seen all the abbot's letters , and those that the dutchess wrote to him , he judged that he might be one day obliged to restore them her out of his weakness to her , or through the desires of her friends , insomuch that he might be in a capacity to take his revenge on her when he pleased : he caused copies to be taken of them all , and then went and showed the originals to the duke of rochefoucault , to madam pisieux , whom he knew to be the dutchesses enemies . after that the abbot had been one night at marlou , he returned to paris to the mershals house , of whom he demanded his letters . the marshal did not content himself with refusing him them , but added all the raillery after his way that he could bethink himself of ; while the marshal was thus drolling he held the dutchess , letter open to the abbot , who had liever have been killed , than have suffered his mistress to have laine at his rival's discretion , as she did by this letter , caught hold of it , and tore half of it off , which he went to show to the dutchess , telling her that the marshal had burnt the other halfe ; but the marshal being enraged at this enterprize of the abbots ; bid him be gone immediately out of his house , and that if some respects did not withhold him , he would cause him to be thrown out of the window . the dutchess being sometime after returned to paris , fancied that to undeceive the publick of a thousand particulars , that the marshal had said of her , it was requisite that she should let people of merit and virtue see after what manner she would treat him . in order to which , she made choice of the house of the marquess de souches , great provost of france , to whom and his wife she had a mind to justifie herself more particularly : the assignation being made with the marshal , he perceived her design . god keep thee , my poor child , said he accosting her , how does my little buttocks do , are they still very lean ? it is impossible to imagine the sad condition this discourse put the dutchess in ! she was as if she had been stund with a blow upon her head , it made her forget to call the marshal fool and insolent ; but she fancied that having begun as he did , he would proceed to the most shameful particulars imaginable for her , if she displeased him never so little . the grand provost and his wise looked upon one another , and turning towards the dutchess , found her with her eyes towards the ground , but indeed she did not change her colour ; but those who knew her did not believe her perplexed . at length the great provost breaking silence , you do ill , said he , my lord marshal ; gallant men ought never to quarrel with ladies , they ought to be thankul to them for the presents they make them of their hearts , and ought not to offend them when they refuse it . i grant that , said the marshal , but when their hearts are once given , if they change after that , it is requisite they use civilly those they have loved , and when they droll upon them , they expose themselves to great affronts . you understand me , madam , added he , turning towards the dutchess , i am sure you believe that i have reason for what i say , but you surprize me with your disorder ; you ought to be prepared for such accidents , since you lay snares for people who revenge themselves . i vow i would not have believed that you had so much modesty as you have . and in ending this discourse he went away , and left the dutchess more dead than alive . the great provost and his wife endeavoured to bring her to herself ; telling her , that what the marshal had said , had not made any impression upon their minds ; however from that day they had no great commerce with her . a fortnight after the abbot was obliged to go to the court , which was at compeigne ; the dutchess foreseeing the prince of condés return into france by the general peace that was much talked of , and not being willing that he should find her in so shameful an intrigue for her , resolved to break off after such a manner , as that there might not remain the least appearance of it . in this design she went to the abbots house , where having found one of his servants in whom he put most confidence , and asked him for the keyes of his master's closet , saying she had a mind to write him a letter . this fellow without penetrating further , and only considering the abbots passion for the dutchess , he gave her immediately what she demanded . seeing herself alone , she broak the lock of the cabinet where she knew that the abbot kept her letters , and not only took them all , but likewise others from the prince of condé , which she had sacrificed to them , and went and burnt them at madam de sourches house . the abbot having sound this disorder at his return home , went to the dutchesses house , and began to threaten to cut off her nose , and then broke a christal candlestick , and a great looking-glass that he had given her , and went away after having called her a thousand names . during all this bustle , one of the dutchesses chambermaids fancying that the abbot would take away from her all that he had given her , laid hold upon her mistresses cabinet of jewels , and carried it to madam de sourches house , from whence she sent for it again the same evening , and gave it to a devout relation of her mothers to keep . the abbot having notice of it on the morrow , went to that devout womans house , and took it away by force . the dutchess being informed of the loss she had , was extreamly grieved ; but she did not lose her judgment , she employed people to the abbot , who had so much credit with him , that he restored the cabinet ; and by the means of this restitution they were as well reconciled as they had ever been ; and this reconciliation was so sudden , that madam de bouteville coming the morrow to comfort the dutchess her daughter for the accident that had hapned to her , the abbot was already with her , who concealed himself in a closet during the visit , and heard all the comedy . some time after , the dutchess not being willing to take alwaies the pains to conceal that she saw the abbot again ; and fancied that since their quarrel was known abroad , their reconciliation ought likewise to be publick : wherefore she caused all her friends to desire her to pardon the abbot upon his sollicitation , and at length having made it a point of conscience , the mother abbess , of the convent of mercy , a woman subject to beatifical visitations , made them see and embrace one another . this mediation brought the reverend mother into some discredit with the queen and the cardinal : they fancyed that that she had not so particular a commerce with god , since she suffered her self to be so easily deceived by men. however this reconciliation lasted but six months ; the prince of condé's return into france coming on daily made the dutchess apprehend that he would find her under the abbots tutorship , and the ladies de saint chaumond and de feguiers made her so much ashamed of him , that she broak with him upon a pretext of devotion . it was very difficult for the abbot to consent to the dutchess's design , and would not have done it at an other time ; but seeing his credit very much diminished with the cardinal , and fearing that the prince of condé , who hated him besides , and bouteville , who would revenge the dishonour he had done to his family , might cause him to be stabbed , if he gave the dutchess the least new reason of complaining , he left off visiting , but not loving her . the end of the second part loves empire ; or , the gallantries of the french court . the third part. london , printed for dorman newman . 1682. loves empire , &c. at that time madam d'olonne was gone as i have said , to desire the countess of fiesque , to thank in her name the abbot foucquett for some pretended obligation which was properly nothing ; but she had a mind the abbot foucquett should make reflections upon the compliment , and make him comprehend that when people have thanks returned them for such small things , they are willing to be indebted to them for the greater obligations . the same day that madam d'olonne saw the countess , she found the abbot at madam de bonelles , and there she herself made him the same compliment : the abbot , being very desirons to have an intrigue with madam d' olonne , to endeavour the curing himself of the passion he had still for the dutchess of castillon , returned her civilities as obligingly as he was able ; and on the morrow the countess having sent to seek him , and telling him what madam d' olonne had desired her to say : i know more than you of that , madam , said he to her , and i received yesterday evening marks of acknowledgment from herself : but i would willingly know of you one thing , added he , whether the count de guiche is not in love with madam , d' olonne ; for if he is , i will avoid the occasion of being so : he has had so much respect for me upon all occasions , that i should be ridiculous should i play him such a prank . no , said the countess , at least madam d' olonne and he have each of them told me , that they had not any thoughts of one another . if this is true , replyed the abbot , i beseech you madam , to let mad. d' olonne know that you have seen me , & that upon what you have told me in her name , i appeared to you so transported with joy , to see how she received what i did for her , that you do not doubt but that i shall be infinitely in love ; and thereupon , madam , ask her , i beseech you , what she would do in case i should be so . the countess having given her word that she would , the abbot went away ; and on the morrow madam d' olonne having received a letter from the countess , made her this answer . you desire to know what course i would take in case the abbot foucquett was in love with me ; i am not so mad as to tell you ; for i am still as much taken with him as i was two dayes agoe . farewell , la chastillanne . the chevalier de grammont , being come to the countesses a moment after she had received this ticket , found her in bed , and seeing a paper lying by her , he took it . the countess having redemanded this paper , the chevalier restored her another much of the same bigness . the company that was then in her chamber , so took her up , that she did not perceive the chevaliers roguery , who went away almost as soon as he had done . seeing what it was , it is not to be questioned , but that his joy was extream , to have in hand wherewith to injure madam d' olonne , and put the count de guiche in a rage . he remembred , he had been sacrificed to marsillac , and the disquiets that his nephew had given him upon the countesses account , and was very glad he had now an occasion to torment him . the noise that this letter made , had all the effect that he could desire ; the count de guiche was allarm'd , and consulted vinevil ; they resolved together , that he should speak himself of it to the abbot , and in the mean time he wrote this letter to madam d' olonne . you make me mad , madam , but i love you too much to fall out with you ; and perhaps this carriage may move your heart more than reproaches ; however my resentment must fall upon some body , and i see not one that has incurred it more than the countess ; it was certainly she who engaged the abbot foucquett to think of you , to reclaime me to her , or be revenged on me for changing , being in dispair that i had abandoned her ; and therefore has raised me up a rival , who should cause me to be discarded or disgust me from loving you . i cannot think madam , she will effect either of her designs , and yet i think my self as much obliged to her as if she had brought them to pass , and she is to expect that i will have no longer any regard for her , and that i will use all means imaginable to be revenged . madam d' olonne , not being so secure of the count de guiche , but that she apprehended the countess might reclaim him , was willing to embroil them to such a point , as that in all appearance they could not be reconciled ; and for that end she had no sooner received this letter , then that she sent it to the countess : which putting her in a rage against the count de guiche , she sent for vinevil to come to her . i desired your company , to tell you that your friend is an impertinent fool , and whom i will have nothing more to do with . see the letter he has newly written to madam d' olonne ; he complains that i perswade the abbot foucquett to engage in an intrigue with his mistress , and does not remember that he told me , that he had no longer any thoughts of her . i ask your pardon for him , answered vinevil , excuse a poor lover , who seeing they design to deprive him of his mistress , knows not what he does , nor whom to have recourse to : as soon as i shall have him recollect himself , he will come and cast himself at your feet . after some other discourses , vinevil went away , and within an hour after returned with the count de guiche , who told the countess so many things , that she promised to forget his rudeness . on the morrow the count having resolved to speak to the abbot , went to him , and having taken him aside , if we had both begun at the same time , said he to him , to be in love with madam d' olonne , it would be ridiculous to think it strange that you should dispute her with me , neither should i do it ; and i would leave it to herself to decide by favours the good fortune of us both . but since you come to disturbe me in an intrigue , i have been long ingaged in before you , give me leave to tell you , that this is not civil , and i desire you to leave me at quiet with my mistress , without giving me other troubles than those which proceed from her rigours . i am a friend of madam d' olonne 's , and nothing else , answered the abbot , thus you have no reason to complain of me ; however , if i thought the discourse you have now held to me , was by the advice of people , who had a mind to bring me into trouble , i declare to you i would become your rival from this moment . i know why i talk to you after this manner , and you may understand me . the abbot pretended to speak of varde his mortal enemy , and the count's friend . no , answered the count , i know not what you mean ; but what i have to say to you is , that being jealous , that humour has advised me to desire you not to make me any longer so . the abbot having given him his hand , they parted the best friends imaginable . some time after the abbot finding madam d' olonne at a place where he made a visit , she took him aside , to impart to him some secrets of small moment , and the abbot not knowing what to say to her , told her his dispute with the count. i am very glad , said she to him , to see that you , gentlemen , dispose of me , as if i was your own : thus i find i am at present the count de guiches , since you have made him your declaration that you have no pretences to me . ah! madam , answered the abbot , i would not give you to any body , if it was in my power to do it ; as i love my self better than any one in the world , i would keep you for my self ; but upon the suspicions that the count de guiche has , that i have a passion for you , i declare to him that i have no such thoughts , and this betwixt you and me , madam , because i trust my good fortune , for — no , no , interrupted madam d' olonne , do not continue talking to me contrary to what you think ; you know well enough that you are not so unhappy as you say . the abbot finding himself so pressed , could not forbear answering , that she knew him better than he did himself ; that it being in her power to make king's themselves happy , he should think his fortune made , if she would assure him of it ; and moreover , that the promises he had made the count , should not hinder him from loving her , when he should see any likelyhood of being beloved . this conversation ended with so many favours from madam d' olonne , that the abbot forgot that he was still in love with madam de chastillon , insomuch that he resolved to engage himself without inclination with madam d' olonne ; he fancied that by enteressing the body by pleasures , he might disengage the mind , whose interests are so interwoven : and indeed , madam d' olonne , whom time was very dear to , did not let the abbot languish ; but as their correspondence could not last long without the counts perceiving it , he went to her house to make her his complaints : being at her chamber door , he heard a noise , which obliged him to listen to what it was . he heard madam d' olonne saying a thousand kind things to some body , which increasing his curiosity , he looked through the key-hole , and saw his mistress making as tender caresses to her husband , as if he had been a lover . this did not a little disgust him ; he went home in a pet , where having taken ink and paper , he wrote this following letter to vinevil , you are ignorant that i have discovered a new lover of madam d' olonne's ; but what a new lover , good god! a lover kindly used , a domestick lover : i am not able to bear with it any longer ; i newly caught d' olonne upon his wife's knees , receiving a thousand caresses from that faithful one. happy should i my self betide , if the beauty i adore could at length rest satisfied with a thousand gallants ; nay more , i am willing she should have a friend if there her lechery would end . but she her husband does likewise love , 't is this that does my anger move . for in short , my dear , he is no husband , he has all the favours of gallants ; he receives other caresses besides those which proceed from duty , and he receives them by day ; which is a time peculiar to lovers . the count de guiche being returned on the morrow to madam d' olonne's house , referred his reproaching her upon her husbands account till another time , and thought sit to speak then only of the abbot foucquett . madam d' olonne being ever full of consideration , when she was to lose a gallant , not so much out of fear of his vexation , as because she lessened the number , told the count de guiche that he was master of her conduct , that he might prescribe to her what manner of life he pleased ; that if the abbot gave him umbrage , she would not only see him no more , but if he was willing he should be witness after what rate she would rattle him . the count , who never durst have asked her so great a sacrifice , accepted the offers she made him : the assignation being made to be at my lord croft's house the next day ; where madam d' olonne having no other company than the count and the abbot , spoke to the last after this manner , after having concerted all the evening before . i desired you , mr. abbot , to come hither , to tell you in the presence of my lord the count de guiche , that i do not love you , and that i can never love any body but him ; we were both very willing that you should know it , that you might not plead ignorance : not that you have hitherto carried your self towards me otherwise than as a friend ; but as you had no design , you have not perhaps taken notice that your visits were something too frequent , and you know that that is not usually very pleasing to so amorous a man as the count , what confidence soever he has in his mistress . for my part i shall spend my whole life in thinking how to please him : i was willing to make you this declaration , lest that you without thinking , should bring your self into trouble ; i shall be overjoyed to have you for my friend , but the less commerce we have together , the better it will be . ' yes , madam , i give you my word , said the abbot to her , i am very much of the count de guiches opinion , i have passed through all the degrees of jealousie , and this is not the first time that he and i have discoursed upon this point . i know the promises i made him , and i am sure i have not broken them . ' the truth is , interrupted the count , that i cannot complain of you ; but as her ladyship has said very well , that as you have no design , you did not think you did contrary to what you promised me , and appearances are only against you . ' well , replyed the abbot to him , let not this hinder you from being happy , for i give you my word that i will not . her ladiship designedly but once a month , but for incounters i cannot answer for them ; but it is your part to take securities in that case . after a thousand civilitiess on all sides , they parted . it will be perhaps wondred at , that the abbot suffered rivals so impatiently in his intrigues with the dutchess of chastillon , and was so tractable with madam d' olonne ; but the reason is , that with the former there was love in the case , and with the latter nothing but debauche ; and that the body can bear with associates , which the heart can never do . sometime after d' olonne being informed of the ill conduct of his wife , resolved to send her into the country , as well to hinder her from committing new follies , as to stifle the reports which her presence daily renewed : and indeed , so soon as she was departed , there was no more thoughts of her ; and a thousand other copies of madam d'olonne , which paris is full of , caused that great original to be forgotten in a short time . there likewise hapned an intrigue , which without being of the nature of madam d' olonne , did however suppress them for a time . the count vivonne , first gentleman of the king's chamber , and for whom his majesty had naturally an inclination , being retired to a house he had near paris , to spend the easter holy days with two of his friends , the abbot le camus and manchini this last cardinals nephew , and the other one of the kings almoners ; and having passed there three or four days , if not in a great devotion , at least in very innocent pleasures , the count of guiche and manicamp , being weary of paris , went to him . as soon as the abbot le camus saw them , knowing them to be very dissolute , he perswaded manchini to return to paris , and that the next day , for that the world would say there had passed strange things amongst them : and manchini that very evening declaring this design , manicamp and the count de guiche , proposed to vivonne to desire bussy to come and pass two or three days without them , telling him that he was very capable to fill the place of the other two : vivonne having given his consent , wrote a letter to bussy in all their names , that he was desired to quit for some time the hurry of the world , to come to them , that they might with the less distraction , give them selves up together to the thoughts of eternity . but before i pass further , it is fit i describe vivonne and bussy . the first had great blew eyes even with his head , whose balls were often half hid under his eyelids , and contrary to his intention , made him look languishingly ; he had a handsome nose , a little and full mouth , a fine complexion , a fine , great and fair head of hair ; he was indeed something too fat , he had a quick wit , and a good fancy ; but he studyed too much how to be pleasant ; he loved to speak equivoques , and words with a double sence ; and that he might be the more admired , he often made them at home and started them in the companies where he came , as if they had been fresh thoughts ; he was quickly engaged in friendship with people without any discretion ; but whether he found them persons of merit or no , he as suddenly abandoned them ; what made his inclination last longest was flattery , but it was to no purpose for a person to be extraordinary , if he did not admire him , he would have had no great esteem for him . as he fancyed that a signe of a good will was a niceness for all works , he found nothing to his mind of all he saw , and usually he judged of books without knowledg and reason : in short , he was so blinded with his own merit , that he saw none in any body else ; and to speak like himself , he had both a great deal of sufficiency , and a great deal of insufficiency ; he was bold in war , and fearfull in love : and yet if any body would have believed him , he had his will of all the women he had attempted ; but the truth is he had been denied by certain ladies , who , till then had never refused any man. roger de rabutin , count of bussy , major general of the light horse , had great sweet eyes , a handsome mouth , a something hawkish nose , an open face , and a happy phisiognomy , fair , clear light hair ; his wit had delicacy and force , gaity and mirth ; he talked well ; he writ exactly and agreably ; he was of a soft disposition ; but those , whom his merit had caused to envy him , had netled him , insomuch that he willingly made merry with people he did not love ; he was a good and regular friend ; he was brave without ostentation ; he loved pleasures more than fortune , but he loved glory more than pleasures : he was gallant with all ladies , and very civill , and the familiarity he had with his best friends , never made him wanting in the respect he owed them . this kind of behaviour made it thought that he had a passion for them ; and it is certain that he had ever some sence of love in all the great intrigues he had had , he had been long in the wars and had done good service , but as in this age it was not sufficient to be of a good family , to have wit , courage , and have done great services to procure honours , with all these qualities , he was got but half way of his fortune ; he had not the baseness to flatter those people , whom mazarine , the soveraign dispensour of favours , put confidence in , or had not been in a condition to force them from him , by making him afraid , as most of the marshals of his time had done . now bussy , having this letter from vivonne , took hors immediately , and went to his house : he found his friends very much disposed to mirth , and he , not being usually a disturber of feasts , ordered it so that their joy was altogether compleat : and accosting them , i am very glad my friends , said he , to find you disengaged from the world as you are , a particular grace from god is necessary to work out our salvation : in the hurreis of courts , ambition , envy , buckbiting , love , and a thousand other passions ; do usually engage the best people in crimes , which they are encapable of in such retreats as this , let us save our selves then together , my friends , and as to be pleasing to god , it is neither necessary to weep nor to dye of hunger ; let us be merry , my friends , and make good chear . this sentiment being generally approved of , they prepared themselves for hunting in the afternoon , and gave order to have consorts of instruments for the next day : after having hunted four or five hours , these gentlemen having got themselves a great stomach , eat as heartily as is imaginable : supper being ended , which had lasted three hours , during which the company had been in that mirth which alwaies accompanies a good conscience , caused horses to be brought to walk in the park : where these four friends finding themselves at liberty , to encourage themselves to have the more contempt for the world , they proposed to rail against all human kind ; but a moment after reflection made bussy say that they ought to except their true friends from that general proscription ; this advice having been approved of by them all , every one demanded of the rest of the assembly quarter for what he loved : this being done , and the the signal given for the contempt of things here below these good souls begun a canticle . you may judge that having took this course , all was comprehended in the canticle , except those four gentlemens friends , but as the number were but small , the canticle was great and sharp , insomuch that should nothing be forgot , it would make a volume : part of the night being spent in these rural pleasures , they resolved to go to rest ; wherefore they left one another very much satisfied to see the progress they had begun to make in devotion . vivonne and bussy being got up earlier the next morning than the others , went into manicamps chamber ; but not having found him , and thinking he was gone a walking in the park , they went into the count de guiches chambers , with whom they found him in bed : you see my friends , said manicamp to them , that i endeavour to make good use of the things you spoke of yesterday touching the contempt of the world , i have already won my self to despise the half , and i hope in short time , except it be my particular friends , to have no great inclination for the other ; we often compass the same and by different methods , answered bussy to him ; for my part i do not condemn your manners ; every one is saved after his own way ; but i shall never take that course to be happy that you do . i am amazed to hear you talk after this rate , said manicamp , and that madam de savigny has not disgusted you from loving of women ; but now you talk of madam de sevigny , said vivonne , pray you tell us why you broak off with her , for they talk differently ; some say that you were jealous of the count of lude , and others that you sacrificed her to madam de monglas ; and no body has beleived what you both have said , that it was a reason of interest . when i shall have made appear replyed bussy , that i have been these six years in love with madam de monglass , you will beleive that there was nothing of love in the falling out that was last year between madam de sevigny and me . ah! my dear , interrupted vivonne , how should we be obliged to you , if you would take the pains to relate to us an amourous history ; but first of all be pleased to give me an account of this madam de sevigny ; for i never saw two persons agree in their opinions of her . what you say is defining of her in a few words , answered bussy , peoples opinions of her do not agree because she is unequall , and that one person alone is never long enough in her favour , to observe the change of her humour ; but having known her from her infancy i will give you a faithful relation . the history of madam de sevigny . madam de savigny , continued he , has usually the finest complexion imaginable , little sparkling eyes , a flat mouth but of a fine colour ; a lofty forehead , a nose only like it self , neither long nor little , broad at the end , and the same at the middle , and all this which in particular is not handsome , take it altogether is very agreable : she is finely shaped and yet has no good aire , she has a handsome leg , her neck her armes and hands are not well formed , her hair is white and thick , she has danced well , and has still a good ear , she has an agreable voice , and understands singing pretty well : as to the outside she is such as i have described her , no woman has more wit than she , and very few have so much : she has a diverting way with her , some say that for a woman of quality her character is something too wanton : in the time i saw her , i found this judgement ridiculous , and i know her burlesque under the name of gayety ; not seeing her at present , her charmes do not dazle me ; and i grant that she is too pleasant : if a person has wit , and particularly of that kind of wit which will be free and merry , there needs no more than to see her , there is nothing lost with her : she understands you , comprehends exactly your meaning , she divines you , and usually leads you much farther than you think of going ; sometimes you give her a mighty prospect , the heat of pleasantry hurries her away , and under those circumstances she receives with joy all libertine expressions , provided they be finely wrapt up , & keeps pace with her answers , and thinks it for her honour to surpass all that can be said to her . it is no strange thing that you find not much discretion in a person of so much fire ; those two things being usually incompatible , and nature cannot work miracles in savour of her : a brisk fool takes more with her than a wel-bred serious man ; the gaiety of people prepossesses her , that she shall be judge whether you understand what she says ; the greatest mark of wit that can be given her , is to admire her . she loves incense , she loves being beloved , and in order to that she loves that she may reap , she gives praise that she may receive it ; she generally loves all men , of what age , of what birth , of what merit , and what profession soever they are , from the royal robe to the frock , from the scepter to the inkhorn ; amongst men she loves a lover better than a friend , and amongst lovers the merry more than the sad ; the melancholy flatter her vanity , and the brisk her inclination ; she diverts herself with these , and flatters herself with an opinion that her merit must be great , since she is able to make those others languish . she is of a cold temper , at least if we might believe her deceased husband , and it was to it that he was obliged for her vertue as he said ; all her heat is in her will. the truth is it makes full recompence for the coldness of her temper ; i believe that conjugal faith has not that violence if we consider the intention ; it is another thing to speak freely , i believe her husband clear before men , but i take him for a cuckold before god. this fair one being willing to share in all divertisements , has found a sure means , as she thinks , to take her pleasures without injuring her reputation in the least : she has contracted friendship with four or five pretended lucretia's , with whom she goes into all places imaginable ; she does not so much consider what she does , as with whom she is : by thus doing , she perswades herself that the civil company rectifies all her actions , and for my part , i fancy that the critical minute , which is usually found with all women when only a man and a woman is together , would soonest be met with her in the midst of her family . sometimes she openly refuses a match of publick walking to establish herself in regard of the world in an opinion of great regularity , and sometime after thinking herself safe by so publick a refusal , she will make four or five matches of private walks ; she has naturally a love for pleasures ; two things oblige her sometimes to deprive herself of them , policy and inequality ; and it was for one of those two reasons that she goes sometimes to a sermon , the nex day after an assembly . with some such publick actions she thinks to prepossess all the world , and imagines that in doing a little good , and a little ill ; all that can be said is , that one producing the other , she is a civil woman . the flatterers , which her little court is full of , entertain her after another rate , they never fail to tell her , that it is impossible to reconcile wisdom with the world , and pleasure with vertue , better than she does . to have wit , and be of quality , she suffers herself to be too much dazled with the grandeurs of court ; the day the queen has spoken to her , & perhaps only asked whom she came with , she will be so transported with joy , and a long time after she will find means to acquaint all those , whose respect she has a mind to procure , how obliginly the queen spoke to her . the king having one evening caused her to dance , and being returned to her place , which was near me ; it must be confessed , said she to me , that the king has great qualities , i believe , he will obscure the glories of all his predecssors . i could not forbear laughing in her face ; and answering her , there is no doubt to be made of it , madam , after what he had now done for you . she was then so satisfied with his majesty , that i saw her upon the point of declaring her acknowledgment by saying , god bless the king. there are people who only let holy things put bounds to to their friendship , and who would do all for their friends except offending god. these people call themselves friends to the very altars : the friendship of madam de sevigny has others limits , that fair one is only a friend as far as the purse ; there was never any pretty woman but she in the world , that dishonored her self by ingratitude ; she must needs be much afraid of necessity , since to avoid only the shadow of it , she is not apprehensive of shame . those who would excuse her say that she has too much regard to the counsell of people , who know what hunger is , and who still remember their poverty : whether this humour proceeds from others or from her self , nothing is so natural as what appears in her oeconomy . the greatest application that madam de sevigny has is to seem what she is not ; since she has studied that course , she has already learnt to deceive those who had no great acquaintance with her : but as there are people who have interessed themselves in her more than others , they have unfortunately for her perceived and discovered , that all is not gold that glisters . madam de sevigny is unequal to the very balls of her eyes and to her eye-lids ; her eyes are of different colours , and the eyes being the mirours of the soul , these irregularities are as a mark that nature gives to those who come near her not to rely much upon her kindness . i know not if it is that her armes are not very handsome , that she is not very tender of them , or that she does not think it a favour , the thing being so general ; but in short who will may take and kiss them , i fancy that it is sufficient to perswade her that there is no ill in it , that she belives they take no pleasure in it . nothing but custome can now constrain her , but she will not stick to show it rather than men well knowing , that having made modes when they pleased civility is no longer included in such narrow bounds , this is , my dear , the picture of madam de sevigny : her estate which would have been a great help to mine and had belonged to our family , obliged my father to design i should marry her ; but tho i was so well acquainted with her then , as i am at present , i did not answer my fathers design , certain loose courses i saw her take made me apprehensive ; and i found her the prettyest creature imaginable to be the wife of another . this sentiment helped me mightily from marrying her ; but as she was married a short time after me , i fell in love with her , and the strongest reason that obliged me to make her my mistress , was that which had hindred me from desiring to be her husband . as i was her near relation , i had a very great access to her house , and i saw the vexations her husband daily gave her , she complained thereof very often to me , and desired me to make him ashamed of a thousand ridiculous inclinations he had : i served her in this very happily for some time ; but at length her husbands nature being too strong for my counsels , after some deliberation it came into my head to be in love with her , more through the conveniency of the coniuncture , than through the force of my inclination . insomuch that sevigny having one day told me that he had passed the night before the most agreable imaginably , not only as to himself , but the lady with whom he had spent it . you may believe , added he , that it was not with your cosin ; it was with ninon . so much the worse for you , said i to him ; my cosin is a thousand times a finer woman than she , and i am sure if she was not your wife , you would make her your mistress . all this may be , answered he : i had no sooner left him then that i went to give him an account of all to madam de sevigny . this is a fine thing to brag of , said she to me blushing for vexation . do not you seem to know any thing of it , answered i , for you see the consequence ? i think you are a fool , replyed she , to give me that advice , or that you take me for one . you would certainly be so , madam , replyed i , if you do not pay him in his own coin , or if you should tell him again what i have told you : take revenge , my fair cosin , i will go halves with you in your vengeance ; for in short , your interests are as dear to me as my own . hold , good my lord , said she to me , i am not so vexed as you imagine : having met with sevigny the next day at the court , he came to me into my coach ; as soon as he was in , i fancy , said he to me , that you told your cosin what i yesterday acquainted you with of ninon , because she has hinted something of it to me : i , replyed i , i have not spoke to her ; but as she has a great deal of wit , she has said to me so many things upon the point of jealousie , that she sometimes hits at the truth . sevigny being satisfied with so good a reason , fell to discourse of his good fortune with the ladies , and after having told me of a thousand advantages that there was in being in love , he concluded with telling me , that he was resolved to be so as long as he lived ; and likewise that he was so at that time with ninon , as deeply as it was possible for a man to be ; that he was going to spend the night at saint clouds with her , and with vassé , who gave them a feast , and which they laughed at together . i repeated to him what i had told him a thousand times , that tho his wife was discreet , he might at length , by the continuation of his actions , so provoke her , that some welbred man coming to fall in love with in the time he played her such pranks , she might perhaps seek for in the sweets of love and in vengeance , what she would not have thought of in love alone ; and thereupon being parted , i went home , and wrote this letter to his wife . i had reason yesterday , madam , to distrust your imprudence , you told your husband what i said to you ; you may easily perceive that it is not for my own interests that i make you this reproach ; for all that can happen to me is to lose his friendship ; and you have madam , much more to fear . i have however been so happy , as to undeceive him ; moreover , madam , he is so perswaded that one cannot be an honest welbred man without being in love , that i despair of ever seeing you satisfied , if you do not learn to be beloved by others than himself ; but let not this allarm you , madam , as i have begun to serve you , i will never abandon you in the condition you are in . you know that jealousie has some times more virtue to reclaim a heart than charms and merit ; i advise you to make your husband jealous , my fair cosin , and to that end i offer my self : i have so much love for you , as to act over my former part of your agent to him , and to sacrifice my self likewise , to render you happy ; and if he must needs escape you , love me , my cosin , and i will help you to take your revenge on him by loving you as long as i live . the page i gave this letter to , carrying it to madam de sevigny , found her asleep , and as he waited till she was awake , sevigney arrived from the country : he having known from the page , whom i had not given instructions therein , not foreseeing that the husband was to return so suddenly ; having known , i say , that he had a letter to deliver from me to his wife , asked him for it , without suspecting any thing , and having read it at the same time , he bid him be gone , and that there was no answer to be made to it . you may judge how i received him , i was upon the point of killing him , seeing the danger he had exposed my cosin to , and i slept not an hour that night . sevigny for his part was no more at case than i ; and on the morrow after the great reproaches he made his wife , he forbid her to see one , she sent me word of it , and that with a little patience all this would be shortly reconciled . six months after sevigny was killed in a duel by the chevalier d' albert , his wife seemed inconsolable for his death ; the reasons she had to hate him being known by all the world , they fancied that her grief was only feigned . for my part , who had more familiarity with her than others , i did not wait so long as they to speak to her of agreeable things ; and presently after i made love to her , but without ceremonies , and as if i had never done nothing else : she made me one of her oracle answers , which women make usually in the beginning , that my passion was so much at rest , that it made me appear but little favourable , and perhaps it might be so , i know not . tho madam de sevigny had no intention to love , it is impossible to have more complaisance for her than i had in that encounter . however , as i was her near relation on the most honourable side , she made me a thousand proffers to be her friend , and for my part , finding in her a sort of wit which diverted me , i was not sorry to be so . i saw her almost every day , i wrote to her , i made love to her after a raillying way , i fell out with my nearest relations , to serve with my credit and estate those persons she recommended to me . in short , if she had occasion for all i have in the world , i should have thought my self extreamly obliged to her if she would have given me an occasion of assisting her . as my friendship was pretty like love , madam de sevigny was very well satisfied as long as i did not love elsewhere : but chance , as i shall tell you in the sequel , having made me fall in love with madam de preey , my cosin , she did not show me so much affection as she had done , when she thought that i loved nothing but her . from time to time we had little quarrels , which indeed were made up , but which left in my heart , and i believe in here , such seeds of division for the first occasion we should both have , and which were even capable to imbitter indifferent things . in short , an occasion being offered , wherein i had need of madam de sevigny , and wherein without her assistance i was in danger of losing my fortune , this ungrateful woman abandoned me , and did me in friendship the greatest infidelity in the world. this , my dear , made me fall out with her , and far from sacrificing her to madam de monglas , as was reported : this lady whom i had long been in love with , hindred me from having all the resentment which such an ingratitude deserved . bussy having done speaking , vivonne told him all that was said of the count de lude , and of madam de sevigny ; was he ever much in her favour ? before i answer to that , replyed bussy , it is necessary i give you an account of this count de lude . he has a little ugly face , a great head of hair , a fine shape ; he was not born to be sat ; but the fear of being incommode and disagreable , makes him take such extraordinary care to be lean , that at length he has effected his design ; his fine shape has indeed cost him something of his health , he has spoiled his stomack in the summer by the dyets he has taken , and the vinegar he has made use of . he is active on horseback , he dances and fences well , which is brave ; he fought very well with vardes , and they do him injury , when they suspect his valour , the ground of this slander is , that all the sparks of his circumstances , having ingaged themselves in the war , he would needs make one campaign as a voluntier ; but the reason of this was , that he is idle , and loves his pleasures ; in a word , he has courage and no ambition , he has a soft wit , he is pleasing with women , he has ever been well used by them , but does not love them long ; the reasons that he is so happy in their savours are , besides the reputation he has of being secret , his good meen , and his being well provided for love engagements ; but that which makes him so successful every where is , that he cries when he will , and nothing perswades women so much that we are in love as tears . however whether some mischance has hapned to him in his intrigues , or that these who envy say that it is his sault they have no children , he does not much dishonour the women he has to do with . madam de sevigny is one of those for whom he has had a love ; but his passion ending then when that fair one begun to make returnes to it ; thus cross accidents have saved her , their passions could never meet . and as he has ever visited her since , tho without applications , it has occasioned the report that he has had to do with her . and tho it is not true , there is great likehood it was so . he has however been the weakside of madam de savigny , and the man for whom she has had the most inclination , notwithstanding the jeasts she had made of it : this puts me in mind of a song she made wherein she causes madam de sourdis who was with child to speak after this manner . that you have both , i heard it said , wherewith a man to charme and lure ; i mean a man that is well bred and for our drudgery fit and sure ; not like him whom i do know , who never yet the feat did do , nor cause the pain i undergo . no body in the world is more gay , has more wit , nor a more-agreeable wit than she ; menage being fallen in love with her , and his extraction , his age and his figure obliging him to conceal his passion as much as he could , he happened to be one day at her house just as she was going out about some business . her woman not being ready to attend her , she bid menage come into the coach with her , and that she was not afraid people should talke ill of it , menage jeassted in appearance , but indeed was angry ; made her answer that he found it very severe to see that she was not satisfred with rigours she had so long treated him with , but that she likewise despised him to the point of beleiving that nothing could be said of her and him . come in said she to him , come into my coach ; if you are angry i will make you a visit at your own house . as bussy finished these last words , word was brought this gentleman that the meat was upon the table . they went to dinner , which having done with the usual merriment they went into the park , where they were no sooner come , that they desired bussy to relate to them the story of madam de monglas and his amours , which having granted them , he begun after this manner . the history of madam de monglas and of bussy . five years before madam de sevigny's and my falling out , being at paris in the beginning of winter , and much a friend to feuillade and darcy , it came into all our heads to be in love , and because that we were not willing that our affairs should part us from one another , we cast our eyes upon all the pretty women , to see if we could find three who were as much friends as we were , or who might come to be so : we sought a long time without meeting with what we wanted . the ladies of monglas , precy and l' isle were very much friends and very lovely ; but as perhaps we should have been troubled to have agreed upon the the choice , and that the merit of those ladies was not so equall , that our inclinations should carry us to love them equally , we agreed to make three tickets of their three names , and to put them into a purse , and to keep to her that fate should give us in drawing them . madam de monglas fell to feuillade's share madam de l' isle to darcy and madam de precy to me : fortune in this occasion shewed how blind she is ; for she did a favour to feuillade which he knew not so well the value of as i did ; but i was forced to be contented with what she had given me : and as i had seen madam de monglas but five or six times , i fancyed that the applications i was going to make to madam de precy would efface out of my mind the beginning of a passion . we thereupon made our addresses to our mistresses , la feuillade having for a fortnight or three weeks , made love to madam de montglas by assiduities , resolved at length to make her a declaration . at first he found her a woman , who without being too severe , seemed to him so natural an enemy of engagements , that he almost despaired of effecting his designs with her , or at least of effecting them suddenly : yet he was not quite disencouraged , and sometime after he found her more uncertain , and in short he pressed her so much , and seemed to her so much in love , that she gave him leave to hope being beloved one day : but before i speak further , it is convenient that i describe to you madam de monglas and feuillade . madam de monglas has little black sparkling eys , an agreable mouth , a nose something turned up , fine white teeth , a too lively complexion , fine and delicate features , and a pleasing turn of countenance ; her hair is black , long and thick ; she is extream neat , and the air that comes from her is purer then that she breathes ; she has the finest neck imaginable , her arms and hands delicately shaped , she is neither great nor little , but of so easie a shape , that it will be ever agreable , if she can save it from the inconveniency of too much fat . madam de monglas has a quick and penetrating wit , like her complexion , even to excess ; she speaks and writes with a surprizing facility , and the most naturally imaginable ; her thoughts are often diverted elsewhere in conversation , and you cannot say to her things of so great consequence , as to take up all her attention ; she desires you sometimes to tell her something she had then a mind to know ; and as you begin your relation , she forgets her curiosity , and the fire , she is full of , makes her interrupt you to speak of something else . madam de monglas loves musick and verses , she makes very pretty ones her self , she sings the best of any woman in france , of her quality ; no body dances better than she , she fears solitude , shè is a true friend , even to take the part of those she loves with indiscretion , and to the very giving them all her estate , if they have occasion for it : she keeps their secrets , religiously ; she knows very well how to converse with the world ; she is as civil as a woman of quality ought to be : and tho she is not willing to displease any body , her civility has more of pride than flattery ; for which reason she does not gain hearts so soon as several others that are more insinuating : but when they know her stedfastness , they apply themselves much more earnestly to her . la feuillade is not altogether for a man what madam de monglas is for a woman ; their merits are different ; he has however some false charms , with which the weak are at first dazled , but which never deceives such people as make reflections ; he has blew lively eyes , a great mouth , a short nose , frizled hair , and something reddish ; his shape is pretty good , his knees turn inwards , he has too much vivacity , he speaks much , and will alway be pleasant , but he does not always do what he has a mind to , that is to say , with civil persons , fancy to the populace and meanest wits , with whom there needs no more than to have always the mouth open to laugh orto speak ; he is admirable ; he has a light wit , and a hard heart , even to ingratitude ; he is envious , and it is to him an affront , to be in prosperity ; he is vain and haughty , and at his first coming to court , he had so often told us that he was brave , that he made a conscience of suspecting it ; however at present we make a conscience of believing it . i have told you that madam de monglas being perswaded that he had a violent passion for her , gave him hopes of being beloved . any other than feuillade would have made of this business the most agreable intrigue imaginable ; but he was lodged as i have told you , and only loved by starts ; he did enough to heat his mistress , and too little to engage her . when i told that fair one that he loved her extreamly , because that feuillade had desired me before her to speak for him in his absence , she drolled upon me , and made me observe some parts of his procedure , which destroyed the good offices i would have done him . i did not fail to excuse him , & not being able to save his conduct , i justified at least his intentions . we were much upon these terms , darcy and i with the ladies of precy and l' isle , that is to say , they were willing that we should love them , but indeed we did our devoir better with them , than feuillade did with madam de monglas ; in short , three months being spent , during which that fair one found herself more engaged by the things i had said to her in favour of feuillade , than by the love he had shown her ; this lover was forced to go serve in the army with a regiment of foot he had . this farewel made her sensible that she had something more kindness in her heart for la feuillade then she had thitherto beleived ; she let him perceive something of it ; but tho it was enough to render a welbred man happy , it could not shock the severest vertue . feuillade at parting made her a thousand protestations of loving her as long as he lived , tho she should even continue ever obstinately resolved not to make any returns to his passion ; and he and i pressed her so much to give him leave to write to her , that she gave her consent . sometime before his departure , perceiving that the commerce i had had for my friend with his mistress , had the more touched my heart for her , in making me the better acquainted with her , and that the efforts i had made to love madam de precy , had not cured me of my budding passion for madam de mongl as . i resolved not to see her so often , that i might not be divided between honour and self-love . as long as feuillade was at paris , his mistress did not take notice that i did not visit her so often as i used to do ; but when he was gone , she perceived a change in my way of living , and this put her in pain , thinking that my retreat was a sign of feuillade's being become indifferent , and of whom likewise she had not had any tidings since his departure . some days after having sent to desire me to come to her ; what have i done to you , my lord , said she to me , that i see you no oftner ; has our friendship any share in your absence ? no , madam , said i to her , it only respects my self . how , said she , have i given you any reason to complain ? no , madam , replyed i , i can only complain of fortune . the disorder with which i said this , obliged her to press me to tell her more . how ! added she , do you conceal your affairs from me , whom i let see all i have in my heart ? if it be so i should complain of you . ah! how pressing are you , answered i her , is it discretion to force a secret from ones friend ? ought not you to believe that i should not tell you mine ; since i do not tell it you in the circumstances i am in with you , or rather ought not you to divine it , madam , since — ah! do not proceed , interrupted she , i am afraid to understand you , i am afraid of having reason to be angry , and of losing the esteem i have for you : no , no , madam , said i to her , be not afraid , i am under those circumstances you are not willing i should be , and yet i shall not be wanting in my devoir ; but since we are come so far , i will tell you all the rest : as soon as i saw you , madam , i found you very amiable , and every time i saw you afterwards , i thought you more beautiful than the time before ; however , i was not yet sensible of any thing so pressing as to oblige me to follow you up and down , but i was very much pleased when i met with you . the first thing which made me perceive that i was in love with you , madam , was the trouble your absence gave me ; and as i was upon the point of abandoning my self to my passion , and of thinking of the means of making it known to you , darcy , feuillade , and i , drew lots , whom we should each of us make our address to , of you . madam de precy , and madam de l'isle , tho what my heart was sensible of for you , madam , was yet very weak , i should not have left to chance a thing of that consequence , if i had not been thitherto very lucky ; but in short , my fortune changed in that occasion , for you fell to feuillade 's share , and i should have gained more by having lost all my life time , than in that unhappy moment , all my comfort was , as i have said , that the application that i was going to make to madam de precy , whom i had formerly loved , would root out of my heart what was budding there , but all to no purpose , madam ; you may judge that the commerce that the interest of my friend obliged me to have with you , giving me the opportunity of knowing you more particularly , and of observing in you admirable principles for love , i could not get rid of a passion which your beauty alone had produced , when feuillade desired me to serve him ; i felt something beyond the joy we have usually in serving our friends , and i quickly perceived afterwards , that without designing to betray him , i was overjoyed with being concerned in his affairs , to have only the pleasure of seeing you more nearly , but at length it put me into terrible pains ; this , madam , has obliged me to see you less frequently , and tho you did not take notice of it , but since feuillade 's departure , it is above a fortnight since i retrenched my visits . not but that you must have observed , madam , that i have served my friend as i would have served my self , i have sometimes justified him when he was apparently culpable , and i might if i had had a mind , have ruined him with you without seeming unfaithful , leaving it to be done by the resentment of a thousand faults which you pretended he committed against the love he shewed you . but i confess that my duty makes me suffer extreamly in seeing you , and were i out of your sight , it would spare me a great many efforts i make upon you my self : besides , madam , i would never have told you the reasons of my retreat , if you had not asked me them . nothing can be more civil , my lord , madam de monglas replyed to me , than what you now do ; but you ought to compleat your duty , and send your friend an account of all things ; that he may not be surprized when he shall learn perhaps by other means , that you hardly ever see me , and that he may not to no purpose rely on your good offices to me : and thereupon madam de monglas having caused ink and paper to be brought , i wrote this letter . since , considering the course i take , the passion i have for your mistress neither offends my honour nor the friendship i owe you , i may well without shame acquaint you with it ; and on the contrary , i should dishonour my self by concealing it from you . know then that i have not been able to see madam de monglas any longer without loving her ; and that sending for me to day to know the reason of a retreat , i told her she had charmed me , but that i might not do any thing that was contrary to my duty , i would see her no more ; i thought my self obliged to give you notice hereof ; that you might take other measures as to her , and that you might see by the misfortune that has hapned to me of becoming your rival , that i am not unworthy of your friendship , nor your esteem . having read this letter to mad. de monglas , well , madam , said i to her , is this fair dealing : ah , my lord , replyed she , nothing can be more handsome ; but tho i believe you have the best soul in the world , it would be very difficult for you , having a hand in your rivals intrigues , finding a thousand reasons to do one another ill offices , and thinking to take advantages of our fallings out , that you should resist , considering the passion you have for me , the temptation of breeding quarrels between us : and as you are a witty man , you would not find it difficult so to order your business , as that one of us might seem to be faulty , and to lay upon one of us , or upon fortune , the mischance you only were the cause of ; & though your friend should leave off loving me through his own inconstancy , after what i know of you , i should ever believe , if you concern your self in our intrigue , that it was by your artifices : so that you have great reason , my lord , not to see me any more , and tho i should lose infinitely thereby , i cannot forbear commending that action . after some other discourses upon this subject , i went away to dispatch the letter i had written to feuillade , and ten days after i received this answer . you have done your devoir , my dear , and i am going to do mine ; i have more confidence in you than you your self ; wherefore i desire you to continue your visits to madam de monglas , and to serve me with her : when persons are so nice upon interest , as you seem to me , they are certainly incapable of treachery ; but tho the merit of mad. de monglas shall have so blinded you , thay you should be no longer able to retire , i should willingly excuse you , upon the necessities there are of loving her when we know her perfectly . with this letter there was the following one inclosed for madam de monglas . i am not at all surprized , madam , to learn that you have charmed my friend , my wonder would be the greater if a wel-bred man , who daily sees and converses with you , should defend his heart against so much merit . he sends me word that he will see you no more , for fear he should yield to the inclination he has for you ; and for my part i desire him not to retire upon the assurance i have that he has more force than he imagins , and tho he should not be able to resist any longer , you would not give your heart to a traytor , having refused it to the most faithful lover in the world . as soon as i had received these two letters i went to carry them to madam de monglas ; but not to injure my friends whose mistress was very nice , i efforced all the end of the letter he wrote to me , from that part where he tells me , that tho the merit of madam de monglas should have so blinded me that i should not be in a condition to retire , upon the necessity there was of loving her : when she was well acquainted with , i was afraid she would think , as well as i , that that part was very gallant , but not very passionate . you are in the right answered the count de guiche , and not only that part but both the letters seem to me well written , but show the person indifferent : the sequel , replyed bussy , will not undeceive you . you must know then , continued he , that madam de monglas seeing this scratching , asked me what it was : i told her , that evillade spoke to me of an affair of consequence which concerned me . since he is desirous , said she to me , that you continue your visits to me , i give you my consent ; but my lord it is upon condition you never speak to me of the sentiments you have for me . i will not , since you are so pleased , replied i ; not but that i ought to speak of it , without being suspected by you ; for tho i love you more than i do my life , if to a knowledge my love you should despise that of my friend , in ceasing to esteem you , i should likewise cease loving you ; the reason why i love you , madam , is i assure you , not for that you are beautifull , but because you are also no cocquet . i beleive you , my lord , said she to me , but since you neither desire nor pretend nothing , love me no longer ; for what is a love without desires and hopes ? i pretended to nothing , said i to her , but i hope and i desire : and what can you desire , replied she ? i desire , replied i , that la feuillade should leave off loving you ; and that it should be indifferent to you . and in case that should be , said she , should you think to be the more happy ? i know not if i should be so , madam said i to her , but at least i should be nearer happiness than i am . and thereupon i made this song . since only loving you i find does so much pain procure , me thinks you should be something kind , and moan what i endure , my rivall does all to me disclose , and me his confident has chose . what gave me some comfort in the prospect of all the pains that an amour without hopes is attended with , is that i was upon the point of having the charge of major general of the horse , and that this charge obliging me to go suddainly to the army , honour would cure me of an unfortunate passion . some days before my departure , i was willing to do divert the trouble i had through the violence i used upon my self to conceal my passion , and for that end i gave madam de savigny a very fine and extraordinary treat which you will certeinly be well pleased to have the description of . first , sigure to your self in the gardon of the temple which you know , a wood , wherein two allyes cross in the place they meet , there was a great oval of trees , on whose branches a hundred christal candlesticks were tyed ; on one side of this oval was a magnificent theater raised , whose decoration well deserved to be so lighted as it was , and the lustre of a thousand wax candles , which the leaves of the trees hindred from spreading , rendred so bright a light in that part , that the sun could not have given more , and for the same reason all about was so obscure that your eys were of no use : the calmest night imaginable ; as soon as the play was begun it was found very pleasant : after this divertisement , four and twenty violins having played a consort , played likewise brawls , courants , and country dances ; the company was not so great as it was well chosen ; some danced , others looked upon the dancers , and others , whose intrigues were more forward , walked with their mistresses in the allyes , where they sported without seeing one another . this lasted till day , and as if heaven had acted in concert with me , the morning began to appear when the light went out : this feat succeeded so well , that letters were sent to all places of the particulars of it , and it is still talked of with admiration ; some fantied that madam de sevigny was in that occasion only the pretext of madam de precy ; but the truth was , i gave that treat to madam de monglas , without daring to tell her so ; and i believe that she suspected , without letting me know her thoughts . in the mean time i toyed with her before people , i was ever saying to her a thousand kind things in a drolling way ; and i made this song to sarabrand tune , which you have certainly heard sung. all those who see you , do you adore , but tho your eyes do all things that me , it is requir'd you should deplore , and of your coyness your self disarm . designs upon your heart i laid to lose my own , i thought was fine ; but fair besiza , i me afraid your heart is harder much than mine . you may judge , that having these sentiments for madam de monglas , my addresses to madam de precy , were not very extraordinary : i lived with her with the greatest case imaginable , and my little eagerness suted extreamly well with her lukewarmness . however , when she begun to suspect that i was in love with madam de monglas , her passion for me begun to be inflamed : i thereupon admired the caprichio's of ladies ; they are vexed to lose a lover , tho they are not willing to love them ; but notwithstanding all this , what madam de precy did was not so surprizing , as the actions of madam d' le isle ; i had made love to the first , and it was not strange that she took some interest therein ; but for madam d' olonne , whom i had never shown any thing but a friendship to , i cannot sufficiently wonder at the course she took , which was thus : so soon as she suspected my passion for madam de monglas , she used all manner of artififices to be perfectly informed of it ; she told me sometimes after a drolling way , that i was in love with her ; sometimes she spoke well of her ; and because i feared she would thereby discover the secret of my heart , i was sufficiently reserved in my commendations ; at other times she would speak ill of her , and for my part , being willing to acquaint madam de monglas , that she was not to rely upon the friendship of madam de' l' isle , having found her in a thousand other occasions betraying madam de monglas , i let her talk , and gave her a very favourable audience , to make her believe i took pleasure in it : at length , not being able one evening to suffer the rage she was in against her , i gave madam de monglas notice of it , which ●casioned their falling out ; and in the sequel , this fai● one had all the reasons imaginable to believe i had a real passion for her . the end. entertainments of the cours: or, academical conversations. held upon the cours at paris, by a cabal of the principal wits of that court. / compiled by that eminent and now celebrated author, monsieur de marmet, lord of valcroissant. and rendered into english by thomas saintserf, gent. entretiens du cours. english marmet, melchior de, seigneur de valcroissant. 1658 approx. 293 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 132 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52003 wing m701 estc r202859 99863014 99863014 115196 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52003) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115196) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 202:e1599[1]) entertainments of the cours: or, academical conversations. held upon the cours at paris, by a cabal of the principal wits of that court. / compiled by that eminent and now celebrated author, monsieur de marmet, lord of valcroissant. and rendered into english by thomas saintserf, gent. entretiens du cours. english marmet, melchior de, seigneur de valcroissant. st. serfe, thomas, sir, fl. 1668. [56], 207, [1] p. printed by t.c. and are to be sold at the three pigeons in st. paul's church-yard, london, : 1658. a translation of: entretiens du cours. with added engraved t.p.: entertienments of the cours at paris. with a separate dated title page on a1r with "printed by t.c. for humphrey robinson" in the imprint. annotation on thomason copy: the 8 in the imprint date has been crossed out and replaced with a "7". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -courts and courtiers -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-06 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion entertainments of the cours : or , academical conversations . held upon the cours at paris , by a cabal of the principal wits of that court. compiled by that eminent and now celebrated author , monsieur de marmet , lord of valcroissant . and rendered into english by thomas saintserf , gent. london , printed by t. c. and are to be sold at the three pigeons in st. paul's church-yard , 165 8. entertienments of the covrs at paris to the right honorable james , marquess of montrose , earl of kincairn , and lord mugdock . my lord , the world will perceive how hasty i am to throw my self at your lordships feet by this poor dedication : for rather than bring no offering , i have fetcht a small present from france to pass through england to arrive at the happiness of your lordships patronage . i confess my author inscrib'd it , to the wits ; and i do so too in sending it to your lordship ; whose large soul is so brimful of knowledge , that the measure is admired when compared with your years . but our thoughts are answerd as soon as we remember that immortal hero , your glorious father ; whose spirit was so emminent for speculation and practice , that his camp was an academy , admirably replenished with discourses of the best and deepest sciences ; whose several parts were strongly held up , ( under him the head ) by those knowing noble souls , the earls of kinoul and airly , the lords gourdon , ogilvy , naper , and maderty , and the two famous spottswoods , ( sir robert , and his nephew ) whose learned heads were too precious to be cut off by them who knew not how to understand them . this i am bold to mention , because such noble discourses banisht from his quarters all obscene and scurrilous language , with all those offensive satyrical reflections , ( which now are the only current wit among us ) and if any such peep'd forth in his presence , his severe looks told the speaker it was unwelcome . nor did this proceed from a narrownesse in his heart , being ( to all who knew him ) one of the most munificent , as well as magnificent personages , in the world : which too well appear'd , when cities after victories tender'd large sums to be freed from the present incumbrance of his army ; he satisfied their desires , but refused their moneys , still saying , that he could not at once have their hearts and their purses ; his work was to vindicate his masters rights , and restore them to their wonted happinesse . nay , his unexpressibly malicious enemies found that his mercy transcended their malice , when those brave persons ( after quarter given ) were butcher'd at st. andrew's , he refusd to retaliate on the prisoners in his power , saying , their barbarity was to him no example ; and if the meanest corporal in his army should give quarter to their general , it should be strictly and religiously observd . and after all , when commanded to lay down arms , ( though he then saw it destructive to his master ) he in meer passive obedience submitted , as soon as he obtained indemnity for them who ingaged with him without paying one farthing composition , nobly suffering himself to be banished , which ( be it recorded to all posterity ) was put in execution at the haven of montrose , the third day of september , a day which twice since hath been registred in bloud , at dunbar , and at worcester . [ all this might seem flattery to your lordship , ( from me who had the honour of employment under his command , both at home and abroad ) if it were not known to the world for truth ; since the soul of the great montrose lives eminently in his son : which began early to shew its vigour , when your lordship ( then not full twelve years old ) was close prisoner in edinborough-castle , from whence you nobly refus'd to be exchanged , lest you cost your great father the benefit of a prisoner , wherein he gladly met your resolution , both so conspiring to this glorious action , that neither out-did the other , though all the world besides . [ may both your names still live to fill chronicles , whereof we dare not doubt , since your hopeful alliance by your incomparable lady to the illustrious family of the renowned douglasses ; for whose honour here , and felicity hereafter , may your lordship accept the duty , and god hear the prayers of my lord , your lordships most obedient and most devoted humble servant , thomas saintserf . a short table of the subjects handled in this book . 1. he maintains the honour of ladies page 4. 2. of the country p. 8. 3. of sympathy p. 10. 4. of habits , or habitudes in all their parts p. 13. 5. of quarrels , and duels p. 25. 6. of the palm , and the laurel p. 33. 7. of glory , the sole reward of champions , and conquerers p. 35. 8. of sea-sickness p. 42. 9. of the turks maxim p. 47. 10. of clemency p. 52. 11. the relation of a comedy of the days reign of semiramis p. 61 12. an invertive against an able poet p. 76. 13. for the country p. 85. 14. of eloquence , and the delicate parts thereof p. 83. 15. an apology for monsieur de balzac p. 94. 16. of the distinction of wits p. 100. 17. of metoposcopy p. 118. 18. of the infallibility of the horoscopes p. 120. 19. whence comes the folly of learned men p. 127. 20. whether the world be eternal or no p. 131. 21. of academies , and the differences thereof p. 138. 22. of the posture men ought to be in at court p. 151. 23 of balls and masques p. 177 i humbly desire my worthy readers , out of their induigence to my necessary absence from the press , and the correctors praeteritions , to mend these following errors ( which as they are many , so are they , i hope , the grossest in the book ) by reading anthonomasies for anchonomasies , page 21. as indifferent , for an indifferent , p. 24. no where , for no more , p. 31. cacozelous , for carozelous , p. 34. of the preface , and of the work , intrigo , for intrique . intrigo , for intrique , page 2. cleomica , for cleomia , p. 6. his time , for time , p 9. intrigos , for intriques , p. 9. reiterated , for resiterated , p. 12. any , for my , p. 15. all councel , for all the councel , p. 28. nicenes , for nicens , p. 29. my modesty , for modesty , p. 32. in some kind , for in some sort , p. 39. universe , for divers , p. 40. helm , helmet , p. 44. top-mast , for top , p. 44. insolvent , for insolvable , p. 45. gold , for good , p. 52. a barbarian , for barbarians , p. 54. vertue , for vertues , p. 57. sufficient , for sufficiently . p. 57. in assiduity , for his assiduity , p. 60. semiramis , for smn ramis , p. 73. as , for at , p. 66. intrigo , for intrique , p. 66. then it would , for the it would , p. 67. reduc't , for deduc't , p. 70. in the communions , for in communions , p. 70. those , for these , p. 72. a most , for most a , p. 77. philoxcnes , for philonenes , p. 78. mines , for mimes , p. 78. his talent , for this talent , p. 81. nominizing , for nounnizing , p. 83. affectations , for affections , p. 84. that is , for that in , p. 86. clarity , for charity , p. 89. i would not have refused the challenge , for i would challenge , p. 100. blinded , for beblinded , p. 101. we are to hold , for we held , p. 103. pass , for post , p. 104. and that a person , for a person , p. 105. and open a gap , for and a gap , p. 105. to himself in history , for to his in history , p. 105. act not , for are not , p. 105. a man is of , for a man of , p. 109. a brisk , for and brisk , p. 107. skatteringly , for skanningly , p. 113. the climats , for of the climats , p. 114. cellules , for cellutes , p. 119. perfectly , for perfectively , p. 121. they spu'd , for they said , p. 126. his glory , for for his glory , 132. omnipotent , for omnitent , p. 132. by the whole , for and by the whole , p. 143. this academy , for the academy , p. 146. but that it , for that but that it , p. 147. knew , for know , p. 155. in his own , sor in own p. 156. they have caught , for they caught p. 163. as we live , for as he lives , p. 168. to god , for god , p. 168. near a forc't , for a forc't , p. 172. have but ordinary , for have ordinary , p. 174. taillery , for caillery , p. 176. there were , for thed are , p. 180. upon the same , for so upon the same , p. 193. conclusion , for copulusion , p. 192. of this , for of their , p. 192. being tyed , for were tyed , p. 193. a bowl-dish , for the bowl-dish , p. 193. shave an egg , for shame an egg-shell , p. 194. attended , for attend , p. 196. with no , for with , p. 203. entertainments of the cours : or , academical conversations . that is , a miscellanie of civil , philosophical , physical , metaphysical , astrological , historical , and politick discourses ; held upon the cours at paris , by a cabal of the principal wits of that court. compiled and set forth by that eminent and now celebrated author , monsieur de marmet , lord of valeroissant . and translated into english by thomas saintsere , gentleman . london , printed by t. c. for humphrey robinson , at the three pigeons in st. paul's church-yard , 1658. the author to the wits . i forbear to dedicate my book to great persons , who ordinarily take as little notice of such works as are addressed to them , as they do of the authors thereof ; and who make but small reckoning of such like presents ; not for that they are not worthy of them ; but because they are now adays too much persecuted by them , and in regard also that they are often either above their understanding , or disagreeing from their genius . for my part , i prefer wit before birth , and knowledge before dignity : and consequently , i had rather direct my works to intelligent and ordinary persons , who will take pleasure to read them , and of whom i can revenge my self , if they requite my labour with contempt or detraction . the conversation of these walks , ( which was not composed for every body , & which i offer you ) is publisht for no other end then to make your protection ( which you must not refuse it ) triumph with the greater pomp and splendor , and to exalt the force of your reason , and the vigor of your wit above the lownesse of its value , by the favour of your patronage . i produce it not because the contagious fancy of writing wherewith mens spirits are now a days infected , hath siezed upon me , and made me fond of being reputed and cried up for an author ; for i am not tickled with that ambition , nor have i any other motive to make me fall into this disease , but to be favoured with your remedy . if my work were without blemish , and more happy then the rest of these times are , which dayly pass the censure of the criticks , i would present it you only for the goodness thereof , to profit you , and divert you from more serious cogitations in your vacant moments . but in regard that in all ages there was never any great man who escapt the rigor of censure , and who hath not been in some kinde obscured in history : i have reason to procure it as many patrons and readers as i can , and such also as may be as zealous for my reputation , as they are necessary for my weakness : besides that indeed , the bonour i bear you , obliges me to do it , as much as the advantage i expect from your protection : for were you to combate none but mean persons , both in judgement and condition , your victory would be more prejudicial then glorious : but now all the grandees of the kingdom are as much in love with minerva , as they were wont to be with mars ; and are as good at the pen , as they are at the sword : so that by sustaining my cause , you will be constrained ( if i be reproved ) to oppose the diversity of their opinions who produce most admirable and sublime conceits ; and i shall be the object of the quaintness of your wits ; the vigor and subtility whereof will ( i hope ) 〈◊〉 as victoriously forth against a multitude of illustrious and competent judges , as against the cabal of pertinatious and fastidious criticks . i have recourse therefore to you , both for your interest and mine , in confidence of your civility and sufficiency , if you read ( as i hope you will ) this letter i send you : for ingenious and prudent men read a book from the beginning ; but fools and dunses conceive that the liminary epistles of all books are alike , and have not the curiosity to look upon the soul of an author ; however it be that indeed , by which he discovers what he is , rather then by all the elegancy and substance of his writings : and though the number of them who make books be infinite , and their wits but very indifferent , yet do they write very differently , and by different motions : for , some do it for their own satisfaction ; others , for that of the publique ; some again , for profit and subsistance ; and most of them all , by a motion of vanity , and desire of reputation . these last hold themselves to be accomplisht wits , and think it to be the property of sublime intelligences , to communicate and divulge themselves , thereby to receive the reflexion , and procure a testimony that they live with some credit in mens minds ; as if forsooth , the reputation of a true man of honour were to become a book , and be exposed to the humor of every cock-brain'd sot , who will despise and deride it , when he ought to cherish and esteem it . as for me , readers , none of these motives , but a better design obliged me to pen this conversation ; as the love and delight of my neighbour in the first place , and in regard that a well regulated affection begins alwaies at home , i did it both to benefit and divert my self with these reflexions . now the better to illuminate , and inform you of my subject , know , that i give you in these entertainments , a man of honour , or a compleat man , incognito , and so much disguised , that my self who masked him , have much a do to know him . it is but a fragment and relick of the instructions which i gave my son ; and if you will vouch safe to make some deliberation upon these little discourses which i have drawn from thence , ( and which make no unpleasant medly ) you will find it to be a perfect model to form a true man of honour , and that the use and application thereof will not be wholly unfruitful . but , fearing least i should fall short of such authors as have gone before me , both in the production and dispensation of so necessary a doctrine , as that which treats of a man of honour ; i decline the waies wherein they walkt , by huddling up things and matters in an agreeable confusion ; and the better to delight you with a handsome variety , i forbear to present you with raw , rough , and indigested precepts , as i did my son ; however it be also true that i followed some kinde of order in the documents i gave him , and that to instruct him with the better judgement , and facilitate his advantage , i coucht them with regularity , and drest them with good language , and not with such gibbridge as i now offer them to you . i can easily shew you how to observe both this order , and the instructions i gave my son ; the principal whereof was to call upon god in all his actions ; to worship his oracles in the mouths of his anointed , ( who are the gifts of heaven ; ) to reverence and submit to the mysteries of faith ; and not to scoff at divine things , as atheists and libertines do . i can ( i say ) make you touch with your finger all such other documents of gallantry , both in court and camp , as are any way important and necessary to form a man of honour , by directing you in the margent to the most essential precepts thereof : but you will not have so little curiosity and prudence as to pass through this walk without observing the rarities ; nor will you be so much obstructed with rheum , but that you will be able to smell the roses which are in it , yea and pluck some of them too . you will peradventure finde it strange , that i celebrate not mine own praises , nor those of my book , according to the custome of some wits of the times : but , besides that you know that it is unhandsome for any man so to do : of two important and remarkable precepts of antiquity , ( the one to know ones self , and the other to make ones self known by speaking , ) i prefer the bumility of the former ; ( where as others serve themselves of the vanity of the latter , to publish their pride ; ) and to make a right use of the latter , i always consider well both what i say , and what i do : for as on the one side i should be loth to have men say that my writings are full of vanity ; that i am a fool ; or that all my rules are false ; so am i no less glad on the other , to have ull the falsity fall to the criticks share , ( if they make anill judgement of me ) rather then one verity against this opinion should be found , either in my tongue or pen ; and especially in the latter , if i should chance to be so weak , as to be taken tripping in the former : for i am not of the humor of the greatest part of writers , who not hoping to attain an advantagious judgement of their works , presume to forge apologiesfor themselves , and put them into their prefaces , and ( like silly and ill-favor'd women , who kiss the pensil which flatters them ) either beg or hire some good pen to write in their behalf , without considering that the honour redounds to the author , and not to them ; according to those great artists of antiquity , who wishing that all the reputation of their work might be ascribed to their ability , employed the best of their capacity , and the excellency of their art upon the weakest and meanest subjects , to make it the more estimable and famous to posterity . nor am i of the humor of them who finding none to praise them so much as they desire , endeavour to blind the world , by audaciously borrowing the names of their friends , to set forth the imaginary elegancies of their writings , and the qualities which they fancy themselves to possess : and i vow to you readers , that i cannot but blush for shame when i read such epistles of this kind , as are directed to you ; nor do i feed my fancy as they do , who often lye beyond probability , and are as well satisfied therewith , as lovers are when they have dreamt that they have lain with their mistresseses , though there be no such matter : for as these men enjoy their loves but in conceit ; so those take bristol-stones for fine diamonds ; and the first and rough draught , for the perfection of a picture ; insomuch as that they forfeit the ornaments of eloquence , by seeking them with so much violence ; for since nature is against them , it is in vain for them to labour to purchase the unperceivable address of art. some who conceive themselves to be the greatest masters of this profession , and who think they have found the secret of well writing , and of pleasing the whole world , are prone to gull and flatter themselves with the opinion that they are the sovereign judges of parnassus , ( though without right or reason ; ) & so become the adorers and panegyrists of their own productions ; but they tire out rhetorick to no purpose , and unsuccesfully extend themselves , together with the secrets of the art , upon the praises they pretend to have acquir'd , though the noise of their writings ( which is heard by none but themselves ) be no greater then that which they would make by scrunching of a piece of pye-crust ; and they ground their reputation upon the fine apologies they make for themselves , as being sure enough that no body else would undertake to praise them : and indeed they have reason to do so , since it is necessary for dubious and improbable things to be thus supported ; whereas on the other side , such as are certain , need no other prop then that which they have from themselves , and from the truth of their own essence . therefore the certainty of this so just and well-grounded discourse , keeps me far enough from ascribing any esteem to what i do ; because fame is better confin'd to fower words of value , from an impartial and judicious person , then to the amplest and most elaborate panegyricks , the most confirmative elogies , and the most authentical attestations , which have but the least supposition or savour of complacency and self-love : for these things are always unfaithful to them who trust in them , unless they be sustained by the testimony of others , and by the support of truth ; without which two props all reputations must needs be dissipated and adulterated ; they being to them as the oak to the ivy , to hold them up . one only suspetion ( though ill grounded ) abates the value of the noblest things ; and that is pride , the least itch whereof is always fatal , if too much stirred . but men will tell me that all gallant persons are infected with ambition ; that reputation is a ticklish thing ; and that the love of eloquence , which gives this passion of honour to orators , is very charming and desirable ; i grant it : but who is he , that effectively enjoys that goddess , as he conceives he does ? and who is he that as truly , and perfectly possesses , as he easily fancies he doth , that touching beauty , whose sweet and potent empire reigns with sovereignty , over rational souls ; and whose charms are so attractive , that the most barbarous spirit cannot resist them ? he who were able to govern her peacefully alone , might call himselfe happy , and worthy of great honour , for his ambition would be fully satisfied , and his reputation advantagiously establisht . but we must have diogenes's lanthorn to find him , and cry aloud with the oblivious , where is he ? for i know but few writers in france who can pretend to this advantage , and it may be there are not many more ; i mean monsieur de scudery , and monsieur de balzac , ( both famous for their merits and their divine writings ) and some others of their class ; who have indeed all right to this pretention , and deservedly wear the lawrel for their praeheminencie therein : but it would be to no purpose to nominate them all particulary ; for their works have illustrated their names , with such resplendent attributes , and titles ( which are called in rhetorick anchonomasies ) that they are easie enough to be known . greece hath ever abounded with fair women ; witness queen helen , whose beauty , so much celebrated by antiquity , and so much admir'd by all the world in history , set all the orient on fire , by the destruction of one city : but let homer sing as much as he pleases of the excellency of this beauty , by the revolutions of her effects , and do what he can , to make us admire and adore her ; for my part , i say still , that there came a much rarer miracle of perfection out of his country , then she ; i mean eloquence , which hath kindled love and fire in all the nations upon earth , and which merited at least , as well as his helen , a history for her heauty ; where as yet , we have but some pictures , of the tender and lively passions , of the great masters thereof . this grecian girle , or this heavenly girle , ( incomparably more charming then king priams daughter-in-law ) which captivates the most determinate , and most resolute spirits , and inspires them with a certain kind of love , which understands reason , and guides it self by it : this fair girle , i say , came to dwell , and set up an academy at parnassus , where she had a world of courtiers , and suitors : but not being satisfied with these alone , she went to travel up and down the world , and endeavour'd to spread her original , upon all the tongues which had her copie : for the ancient latins , who passionately loved forreign beauties ( as their successors still do ) stay'd her , as she past through rome , and became her amorous idolaters ; and indeed , by their cares and services , they received great favors , and most secret carresses from her : but she being of an inconstant and light humor , and fond of variety , after she had once cloy'd her self with them , bid them farewell , and went on to see , and be seen , in the rest of the world . wherefore it is not for any of our frenchmen to think that they have gotten the virginity of this fair lady of pleasure , howbeit some flatterers have endeavoured to chowce , and fool them with that opinion , and have served them , as those women use to do , who sell their wenches maidenheads a hundred times over : for , if they have any smack of good learning ( as i think they have ) and any skill in languages , they know well enough , ( against the sentence of a famous author , who says , that it is impossible for an old woman to be handsome ) that eloquence is a handsome , and old curtizan , which hath as much of the sensitive soul , as of the rational ; that all the world hath had to do with her , and that never any body enjoy'd her alone ; that caefar carried her into the camp ; that cicero ushered her throughout the whole roman empire ; and that before these , isocrates , with his swavity ; demosthenes , with his vehemency , and many other authors carried her all over greece . so that these gallants ought not to conceive themselves , to have found the bean in the cake , and swagger , and crack , of an imaginary good fortune . for my part , i go a quite contrary way to work , being far from this presumprion , and instead of praising my self , i intreat you my readers , to excuse the faults , which you shall find in my books ; i mean , as well those , which may be directly imputed to me , as those of the correctors of the press ; in regard i have freely and absolutely committed the copy to their disposal , in case my friends at court ( who are some of those famous , and quaint wits , which composed the academy , and were the delights of the greatest man that ever was ) should approve , and like of it . but fearing least all the faults you may find in them , should leave some ill impression upon you , ( as poyson doth when we have toucht it ) and to banish the bad opinion you may retain of them otherwise ( without taking notice of these petty fopperies ) i conjure you , to break the bone , when you have pickt it , take out the marrow , and make your profit of such matters as will divert you . i caused this first edition to be printed in a small volume , for your conveniency ; to the end that making it your pocket-companion , you might recreate your selves with it , either in coach or chair , and chiefly in walks , because it hath entertainments for its design ; and the cours , for its scaene : and i also will'd it to be done , without the embellishment of great letters , and flourishes ; to the end that the vogue , and value of the work , might be due to nothing but its own goodness , and merit ( if it have any ) without the help of superficial dress , and ornament . i presume not to make you any great present , in the form ; nor expect any thanks from you , for the matter , because i appear anonymous , and disguised to the world , as being clad in paper : but to let you see , that i thank you for your complement , and for your praise , ( without receiving either the one , or the other ) i have oppugn'd the desire of some courtiers of new books , and laught at them , for that they would not only have me qualifie this work with my name , but make my self yet more ridiculous , by putting my picture also in it ; in order to which , you shall see how prettily they went to work with me ; for , some of them told me , that i must get my self drawn in iron , because i had born arms , and shewed my self in the field ; others , that since i was now grown a gown-man , and a counsellor , i should do well to be drawn in a long gown , with a book in my hand , and a bonnet upon the table , and consequently insert my letters of doctorate , and my reception into parlament . but one of my friends ( who is a notable crack indeed ) went farther , and shew'd me , that the quality of an author ( which i had ) was to be preferred before all that , and that i ought to cause my self to be engraven in brass , in the frontispiece of my booke , mantled with certain unknown characters , ( which might be taken for prophesies ) crown'd with lawrel , like a roman emperor , or with vervain , like lucians demy-gods , and barb'd , and caparrison'd stark naked , like an hero ; ( that is , to put a half-corslet , and a coat of armor upon my bare body ) and that if my book were carried to the northern countreys , my picture would take cold in its arms , as having them naked a hands-breadth above the elbow , and that the winds ( which are so violent in those parts ) would blow off my crown from my head . thus ( said this wag ) must an author be set out in his works : but i think , he either jeer'd the profession , or me , in regard he well knew , that i was not of the class , of those illustrious authors , who are worthy to be shewn in their books ; and it is enough for men to laugh at my writings , without laughing at my face . in effect , what benefit is it to the publick , to know the authors of books ? for they ought but to draw either profit or pleasure from such books as are good , and give them the value and price they deserve , provided they be able to comprehend them . suppose this book merited any esteem , and could purchase me any honour for having composed it , to what purpose would it be , to declare my name , to such as know me not , and are never likely to see me ? certainly this knowledge would be useless to them , and but a kind of visionary vanity to me ; in regard that names do only note , and signifie things plainly , and give no knowledge of them ( because they do not represent them effectively ) even though we see them , unless we knew them before . as for such as know me , i cannot teach them my name , because they know it already ; and it would be to no purpose likewise , to tell them , that this book is mine , because that , by knowing me , they also know the strength , and drift of my wit , and capacity : and if my work fall into the misfortune of many other , to be disparaged , and taken for a foppery , should not i be a very dolt , to publish my self for the author ? and had i not better hide my self , ( like apelles ) behind the curtain , and rejoyce alone , if they who know not the author , give it their favourable vote , and approbation ? or to disown it to my acquaintance , as a bastard put upon me to father , if they find it to be simple , disgustful , or deformed ? for what is it to any body , if marmet valcroissant the elder , or any other whosoever , fumbled up these entertainments together ? and what need any one care to know , either by my name , or by my book , whether i be a citizen of paris , or of apt in provence ? whether i be a courtier of ten years standing , or live three hundred miles from court ? whether i have true politeness , and elegancy of speech ; and that character , which the ancients called urbanity ? or whether i affect new terms , phrases , and the style a la mode ? whether i have acquir'd the propriety of language of my self , or whether i learnt it of my nurse ? and in fine , whether i be fain to study long , to utter my thoughts , or whether the air of my birth , or nature , have inspir'd me with a good faculty , and form of writing ? all this , my readers , is an indifferent to you , as it is useless to the whole world ; and let the work and the workman be what they will , it is sufficient to esteem them , as they deserve . that false opinion , that it is necessary to be at the court , to write , or speak well , ( which you will find refuted in some part of this treatise ) and which had not the good luck to be started our age , ( because antiquity thought , that the purity , and politeness of speech could be no more but at rome : ) this opinion , i say , would be disadvantagious to me , if i discovered my name , and men would impose some original sin of provence upon my style , by praeoccupation of spirit ; as they heretofore found fault , with the excellent works of those famous orators of lyons , and as they reproacht even titus-livins himself , that his style retain'd the tincture of the paduan tongue ; and this for no other reason , but because they knew well enough , that those illustrious persons wrote not at rome . thus you see , that the name of an author is sometimes prejudicial to him , in his book ; and it is better for him , to have men judge of him by his work , then of his work by opinion : for so many verses , and so many prefaces in his behalf , so many advertisements to the reader , so many dedicatory epistles to great persons , and so many apologies in form of prologue , are of small account to such as read a book for the subjects sake ; and they are also very hurtful to the author , because the greatest part of these persons , read not these things at all , and are content to speak ill of a book howsoever ; and so the author makes himself a laughing-stock , by arrogating to himself a false glory . my self past once through the trial of these dangers ; and i confess , my modesty was never so neer shipwrack , as at that time ; for though i were far from complying toward its loss , and from so much as consenting to its deviation ; yet could i heartily wish , that i were able to repeal my name , and the flatterous praises , which men were pleased to bestow upon me . but printed books are like thrown stones , and irrevocable acts ; and nothing but time can suppress them , how bad soever they be : nor have i the vanity to think , that this which i now put forth , will last long , or that it is either one of the best , or even of the ordinary sort of works : and if it were capable of sense , how much would it grieve , to see it self neglected , forsaken , and despised , by the booksellers , and in good libraries , amongst so many other , which are as so many noble pictures , and magnificent temples of eloquence , and which the quaint , and learned wits cherish , and carry always about them , as their constant and grateful companions ! certainly , it would not forbear to weep for sorrow and shame , as the figure of solomon heretofore did , ( which constantine the great caused to be set up in st. sophies church ) for rage and spight , and shed tears with admirable artifice , to see that holy temple , so rich in ornaments , so stately in matter , and so marvailous in structure , out-strip his . in like manner do i believe , with shame enough , that i have not been able to arive to that character of eloquence , which our famous french orators have attaind ; and this present which i make you , is neither to take pride in my cheerfulness , nor discover my dulness : for i do out of humility , ( submitting my self to your correction ) that which so many others have done for want of knowledge and judgement ; and that homage which i render in publick , proceeds from the esteem i have of all the world ; and not from the miscognizance of my self . but i take all the care i can , to avoid the engaging my self insensibly , in the slippery way of the court , where idiots and novices suffer themselves to fall , and who are infected with cajolery ; and i might be justly chidden for vain-glory , if i did as some courtiers do , who stand making of congees , and cringes , to be saluted , and who spinning out their complements , beyond measure , or exception , cast themselves into contempt and scorn , by speaking of themselves , thereby to be answered , and praised : and therefore to escape the suspition of being vain , i forbear this humiliation , and baseness ; though yet i should seem to hunt after reputation , by vilipending my self , i will not speak of my self at all , either good or evill , as not meriting ( peradventure ) either blame , or praise : and as the former shall not move me to indignation , if men say , i am not a good author ; so shall not the latter to pride ; for neither of these passions shall disturb the peace of my soul : so that , resolving neither to trouble my self , nor thank any body , whatsoever men say to my advantage , shall be very welcome to me ; but knowing my self so well as i do , it shall not perswade me . i understand the difference which the schools put , between philosophers , and sophists , and it is no easie matter , to make me take a paradox , for an article of faith : i am able to distinguish glittering armour , from armour of proof , and i know , that the former is better for shew , then for service . since the famous relicts of antiquity present us with panegyricks for nero , and with apologies for buzirus , and that in times of old , people adored beasts ; i cannot endure to be deified by elogies ; and consequently , though the eloquence of a friend should have all the art , and address of those ancient declamators , ( who would needs make a quartan ague pass for a goddess , and poverty for a good ) yet would it no more move me , then the blame men may cast upon my writings , which hurts me not at all , however it looks , at the beginning of this discourse , as if i would formalize a little , and as if i vow'd revenge : for , i am in my carreere , and i find my self obliged to go on , even though i perish : and as people said , that the design of my convesation of importance , which treats of dying well , after having lived ill , was too serious , and austere , for a man of my profession ; that i ought to have kept it within the rules of morality , without touching upon devotion ; and that to invite the world to read it , i had done well to handle those so dilucid truths , and so necessary meditations in a romantick way ; and embellish so grave , and solid a matter , with rich , and gay ornaments of language : as they did ( i say ) glose , and comment thus upon that ; so let them also say as they please , that my entertainments are not brisk , and gallant enough , to be held upon the cours by courtiers , and that some of the subjects thereof are too serious , and scholastick : let them say , that i had done well , to have used a better , and more exact dispensation , both in the method , and in the discourse , and that i should have omitted some matters therein : let them reproach me , that my style is neither good , nor well digested , and that it is languid , and carozelous , as well as strong , and elevated : let them accuse me , that my language is not pure , nor my terms expressive ; that my judgement is not well fortified , nor my spirit much inlightned to write well : let them twit me , with the imitation of good authors , and with the borrowing of conceits from the ancients : and in fine , let such as are of a critical palate say as much as hath been written , by so many good and famous pens in this last age ; all this ( my readers ) shall be indifferent to me ; howbeit , according to custom , and ceremony , i have desired your protection , against the criticks : yea , though not only the country gentlemen , ( who are but subalternative judges ) but even the very whole court it self ( which judges soverainly , and soverainly well of these things ) should condemn my writings , it should not at all trouble me , yea , and it should touch me as little , as if the world had not talkt of it at all : for in a word , i care not ; and i am as well content , that you should despise , as value my works , and that you should not read them , as read them ; for it is not my design to gather pride , but vertue , from my books , and to live like a man of honour . farewell . entertainments of the cours at paris : and academical discourses . the first walk . hold coachman , hold ! cry'd the marquesse de bon air , passing one day in his coach at the entrance of the cours , by that of the baron d' aiguefueil , ( in which was the count de rioumayon , a counsellor of parliament , monsieur hydaspe , colonel of horse , and angelin the philosopher ) and looking upon the company , said , your servant gentlemen ; have you any room for mein your coach ? i am weary of being alone in mine own . this charming baron , who is the center of all men of vertue , either for their inclination , or his courtship , and whose curious and sublime spirit makes a noble acceptance , and a just choice of geniuses , had pickt out these gallants as the cream of his elections , and after having treated them that day , carried them to the cours , where entring ( as aforesaid ) to satisfie his own duty , and the marquesses request , he answered , come my lord , we will find room for you ; we are ravisht to meet you , and here is no body , but will most willingly squeeze himself for your sake . upon this the colonel whispered him in the ear , saying , let him alone , he is never better accompanied , then by his own phancies ; for doubtlesse , he is now plotting some journey , some new fashion , some intrique , or some combat . i cannot handsomely refuse him , replied the baron ; i must answer his desire with some civility ; and to make him a cold complement , would be to slight his merit and acquaintance , and abuse my own duty . then leaning halfe out of the coach , he bid one of the pages open the boot ; which the marquesse perceiving , came out of his , and some complements past between him and the baron , about placing him in the body of the coach , which the baron prest upon him , as both honour and conveniency required . the marquesse being set , and the coach going on , the baron askt him , my lord , whither were you going so solitary , and pensive ? you are a great courtier of ladies , and certainly you were not alone , without some design : i swear to you , my lord , ( said the marquesse ) i am wholly disengaged ; for i have taken my leave of cajollery , and hate those prattleboxes like the plague ; and setting that aversion aside , i have an indifferency for all such objects , as move any passion ; and i came from home , without knowing whither to go ; for when my coachman askt me whither he should carry me ? even whither thou wilt , said i ; all parts of paris are alike to me , and never did i more freely trust my self in thy hands , then this evening . certainly , my lord , ( said the count de rioumayon ) your coachman must needs be guided by the good spirit which governs you , and hath some secret intelligence with your fair passion , since he hath brought you unawares , to the place where your inclinations are . look , there goes her coach ; you know whom i mean , and you know better then any body else , the truth of what is said thereof at court. go , you are a wag , said the marquess ! what ? will you submit your thoughts to calumnious reports ; and suffer your judgement , to accomplish the ruine , of a lady of honour ? indeed , if it be true , that those things which present themselves to our eyes , make more impression upon our mindes then reason , and that we are more dispos'd to prefer detraction , and slander , before the true relation , of such vertues as are found in a person ; i confess , it looks as if i were dispenst with , for speaking advantagiously , of the merit of her whom you now hinted ; in regard that she gives so clear arguments , to entertain you upon the misfortune , which is befaln her in my behalf : but i should think my self a traytor to so many vertues as she hath , if i let you not know , that she possesses them without spot , and without defect , and that , after having vanquisht those monsters which might stir rebellion in her soul , she hath made them slaves , to her good nature . the satisfaction of our own consciences , is the soveraign remedy of discontentment of mind , and the true testimony to justifie our actions : it were a baseness , to saint upon report only ; for whilst the calm is coming , the storm ceases ; and when we have innocency for our shield , the sharpest shots of calumny prove dull , and ineffective . this is the reason , why this lady hath never much troubled her felf , at whatsoever the whole court hath said concerning our frequentation ; and howbeit some ill interpreters might censure her of impudence , for shewing so little shame thereof ; yet are the most setled judgements sufficiently perswaded to the contrary , and the most cleer-sighted eyes explicate ( to her advantage ) that her constancy , and stability , are the justifications of her innocence , and that good intentions never make any account at all , of the noises of detraction : guilt is never without a character ; we may read the fear of punishment , in the faces of offenders ; and though their inward remorse be indeed no great affliction to the body , yet doth it torment , and confound the mind , with horrible thoughts , and dreams , which plainly appear afterwards in their eyes , and express , that the contempt of vertue hath caused an insurrection of passions . he who violated and murthred cleomia , had strange visions after her death : apollodorus his dream , that he was flead by the scythians , was a visible punishment of the treason he had secretly committed : deuxis , for having falsely boasted , that he had enjoyed a certain roman lady , had never afterwards , the heart to come into her company , and testified , by the shame of his flight , the falsity , both of his supposition , and of his slander . now if these heros , who had invincible spirits , had yet the pictures of shame , fear , and terror , exprest upon their faces ; how , i pray you , can it be possible , for a woman , whose sex is no lesse bashful then frail , to have the confidence to appear at the cours , and shew her face , after having blemisht her honour , and especially being publisht ? as there are different lovers , so are there different loves ; and although that sympathy , which is ( peradventure ) between us , may have produc't some frequentation , and that frequentation some little kindnesse , yet neither have her desires , nor mine , transcended the bounds , of an agreeable , and innocent conversation . he would have gone on , but the counsellor interrupted him , saying , i am sorry , that the confusion , and rumbling of the coaches , makes me lose one half of those fine things which my lord marquess hath uttered , and that instead of satisfaction , i receive trouble from his discourse . it is true indeed ( said the count de rioumayon ) we can hardly hear one another speak here ; and if we stay , we shall lose all the pleasure of our walk , which consists chiefly in conversation . i think so too , said the baron ; and therefore let us withdraw our selves out of the croud , where the best divertisement we can have , is but to see the going up and down of coaches , and such persons in them as are indifferent to us , and where we shall also be deprived , of the charms , and sweetnesse of your entertainments . shall we go out , and walk in some place apart , where we may have more quiet , and more conveniency , to entertain our selves ? they all agreed ; and the baron having commanded a page to bid the coachman drive off from the cours , and carry them gently , to some private walk by the river side ; our philosopher ( said the marquess ) is highly pleased with this humor ; for he is so much in love with the country , and solitude , that he is out of his center , when he is not in his country-house . it is true ( said angelin ) that i am extreamly taken with the country , and that i find all my delights there ; but you shall never hear me say , that i am in my element there , though i enjoy the sweets of my solitude , according to my wish ; for this term , is followed by a temptation of vanity , to which i am not subject , and i content my self , with the innocent use , of those pleasures it gives me , without staining them with vain-glory . according to the example of an ancient grecian , it hath been counted the paradise of the learned , and the element of good wits ; but as our sight is shortned , and hath its distance bounded by the objects which limit it , so do persons of an ordinary soul , find but their equal proportion of contentment , in the employments of the country ; whereas the most sublime ones have matter enough , to set the strong imagination they have of good things on work , as not being diftracted , either by the embarasments of the world , or by the serious divertisements which men receive in the towns. aristotle's master said , that his friends were his importuners , and the theeves of time . now if he , being a philosopher , and living as such , were importuned by his friends , and they were a burthen to him ; how would you have a man , who is always in company , to settle himself upon an assiduous study , or upon weighty reflexions ? and how is it possible for him to do any thing perfectly , amongst interruptions ? for there is much difference , between the active , and the contemplative life ; and the later of these , is much more nice , and delicate , then the former ; and therefore no wonder , if the ancient philosophers succeeded better in their science , then they of later ages ; and if the old anchorits found felicity , and the chief degree of perfection , in the life which they led in the desarts , which was purely speculative , and where there was nothing to divert them from the meditation , of the most secret , and high mysteries . and without this quiet ; how is it possible to live , in the incumbrances , and instability , of the things of this world ; amongst the juglings , and cheateries of the court ; amongst the intriques , and praevarications in affairs ; amongst the ambitions , and dangers of war ; and in fine , amongst the haunts , and conversations of women ? great persons never see truth , but through the casement of flattery : treachery and courtships , are vails for mortal enmities : interest breeds strife : partiality makes evil unions ; and all conversations , in fine , are now corrupted ; and therefore happy is he , who can say , like a fugitive , have i absented my self , from the cursed commerce of men , and have kept my self in the repose of solitude , because i never found any elsewhere , and for that i have seen much malice , and perpetual contentions amongst them . you speak here ( said hydaspe ) of certain evils which are met with in the world ; but you are careful enough , for your own inclinations sake , not to touch a whit upon the pleasures , and charms of the court. i pray sir , ( said the counsellor to hydaspe ) do not interrupt him ; he both cuts , and condemns himself , in his own words ; for he said just now , that he would not grant solitude to be his element , and yet we see , with what heat he speaks , and how that passion which over-rules him , transports him , and sinks him into the matter , in favour of what he loves . you shall give me leave to tell him ( said hydaspe ) that all the fine things of the country are dead , and dumb , and so by consequence , can give no perfect pleasure to witty persons , and that when they are seen the second time , they afford no satisfaction at all ; and tell me , sir , i pray you , ( said he to the philosopher ) without speaking of the various divertisements we have at court , or in the towns , can there be in the most stately houses , and in the most beautiful places of the country , any employments , or entertainments , comparable to those charms which we receive , in the conversation of lad es ? the philosopher was going to speak ; but the baron answered ; our going out of the cours interrupted my lord marquess just now , upon this fine subject of the conversation of ladies ; for he had indeed , begun a very handsome discourse in their behalf , or at least , in his own defence , when my lord of rioumayon dalli'd with him , about his good fortunes . these gentlemen ( said the marquesse ) think that as soon as a man hath any frequentation , or a little habit with a lady , all kind of liberty is infallible , and the conquest inevitable ; but they are much mistaken , upon these false opinions ; and howbeit that sex makes shew of weaknesse , yet is it stronger , and makes more resistance then we think . as for what concerns my self , i have already protested to you , that however the acquaintance , and sympathy , which i may have with that lady whose coach we met upon the cours , hath given me her frequentation , and that frequentation hath produc'd some kindness ; yet have i never had any particular conversation with her , but always an innocent , and indifferent affection . i believe as much , said the baron , with his ordinary swavity , and complacency , who ( though he comprize in himself all the eloquence and subtilty of the court , and all the depth , and height of the academies , and be able to nourish his mind with his own aliments ) would needs notwithstanding , win that of the marquesse , and taste the thoughts thereof , by engaging him upon some handsome subject . i doubt not of it , said he , to comply with his discourse , and i believe , that the long habits you have had with that lady , have produc'd that inclination which you call sympathy , and that those habits , according to their force and power , have , by resiterated acts , form'd that reciprocal affection , and passion , which you have for one another . when you say , that habit forms sympathy , ( said the count ) you understand it not according to the large extent of its significations , but to explicate it , and restrain it , according to the terms of courtiers , who interpret it to be an often-repeated frequentation , and conversation , and conceive that frequentation may ingender sympathy ; which , for my part , i cannot avow , however some gloss of argument , and captious subtility may be brought for it , to gull the mind , but not to give it rational satisfaction . there is no great difference , said angelin , ( seeing these gentlemen engaged in a fair field , and disposed to enter into these matters ) between frequentation , and habit ; and frequentation is as able to beget sympathy , as habit , construe it how you please ; all they can differ in , is , that the former acts , when it is often neer a subject , and in a particular place ; and the later looks upon all things in general , and the application of the means to atchieve them . pardon me , if i tell you , that after i shall have shew'd you what habit is , you will range your selves on my side , and rationally grant what is due , to my opinion , and philosophy . it is true , that in regard i cannot speak home to you hereof , without using such terms as seem little suitable to the cours , and to courtiers , i ought to protest to you , that i will utter nothing but what shall be pleasing , and acceptable to you ; but being to treat with wits , which are capable of sciences , and quaintnesse of speech , and who know , that the discourses of all things in the world may justly be agitated in a walk , and that the ancients did ever practice it in their licea ; i will , without hampering my self with excuses , tell you plainly , that , make you habit consist , as much as you please , in a certain disposition , whereby the subject is either proper , or improper , in behalf of it self , or any other ; for my part , i had rather take it for a quality scarce moveable , which results from one or more actions of the vital power , being afterwards made capable , and having a natural inclination , to produce the like acts ; and in this sense it is , that this quality may be very properly called habit ; as also when a man has any thing , which he hath acquir'd by his own actions , which is , when he gains the inclination he courts ; and this is that , which proves my proposition ; besides that by this mean , the subject arrives to the highest point of perfection . the prince of philosophers calls habit a disposition , which hath the power to produce an act in perfect manner , that is to say , easily ; and what more easie , and more efficacious way can a man have to act , then when , by divers acts , he intirely wins the person he desires , by gaining first the will , and then the inclination , which are the faculties dependent on , and inseparable from , sympathies ? now you see , that since reiterated acts obtain our desires , it is not hard for habit to form sympathy , when we seek it ; nor is my human wisedom , and industry able to hinder the event thereof . as for the division of habits , we must leave it to the sixth book of morals , where it is divided into three classes , which serve nothing at all to my purpose upon this subject ; for all i should be able to say of it , would make no impression upon your minds ; and the matters being meerly scholastick , and tedious , i will only let you see the difference which there is , between supernatural , and natural habits , and how , according to the cause which produces them , they are either infused , or acquired . you know that those which are infused , come immediately from god , by the theological vertues , which we receive in baptism ; and that the acquired , are those which we purchase with pains , and trouble , and which are necessary to facilitate operation . there are moreover , according to the subject , four more , in conformity with the four powers which possesse them , and which are amply deduc't in philosophy . but from the whole treatise of habits , i draw but this conclusion ; that habit is a quality , which gives us a disposition , and a great facility , to operate ; and that it differs from the disposition in this , that the disposition may be easily lost , but the habit seldom ; and that if acts produce it , multiplication augments it , and makes it more stable in the person which possesses it . so that if habit facilitate operation ; if disposition be lesse efficacious then it ; and if the reiteration of acts strengthen it ; can you deny , but that habit forms sympathy ; since of what disposition soever a soul be , she is able to change it at pleasure , by the facility she hath to operate , and by the force she gets in frequentation ? thus much for the habits of the philosophers . as for the habits of courtiers , which are long frequentatians , is there any thing more powerful to form an inclination ? and doth not even nature her self grow to be changed , by constant conversations ? it is easie to exact what a man desires of a soul , by the ordinary documents , wherewith we may inspire her by the ear , and by the apparent examples which we may present before her eyes ; for there slide into the heart , certain divine , and imperceptible specieses , or forms , which , when they have once imprinted themselves upon us , we take them to be properly our own , and think that they are derived from us ; though in the mean while , they come not from our nature , but from them who are pleased to frame them , and who often cause us many inward griefs . if nature , and inclination could not be changed , all the ancient philosophers would not have given us for a precept , that amongst all frequentations , we should choose the best , and not only fly the bad , but the unsetled , yea , and even the different ones ; for the bad do certainly corrupt us , and the different , hinder the good natural habits we have ; and though the embarasment of a rabble do not change us , yet it hinders us ; and since even violence it self is necessary for us to follow the good way , we must not doubt , but the least impediment will trouble us . take not these documents for fabulous stories ; for all the fathers , since the scripture , are of this opinion ; and st. paul goes much further upon this subject , when he says , that one crum of leaven , spoyls a whole heap of dough . if st. paul wrote it , st. john the apostle put it in practise , when he shun'd the bath where cerinth had washt himself , because he was not only an enemy to the faith , but a wicked man besides , even in his own religion . as the herb aconitum , kills us by touching it , and the rage of a mad dog communicates it self unperceivably , from the person bitten to the by-standers ; so are we perverted by evil company , and so are others also corrupted by us afterwards . in like manner by the habits which we often repeat with honest people , we may be able to change a perverse , and corrupt nature , and inspire good manners afterwards , into such as we frequent . augustus caesar's daughters were of this opinion , when livia , having well-behaved , and modest persons about her , hoped to participate of their vertues ; and julia often seeing some vain , and loose-lived young fellows , thought by her good example , and frequentation , to reduce them , or at least , to make her self perfect amongst the wicked ; as those roses are sweetest , which grow neer a bed of garlick . however you conclude upon habits , and frequentation ( said the marquesse ) they never have the power to frame a sympathy , or inclination , because they depend upon the blood , and are graffed upon nature . all they can do , is only to raise them , and quicken them , when they are either dead , or faint . love is a torch which kindles another , and burns not long alone , and without help : the experience i have had thereof , in order to this lady , is certain ; and human prudence , for as much as concerns this oeconomie , or dispensation , hath no other jurisdiction , then only to move , and not to form . i have ever observed in that adorable person i love , ( even in despight of her rigors ) a spark of the fire of sympathy , which would have been extinguisht , if i had not stir'd it , and i never believed , that she was quite deprived of it . and though in the consideration of her first repulses , ( not hoping ever to be able to obtain her favour ) i had read the remedies of ovid , samocratus , and nigidus , against love ; and though men perswaded me , that it was as easie , to disentangle ones self from love , as it was to break with a friend when one had a mind to it , ( howbeit there is granted a difference between a friend , and a lover , in regard that the one loves for the good of the object beloved , and the other for himself , and that the passion of the friend is lasting , and that of the lover inconstant ) yet have i found all these rules untrue , in my self , and that they have nothing in them but false baits , and ill-studied lessons , having spent my spirits in vain , and fruitlesly endeavoured , to produce a vertue by a defect , and to fix my love upon another , if i could have found a beauty worthy of exchange . as for the distinction of a lover from a friend , i have likewise had the same motions ( to which a compliance to please him might lead me ) with those , the opinion whereof might spur on my hopes , to the atchievement of my desires ; and as for the facility of forsaking her , alas ! i have found it to be the most powerful of impossibilities , after having put in practice all the lessons of those enemies of the sex , who died at capua , in the service , and pursuit of the ladies they loved , for punishment of their crime of writing against love. i have tried all things in vain , as flattered by the opinion , that she had a leven of sympathy which i must cultivate , and fearing to die like the rest , for chastisement of my fault of endeavouring to leave her , and not really to inspire her with an inclination , as you would needs phancy , and passe for infallible rules , and definitions , in this point . and hereby you may judge , of the effect of sympathy , and of the power of fair eyes ; and that the chains of such as adore them , are so strong , that even the disdain of the persons themselves who have framed them , hath much adoe to break them . in these motions of tendernesse , i passionately cry'd , pardon , my lovely princess , the effects of my levity , and let me depart always from you with joy , and never by constraint ! judges are often inclin'd to clemency , by considering that the malefactors before them , have more offended god then man , and that since the supream goodness hath forgiven them their crimes against him , they have no reason to punish them , for the offences they have committed against men , betwixt whom and the divine justice there is no comparison . just so , the punishment which yourindignation phancies , ought not to be for me , because i have already received absolution of my fault , from my fidelity , which was first offended , by the actions of my despair ; and therefore you , who are my judge , must mitigate your wrath , and receive me into mercy . in order to these motions , i consider an infallible sign of the absolute empire , which a beauty enliven'd by a good wit hath , over all things created , by that which it possesses over the wills of men , who are the chiefest ; and this power is evident , and known , by the submissions , respects , and enterprises , which they embrace , to render themselves acceptable , and by what they put in execution , as a mark of their despair ; for , as the will is the only part , which god intended to be free , and that his infinite goodnesse seems to have no other limits then for his own occasions ; i shall not conceive my self guilty of impiety , if i say , that the love which we bear towards women , deprives us also of the use of our free will , and hath a kind of tyrannical influence upon our liberty . i have ever observed this truth amongst lovers , when i have read in histories , how many have died for their mistresses ; and how a vehement affection , and an extream love slights all kindes of dangers whatsoever ; and i had sufficient experience of this power in my self , when i fought rather for the interests of her whom i worshipt , then for my friends , yea , and rather for a phancy which concern'd her , then for my own particular quarrels . and yet it is very true withal , ( said the colonel ) that such combats as are made upon such slight grounds , have seldom any good issue ; for cupid , who is but a baby , and a wanton giddy-brain'd baby , is apt to be pettish without cause , and comes always home by weeping cross , when he plays with bellona ; whereas on the other side , if the justice of a cause presides , the event proves as favourable as can be desired . i was much pleased ( said the counsellor ) these days past , that my youngest brother fought with a young spark , son to a financier , for a punctillo of honour , of small consideration , and almost for nothing , by hearing the marshal of france ( who took up the businesse ) discourse of quarrels , and of the address which it is needful to have in them ; and indeed that noble lord , ( who hath a high spirit , and a great judgement , ( and who is one of our best friends ) spake thereof with much reason , and with great testification of affection towards my brother : for having called him into his cabinet , where i was , and knowing what a sputter he makes by his dayly squabbling , and fighting ; to stop the fury of his hot and giddy spirit , and instruct him about these mad freeks , he said thus to him ; the love i bear towards your family , obliges me to give you a sound check ; for it is not the way to get reputation , and esteem , to be such a ranter as you are , and to be every day brawling , and scuffling . it is true , that of all the parts which compose a true man of honour , boldnesse is the most remarkable , and volour the most necessary ; since without these two august qualities , a man who pretends to bravery , cannot be in vogue , nor so much as aspire to it ; for the former sets him forth , and makes him considerable in company , and at court , and the later gives him good successe in war , and duels ; but with this proviso still , that these fine parts be accompanied with moderation , and judgement , and that their passion be tempered by prudence , which is the production of the understanding , and the light of the soul. i will say nothing of this necessary boldnesse , and valour , in the camp , which is both carried on by the fire of honour ; and which is as well ushered up by command , as ballanc't by discipline ; but i speak only of that boldnesse , and valour , which is necessary in a civil life , and in the disorders which cause quarrels ; for this ought to be ruled by discretion , and judgement ( as i have already said ) and rectified by a habit of prudence . a man who will appear in company , must be bold , so far as to utter his mind freely , and cleerly , and be resolute , both in countenance , posture , and action ; but his words must be composed with modesty , and judgement , and he must consider the place , and persons present , and what he intends to say , before he speaks . he must not rant , nor vapour , but look upon the intention , and merit of the person who pricks him , and bear a deaf ear long before he comes to extremity ; and especially , if he who offends him , be not of high condition , or much esteemed ; for in this case , we ought to suffer more , then from a gallant man , from whom an ordinary displeasure must passe for a great cause of quarrel , to get reputation . and herein you err'd to day ( said he ) by medling with a young fellow , upon little or no ground , and by exposing your self also ( as you dayly do ) to hazard , without subject : for , men fight commonly for offences , that is to say , for inward satisfaction , and to win honour ; the latter of these grounds depends upon the report , which is made of a combat ; and the principal reason which makes men draw their swords , is to repair themselves , in the hope they have , that the reputation will be as publick as the offence . so that , to fight ( i fay ) as you have done , with a young man who hath never done any thing yet , or with a person who is not of high condition ; besides , that the action remains dead , asleep ; and that the good , or evil , which comes from it makes no noise , a man runs great hazzard of his life with a common person , and gets no honour , if he have the better : whereas , on the other side , the merit of a gallant man , makes a brave action famous , and renowned . from whence we may draw this argument , that one must be bold , and as it were rash , with stout , and quarrelsome men ; and courteous , and indolent , to them who are not of high reputation , either for their courage , or birth . for valour , which is an impetuous heat , that , for our satisfaction , throws us upon dangers , is hurtful to a man , unlesse he deliberate before he executes , and unlesse it be tempered with moderation . a champion is not a champion , because he hath courage , but brutal , if he joyn it not with the dexterity of judgement , and with the circumstance of times , and places ; for he cannot exercise his courage , and bring it to an issue , by any other means , then by conduct , and reason ; and hereby it is , that we must moderate our boyling motions , which might otherwise make us fall upon a man of honour , in place of respect , and that for slight and frivolous matters , upon which , before we shew any disgust , we must maturely consider with our selves , whether they be worth our resentment or no , and when the offence deserves it , to conduct our proceedings with address , that we may not be worsted ; and to be sure to perish , rather then do a base action . it is principally in the point of combat , that a truly free , and stout soul , hath need of all the counsel , and judgement , to preserve her honour , and her life , and to bridle her passion , and judiciously to consult all the praecautions necessary , as well for the right , and equality of weapons , and advantage of places , as for the subtle addresses of vapourers , and quarrellers . and as for your part , ( said this wise lord ) what fury , or what dulnesse blinded you , in the choice of your pistols , that you had not the patience to charge at your pleasure , that which was left you , and that , after having cool'd the courage of your adversary , ( who could not reach you with his sword ) you received the affront , of giving false fire ? henceforward , be more considerate , and hazzard not your life , without praecaution ; for impetuosity never gets any entire victory in duels , either with sword , or pistol ; whereas he who fights temperately , and coldly , will always be even with his enemy , and seldome receive disadvantage . to stand upon your fencing postures , and passes , as they do in the schools with foyls , is uselesse , and very different from fighting in earnest ; and though the heat , and disorder of a desperate fellow , do sometimes puzzle the stoutest and skilfullest sword-man , yet the firmnesse of a good judgement , either tires him out , or keeps his hands only off , so as afterwards , by promptitude , and activity , he gets the better . be therefore , i say , better advised , then you have been hitherto , both about the incense of quarrels , and the distinction of persons , and husband your life better in the field , then you have hitherto done . then the marquesse interrupted the counsellor , and said , sir , was there nothing of love in your brothers quarrel , and was it not for some mistresse that he fought ? no , my lord , said the counsellor , oh! i was afraid of that , said the marquesle ; for in that case the cause had been good , and had deserved no reprehension ; since the absolute power which love hath acquir'd over reason , renders all faults excusable ; and that mistresse of passion , being so much subject to it as she is , finds all her justification , in the blindnesse of her servitude . the one dims the other , by taking too much root in our inclinations , and gains a superiority of power , to make it undertake any thing with impunity , and to make inestimable , the meanest actions which concern it ; yea , and my self , being strucken with this blindnesse , thought my self worthy to be celebrated in history , for having so briskly squabled , and quarrelled , with a certain lord , who was with a lady of my acquaintance ; and that , only because love ( that blind , and sawcy baby ) led me to this frollick . i was ravisht , my lord , ( said the philosopher to the marquesse ) with excesse of joy , at the news of the last duel you fought upon this subject , with so much honour , and gallantry , as being certainly inform'd before , of the cause of your going into the field , and i only wanted the knowledge , of your enemies meeting you , to enable me , to make an infallible judgement , of the advantage you had upon him ; for all the world knows by reputation , the bravery of your heart ; but it is difficult to judge by experience , of your skill , in regard that there is no living after the trial thereof ; for without having a supernatural subsistence , i do not believe , that they who have felt the point of your sword , can possibly last long , unlesse the greatnesse of your courage vouchsafe to use some clemency towards them , after having forc't them to have recourse to your pitty , and beg their lives . the excesse which this joy produc't in me , came not from the news i had of your victory , because i had already fore-seen it ; but from the share i take in your exploits , the happinesse , and force whereof ( which are the highest degree of valour ) diffuse themselves upon all your friends , and make them also , after a sort , redoubtable . indeed , ( said the marquesse ) i perceived well enough , that my duty obliged me to interrupt you , and answer your civilities ; but you discourst so handsomely , that i resolved to forbear , till you had done ; not that the subject of your fine words tickled my ears , and made me delight in the form of your complacencies , more then in the matter ; but because i would not deprive these gentlemen , of the admiration of your eloquence . to which angelin answered with submission and respect ; my lord , when i say any thing in favour of your reputation , i pay but one part of the homage i owe your merit ; nor is at any production of my complacency ; for you are so accomplisht a person , that all the panegyricks which might be composed of you , would be beneath the esteem which the whole court hath of you ; and i think , that its esteem is just , and lawful , in your behalf only ; in regard that sometimes , it falsely bestows it upon unworthy persons , and denies it to such as deserve it , th ough not so worthily as your lordship . i confesse , ( said the marquesse ) i should never consent to the loss of modesty , had any body but you , undertaken to rob me of it ; but your eloquence makes me in a sort , a complice of the theft , and almost guilty of the sinne . then the count , ( catching up their complements ) said to the marquesse , the learned angelin hath so many partakers in his belief , that your merit must needs appear , & your modesty lie hidden . the strength of his wit ( repli'd the marquesse ) at least appears , not borrowing from others , what abounds in himself ; and i am of opinion , that by undertaking to speak of me , he meant to make a picture of himself . my lord , said the baron , your complements will last till the end of the cours , and methinks , this is no fit place for them ; stay till we be passing some gate , or at the top of a pair of stairs , where you may be able to animate them with gestures and congees ; for here you can hardly stir . let us change our subject ; digressions are delightful , and are the supream divertisements of conversation . how glorious is that illustrious conquerer , who is lately come to town , for having made so advantagious a conquest for france , and planted our palms , and our laurels , in a country , where the enemy made his brags , that we every year sow'd cyprus ? that is spoken like apollo , and very far from the style which the ancient greeks called cacozele , said our philosopher , retorting the same guilt upon the rest , which they were wont to throw upon him , for using school-terms , whereby he drew a kind of undervalue upon himself , because he could hardly forbear them . he hath reason , said the colonel ; the baron speaks romansick language , in comick terms . but before we go any further in poetry , it will be good , to speak of the symbols , or significations of the palm , and the laurel , and know , why the romans anciently crown'd the triumphers heads with laurel , and honoured their hands rather with palm , then with oak , or ivy , vervain , or olive . to which the baron ( whose spirit is a magazeen of the finest curiosities , and most lively notions ) answered , i will say somewhat thereof , and it is , that in my opinion , ( if my memory do not fail me ) besides that the laurel , and the palm have marvailous properties , they are consecrated to apollo ; that mount parnassus is full of them ; that the one of them is an enemy to fire , and repels the thunderboult ; and that the other is the most ancient symbol of victory , and resists all assaults ; that the sacrificers at rome , to obtain propitious augurs , first crown'd themselves with laurel , and then cast the wreths of boughs into the wood-piles , and drew the good augurs , of the event of the affairs of the common-wealth , from the noise of the laurel in the fire . besides all these effects , and these traditions , i say , my argument is , that when the emperors return'd in triumph for their victories , after having conquered some parts of the world by this example , all the rest of it trembled , and there was nothing left upon earth , which was not subjected to them , and which stood not in awe of them . and therefore , they crown'd their heads with laurel , to signifie their independency in the world , and that they feared nothing but the fire of heaven , which hath such violent , and prodigious effects , and from which the laurel only , hath the priveledge to defend us . the word victory , and palm ( said the philosopher ) was anciently all one ; and claudian calls the laurel , the decision of things present , and the prediction of things to come ; moreover , ovid , suetonius , and pliny assure us , that the ancients held these trees as sacred , and never made any prophane use of them , because they had grounded their superstitions , upon an accident which hapned to augusta drusilla the empress ; who going one day from rome to veictan , sate down under a laurel , or bay-tree , over which there flew an eagle , which let fall in her lap a white chicken , with a laurel branch in his bill , and a palm in his talon . she caused this chicken to be nurst , and the branch to be planted in a field of hers , from which there sprung many trees ; and so the emperors afterwards , through a superstitious religion , when they came to triumph , used to cause some of those branches to be gathered , to honour their heads , and hands , and then to be replanted in the same field . nor is this all ; for there is a prodigie reported , of the said field ; and that is , that whensoever any one of them , who had triumphed , died , the plant which had been replanted , also died , after it had served for a trophy , to the deceast triumpher ; and that as soon as nero was dead , ( who was the last of the race of the caesars ) all the trees of the aforesaid field likewise died . and thus much for the reasons , why the romans used laurels , and palms in their triumphs . really , ( said the baron ) this is full of learning , and curiosity ; and therefore it ought not to be ill taken , that i served my self of those terms , when i endeavoured to speak worthily of the victories which that great lord hath won upon our enemies , since he is returned most gloriously from forreign countreys , and that his name , at present , fills the whole court with renown . he is lookt on , as the angel-guardian of the kingdom ; the king , and queen cherish , and esteem him in his ministery ; all great employments rely upon him , and henceforth , he shall have no other title , then that of the great states-man . you say not ( answered the count ) that in his triumphs , he is adored like a half-god ; and yet , that he is lookt on with the eyes of envy , and that there are some , who would overthrow the altars which have been decreed him . truly , ( said the count ) he is come into the land of envy , but he is potent enough to banish it , whensoever he pleases to retire himself from court ; for that vice removes , as often as vertue , and fortune fix their habitation ; because , having no other but these great objects , it always follows such as are owners thereof . inso much , as that if our hero , like another laertes , or scipio , fled into solitude , it would not fail to find him there , in regard of the huge qualities which are in him ; and yet all would still redound to his honour . if i shew , that he is envied , i shew that he is triumphant , and in that supremacy of felicity , which his valour hath acquir'd him : it is enough to consider his employments , and how gloriously he hath acquitted himself of them ; and moreover , that the height of his splendor , hath bridled the passion of monarchs , and conquerers , ( which is glory in quiet , and moderation ) and reduc't it to the laws of swavity , and reason : and this is as easie to be observed in his ordinary proceedings , and in all his actions , as in his countenance ; and this true character of the motions of the soul , hath never shew'd us any alteration in him ; and it hath so little of the art of dissimulation , and duplicity in it , that a man may be able to settle a solid judgement of his interior , by his looks . this makes the envious burst with rage , to see that he takes no great notice , of the value due to him , and that he sets light by those things which trouble others . the services he hath done the crown , as well with his counsel , as with his sword , have caused him to be recompenst as he is , and purchast him that high point of glory he enjoys . i wondred not at all , when , being these days past , at the cours , amongst the favourable applauses which were given him , i observed some melancholy , in the eyes of a certain great lord , who seem'd to be troubled , to hear his praises ; for i easily imagined , that the cloudiness of his countenance had no other cause , then the pompous testimony of gratitude , which the other received from the queen , and from the incense which every one offered , to his glorious exploits ; since it is true , that it is proper to the envious to lament at the happinesse , and rejoyce at the unhappinesse of others , and not to torment themselves for their own evils only , but also for the felicity of their neighbours . this is a sin which hath been ever since the beginning of the world , and will last till the end ; and therefore , it were in vain to wish , that we had lived in another age , or to live in those which are to come , to be exempt from its contagion , and to be free from its malice . the greatest captain of pharamonds time , and who had most gifts of nature and wit , had never yet so many , as to equal the number of his enviers ; and the most unhappy courtier of the last that shall be , of our kings , will never suffer so many crosses , as will paralel the rejoycings , which have been made , for the misfortunes which have befaln him . albeit you sustain ( said the marquess ) that they who are envied for their vertue , are envy-proof , and that that which stains the reputation of others , refines theirs ; yet it is not to be denied , but that the envious are a sort of people , which dim the splendor of honour , and destroy , in some sort , the greatnesse of a high fame ; for they disguise the fairest actions , with the habits of a foolish , and blinde fortune , and by as the uprightness of a soul , how frank and generous soever ; and therefore their by-ways , and practices are not to be neglected , in regard they strike in absence , at a distance , and at unawares ; whereas other enemies are not so much to be feared , because they are known ; and because time may have salved the wrongs they have received ; and in fine , because we stand always upon our guard , and with praecaution , to prevent them . but , this curst race of nature is never weary of persecuting us , and does us more hurt with the tongue , without touching us , then an irreconcileable enemy would do , if he had us under him , with his sword at our throats . this is very true indeed , ( said angelin ) and therefore was the war of the greeks , against the trojans , less cruel , and shorter , for that it began upon an injury , then that of the romans , against the carthaginians , because both these republicks had their several design , to conquer the whole world , and disputed for the decision of the empire of the drivers . the great enmity between caesar and pompey , proceeded likewise from nothing but envy ; the former envying the later , for his good conduct , in the government of the commonwealth , and the later the former , for the felicity which accompanied him in war : so that we see , that the decay of that flourishing republick began from the civil wars raised by envy . and therefore to revenge our selves against these pernicious hornets , who besiege our bodies a far off , who suborn the clearest consciences , and betray the gallantest lives ; we must use an advantagious , and estimable remedy , against obtrectatory , and ill grounded suspicions , which destroy the reward of vertue , and seem to blot it out of the souls of men . i will be bold to say , that revenge upon the envious , is as laudible , as it is sweet , and facil ; for it consists , but in continuing to do well , and in striving to excel , in so good a practice ; in regard that the vertue of their neighbour gnaws , and consumes them , as rust doth iron . my dear lord makes use of this stratagem , and is not moved at all because he is envied , notwithstanding what you have said ; for , besides that he is worthy of it , he is so well establisht in vertue , and favour , that he doth not believe that the vices of others can hurt him , or the greatest storm shake him . and therefore it is as much in vain , for the envious to buz out their detractions , and dart their private injuries against so firm a soul , as it was for the pigmys , and the ruffian thiodamas of lydia , to presume to wrestle with hercules . for before he undertakes any great designs , or causes any of his orders to be executed , he prepares his spirit for the censure of envy , and sweetly perswades himself , that the issue will make his blames turn into praises ; and that to desist from the pursuit of brave actions , is the only means to support detraction . his perseverance in the good opinion he gives of himself , keeps his person in esteem ; as on the other side , desistence , and wavering might abate the good thoughts , which men have of him . the court is a tempestuous sea , which violently tosses as well great ships , as small barks ; and her floating waves shake the most weighty , and solid hearts , without sincking them . unlesse a man have profound wisdom , without weaknesse , and spot , and make a perfect harmony thereof with constancy , he cannot preserve himself there , from shipwrack , and come safe to the port. as for the sea , billows , and waves , ( said the marquesse ) i will shew you a very pleasant , and good letter , from a gentleman , a friend of mine , who is in the fleet , with a brother of his , who is captain of a gally , wherein you shall see what he says of sea-sicknesse , wherewith he is furiously tormented . this is the letter , and thus it says . my lord , god blesse the cow-stall , and the divel take the element wherein a man makes his grave by falling ! alas ! you may easily judge of the sad condition i am in , by seeing my scribbling , and this letter so rumpled ; but i doubt , whether it will be received by you , as coming from a person who honours you so much as i do , because i force my self to write to you , and because i write to you , when i am stomach-sick ; or whether it will draw so much sense of compassion from you , in regard i am lying straight along , without strength or pulse , and with insupportable qualms , and faintings . in fine , i am as miserable as the good king in the scripture was , in his greatest calamities ; save only , that he was fain to lie upon a dunghil , and i lie upon a satin-quilt ; but if he were pestred with vermin , i am so as much as he ; if he wanted food , my stomach ( against the order of nature ( which abhors a vacuum ) is posting thither ; if he were forsaken by his friends , my brother , and my friends ( as if they were about a grave ) instead of pitying my misfortune , do nothing but laugh and scoff at it . in a word , it seems all one to me , to be at the bottom of the sea , or here in the gally ; and in regard a mans heart is the first which lives , and the last which die , it is to be believed , that our bodies are deprived of life , when we feel our hearts a dying . as soon as i shall be able to reach a port , i will leave the moveable , for the immoveable , and the hazzard of the water , to expose my self to the rigor of all the other elements ; and will remedy the inconveniences i now suffer , after the manner of poor mad-men . six foot of land will cure me of these evils , and then i will send you the mercury of all we do in the liquid field , and give you as good an account of our affairs , as of my own restitutions . just now came a billow and tost our gally to the middle region of the air ; threw me headlong against the helmet ; overturn'd my ink-horn , and blew my paper up to the very top ; and now having gathered all together again , and crawl'd to my quilt , i make a hard shift to tell you once more , god blesse the cow-stall , and that i am , &c. this letter , ( said the baron ) is very particular , and very excellent in its kind , and merits to be valued as you value it , who have the fountain of high intelligences . but to return to our noble subject of entertainments , it is a strange tickling , to the heart of our conquerer , to hear from the queens mouth , in full cours , and amongst the greatest at court , ( as he had already heard from the kings , in the cabinet ) that the obligation which france hath to him , cannot be worthily required , but by honour , and glory ; and that this acknowledgement she makes of being insolvable , is the most pompous , and richest payment he can possibly receive from her . antiquity ( though most potent ) never knew so well as france , how to reward the vertue of her heros ; for she hath never presum'd to offer them any mercenary recognizance ; and not being able to recompense them to the full , she hath been content to honour them with triumphs , statues , and illustrious titles , and to remain always obliged to them . it is true , ( said the count ) that the least atchievement a man can make , of any kind of reputation ( however it be a vain , and meer imaginary thing ) is sufficient to satisfie ambition , and more worth then all the true temporal goods we are able to purchase , after which we run with such an extraordinary greediness , and for which both religion and laws are despised , and the hunger whereof , like fire , is never stancht . all this is pretty , said the colonel ; but now a days , men are not paid with wind ; for the world being grown old , and covetous , looks altogether upon interest ; and instead of exalting themselves , and satiating their ambition with honour , they betake themselves to what is more material , and substantial , and endeavour to prescribe rules to their sovereigns , to recompense them profusely therewith . the count answered , it is their part however , to appoint what employments , and honours they please , for their subjects , as also to dispose of their acknowledgements , and liberalities ; and on the other side , it is the part of such as are under them , to acquit themselves dexteriously of their duty , thereby to arrive to a good issue , and require an equal reward from them , with fame . but it concerns princes to look to their choice , and subjects to be humble , and active ; and certainly , both the one , and the other , ought efficaciously to consider , that vertue must be rewarded ; and that all the best settled states in the world , are founded upon these two pillars , as upon immoveable foundations ; namely , the recompense of good services , and the punishment of bad actions . the french , who fall short of no nation upon earth , in wit , subtilty , and politeness , are content with reputation , and satisfied with a tickling of honour , for all their labours , sweats , toils , watches , and loss of blood it self ; quite contrary to the eastern people , and especially the turks , who never undertake any great action , but with design , to augment their charge , and their pay ; and the quality of persons , is of no use to them at all , for the purchasing of great employments . for confirmation hereof , ( said the colonel ) and of what you may have learnt in history , i have seen in my travels , that in the grand signors dominions , there is no hereditary nobility , nor difference of birth , acquired by an idle succession from father to son ; nor is it their custome , to prefer unworthy persons to any eminency , above such as are vertuous , and have given testimony thereof : no inheritances , and possessions left to cowards , and sluggards , who , without serving either prince or people , consume the goods of such as are generous , and stout , perverting themselves , and their posterity , and studying all kindes of vices , and volupties . but there you may see vertue , valour , good judgement , sufficiency , and gallant exploits ( wherein every one strives to excel ) raise men in a trice , from slaves , to be governours of provinces ; from poor , to be rich , and powerful ; from base , and unknown , to be noble , and chief of the state. they are honoured for their charges , that is to say , for their merits , because they gain them by their merits ; and for their vertues , and sufficiency , because these make them subsist with splendor . they have no disputes , about rank , and precedency , left them by inheritance from their ancestors ; but every one knows what belongs to him by his merit , without usurping upon anothers , and the authority wherein they are plac't by the prince , regulates all without alteration . the least discovery , or the least glimps of a grudge , costs them not only their charges , but their heads . there is no such thing , as frowning , and grumbling , if they obtain not what they desire ; nor is favour , or recommendation any thing worth , unless it be accompanied with true desert , whereof evident proofs have been formerly given . great mens children , if they be not seconded with some eminent qualities , are less regarded , then clowns , and the very meanest of the people , if they be vertuous . for indeed , suppose a man had business , would he not be well holp up , to commit ( for example ) a suite in law , of great importance , to an ignorant , and unskilful lawyer , though he were the son of the president , or chancellor , rather then to a man of mean , and obscure birth , who were famous , cunning , and able ? and were it not pretty also , in the extremity of sickness , to commit our lives , to the son of a physitian , of four descents from father to son , who is young , inexpert , and ill grounded , rather then to a new comer , who is learned , experienced , and well verst in his profession ? nothing blinds us more , then the exterior splendour of good birth ; and amongst the turks , ( as rough , and coorce as they are , ( from whom all false appearance , and vanity is banisht , and where there is no fraud , nor cheatery ) the signs of good wit , and the proofs of generosity prevaile , before noblenesse of blood , and ancientnesse of race ; and labours , good services , gallant testimonies , and great exploits , are incomparably more considered by them then riches , treasures , and large estates . for nobility , good parts , and honour , do not spring from pedegrees , as herbs do from seeds ; nor do the vertues of our ancestors passe in idea from father to son , for perpetuity ; but most certain it is , that wheresoever there is reward , there will vertue also be . i perceive ( said the marquesse ) by your discourse , that you secretly blame an error , which is lately crept into france , and which is pernitious to her ; and that is , to give employments , and honours , rather by favour , and quality , then according to merit , and vertue ; and that you shew us that want of experience , and capacity are often the ruine of the state. the scope of my discourse , replied hydasp , is not to make that conclusion ; nor did i alledge the policy of the infidels , for any other reason , then to demonstrate that vertue is every where valued , and recompenst ; and that those barbarians ( being more mercenary then we ) reward it otherwise then we do , and make not their extraction ( like us ) from a different source ; and therefore their vertues seem to be , in a manner , but scaenical , specious , and ostentative , and ours are essential , true , and grassed upon nature ; for if they prove able to derive any honour from theirs , they receive it , for the most part , from that of the christians , whom they get by the children of tribute , and whom they style azamoglans , in regard they are the strength of their militia , and are employ'd in the highest offices , in consideration of their good qualifications of nature , blood , and birth , rather then of their breeding , which is little lookt after , and un-instructed , for that they are given to all kinds of insolencies , and vices , however they grow afterwards to be brave souldiers . and now you see , i have said something of what i brought back from my journey to constantinople , to shew you , that if such a general of an army , as he is of whom we have spoken , had made such glorious conquests in the east , as he hath done for us , he would have past through all the degrees of favour , as of a janissary , a sainac , a bashaw , and bellerbeg , and have been made grand dizir , yea , and besides , the grand signors dayly pay , he would have obtain'd all the assignations he had askt upon the timar . but amongst us , where an illustrious birth , and a supreme off-spring is considered , as august as it is , this lord hath had , in favour of his blood , the offices , and employments , that is to say , the means to work the miracles he hath wrought ; and in regard all acknowledgements are beneath his spirit , and generosity , he is satisfied with a little smoak , and rewarded by the tongues of fame , much more to his contentment , then he would be by the hands of the financiers , and secretaries of state , with all the good of peru , and with all the brevials , of the highest dignities of the kingdom . amongst so many illustrious qualities ( said the colonel ) as you have observed in our hero ; i will not omit the supreme vertue , wherewith he favours his friends , yea , and even his very enemies too , and which i know by experience , that he possesses in the highest measure , and that his irascible part hath never been able to surmount it ; wherein i take much more notice of their good luck , who have the benefit of it , then of their own deserts , and of the influences which come from him , then of the subject which makes him lay aside severity , and shew himself favourable , and merciful . i mean his clemency , which is the judge of vengeance , and the moderatresse of power , when there is question of lessening the punishments , which a person of authority may inflict upon such as are under his obedience . this vertue , ( said the counsellor ) is a gift of piety , a sweetnesse of spirit , and a delenishment of punishments ordered by the laws ; which , after it hath banisht the interior distemper , it reduces our souls to quiet , and makes us spare anothers blood , as we do our own ; for clemency is of an heroick essence ; and the defection of that active , and unbridled passion which oppugns it , and seems to check it , is the most wonderful effect , that they who exercise this vertue , are able to produce , and the victory gotten over it , is much more glorious then that which is won by force of arms . here the marquesse interrupted him , saying , sir , you put me in mind of an act of this vertue , which he exercised some days since at my request , in the behalf of an officer of his army , who had offended him . therefore it was that i spake of it ( answered hydaspe ) because i was present when you begg'd that persons pardon ; and when the address of your eloquence , easily obtain'd what you desired , of a soul already disposed thereto by vertue ; and for this cause it is , that i told you , that clemency favours as well enemies as friends , and that we must hold our selves happy , when fortune makes us meet with more necessary motions to pardon , in them whom we petition , then merit in the offenders . not but that your discourse might have wrought the same effect , even upon barbarians ; because you took him upon a good advantage ; but that with another , you would not have succeeded so soon , nor so easily . what businesse was that , my lord , ( said the baron ) which merited your favour ; and what was that insolent person , who presum'd to displease his general ? you shall be pleas'd to dispense with me for naming him , ( said the marquesse ) and i will only tell you , that finding my self in his chamber , with few people about him , we began to discourse of the repentance of this officer , ( who is a friend of mine ) and in order to the cause of his disgrace ; whereupon i observed some moderation of spirit , and some serenity of countenance in the said lord ; and as he was going into his cabinet , to hide his complacency from us , and to refuse to answer us , some of us offred to follow him , which he courteously suffred ; and then i took my occasion to speak thus to him : my lord , where the will governs , and conduct depends upon a capriccio of hatred , reason is , for the most part , turn'd out of door . if the solidity of your judgement , which makes you accomplish such huge things , did not rather consider the good , or bad end of actions , then the facility you have to undertake , you would not speed as you do , and you would be deprived of the general applause . i would have broken off here , but seeing him look mildely upon me , and hearken peacefully to me , i went on thus . nature , and merit , my lord , have furnisht you with authority to act , and have given you much independency . if your will were not ruled by reason , as it is , you being so potent as you are , and suffering your self to be carried away by the perswasions of flatterers , you would certainly precipitate your self , upon some cholerick action , the event whereof would obscure the splendour of the bravest atchievements of your life , as the death of calistene blotted out the esteem which men had of the great macedonian king. i grant , my lord , that the person , whose pardon i crave , deserves it not , but rather the effects of your resentment , and to be deprived of the chiefest of his felicities , which is , the hope of appeasing you , and escaping death : but because he is of a condition unworthy to contest with you , and for you to revenge your self on him in an honourable way ; therefore must the priviledge , and power which you have to exterminate him , serve you for a bridle , to moderate the heat of your vengeance , which casts him into repentance , and inflicts a thousand deaths upon his soul. indeed , my lord , generous spirits exercise as much clemency towards them whom they have conquered , as they do glory for their victory ; as you have sufficiently experimented , and practised in your triumphs . he who hath offended you , is more submissive to you then a vanquisht person ; and therefore you ought to have pity on him , ( in regard he acknowledges his fault ) and suspect all the counsels which proceed from your passion , what shew soever of pleasure they promise you , and with what pretext of justice soever they colour themselves . it is a humane accident , to have an advantage over ones enemies ; but to pardon when we have overcome , is a celestial , and divine vertues ; whence it grows , that we prefer clemency before rigor , and that we more value the attribute of mercy in almighty god , then that of justice . pardon therefore my lord , pardon ! and if you will not grant it , for his sake who hath offended you , ( who is wholly unworthy of it ; ) nor for mine , who deserve not this favour ; yet do it for your own sake , to the end that the losse of his life may not make men think that you are a servant to your passions , and that they overrule your reason , and offuscate the lustre of your glory . what honour will it be for you , to free your self from a weak enemy ? enemy ! i style him amisse ; for i protest to you , he has as many good wishes for you , as you can think of ways to destroy him ; and he hath already sufficiently punishment from his fault , and from the terrour you have given him . break therefore the neck of your indignation , and by forbearing to put him to death , shew that your hatred is not immortal . i shall passe for a hero , and my glory will not be below that of the half-gods of antiquity , if i prevail upon your desire ; and upon your spirit , which hath not hitherto been overcome , and which renders your design invincible , in the resolution you have taken : but the title of magnanimous would not be due to you , if you would not suffer your self to be vanquisht by my just petition , in regard that by resisting it , you would be guilty of the death of a man , who begs your pardon , and refuses to defend himself . the world knows , my lord , that you hold it to be an heroick thing , not to be transported by your passions ; and though they may chance to assault your will , yet that judgement which governs it , will make you relish my reasons ; however i presume not to hope , to obtain the pardon i crave of you from thence , but from your vertue only , which shall ( if it please you ) give life to this unhappy man , and accumulate me with felicities , and obligations , by graciously vouchsafing to hear me . i was going on , but he suddainly interrupted me , saying , well my lord , for your sake i pardon him : bid him be wiser hereafter ; and to let you see that i do nothing to halves , ( howbeit another , after such a fault , would have endured him no more ) let him come freely hither , and welcome , and i will look upon him as i did before . according to this act of vertue ( said the count ) confirmed by another of supererogation , we may consider in this generous lord , an incomparable greatness of mind ; and judge how persons of honour are received by him , since even his very enemies themselves are welcome to him ; and if we should speak out of the mouths of all those persons of quality , who resort to his palace ( where they are treated , with more then ordinary courtesies , and civilities ) they would all testifie , that when they come from him , they are much more charm'd , and delighted with his sweetnesse , then with the highest complements they have heard made him . monsieur angelin , in the swarm of duties which the whole court pays him , hath not been invisible to the eyes of his mind , though he hath to those of his body ; for coming yesterday towards me , with his accustomed complacency , and being mindful of our friendship , he askt me for him , and shew'd that he desir'd to see him . this , sir , ( said the count to the philosopher ) ought to give you infinite satisfaction ; for it is indeed no small favour . if , when he told you , he desired to see me ( said angelin ) he did not flatter me ; and if he exprest not that desire for complacencies sake , i am much obliged to his memory , and my own good fortune ; in regard that this testimony of kindnesse towards me , is a most high honour , and happinesse to me : for i cannot imagine , but that this desire must needs proceed from that goodnesse of his , whereof we have spoken ; and you shall give me leave ( if you please ) to maintain this truth , against the good opinion he may have of me , and against my own happinesse : but i must have recourse to that good esteem he is pleased to have of me , to beseech him to believe , that i have not been wanting in my zeal , or respect towards him , but that , amongst the many cares i have , to render my self acceptable to him , there always crouds in some fear against my will , because those cares are inseparable from the fear i have to be trouble some to him : so that my respect grows to be a fault , and i make a vice of a too great vertue . but i have follow'd him in heart , all the sommer in the field , and i have waited on him often since his return ; and in a word , i would not come short in his assiduity , of the most importunate of his courtiers , nor in zeal of the most diligent of his poets , were it not out of that fear i have mentioned ; and these are the effects , of the passion i have for his service , which in regard i cannot render him in person , i erect him an altar in my heart . for my part , i confess , ( said the counsellor ) i have not yet seen him , and i shall hardly be able to justifie my want of duty towards him ; for i am too blame , for having so long delayed my complement ; and it his goodness do not temper ( as i hope it will ) the shame i have thereof , by the judgement he will vouchsafe to make , that it is rather an effect of my businesse , then a defect of my gratitude ; i shall not presume to shew my face before him , and i will shun those parts of the court where he is . i know not ( said the baron ) whether your businesse detain you so much , or no ; but sure i am , that it hinders you not from playing the gallant , nor from coming to court , yea , and very seldom keeps you from going to the plays . to speak the truth ( said the counnsellor ) besides that history animates , and encourages , and the acts of hostility upon the amphitheaters have always moved the spectators to glorious actions , i have so great an inclination to see these publick spectacles , that had i lived in the time of the old romans , i had not faln short of the most ardent lovers of the circle ; yea , and pleasure , and zeal might ( peradventure ) have made me descend to the arena ( to use the word of antiquity ) and combat the gladiators , lyons , and tygres . and this is to confess to you , that my passion suffers me not to let many plays slip ; and i swear to you , that the excellency of that new piece , set forth by the players of the hostel de bourgogne , deserves a cessation from all kinds of business , to see it acted . good sir , ( said the baron ) cure our curiosity , and tell us something of that poem , in regard we yet know nothing thereof , but by the arguments set up against the walls . to judge whether it be good or no ( said the counsellor ) it is enough for you to know the author of it , and to say , that he hath so well married reason , and addresse with niseness of conceipts , antitheses of terms , and abundance of maximes , that the long texture of rich ornaments , the solidity of judgement , the oeconomy of conduct , and the subject of the history , are in dispute , for the glory of the work. i grant you , that the author was a little crafty , in taking for his subject , the one days reign of smniramis , and in chosing a history , ( which frees him from the care of regulating his labour , in the drammatical poem ) which is , of the natural day , of four and twenty hours , since the matter it self religiously keeps him within the rules , without art , or aid . not yet , that the sublimity , and elevation of spirit which he hath , ( and which make his poetry called divine ) or the force , and extent of his judgement , had any need of this cunning to perfect the work ; but because he could not find so pompous , and splendid a matter for the stage as this , and for that he freely permitted his spirit , to incline to that which fortune favour'd most . now , to say that the beauty of the hand adds also to the verses ; and that the subtlest judgement , and the exactest ear may be deceived , by a thing which is spoken with emphasis ; the same reason may serve for plays , which the stage sets out , and makes estimable , by the stately dresses , and various changes of the scaene , which are not effectively good in the cabinet , or closet , where solitude , silence , and leasure , suffers us more punctually to examine them . but that whereof i spake to you , scorns to be reprehended ( without calumny ) by the most injurious censurers , either upon the stage , or in the closet ; for it convinces the criticks of all the ill opinion they can have of it ; it limits all their contestations , and making them desist from their former errors , forces them to submit with heart and hand , to what truth requires from their thoughts . in fine , gentlemen , this piece is the honour of the french stage , and as there never hath been , so never will there be the like of it . that is very much indeed ( said the marquesse ) but yet not all , because the company desires a hint of the story , and prays you to relate it . i will tell you , gentlemen , ( said the counsellor ) this history is taken out of bocaccuis ; and semiramis , daughter to neptune , was married to ninus , the son of belus , first king of the assyrians . this illustrious queen was not only endued with a beautiful body , but also with a magnanimous mind ; which made her take the habit , and arms of her husband ninus upon her , and command the armies , and hazzard her self in battails , whilst he lived idely , and sluggishly at home ; for boldness in dangers , ( which is very often but vanity , and fury ) was in her a natural magnanimity , which cast her upon the most evident and imminent dangers , with such ardour , and valour , as cool'd the most masculine spirits of her state. and this magnanimity it was which startled both the court , and the camp , when she hurried her self , with too much heat , and hazzard , upon a battail against the aethiopians , wherein the head of their king was the prize of her victory , and served for a trophy to honour her triumph : and this was that which made her the first who scaled the walls of a certain strong town , of great importance to her authority ; at the assault whereof , she forbad the rams to be applied to the gates , and the rest of the engins to be set on work , to have the glory of carrying it by storm , and to enter first her self , in the most perilous assault ; and this it was , which made ninus , of a petty king of the assyrians , the monarch of all asia ; and this , in fine , it was , which for reward of all the memorable services she had done his crown , made her ask leave of him , to govern the kingdom but one whole day , as the only , and absolute queen , and he to be her subject : which he granted her , upon condition that her power should end with the day , and he be king again . and this is the theme which our poet hath taken for his poem , where we may see , how this princesse new moulds her family , and distributes offices , and employments , to her creatures , who were the choice persons of the kingdom : how she gives commissions for war , and signs dispatches of state , how she grants pardons , and presides in counsels ; how she receives embassadors , and disposes her orders , in favour of whom she pleases ; how she marches like the goddesse bellona , at the head of an army , against the city of babylon , which was revolted from her ; how she calms the sedition ; exemplarily punishes the factious , and banishes the complices therein , and the assistants thereto . in this piece , in fine , our famous poet demonstrates , in the space of four and twenty hours , many functions , which a sovereign , and firmly establisht royalty may execute , during the regency , of a most puissant , and active king : and all this mingled with so many several accidents , that at one scaene ravishes the hearers mind with admiration , another sweetly recreates , and diverts it . but the intrique which sways the whole poem , by the love which ninus , and semiramis bore to a certain slave , with whom they were both blindly taken , and mistaken , ( for he was an hermaphrodite ) is the most pleasant , and agreeable thing that can be shewed upon the stage , aud was the cause of most of the revolutions of that state. for , upon the sedition of babylon ( whereof semiramis received news one morning whilst she was dressing her selfe , at one of her country-houses , from whence she went to reduce the said city to obedience , with her head but half tyr'd , and her hair half done up , and half about her ears , ( after having made an oath not to dresse her self quite , till she had quell'd the rebells , and allay'd the tumult , as indeed she did : ) upon this sedition , i say , the grounds of policy are so well deduc't , and canvast ; machiavels arguments so well debated , approv'd , and refuted in the counsel ; the best maxims of aristotle's policy , and plato's commonwealth so well appropriated by the poet , that it seems to be an epitome of the whole science of policy . you speak so well of it ( said the count ) and set it so finely forth , that it is more pleasure to hear you relate it , the it would be , perhaps , to see it acted at the hostel de bourgogne . really ( said the philosopher ) he jeers us , and i think he comes abroad on purpose to speak this canting language , thereby to give the company the pleasure of adjusting , and ranging all the parts of this comedy ( if they can all come into the subject ) and making a symmetry , of the various accidents thereof , which is as hard to do , as it is to make a justnesse , and equality of the temperament , and a harmony of all the humors of the body ; and it seems to my understanding , to be a picture , drawn ( in great part ) from his own invention , and capricio , which hath never been copy'd from the original . for to speak but of one point only , how is it possible , to find any part , even of policy , in this poem , after having shew'd us such a world of various matters as he hath endeavoured to do , in the dramaticke ? this science , is of too great a force , and extent , to be abridged , and for all whatsoever all the great masters thereof have left written , to be deduc't , and comprized therein . the counsellor was about to reply ; but the philosopher hindred him , going vehemently on thus : policy , which is a means to govern , wherein every day produces various changes in affairs ; wherein the reasons of state are so numerous , and so ambiguous , as to hold the most subtle ministers in suspense , and wherein there are so many nice , and abstract precepts , that unlesse judgement , or experience give the art to apply them , the event thereof cannot but be pernicious , or fruitless . policy , sir , ( i say ) is not to be briefly treated : for the maxims , by-ways , and practices thereof , are enough to fill many great volumes . for , it is a civil science , which composes the union of men , and we should not know how we lived , if we were not taught , that it is not only necessary for the conduct of states , but useful also in such private conversations as ours ; and that it is exercised upon sensible , and particular objects , albeit it be of a great extent , and of an eminent and spiritual origin . society is a character , which god hath printed upon man , and which nature inspires him with , as being carried towards it , by a certain instinct , or natural law , which gives him an internal motion to it , and this motion is afterwards seconded by the imitation of external things , which are the conveniencies , and commerce of this life ; the true causes of forming societies , in monarchies , aristocracies , and democracies . there are some speculative persons , who find seven forms of government ; but i know but three of them ; for the rest are mixt , and composed of these . the object of policy took its principle from particular societies , and so by degrees , in progress of time , from small ones to great ones . the first man , and the first woman , made the first society in the world ; and afterwards , their families , and posterities engrandisht it so much , that of one particular society , were made many ; and so it necessarily follow'd , that what was proper to one generation only , ( being augmented by different families ) must grow to be variously divided ; that houses , borroughs , forts , towns , and whole provinces must be built , for lodging , and habitation , and convoys appointed for the security of commerce , and that all must be deduc't in fine , into kingdoms , and common-wealths , and other forms of government , that so by the direction of one , or more , order , and policy , might be kept in communions , which were made by the world for its safety , and conservation ; and consequently , that whatsoever might prove hurtful , either to the publick , or private interest might be removed , and avoided : this order , i say , hath always been supernatural , and not of humane invention ; and howbeit it looks , as if the body acted principally therein , and that care , vigilancy , and labour , wrought most in it , yet doth it draw its origin , and derivation , from a divine source . the baron ( who was pleas'd with this discourse ) said , there is no doubt , but policy comes immediately from god , and from a motion of nature ; since even irrational creatures , without art and study , are more capable of it then we , and seem to put this science in practice , to teach us how to guide our selves , in the management of states , and in the direction of nations . for , bees are a perfect example of policy , and that policy of theirs is so well ranged , and so firmly establisht , in their swarms , ( which are their communities ) that we must absolutely conceive , that god gave them this instinct , for the instruction of our government , in regard there are , in the conduct of these creatures , so certaine maxims , and so well regulated an order . i leave it to your consideration , whether the refiners of this science , and the doctors of the cabinet , would do handsomely , to forge , and counterfeit precepts , and whether they ought not to follow the natural reasons , of those creatures , which are their authors , and which we find to be as potent , as just . it is judiciously decided , that religion is the principle , and foundation of policy , and that these states are always in disorder , and danger , in which it is not firmly settled . so that the bees ( which never go out of their hives , without first crossing their legs , and kissing them , by an instinct of religion ) shew us what we ought to do in the morning , before we undertake any business , and that we must of necessity worship god , to be able to subsist . pardon me my lord , ( said the philosopher ) if i tell you , that this seems not very probable , and that the signification of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which is footless ) confirms it not . i see sir , ( said the baron ) you are still upon the school , and etymologies ; but experience shews us , that this word is taken from apparence , and not from truth ; and if they look as if they had no feet , it is because they shrink them up , and hide them by flying ; for without them , how should they be able to sting , creep , and take such infatigable pains as they do ? they are never weary of working , and of working for us ( says the prince of poets ) rather then for themselves , by making us honey , and whatsoever else we draw from it ; to teach us , that men ought to employ themselves , for their friends , labour for their country , and bestir themselves for the good , and peace of the commonwealth ; and that they ought to be content with what they have , without siezing , or coveting what belongs to others , as they are with their hives , without trouble , or discord , and without taking , or siezing upon those of their neighbours . all politicians have found by their examples , that peace and union conserves a state ; that love and communication of goods maintains it ; that ambition and novelty destroys it ; that moderation , and continency banishes hatred , and quarrels ; that swavity , and complacency of great persons causes not envy ; that vagabonds , and idle persons give ill examples ; that seditious persons foment vice , and destruction ; that employment , and exercise makes men prompt to defend themselves ; that war makes them endure labour ; that arts are very advantagious ; that prodigality , and ryot impoverishes the subject ; that dearth of provisions , for want of conduct , makes them rebel ; and that , in fine , all states have need of persons of great experience , and authority , to govern them : and therefore , in regard the bees have a king , who sways them , and to whom they pay obedience , and submission , and who regulates all things , as we have said ; it proves , that of all politick states , monarchy is the best , and that which god gave them , and which he likes ; and which , in a word , is that which all people should do well to follow . for my part ( said the marquesse with admiration ) as i do not believe , that any thing can be better said , or more handsome things of policy , comprised in fewer words then these gentlemen have spoken ; so do i not also conceive , that any thing can be more beautiful , more ample , and more recreative , upon the stage , then the tragedy , which the counsellor hath related to us ; nor that the acutest , and most supercilius criticks can have ought to object , either against the subject , or the composition thereof . and yet i must let you know , ( said the counsellor ) that there are some , and that there was one , the other day , in my box , ( who would needs be taken for a great author , and a great poet ) who made my ears glow with pleading , and commenting , sometimes upon the subject , and the conduct ; sometimes upon the order , and dresse of the stage ; now upon the cadency of the verses , and the disposition of the actors ; then , upon the discourse , and the sequel ; very often ; upon the merit , and reputation of the author ; afterwards , upon the cloaths , and beauty of the women ; from thence , to the stateliness , or meanesse , of some of the verses ; and in fine , which way soever he directed his importunities , and censures , i still observed , that he was prickt with envy , and that he fancied not the author : insomuch , as that after i had often desired him to hold his peace , i was fain at last to enjoyn him to silence , that so i might hear the actors , and taste the pleasure of the stage . colonel hydospe , who was also with you ( said the baron ) is particularly acquainted with that poet , for they have bin often at my house together , and we will desire him to tell us who he is , that so we may be able to make a perfect descernment , or distinction of good wits , and know whether censure , and detraction be signs thereof or no. hydaspe ( catching up the word ) said : it is true indeed , that i know that person , of whom you would have me give you my opinion ; but it is extreamly against my humor , to judge of men ; and i shall hardly be able to satisfie you in this occasion . for howbeit you may tell me , that i my self passe through the common judgement of men , and that i may fall into the snares of calumny , ( which traduces , and blemishes the best actions ) i am content to suffer this touch , and can hardly get leave of my self , to retalia●e it ; and though i humbly submit my self to the whole world , yet will i not freely speak what i think of it . but monsieur angelin , who is a competent judge of these things , and who hath a good faculty to discern wits , will give you better satisfaction thereupon , then i can , as having more light , and being more particularly acquainted with the person . to which the philosopher replied thus . man being ( according to some of aristotle's disciples ) a little world ; and ( according to some other of a different sect ) the picture of the whole universe ; it would be needful to have most a lively , yea , and even a supernatural intellect , and to be extraordinarily skilful in portraiture , to discover the defects of so fair a piece , and to be able to speak worthily of the bold , and gentle stroaks , whereby it is made perfect ; which is above my knowledge : and yet howsoever , in regard i receive your desires as commandments , i cannot forbear to obey you , and humbly endeavour , to the utmost of my simple , and common sense , to acquit my self the best i can , if not so well as i ought . i tell you therefore , that i find nothing extraordinary in the person ; but on the other side , i take him for a very great dunse , in whom all the rules of logomancy , and chyromancy are false . do not laugh at these words ; for i expresse them literally , because , ( to satisfie my curiosity ) i have examined him , and lookt very strictly into his particular conversation ; and according to my small understanding , i find him weak in his grounds , and arguments , and of a low and creeping style . all he hath , are some affected words which he hath studied , and which he ordinarily uses ; and this gives him a kind of glosse , and makes him seem to be a gallant man. this is my opinion , touching his discourses , and his entertainments . now , as for his pen , and his writings , ( some whereof i have seen ) i have observed nothing in them , but a masse of mean conceits , collected out of various authors , which he appropriates to himself as his own ; and in a word , his works , ( the babes of his wit ) are like the son of noe , who discovered the shameful parts of his father ; and are only different in this , that he laught himself , and they make others laugh . philonenes was condemned to the mimes , for making good verses ; and plato was sold for a slave in egina , for making good prose : but our blade needs not fear banishment ; for his writings will never make him envied , either by prince , or people ; and yet i must confess to them of his faction , that he hath some rarities ; i mean , that good conceits are rare in his mouth , and good actions in his hand . if they will needs have it , that he hath a courtiers wit , i confirm it ; for indeed , it never reaches beyond the present object , and is so far from the accumulation of variety of matters , that it is hardly able to manage , and maintain a common discourse . in fine , he is very much like them , who have been at the university , and cannot speak latin ; and i believe , he hath been these ten years at paris , without seeing the court , or the university . i am sure , you will pardon me , if i tell you , that the ablest man in the world could not find in him , what i have sought in vain ; i mean subtility of spirit , which is the source of good operations , and whereof you have ( peradventure ) observed some tincture by his ability to find fault . his wit is like the river of eridanus , and the philosophers stone , which are both hard to be found , and which have scarce any being , but in mens phancy . his learning will never raise him above the vulgar ; and had he lived in the time of crates , he would infallibly have left him a legacy ; for this misers humour was , to distribute his goods amongst the ignorant ; yea , and that so far , as to deprive his own children of any part thereof , if they were witty , and learned . now to speak otherwise then i do of this person , would be to deceive you ; and to prove the truth thereof , himself will give you a sufficient testimony , whensoever you shall think it fit to enjoy his sottish conversation ; for you may judge of the lion by his claw , and you will think him happy , to have been born heretofore , since now a days there are no such noddies gotten . thus you see the influence you have upon me , and that i am yours usque ad aras , since for your sakes , i have broken the oath i had made , never to speak to any bodies prejudice . a poet would with good reason be afraid of those furies , which they of that profession call eumenides , and which inflict cruel punishments upon perjuries ; and so a person more religious then i am , would give the title of sin , to that which i call duty : but perfect friendship hath no bounds , and i might more justly be term'd a lover then a friend , for slighting ( as i do ) the oath i had made . i swear to you ( said the baron ) that it is as hard to make a sound distinction of some wits , which we sometimes hear discourse , and which seem to be indifferently good , as it is to defend ones self against their persecutions and impertinencies ; and especially , when they circumvent you , and constantly importune you with their far fetcht arguments , and their affected nicities of the times : for you would say , if you heard them , that all the talk must be for them ; that it were felony to interrupt them ; that no body but they knows how to argue ; and that nothing can be said , which can escape their censure : but this is the common way , for the ignorant to shew their ability , and their sottish vanity ; as we see it to be an ordinary thing in disputes , and controversies , for fundamental reasons to prop error . i was much taken ( said the counsellor ) with this out side poet , by the studied , and captious entertainments , wherewith he murthered me before the play began : but now i am not only unbeguiled by the relation of this talent , but much more enlightned also by the truth which results from the solid judgement , of a person who hath lively notions , then by the false esteem , and general applause of the vulgar . i take one for all ; and i confesse to you , that the good office this gentleman hath done us , makes me find , that censure is the true mark of ignorance , and that to be a critick , and a varlet , is the same thing . how many of these gulls , and formal cockscombs are there , who follow the court , and are harbour'd there , said the marquesse ? for i know many kinds of them ; some whereof , act by a principle of vanity , and presumption , and do all they do out of design , and vain-glory . they pretend to be states men , and gallants , & make a mystery of all things , and by a certain counterfeit , and studied glibnesse of tongue , labour to be held eloquent , and passe for great men . others dispose of themselves by interest , and insinuate with the grandees , to be protected by them , that so they may exact upon players , and book-sellers , and get a belly full , free cost . all these people ( said the baron ) make the high point of eloquence consist in the politenesse , and nicenesse of speaking a la mode , and in certain new , and unheard of words which they affect , to expresse themselves ( as they think ) wittily , and seem eloquent by extravagancies ; and instead of keeping themselves within the usual terms , and within the bounds and decency of our language , they study strange expressions , and comment upon the latin , and other tongues ; and the worst of it is , that men do not only imitate them , but esteem them for it ; as a new fashion'd sute gets a taylor reputation ; or as new shows , or new jugglers , make the people flock together . truly , ( said the count ) if to speak , or write well , we must follow the maxims of novelty , which these pretended fine speakers practice , by verbalizing the nouns , and nounnizing the verbs ; i find it to be too hard a law , and disapprove of it as tyrannical , and insupportable . for all sciences are grounded upon natural sense ; every nation sets them out plainly and purely , in its ordinary language ; and none but the french , seek new , and uselesse beautifications , and embellishments , which will cause them to be despised in another age , and serve for no ornament at all in this . and what can they hope to gain by this levity of theirs , but the vain applause , and vogue of the people , and the contempt of prudent persons ? the worst i see in this abuse is , that not only novelties alone pass for politenesse , and quaintnesse , but besides , that whatsoever comes out of the country is neglected and slighted ; that all , which comes not from court , is base , and barbarous ; and that out of the reach thereof , it is impossible to be capable of any thing ; as if , forsooth , those gallants , who take upon them to be the legislators of well speaking , had a just jurisdiction , to impose lawes upon words , and to carve them into fashions . if the country gentlemen , and they who are obliged to make publique speeches , were forc't to come five hundred miles , to learn the new fashion'd speech , and to procure a new book , which is not often worth a rush in it self , and is not esteemed neither , but for its new form of speaking : if i say these poor gentlemen should be bound for the purchase of eloquence , to make as many journeys , as there are broacht new words and expressions , the high-ways to paris would be more frequented , then the pont * neuf , and by this concourse , the court would be as populous as the kingdom . besides , that it were a great unhappinesse for them , if , because they are not courtiers , they should not be suffered to utter their thoughts , and if they should be accused of not knowing how to speak french , because they amuse not themselves , with these foolish affections , which our sparks call the politenesse , and quaintnesse of the times , choice words , handsomenesse of discourse , and speech a la mode . the counsellor ( to confirm what the count had said in favour of the country gentlemen ) spake thus . i am apt to conceive ( if i be not mistaken ) that the art of well speaking , consists not in the perfect knowledge of our language alone : for if so , they who are at paris , or neer any of them who follow the court , would have the advantage ; and thence it would follow , that the birth of a lackay , would be better then the wit of a gentleman . but it is much more honourable for the country gentlemen to learn ( as they do ) the property of the language of themselves , then to receive it from their nurses ; and they had rather have any fault of the country seen in their style , then the least defect of judgement in their discourses : for thereby it may be perceived , that they hold of themselves , and not from their birth , whatsoever elegancy they have , and that reason ought to be more valued then the quaintness of expressions . and for the strengthning of my argument , i conclude in their behalf , that judgement , and science , are to be preferr'd before the politenesse of the court , and that those discourses which are made according to the rules of art , and are supported by reason , are better then all the modes in france . that in your opinon , sir , ( replied the marquesse ) but you will not have many on your side therein , in regard there be many arguments to oppose it . we know very well , both court and country ; and certain it is , that the later is furnisht with witty , valiant , and vertuous persons ; but they are still to seek of the true tincture of eloquence , and have much a do , to get accomplisht orators ; for nature gives the first qualities thereof , art produces , and perfects the rest , and this art ( which is not exactly known , but where we are ) is partly founded upon the language of the times . all those authors who are esteem'd and celebrated at court , and who passe for the prime wits of this age , were but poor poets , and very mean orators , at their first coming thither ; but now , by the influence , and communication of this sweet air which we breath , they are held to be great persons , and extraordinary men . whatsoever you say , in behalf of the court , ( said the counsellor ) you will still grant me , that the perfection of eloquence consists not in those fopperies , which are ordinarily used , and which men strive to innovate dayly here ; for it depends upon certain qualities of conceits , and words , and upon the collection thereof with dexterity , and judgement . that it is requisite , to have such qualities , as all who are styled orators have not , and that eloquence is an art , which relies as much upon conduct , as upon nature , is not to be doubted ; for learning and study , are ( in part ) the rules , and precepts of it ; quite different from poetry , wherein nature acts more then art , by the help , strength , and motion she gives the poet , to make use of his talent , and wherein ( saith the prince of eloquence , he is inspired with a divine spirit . but for my part , i find study , and labour absolutely necessary , to make a compleat orator , and that they must both be applied to the true ways , and not to the novelty of fashions , and fancies : and therefore he must take care , to have the terms of his discourse solid , expressive , and usual with persons of honour ; and not strange , extravagant , and vulgar ; and his periods round , and as short as conveniently they can be , without obscurity . his style must be florid ; and enrisht with figures , and not only with such as serve for ornament , but with such also , as are good to animate , corroborate , and perswade . it is likewise very important , that the whole body of a discourse , be replenisht with acute , and sound conceits , and that the inventions be amplified , according to the rules of art , and not according to the capricio of the orator ; and in fine , that a speech be compos'd ( to use the proper terms ) of all the parts of speech , and that these parts be proportion'd to their quality , and quantity . since we are upon the businesse of new words , ( said hydaspe ) what conditions ought words to have , to be fit for all good discourses , and how must they be handsomely chosen , to the end that we may not be left in confusion , about choosing such as are perspicuous , and splendid , and shunning those which are so dark , and ambiguous , that they cannot be comprehended ? you know better then i ( answered the counsellor ) and if i have presum'd to dogmatize ( with leave for this word ) it was only to disapprove of the hard law , which the inventers of new words would fain impose upon us , and suppress that abuse , which begins to slip in , and take root amongst us . to make a happy speech , the orator must choose his words on purpose , and they must be significant , singular , proper , and conform both to custome , and to the matter he handles ; that is to say , if the matter be serious , and grave , the words must be magnificent , and pompous ; if vulgar , simple , and plain ; if pleasant , and delicious , sweet , and flourishing : for by significant terms , we expresse our selves neatly , and cleerly ; and choice and proper words , add grace , and charity to a discourse . he who intends to speak well , must never utter any mean and vulgar phrases , however they may sometimes be permitted , and tolerated ; and yet still , he must speak according to custome ; for such words as are not in use , make a speech ridiculous , and pedantick ; as the want of choice terms , and such as are suitable to the subject we undertake , insteed of making the matter intelligible , renders it aenigmatical , and barbarous . the old authors ( said the marquesse ) never spake so worthily as you do , of this art ; and though you have discourst of the perfection of eloquence , and of the conditions necessary for words , yet shall not that serve your turn ; for you shall come , if you please , to style in general , and to the other parts of an orator , since you acquit your self thereof so pertinently , and vigorously . i perceive gentlemen ( said the counsellor ) that i am insensibly engaged ; but though i should reap nothing , but shame , wearinesse , and vexation , by not giving you satisfaction , ( without prefuming to teach my masters , who have already both natural and artificial eloquence , in a far larger measure then my self ) i will proceed at randome . conceits , are the soul of reason , and they reign imperiously amongst many , and various matters ; they shine brightly through the masse of their own beauties ; they captivate the most severe , and obstinate spirits , and having charm'd them with their force , and subtility , they dispose of them at their pleasure . now those conceits , which have fo much power , and efficacy to act , are of two sorts : the one are proper , and necessary , for the intelligence of matters ; and the other serve to adorn , and illuminate a discourse ; and as the former are fram'd , by the definition , description , or denumeration of parts , proprieties , and accidents , and by the sequel of such reasons as are fit to prove the subject ; so are the later produc't , by many parts , which serve for a mavailous ornament thereto , and which i should be infinitely glad , to be able to deduce , and demonstrate to you . it is an ordinary trick of orators , who study to sooth , and gull the world with captious artifices , to make often use of fables , in pleasant matters ; and in grave ones , of sentences , which are as the precious stones , to make their designs perspicuous : for they judiciously apply the good authorities they have taken , from the most laudible persons of all times , and sometimes craftily usurp them , and make them their own , without alledging the author , the book , or the terms ; and they prudently place , in the weakest parts of their speech , certain hieroglificks , and emblems , ( which are the images authoriz'd by the ancients , to awaken , and stir up , by the dresse and subtilty of the secret , ( which makes the mystery , and the embellishment ) the eyes , and ears of the hearers to the matter , and their minds to curiosity . it is also their way , to cite certain proverbs , which very much grace a discourse ; but this they do but seldome , in regard they are common ; as they also forbear to propose examples , unlesse they be pickt out amongst such as are least known , and most illustrious . as for comparisons , they take such as are single , such as are composed of those , which compare one thing to another , in one point only ; and of those also , which are multiplied , and look upon various objects : for in regard that they are often fain to make use of them , they shun the poor and lame ones , and cull out the rich and sound ones , which are indeed of as great force as examples , to move , and animate powerfully . there is no doubt , but naked thoughts are much weaker , then such as are arm'd with the assistance which i have now deduc't ; and it were to make them contemptible , to expose them unsupported , and without those props , which serve them both for ornament , strength , and clarity . the count perceiving him break off his discourse there , said , this is as touching the conditions of words , and the qualities of conceits ; but the ways to distribute , and dispense them , are difficult , and unknown to many persons : for it is not enough to have materials to build , but we must also have an architect , and a design , and carry things on according to the regular , and geometrical ground-plate of fabricks : and so we must likewise know , how to range , and order that which you have now said , and to reduce the matters , into that which you call style . to this the counsellor replied , to entertain you with what you desire , it had been good to let you know , that in the practice thereof , imperceptible transitions are some of the finest secrets ; that is , to passe in a discourse , from one matter to another ; and i should have slid insensibly upon it , to shew you the way of it , and to tell you , that mens thoughts are no lesse various , and different , then their persons ; that they make divers impressions upon their minds ; that they never discover themselves without alteration , and are never exprest with the same purity , wherewith they are received . the same thing holds also in style : for every orator , speaks after his own fashion ; and they differ as much as the subjects , and matters whereof they treat ; and the manner , or method they hold in collecting their words , ( which is the proper definition of style ) is as particular , and peculiar to every orator , as the ways of several painters are in their works . it was very judiciously , and advantagiously observed by demosthenes , and quinctilianus , ( who were ancient school-men , and great masters , of rhetorick ) that there are three kinds of style : namely , the plain one , which is without ornament , and artifice , and which cleerly expresses things , by common discourses : the ordinary , or midle one , which is more extended then the first , and enricht with points , and figures , but which hath very little vigor , and life in it : and the third , which is excellent , hath the qualities of both the other , and is animated besides , with force , pomp , violence , and all the maxims of art . now the excellency of this high style , depends upon the heat wherewith it ought to be enlivened , by the figures which are proper to the notions , and by certain acute , sublime , and cleer points , which captivate the mind . and really , sweetnesse , and smoothnesse of style , is almost always necessary , to procure an indulgent hearing , and to win empire over souls ; as it also is , to have the periods just , and of a measure conform to the subject ; besides , that the tie , or connexion of the words , must not be any way harsh to the ear , or to the tongue , but agreeable , and harmonious . moreover , they who are to speak to stubborn , and obstinate spirits , and endeavour to vanquish , and reduce them by force of argument , use an eloquent , and imperious style , and assemble certain grave , and magnificent terms , with an order far above the common way of speaking ; for they dresse , enrich , and fortifie their style , with points , sentences , and violence of figures ; and to exercise this violence , the prince of eloquence says , that we must have pressing reasons , and puissant figures , and that the orator ought to be possest with the same passion , to which he perswades his hearer , to quicken him , prevail upon him , and obtain his desire of him . i wonder ( said the marquesse ) that one of the most famous authors of the times should be censur'd , howbeit he observed all the precepts which you have recited , and that his style have purchast a general applause . it is true ( said the counsellor ) that many have written against his manner of speaking , and that his style hath been attempted to be supprest ; and yet you see , that he leaves not to flourish ; that his works are still in great vogue , ( as having been several times printed ) and that the truth of his merit remains victorious over censure . he would do ill to complain ( said the baron ) of the persecution of his enemies , because it is partly by them , that he reigns amongst the wits , and holds most of his glory from them : for envy never acts strongly , but against unparalell'd vertue ; and if they have sought reputation , by censuring his writings , which attract the hearts , and admiration of all men , he hath done an heroical action , by despising their attempt , in regard he could acquire no subject of triumph , by combating their weaknesse . for such conjurations are more favourable then hurtful , in regard of the lustre they confer upon vertue , and for that mean spirits are never made objects of aemulation . and how many authors to purchase esteem ; would be glad to be thus unfortunate , and to have philarks to encounter as he hath had ? but all are not ciceros , or ovids , to merit enemies , and aemulators . it is strange , that a fryer , or the rector of a colledge , who hath but the theory of the art of well speaking , and hath not so much as suckt the air of true elegancy , should presume to enter the list with him who hath establisht it , who , ( like another crisiphonte ) is not lesse sedulous in the study of philosophy , then in the practice of the liberal sciences ; and who , being the christophero columbo of our france , hath open'd us the treasures of eloquence , and clearly won the palm in that field ; and therefore philarok did undoubtedly better , to make a safe , though shameful retreat , then to contest any longer . in matter of war , the same and reputation of conquerers makes them more glorious , then the shares they have in enterprizes ; and so in order to books , some presumtuous writers , insteed of conserving the little repute they have gotten , do ordinarily lose themselves , by undertaking to correct the works of others : and this passes in the knowledge of the weaker judgements , for the difference there is , between the force , and fertility of the wit , of the author of whom we speak , and the sterility of that of his antagonist ; between the height and statelinesse of that of the one , and the lownesse , and meanesse of that of the other ; between the property of speech of the former , and the pedantry of the later ; for in short , take the later out of the school , and you strike him quite dumb ; and really , all the honour he hath gotten , consists in the indignation of the whole world , which he hath purchast to himself : nor is his fault to be pardon'd at all , as not being able so much as to imitate our author , after ten years study ; and yet as worthy as this pedant hath been , of a just rebuke , the gentleman hath never defended himself against his presumption , with any other weapons , then those of the vertue of silence : and as narses , that great , and victorious captain , subdued the goths , conquer'd the bactres , and subjugated the germans , more by patience then by force ; just so hath he vanquisht his adversary ; who perceiving that there was nothing to be gotten , by attempting his constancy , at length grew weary of the field , and defeated himfelf ; whereby the silence of the persecuted is become perfectly victorious , and hath given him as great an advantage over the persecutor , as he hath by the excellency of his works . a spirit , when it is prickt , and exasperated by passion , produces still more , and dictates better things , then when it is not : and therefore , had this gentleman been subject to revenge , having shewn us such wonders in quiet , and tranquillity , what could we have expected , but divine answers from him ? but as it was not sufficient for the legislators of the greeks , only to understand philosophy , but also to put it in practice ; so was it also his pleasure , to profess the precepts of the stoicks , and particularly that of taming his passions , and utterly extingnishing them , before he would prescribe us any laws , in the art of well speaking . the obligations which france hath to him , render her incapable of acknowledgement , and the thanks we owe his pen , are much greater , then the satisfaction which we should be able to receive , from the testimonies of our duties . let him go boldly on , to purchase the benedictions of the kingdom , ( since he cannot be paid with other coyn ) and by the productions of new works , furnish the rest of the world with matter , both for envy , and admiration ; for without being any thing lesle then a barbarian , no man can henceforward endeavour to blemish a wit , which makes our language flourish so much as he hath done ; and i shall always hold my self a good french-man , as long as i shall be of this opinion . if this apology ( said the philosopher ) had been made , and publsht , whilst philark was alive , it would certainly have made his pen fall out of his hand , and his persecution would not have lasted so long . you may also say ( said the marquesse ) that in that case , the counsellor would have been likewise censured , as well as he whom he defends , and must certainly have made one in that great quarrel . i would challenge my self , ( said the baron ) in regard that the laws of fighting oblige us to serve not only our friends , but also all such as employ us , without exception ; yea , and that even without being employ'd , we ought to fight with any such as engage us in the field . but i am also confident , that i should have had the advantage on my side , in regard of the justice of the cause , which i should have maintain'd ; and that , having many reasons to protect a docil spirit , which fought with patience , the victory would surely have been mine , and all the world have declared for us . as to the point of the reasons ( said the colonel ) by undertaking this apology , wherewith you have entertain'd us , the counsellor hath left the reasons , and figures of the art of oratory , which he had begun to shew us . i am returning thither , ( said the counsellor ) and cicero had just cause to desire ( as i told you ) that the orator be possest with the same passion , to which he endeavours to perswade his hearers , if he mean to act with efficacy ; and to establish in good rhetorick , that strong reasons , and pressing figures are necessary for him to animate : for they are in effect , the most powerful reasons of an orator , to keep him from being beblinded , by any other nice part of his discourse , and from being inebriated , with the vapor , of the good opinion he hath , of what he intends to perswade , and of the justice of his design : and if the force of his figures , and the violence of his reasons , ( which are the strongest ways to convince ) do not transport him , he will never obtain what he aims at , but will certainly find in mens minds , many difficulties , and much resistance for him to overcome . for howbeit , rational souls seem to be invincible to reason , because they are fortified therewith , and because that was the first object of their creation ; yet do we find , that reason is their most susseptible , or obnoxious part , and that such thoughts as are founded thereon , and such discourses as are compos'd by ratiocination , captivate them with ease and facility . but it is to be wisht , that those reasons may have many conditions , and that they may be well follow'd : for it is indeed a shame , that there should be laws against such as break the images of princes , and such as conterfeit money , and yet that we should suffer falsity in rational discourses ; yea , and that even those persons , who passe for the most just , and reasonable , should surprize , and gull the people , with sophisms , paradoxes , and false apparences of reason . now , for the avoiding of these surprizes , and for the strict examination of such reasons as are not ordinary , we must observe , whether they be certain , or at least probable , and proportionate to the motions we mean to raise , in the affections ; and to excite the motions with successe , the orator must urge such reasons as are easie to be understood , well deduc't , not hard to be explicated , animated with figures , and not over numerous , ( for then one spoils the effect of another ) and above all , he must take heed , least , though he expresse them with artifice , there appear neverthelesse some natural plainesse , ( for the later must be visible , and the other invisible ) in regard that if it be never so little discovered , it forthwith produces a contrary effect . if the orator will observe all which i have said , in his style , and if the reasons which he means to propose , be sustained with such props as are necessary ; there is no doubt , but he will charm with his eloquence , and acquire with his sweetnesse , and ( when he lists ) with affect or strain , those motions he intends to exact from the hearer . all this is highly delightful ( said the philosopher ) to know , if a man , who will needs seem to be a great speaker , be effectively eloquent or no ; and to prove that the high point of eloquence consists not in the inventing , and coyning of words ; but in the practice of men of honour , in conditions requisite , both for reasons , and conceits , in the accommodation of the style , and in the decisive perfection of the orator . but now we must examine the way we are held , to make a distinction of wits in general , and what apparent signs we may observe , to judge effectively , whether they be good , or bad : for the manner of life of the stoicks , made them easie to be known , and their reputation was either good , or bad , in despight of all their moderation of spirit ; and however their retreats were close , their discourses private , and that they forbore to publish their philosophy ; yet left they not to post through the judements of men , because they were fain to speak , and could not live without expressing themselves , and without being understood . speak , that i may know thee , said a certain wise man ; and the divine oracle hath left us for a precept , that we shall know men by their works . a dead body is always incognizable , not only because it is ordinarily changed , but because it neither speaks , nor acts ; and for that the qualities of its soul , which we should know , are departed with her , and have left nothing but a trunk , and a lump without motion . an idle man is miserable , and wicked , because he renders his spirit dull , and his body heavy , and sluggish , and because also he leads a lazy life , and purchases the hatred of god and man , and for that , in fine , he makes not himself known what he is : and howbeit an emperor of rome endeavoured to excuse his lazinesse , by saying , that every one must render an account of what he shall have done , and not of what he shall not have done , a person who moves not , is incapable of doing evil ; yet did he stain the lustre of the roman empire by his sloth , and a gap of infamy to his history , which could not be stopt by his actions , because thereby he never afforded any matter for it . so that it is necessary , either to see the man , or to see his works , to judge what he is ; and we must make use of this art , to observe the interior of all the countenances he shews . action indeed ( said the count ) facilitates knowledge ; but it is also true , that we might find other means , if the science of complexions were infallible , and evident , in frequentation ; and there is no doubt , but it would be easie , to make a perfect judgement of spirits , since they are not , but by the organs , and that bodies have no functions , but are meerly subject to the humors which govern them . you make me take notice ( said the philosopher ) of a certain form of trying , and knowing men , which i find easie , and as it were indubitable ; and it is , that when we see a person of a cold , and moist complexion , we may judge , that he hath a good memory ; and that if he have never so little learning , or reading , he must needs have his mind full of the juyce , and marrow of good books ; and consequently , that he hath good foundations , and may passe for an able man ; and of this we have an example in herodotus , upon the subject of the amazons ( whose sex participates most of the cold , and moist ) that being allied to men of forreign countrys , they sooner learnt the language of their husbands , then their very husbands themselves , and changed their speech as often as their country , whensoever their various expeditions of war required it . so that we may say , that a man of that complexion , may be a good positive divine , a good cosmographer , a good arithmetician , a good linguist , a good lawyer , a good grammarian , and a good historian ; all which are the sciences , and arts , which are acquired by the memory . if flegm , and melancholy predominate in a man , and if he have drought , and coldnesse in equal proportion , we may draw an infallible consequence , that he hath a strong imagination ; and that by his inclination , he may be capable of eloquence , poetry , musick , and of all the arts and sciences , which consist in figures , and correspondencies , in harmonies , and proportions , provided that he have practised , and applied himself to them . on the other side , when a man of a cholerick , and dry complexion , and that the blood , by an agreeable conjunction , hath an equal dominion between dry and moist ; it is not to be doubted , but that nature hath drain'd her forces , been prodigal of her favours , and form'd this excellent temperament , of her purest substance : and we may conclude , that such a man hath a good judgement , and brisk , and pleasant humor ; that he may be a good school divine , a good natural , or moral philosopher , a good lawyer , a good companion , a good drol , a good courtier of ladies , and according to that , good at all other operations of the mind , and functions of the body . but sir , ( said the marquesse ) if spirits , may be better known by their actions , then by the complexion , ( because you have said , that they are the inevitable marks of them , and that you mean to draw the conclusions thereof , from what they act ; ) what say you of a man , who practices physick , and the mathematicks ; and of another , who practices policy , wars , and civil conversations ; and of a third , who is a good limner , and a good engyneer ? as i have said ( answered the philosopher ) that , by the knowledge of the complexion , we may discern spirits ; & so , according to the drift of their inclinations ( since things are dependent , and reflective upon one another ) we may know that a limner , a poet , a mathematician , an astrologer , a politician , a captain , or an orator , have a difference of imagination , very contrary to the understanding , & memory ; that they can never be good grammarians , good school-divines , good logicians , good physitians , or good lawyers ; and that they who are subtle , and crafty , and have a forwardnesse , and quicknesse of wit , are fit to be courtiers , negotiators , and merchants ; but that they are not capable of learning , and that there are no spirits more contrary , and repugnant to sciences then these . it will not be so difficult , to judge of the understanding by its effects , and of the ignorance of the vulgar , who perswade themselves , that a man is wise , and prudent , if he be eloquent , historical , and romantick ; if he be a good mathematician , and a poet ; which are things directly belonging to the imagination , and memory , and not to the judgement , which is the seat of prudence , and the just guide of the soul , and reason . and they have different opinions , concerning these matters of judgement ; whereas they ought to refer themselves to the learned , and know that the works of the understanding , give this power of the soul , the faculty to distinguish , to infer , to judge , to argue , and to elect ; and that such doubts as are in it , arise from accidents ; but that we answer them by distinctions , because thence we draw the consequences ; which if they do not satisfie the mind , we still contest , till it be appeased by reasons , and till the judgement be satisfied . if the athenians had had this doctrine , they would not have wondred , to see so wise a man as socrates , not know how to speak , and discourse ; nor should we at present find so much obscurity , and roughnesse of style , in the works of aristotle , plato , and hypocrates . from hence we must conclude , that whosoever will have the knowledge of a good judgement , a happy memory , and a strong imagination , must draw it from the effects thereof ; and that in the practice of the arts , and sciences proposed , the issue demonstrates , whether they who exercise them , be capable of them or no , and whether they applied themselves to them by natural inclination , or by hard labour . all this is not sufficient , said the colonel ; for i remember another favourable maxim , which i have experimented in my travels , to distinguish inclinations , and know mens spirits perfectly , by their complexions ; which is , by the origin of their birth ; by the science , of the various humors of nations , and by the consideration of the climates . galen was the first who well practiced this way , in the enquire he makes , of the temperature , of the region where a man is born , or where he dwells , when he means to judge of the phisiognomy , and know the spirit : and he says very well , when he says , that the northern people have no unfaithful memory , and that they want judgement ; that there never was but one philosopher , in all scythia ; & that in athens , they were all philosophers ; and they who are neer the sun , are cunning , prudent , and subtle . i ask the reason of this , as aristotle doth in his problems , said the philosopher ? that you may know in his book , answered the colonel . as for me , i believe , that they of cold countrys , have spirits like drunkards , and cannot discern the nature of things , in regard that the great coldnesse of the region reverberates the natural heat inwards , and makes the moisture of their brains , and other parts , exceed the drought , and heat , which are the qualities of the understanding : in such sort , as that they have but the imagination , and the memory ; and their spirit is like an image of wax , which may be moulded , and unmoulded at pleasure , as not being provided with addresse , subtility , vigor , ratiocination , or any other judicious faculty . that power of the soul therefore ( said the baron ) which ought to have the supremacy , is never found in them : and if they be bestial , inconstant , and fickle , the reason thereof is , in my opinion , that the moon , which immediately presides over watry , and humid bodies , predominates over the people of these regions , and casts upon them the influence , of the qualities she possesses : which we find true , in women who , for their humidity , participate also of this star , and we see by experience , that they have much of its levity , and inconstance in them . moreover we may observe it in lobsters , and other shell-fishes , which at the full of the moon , are full of meat , and at the wain have nothing but water in them . from this argument , ( said hydaspe ) and from the knowledge of the affricans , or scythians , ( howbeit we converse but little with them ) we may draw a judgement , of the people of this kingdom , who are neerer , or farther from the sun , and affirm , that they can , or cannot be capable , of such and such things : but in order hereto , their presence helps much , and makes us know them , by their stature , by their hair , and by the colour , of their faces ; and by these things , we may judge of their spirits ; nor is it very difficult to guesse , that a man , who is big , white , or flaxen , is moist , and that this moisture hath dilatated his members , whitned his skin , guilded his hair , given him a happy memory to retain things , and a strong imagination to construe specieses , and set on work many inventions . on the other side , not to believe , that a man of a little , and low pitch , grows to be so by the force of heat , would be to deny the rarification of the pores , caused by heat ; and that the sun doth not black the hair , and tan the face ; which would be , not to admit any such heat in his beams , as in his nature , and go against philosophy , physick , and reason . it is therefore true , that a little , and black man is ordinarily hot , and consequently of great judgement ; that he hath a good wit to argue , dispute , and resolve , and that he can act with force , and vigour , upon the most sharp , and subtle matters . thus you see gentlemen ( said the philosopher ) that the distinction of spirits may be made by discourse , by works , by complexions , by birth , by habitation , by stature , by hair , and by the colour of the face . but i find another more efficacious , and more important way , which is phisiognomy . that is comprised ( said the marquesse ) in the colour of the face ; and the qualities of the body whereof we have spoken , compose the greatest part thereof . we have indeed said something , ( replied angelin ) but it was but weakly , and skanningly ; and these reasons will not win the game , if you add not , that phisiognomy , which is the miror , and rule of nature , shews us the inclinations , and conditions of men , by all those things together , and not by the retail , which we perceive upon the out side of their bodies , and upon their faces . i will not incumber my self in the diversity of subjects , which are to be considered by this rule , and make a disquisition after that of the stars , the planets , and of climats ; for we are upon the discernment of men , without any other pattern , then that of bodies ; and i pretend to know them distinctly , by phisiognomy in general ; which is easie to do , by the scope thereof ; that is , to judge of the inclinations , propensions , and drifts of their spirits , and by the subject ( which is man himself ) guiding our selves by such motions , and inclinations , as are purely natural . from whence we must infer , that albeit the soul be spiritual , immaterial , and indivisible , she yet follows the affections , and dispositions of the body , and depends , in some sort , upon them , in her operations ; not yet , as the cause , but as the instrument , and organ . if god hath reason to require an account of graces unprofitably received , when superfluities cause diseases in the body , when it is transported with choler , and infatuated with debauchery , and when so many other irregular motions alter , and change the good operations which it ought to exercise : if , i say , the soul makes ill use of her organs , and must yield an account of her actions to god , we may well know , that she follows the dispositions of the body , which perverts , and insnares her . that by the body , we are enabled to know the strength , or weaknesse , of the mind ; and that as often , and as much , as the body , which is her instrument , changes , and varies its inclinations ; so often , and so much must the soul necessarily change , and vary her operations . by this you may see , that if the mark of the phisiognomy appears upon the outside of the body , and upon the face , we may draw from thence , the knowledge of the interiour motions ; however philosophy , by good habits , do sometimes change , and reduce them to reason . zophirus , who was the greatest phisiognomist of antiquity , after having considered the air of socrates , and alcibiades , knew , that their natural signs inclin'd them , the one to drunkennesse , and dulnesse , and the other to loosnesse , and leachery ; but he perceived also at the same time , certain counter-signs to these defects , and that vertue had gotten the uper hand , of the inclinations of these great men , and vanquisht their ill natures . now the same author says , that the phisiognomy , and the principal marks thereof , are in the eye-broughs , in the forehead , upon the brest , upon the shoulders , upon the navel , and generally in all parts of the body . let this ancient author say what he will , ( said the count ) my opinion still is , ( and none can doubt it ) that the eyes are the fairest , and clearest part , of this science ; in regard they are the image of the soul , and the windows of the heart ; or diaphanous , and transparent bodies , through which we may clearly see the most secret thoughts ; and in fine , they are the indexes of manners , and the true testimonies of the mind . aristotle was taught by plato , that one may see evidently in a mans eyes , whether he be patient , or passionate ; hateful , or envious ; merry , or sad ; chaste , or leacherous ; stupid , or subtle ; giddy , or judicious ; and in fine , that all the passions of the soul may be manifestly seen , in these looking-glasses . for , when we see the eyes red , and fiery , it suffices to signifie a great excess of choler ; and consequently that he who hath it , is touchy , and pettish , and furious , upon the least occasion ; and the spartling , and vigorous brightnesse , which shines in a puissant , and ardent eye , ( which hath as it were something of the nature of fire in it ; ) ( that is , that it hath store of spartling glances , or spirits ) indicates much concupiscence , impetuosity , boldnesse , temerity , and insolence . but what will you say , of those dull and heavy eyes , which seem to be always half asleep , and not to have confidence enough to look upon others , for fear of seeing themselves in them ? as timidity , fear , and faint-heartedness have their essential signs , in these parts of the body , ( and principally , because they are of a most noble substance , and very sensible , and delicate ) so may we also gather from thence , that such persons as hang down their eyes , are fearful , bashful , unsettled , and melancholy . the sanguine complexion is the most easie of all , to be known ; and the grace which we observe , in a cheerful , and smiling eye , is not only an apparence , but a certain , and indubitable effect . we may often perceive some certain souls to laugh inwardly , as conceiving themselves to be very well hidden : but though they be able to hold their mouths , and the other parts of their faces , yet do their eyes declare the tranquillity of their minds , the candour of their souls , and that briskness of humor , which is covered by modesty ; for the knowledge of the eyes hath not the power to impose any passions , but to discover ( by the senses , and spirits which reign over them ) those , which we ought to curb , with the bridle of reason , and which are manifested to us by natural signs . the count having ended , the philosopher said ; some authors have given us for a ground of phisiognomy , that when a man has any kind of resemblance of a beast , he hath some kind of sympathy , with that beast , both in nature , and inclinations . but they who phisiognomize men to beasts , make not the right choice of the signs , and their election is defective , in order to the soul , though it be , in some sort , conform to the body . and the prince of philosophers is not of this opinion , but teaches us , that the nature of men and beasts are repugnant to one another ; and that where there is a repugnance , there is no sympathy ; and that men have too noble operations to be compared to beasts . another science of phisiognomy is discovered by the head , where all the principal operations of the soul reside ; and in the mould of the skull , are disposed all the various cellutes of the faculties , which the school , in barborous terms , calls sensitive , syllogistick , memorial , and motive . the head , i say , is one of the greatest indexes , to know the spirit it contains ; as the hand likewise is in regard it is the instrument of the understanding ) a good practice , to guide us by the lines thereof , to the knowledge of the inclinations . chiromancy is a fine science , and very proper to judge of spirits , but it is too common . but of all the precepts of phisiognomy whereof we have spoken , it is fit for every body to make use of that which he finds most facil , and easie , and whereof he hath had most experience , and proof . the indubitable secret , to make the horoscopes , ( said the counsellor ) whereof the phisiognomists , and astrologers serve themselves most , and whereby , for the most part , they least baffle , and fool men is indeed the phisiognomy of the forehead , which is more then the other parts whereof we have spoken , and then the very complexion it self , the gate , and light , to know the star , which presided at the conception , and birth of any body ; and it is this star , which forms the complexion , makes the inclinations , stirs the passions , and which infuses all the good , or evil , which befals , and threatens us . the body of man is composed of four humors , which are ever striving for the superiority amongst themselves , and some one of them always carries it , and predominates over the rest ; for otherwise , we should be immortal ; because if they had equality , they would make an exact , and perfect temperament ad pondus , which was never found in any but our saviour christ. now , these four humors , or four complxions , are infus'd by the seven planets which govern them , and which form them , of the mixture , of the pure substance , of the elements , and of the occult vertues of the firmament : for saturn infuses melancholy ; jupiter , sol , and venus , blood ; mars , choler ; and luna flegm ; and mercury concurs with some one of the other , but is never alone . wherefore , we need know no more , then the force , nature , and influence of the seven planets , to judge of their power , and of the propensions , and dispositions which they infuse into us ; and to understand perfectly the effect which is caused , by saturn kind , and saturn unkind ; jupiter happy , and jupiter unhappy ; mars propitious , and mars contrary ; sol gracious , and sol ungracious ; venus fair , and venus dangerous ; mercury advantagious , or mercury prejudicial ; and in fine , what luna pleasant , and luna unpleasant can do : for certainly , i say , after we have attain'd the science of the planets , and come to know perfectively , that although their power , ( like the heavens , which are their habitation ) have the general qualities , which unite themselves with those of the elements , and agree with the humors of the bodies they produce ; yet doth this power still reserve to it self the empire of their domination , or rule , and suffers not those bodies to be govern'd , but by a dependency upon , and submission to their influence . when , i say , we are perfectly acquainted with the influent aspect of the planets , and can penetrate to the depth of their powers , we need not have any more recourse to the complexion , in regard it is form'd , and govern'd by them ; nor hunt after the star , which infuses the complexion , because we discover it already , as i have shewed . how then ( said the baron ) shall we be able to know , under what planet a man is born , and by what he is govern'd ? that we may learn ( said the counsellor ) by metoposcopy , which is the contemplation , and knowledge of the forehead ; wherein four parts are to be considered ; viz. the form , the colour , the eye-brows , and the lines ; and from the last of these , we may draw the perfect science of the predominating planets , in this manner . all foreheads are markt with lines ; and according to the order of nature , there be seven principal ones of them , which are attributed to the seven superiour planets , and dependent upon their influence . the single , plain , and clear lines , presage felicity ; the cross , broken , and uneven ones , infelicity . saturn , who hath his seat in the seventh heaven , and which is the highest of all the planets , hath the seventh line , at the top of the forehead , neer the hair , which is called the saturnin line : jupiter , who hath the sixth heaven , hath the sixth line , called the jupiterian : mars , the fifth , which is called the martial : sol , the fourth , which is called the solar : venus , the third , which is called the venereal : mercury , the second , which is called the mercurial : and luna , the first , which is called the lunary . now there are but five of these lines entire , and the other two are but halves : as the lunary line is upon the left eye ; so the mercurial , is a long one , between the eye-brows : sol and venus , have each of them two lines to answer them : for sol hath the fourth line , and a half one , and half of that which is upon the right eye ; and venus hath the third line , and half of the nose besides , where there appears a little fulnesse . all other lines , not designed by the seven planets , which go cross wise , upwards , or downwards , either bending , or thwarting , and which are in any kind different from , or contrary to the natural ones , prognosticate poverty , dishonour , sicknesse , persecution , and infamous death . thus having observed , that every line belongs properly to the planet , which hath markt it , and which rules it ; when there appear two , or more lines alike , in depth , colour , largenesse , and straitnesse ; the superiour planets , which are denoted by these lines , have concur'd more or less , then they shew themselves to the nativity of the forehead which bears them ; and that line only , which is seen to be the longest , the deepest , and the clearest , is that which demonstrates the planet , which had the principal influence , and preheminency , at the conception , and at the birth , of him who hath it ; and the longest of the rest signifies the other planet , which helpt to concur to that nativity , but more weakly , then the principal planet , which governs the longest line of all . so that every line , according to the planet it signifies , and the effect of its influence ( when it is not crost ) prognosticates happinesse , and when it is so , unhappinesse . wherefore , we need but observe the longest line of the forehead , and know to what planet it belongs , and consequently the force and influence which this planet hath ; to judge afterwards , by this way of phisiognomy , of the power superior things have over a soul , and of her inclinations , and actions . moreover , we may learn a mans predominant planet , by knowing the day , and hour of his birth , and by counting , and turning the number of the seven planets , upon a cercle : as for example , if we know a man to have been born upon a thursday morning , about six of the clock , in sommer ; we must count from the hour the sun rises at , ( which is at four a clock ) beginning with jupiter , ( which is the planet for that day ; ) then with mars , at five a clock , sol at six , venus at seven , and so with the rest , still turning all the seven planets within the term of the four and twenty hours of the day ; and so by observing the hour , we shall find , that that man was born , under that planet , which presided at his birth ; as you see in this , whom we find to have been born under the planet sol , which concur'd about six a clock : but herein , we must be ever sure to begin , the cercle , at the certain hour at which the sun rises , in that season . and thus i have shew'd you two very subtle , and nice ways , to know men , without having any recourse to the complexion , and to so many sorts of particular phisiognomies as we have deduc't , ( and which are not indeed very certain ) provided ( as i have said ) that we have the science of the planets , and the knowledge of the faculties they inspire into souls , and infuse into bodies , wherewith i should be highly glad to entertain you , at a more convenient time , and occasion . hey gentlemen ! look there 's cousin , said the marquesse : page , call him hither ; and turning in the coach , this is the pleasantest fool , ( said he to the company ) and hath the most admirable fancies , of any in the kingdom : for in the very sallies of his furies , and rodomontados , you may sometimes perceive judicious discourses ; and he so handsomely marries jest and earnest , the gasconado and the satyr together , that one would say , that even in his very digressions themselves , he hath the eloquence of an orator . his manner of life ( said the baron ) is very strange : for the whole world is his country , and all paris his inn , where he hath as many quarters , and officers , as there are gentlemens houses , and good tables . at meal-times , he makes no more ado , but steps into the first noble mans house he goes by , and according to the hour , says , cousin , i come to dine , or sup with thee : bring me some water , and cover the table : and so he sits down , and sings a world of merry songs , and catches , and tells such stories as would make one burst to hear them . if it be night , he asks for a chamber , goes to bed , and the gentleman of the house waits on him to it , as if he were some very considerable person indeed . in fine , he is every bodies cousin : he is welcome in all good company ; and he takes no care for any thing of this life , in regard the whole world labours for him , and gives him kind entertainment . o! i le warrant you , ( said the count , who was upon the side of the coach where they said cousin ) he thinks not much of the time to come ; for he is so deep sunk into his freaks , and sancies , that he hath lost the use of his senses ; and you see , he neither hears nor feels those lackays , who speak to him , and shake him . alas ! gentlemen , ( said the baron with wonder ) all excesses are hurtful ; and the enjoyment of a good , which is not possest with temper , is prejudicial : yea , even science it self , ( which is the soveraign good of the rational man , and the best food of the mind ) weakens and corrupts it , when it is over full of it , as a stomach , which regorges with too much meat , is corrupted by worms . this poor distracted fellow , whom you see , is much to be pitied ; for he hath been one of the most learned men of his time , and the greatest speculative philosopher of many ages . he hath sustain'd divers opinions , against the followers of the ancient philosophers ; as for example , that the earth moves , and the heavens stand still : that the sun is hot in his nature , and not in his beams : that the four elements operate with equal force , and vertue , in a just composure ; and that if any one of them predominated , the composure could not stand any longer ; and such like questions of this kind . now you see gentlemen , the unhappy effect , which the admirable notions of this poor man have produc't , and how mediocrity , and moderation in all things , is evermore advantagious then excess . these accidents of folly ( said the philosopher ) happen to learned , and studious men , by a too great contention of mind , which is made in the production of the lights , and notions they have : for whereas these notions strive to sally out altogether , they make an effort , or strain , and stupifie a man ; or else , coming out in too great abundance , they confound the objects , and offuscate the understanding : yea , and perhaps , the mischief happens , because the spirits in this great contention , and maze , ascend all to the brain , and burn it ; and so , by puzling the imagination , they scatter the judgement . and it is very likly , that this hapned to him , by some one of these ways ; for if the violence of a passion causes a commotion , and an exundation of all the humors in a body , and casts it into apoplexies ; and if even an indifferent motion , which is only counterfeited by the will , causes certain perclusions , or numnesses in some members , and universal palsies , ( as was seen upon the stage at paris , in the person of a player , who acted the part of herod , in the mariana , and who in the heat of the motion of his speech , was suddainly strucken with a numnesse ) if , i say , the strain of a natural motion , and even of a studied one , causes strange accidents in the body , we must not wonder , that the commotions of the dissipations , and excesses in the mind , ( which is frail , and delicate ) make it weak , and sick . it is said , that cousin grew mad in an academy , by holding a famous dispute , and by maintaining a certain point of philosophy , wherein he had the advantage of all them who oppos'd his opinion : and it was a prodigious thing , that after having disputed three hours together , and after having held the highest discourses that could be , he was seen in the fields , raving , and tauing , playing a thousand odd prancks , and freaks , and casting himself , by little and little , into horrible extravagances . what point was that sir , ( said the philosopher ) which caused that great and vehement dispute ? i was told of it ( said the counsellor ) and i found , that it was but a trivial proposition in philosophy , to wit , whether the world be from eternity , or from time ! and cousin , who was an academical philosopher , maintain'd the opinion of plato . but what could he say against aristotle's reasons ? said angelin ; for i will prove to you , that the world hath always been ; and in fine , the peripateticks have ever carried it against the acadamicks : and you will see , that this fool will have cast you into disputes of philosophy ; and that with his plato , and his aristotle , ( who never agree ) you will be fain to define their contradictory opinions , by the discourse of the creation of things , which is now in question . i perceive ( said the count ) that monsieur angelin hath an itch to dispute ; that he would be highly pleased , to have me follow his inclinations , and frame subjects of philosophy : which to please him , and not displease the company , i will do ; but if i find him apt to ergotize , i will instantly break off , and then we shall have fine sport to hear him dispute alone . i maintain therefore the opinion of plato , which is , that the world is not eternal ; and this is the best , and soundest doctrine , and authorized by the scripture , where the eternal wisedom , by the mouth of solomon , cap. 8. of his proverbs , says , god possessed me , in the beginning of his ways , and before he made any thing : and jesus christ , who is the same wisedom incarnate , confirms the opinion of the creation of the world , when cap. 17. of st. john , he says , father , clarifie me with that brightnesse , which i had in thee , before the world was made , and which i possest when men were not yet form'd in thy praescience , and before the constitution of things . if the world were eternal , men would be so too ; and having been always in formal being , and not in praescience , they would be co-equal , and co-eternal with god. but for proof of the contrary , we know at what time began the inventers of arts ; history teaches us the true origin of man , and we dayly see his end . if god created not the world from all eternity , it is not that he envied , or grudged man that happinesse ; but that he found it good to make it , at his own time and pleasure : for he acts freely , and not by force , or necessity : he wanted nothing to compleat his greatnesse , since he cannot be better satisfied then with himself ; and because we admit no necessary communication in the divinity , but that which is made by the production of the divine persons , which from all eternity have acted internally : for had he done otherwise , he had shewn , that he wanted help , to encrease , and support for his glory ; and without the creation , and settlement of the world in time , he had not been acknowledged above it , and omnitent as he is . doubtlesse he had , from all eternity , the will , to create the world ; though he created it not eternall , but just at that time , when he did it : for otherwise , the premeditated design would be taken for the deed , and we should be fain to reverse this principle establisht in good philosophy , that the will cannot dispose of a former action , because the will , being the cause of the action , must need be before it , and for that the former will , is the cause of the present action ; and if this will be restrained to the circumstance of time wherein this action is produc't , as is evident in the creation of the world , which god made at such a time , having had the will to create it before , it may be askt ( said the baron ) why it is said , in the beginning god created the heaven and earth , and consequently all things ? it is ( said the counsellor ) because it was the first work of the creation , and not the first work of god , who never had any beginning ; and this word beginning , resolves that heaven , and the world , are not from eternity , because they had their beginning , many great doctors , as s. augustin , philon the jew , and caietan , ( after having said , that god is sovereignly good , and infinitely eternal ; and that it is the property of a good to communicate it self , if not in whole , at least in part ) affirm , that he who lives eternally , created all things of nothing , and that they are not eternal : and after them , almost all the sects of philosophers have believed , that it is not eternal ; and that there is nothing eternal but god , however they have had various opinions concerning the creation . democritus says , that it sprung , by the congression , and from a masse of atoms , ( which are certain little , almost invisible , and indivisible bodies ; ) plato , from an inherent matter . diodorus , from an inform , and imperceptile matter . zoroastus , from a chaos , or confusion of things . pithagorus , from numbers , and degrees . epicurus , from a grain of imaginary spaces . socrates , calistines , dion , aristophanes , and the caldean priests , from a first cause , wherein they agree with us . and with the greatest part of the ancient stoicks , and scinicks . so that , you see gentlemen , by rational arguments , by canonical authority , and by a good number of the pagan philosophers , that the world is not eternal . and you see sir , ( replied the philosopher ) that i have had the patience to hear you out ; and therefore , it is but justice , for you to hear me also , since i have not been forward to contest , and dispute with you , as you doubted i would . i pray tell me what shall become of our aristotle , who is the prince of philosophers , and who hath ever been generally followed ? can you deny what he says , of the eternity of the world , and are you able to refute the force of his arguments ? it is the principal ground of the articles of faith , that there is a god , and that he is eternal , infinite , omnipotent , independent , and immutable . now it follows , that remaining still with equality the same , he acts always equally , and does the same thing ; and that being immutable , as he hath said ; he hath ever been the same which he is : and therefore , either he hath always produc't the world ; or if he have been without producing it , he hath never produc't it . god , and nature , are always doing that which is best , nor is there either mediocrity , or extremity , in their productions : and it is much better , that the world should be eternal , then temporary ; wherefore , ought we to doubt , but that it hath ever been , in regard that durance is incomparably better , then the end and cessation of being , and that eternity is the only prize , of so vast , and noble a matter . the circular motion hath neither beginning , nor end , and consequently is eternal ; as heaven , which is gods habitation , is eternal , as well as he is who inhabits it , and glorifies it : for otherwise , we must admit , with some certain philosophers , of the imaginary spaces , and give god another residence , and another imployment , before he operated in the creation , and conservation of things . take notice , if you please , that i answer all your objections , and that i borrow of aristotle , and procles , that if the world were made in time , why was it made at that time , rather then at another ? and if god could , and would not make it , it looks as if he had grudged man that happinesse ; as on the other side , to say that he would , and could not , would suppose a want of power in god , which were abominable , and blasphemous to think . the terms of my reasons follow yours , but differ in this , that mine are indivisible , and without reply : for the soveraign good ought to communicate it self infinitely , but not in part , as you have said : and therefore god must have made the world from all eternity , to produce an infinity , which was equal to him ; or otherwise its production would be defective , and consequently would not seem to have come from him . but suppose that the opinion of plato be true , ( who will not believe , as well as you , that the world is eternal ) yet will you grant me however , that it is also true , that nature , which acts by constraint , acts quite differently from god , who is free , and whom it suffices to do all he does , upon good formal reason , which is his infinite goodnesse , by which he acts , and makes all things : supposing your opinion , ( i say ) and granting the free-will of almighty god , we must ask him the reason , why he staid so long , from communicating his divine goodnesse to man , and why the moment of the creation , ( which hath neither beginning nor end of extention in him , in order either to the subject , why , or to the space , wherein we conceive it to have been made ? ) why sir , i say , should this moment be later then other , if they be all equal , and contemporary , and of one , and the same instant , in his divinity ? that argument which you started , though it seem'd to be for you , was in effect , for me ; for it is resolved in divinity , that in god there is no time , and that all those times , which you admit , are present to him : and therefore we must conclude , that since god produc't the universe , he produc't it from all eternity ; for otherwise , if there were time in the divine operations , he could not be himself eternal , and infinite . this is confirm'd by cicero , when , after having said , that god is a pure spirit , a free understanding , a proper essence , and an infinite being , he both calls him , and proves him to be an eternal moment ; as philon the jew also doth , when he notes two eternal powers in god ; namely , the creative power , which gives him the name of god ; and the gubernative ( to use the school-term ) which gives him the title of lord. for , if a moment have no time , and if these two powers be eternal in god , we must conclude , that he rules , and governs all from all eternity , and that so eminent ; and so immortal a principle , hath no lesse productions , then co-equal , and co-eternal , and that all is eternal with it . i subscribe not however so positively , and peremptorily , to this opinion ; and if i have spoken to you like a philosopher , and not like a christian , it was but for argument , and recreation sake , and not for a testimony of my belief . for i blindly submit to all things of faith , without offering to oppose them with any sciences , or erroneous opinions ; and for fear least i be accused of having too much correspondence with aristotle , i heartily renounce his sect , and render my self wholly up to your plato . let them both alone , gentlemen , said the marquesse ; your discourses are very good , well deduc't , and far from the school ; but these matters are too high for the cours , and more fit to be reserved for the sorban : for i perfectly perceive , that you reap up the colloquies which you hold at the academies , and that instead of diverting , and recreating our minds , you make us fix them upon certain problematical questions , and abstractions , which appertain to the closet , and the gown : and therefore , i pray you , lay aside all philosophical contestations , and hunt no more after contradictory reasons , upon sure principles : let us leave doubts , and jealousies , to determinate spirits , and syllogistical acts , to stated conferences , which solve the obscurest propositions : let us shun all contentions of mind , which destroy the soul , and beget no friendship at all ; and let us forbear , in fine , to digress , upon such things as are serious , and needlesse , which may provoke us , and are sure to afford us no pleasure at all . if the gifts of the mind ( said the count ) were as equally distributed amongst men in nature , as the goods of fortune anciently were in sparta , where there were neither poor , nor rich , it would be good sport , to see the witty scuffles , and the endlesse and invincible disputes of the academies : for the decisions of truth and falshood , would require no judgements ; and logick ( whose property it is to teach clearly , and regularly ) would be a needlesse science , and means to refute falshood , and distinguish , and define arguments : and as for rhetorick , that illustrious and resplendent art , which we use with pomp , and magnificence , to captivate the reason of our hearers ; which moves , attracts , and charms the affections ; which hath inevitable force , and arms , to obtain what it will ; which , when reason hath once given us the perfect knowledge of vertue , perswades us , and obliges us to love it , follow it , and practice it : this fine art , ( i say ) gentlemen , as well as logick , would certainly be the essence of things necessary ; but neither arguments , nor eloquence would be in use , to make us quarrel as we do : always provided ( as i have said ) that we were equal in understanding , and science , and that some spirits had no more light in them then others . a lively force ( said the baron ) gives a man a power , over such as will exercise it : a temperate force affords him an eminent superiority , over such as depend upon him ; and a gentle force both conquers , and captivates all resistance , much better then the former . now the first , is the force of the body , which shews it self in all its actions , and which gulls not the senses with a false apparence , but makes them feel its strains , and vigor : the second is the force of authority , which hath a soveraign power to rule , and command : and the third , is the force of love , which seazes , disarms , and conquers the soul , how obstinate and rebellious soever she be . i have observed , that there is never any dispute , about the force of the body , and that when a man hath had the worst at any exercise , ( as boxing , wrestling , or fencing ) he ingeniously confesses , and acknowledges it : and it is also as certain , that every man stoops freely , and without grudging , to the force of authority , and to the power of a soveraign : nor is there indeed any man , who is perfectly a man , and who bears the character of reason , but hath sometime sacrificed it to the force of love , and acknowledges himself to have been willing to be the prize , of so sweet , and so pleasant a conquest . in the combates of the mind , it is not so ; since in this point , men never acknowledge themselves to be worsted : for look but upon the acts , and arguments of philosophy , and the rest of the sciences , and you will find two disputants so fierce and eager against one another , that they will never have done with their negatives and false proofs ; yea , and you shall hear them grumbling , and mumbling one against another , even after their disputes are ended , and their questions resolved ; insomuch as that if they were not hindred , and silenc't by force , they would come to handy-gripes , and decide the matter by strength of body , instead of deciding it by strength of mind . now i am not ignorant , that the cause of this is , that the force of the body is apparent ; that the force of authority is undeniable ; and that the force of love is invinsible : but the mind , which is occult , immaterial , and invisible , conceals its weakness , and seeks new productions , to contest the victory ; yea , & it often happens , that one of the two disputants passes for a self-wil'd , and temerary cockscomb ; and that by thinking to shew his wit , he shews his ignorance . indeed ( said the colonel , with a scornful countenance ) i do not approve of the school-fashions ; and those disputes , which are perpetually contested , and never resolved , make me almost out of love with the sciences , which look , as if they could not be taught without these methods , and for the learning whereof , we must necessarily passe under the lash of barbarous masters . but i think there are none of them ( said the baron ) reduc't to so strict a point , as to oblige us so peremptorily to dispute , for the learning of them ; for we see , that philosophy is now a days taught so far different from the rules of the school , and is so much civilized for conversation , that the very women themselves both understand it , and handle it , in a mild , and gentle way of argumentation , and discourse ; in regard there are now no more tricks , nor clinches , nor deceits , nor impostures in it , to surprize , and gull the judgement ; the academies portick , and licea , being now reform'd , and dispos'd into a most easie , and smooth way , to deduce , and decide questions , by the secret of the art of oratory , which perswades sciences by reason , and sweetnesse ; far from forcing , and thrusting them upon mens minds , by rough , and violent contestations . yes , ( said the colonel ) but in all academies , they dispute , and quarrel , but they do not fight . it is true ( said the baron ) that they are of various methods , and not all of one , and the same fashion : for in some of them , they are always arguing , as in the colledges ; in other , they have one point given them , upon which they are to speak and write ; and i have seen some of them , where they take every ones opinion , upon a question , or doubt , and correct the works of an author . yea , and i know some other , which have no set , and establisht order ; but only by plain conversations , they discourse of various matters at randome , and without any selection at all ; and some also , where they draw lots for the subject , upon which they are to write , and give their opinions , which are afterwards censur'd , and by the whole body together . but , in fine , ( said the colonel ) let the manner be what it will , they never give over , without disputes , and contradictions , upon the matter . i swear to you ( said the baron ) that i have been in a certain academy , where this never hapned , and indeed , i never saw a better , and a more handsome , more universal , and more profitable institution then that , in regard of the easie , and pleasant way there was to break , and inform mens spirits : for books , travels , and conversation , are the three things , which make a man perfect , and procure him a general esteem , and reputation , with persons of honour , and prudence ; and all these were practic'd together , whensoever we met in our assemblies , where indeed we profited much by hearing both the lecture , and discourse of various matters , worthy of high admiration , and study . now the order of this academy was this . there were as many matters handled , as there were persons in the academy , and every one having made choice of a particular science , art or subject , he managed it as regularly as he pleased , twice a week : and by this means , we had as many different lessons , as persons , whereof to make our advantage ; and all the vertues , and sciences of the ancients , being proposed , and laid before us for examples , it lookt as if they had left us their libraries , and the exercise of their heroick actions . so that it was impossible , but that much or little , of all these particular things , must stick in the mind , and that this variety must sweeten the drinesse of the precepts , and utterly banish the sharpnesse of dispute . for it was not there the way to oppose what was said , but to hearken with attention , and delight , and to let the orator carry the prize he aim'd at ; in regard that every one spake , or wrote , upon the matter he had thought fit to elect , and ingeniously dispos'd himself to utter nothing but the very cream of what he had been able to gather from it . now the ordinary subjects , were , history , true and fabulous ; sciences , speculative and practick ; the mathematicks . heraldry , the maps , the horoscopes , travels , and merry tales ; so that by means of conversation ( which is one of the three ways to make a man perfect ) the other two , were put in pfactice , without the pains , and charge of travel , and study : for we had all sorts of books , in the heads of our co-academicks , and all the contents thereof in their mouths : we travell'd upon the maps by geography , and we learnt the manners , and customes of countrys , and nations , by the variety of histories : yea , and we had another and better advantage , and we were our selves both the masters , and scholers of the progresses we made in our studies . for in regard that all our notions are imperfect , unlesse we produce them , and that according to seneca , a good which is not communicated , is not pleasing ; therefore , by means of the discourses , and speeches which we used to make in publick , we learnt to write regularly , and by frequent exercise , we easily acquired a habit , of hiding the defects of nature , and making our artificial qualities seem proper , and natural to us . so that , in a word , there was nothing more advantagious , and profitable , then the exercises of the academy , in regard that all which is requisite , to make a man learned , eloquent , courteous , compleasant , valiant , active , dexterous , and perfectly compleat in all kinds , was there to be learnt . how beautiful , and delightful is nature in her diversities ; and how considerable , and adorable is the power of god , in the variety of things , whereof he hath compos'd the universe ? for if variety makes beauty , and beauty makes pleasure , we may conclude from thence , that the variety of matters which we handled , was extraordinarily delectable to us , and that the institution of our academy , containing the three points , which give life , and motion , to the great fabrick of civil society ; we might all easily arive to our desired end , ( which was to be compleat , and perfect men ) without passing through those thorny , and craggy difficulties , and labours , which were prescribed us by divers sects of philosophers : for so i call their contradictory opinions , their problems , their sophisms , and all their odd tricks , which cause so many disputes , and differences , in the schools ; for the avoiding whereof , all questions , and scruples whatsoever , which might seem in the least kind , contrary to what was pronounc't , were absolutely prohibited in our academy . the counsellor having hearkned to the baron with attention , and admiration , said , indeed , the method of this academy deserves to be much esteemed , and the particular advantages , drawn from the universality of things taught in it , highly to be considered : for it is of the nature of indivisible goods , which belong as much in bulk , to every one in particular , as to all men together ; nor do i believe , there is any false appearance , partiality , or imposture in it , that but that it affords an evident , and sensible profit to all . yet will i tell you of another , which is no lesse commendable , albeit it be ( like fair faces ) quite different in all its beauties , and seem not to embarass so many sciences : it is , that in the circle of the assembly , every one wonders at some subject , and every one takes also by turn , the wonders , which are proposed to him by the rest : for in the first place , he must wonder at the proposition he receives , and give the reasons also why he wonders ; and then he must not wonder , and give the reasons likewise , why he doth not wonder . for example , one will say to me , sir , i wonder , that the sun , which heats the whole world , hath no heat in himself ? to this i must answer , that i wonder too , and make a handsome discourse , to warrant my wonder , and from thence , by a gentle transition , or an imperceptible passage , go to the contrary sense , and prove with as much eloquence as i can , that i do not wonder at it , and that there is no cause to wonder . that which you say , sir , ( replied the baron ) is like the play of wonders , which is used amongst women , at wakes , and other petty pastimes . it may be ( said the counsellor ) that this form of discourse hath been prophan'd in those petty divertisements , and gossipings of women : but i believe not , that the questions amongst them , are various , or learned , or that they know how to handle them handsomely , insomuch , as for that effect it is needful to have the profundity , and universality of the sciences , to handle them regularly , and dexterously ; and to be able to maintain , and defend any such argument as may be started by curiosity . now the wonders which are ordinarily moved in this academy , are drawn from natural questions , from moral maxims , and from all the most sublime , and speculative curiosities that can fall under a nice , and subtle judgement ; nor is it enought to speak something of them , but we must sound the bottome of each of them , and stay a good while upon these two parts of the problem . i must confesse ( said the baron ) that this is a handsome order , but not so profitable , either for the speakers , or hearers , as that of the academy whereof i told you , which comprehended all the sciences , and which had the true , and only way to make a man compleat . i remember ( said the count ) that you said , that reading , travel , and conversation make a man compleat ; and that all these things were in your academy : but to my apprehension , there are other schools , no lesse , if not more proper , then that , which are the court , the camp , and the houses of great persons . the camp ( said the baron ) is included in travel ; and the court , and the houses of great persons , in conversation ; for , there is a frequent , and continual resort , which makes the conversation both stronger , and closer . it is true , that every body is not fit for the court , and for great mens houses : but if a country gentleman , at his first coming thither , find himselfe troubled , and disgusted , whereas others take so much pleasure , and contentment ; he must endeavour to grow familiar , and acceptable , by disposing himself to gallantry , and courtship ; by furnishing himself with the discourses , and complements of the times ; and by studying the maxims , and proceedings of the court ; of which there are different opinions , of whether plain dealing , or cheatery , be most in practice there ; for some speak against those courtiers , who make it all their study , and care , to know how to cog , and fib , and prevaricate , and who think , that the supream vertue of the court , consists in knowing how to lye well : others object against these , that they couzen themselves by couzening others , and that the highest perfection is , to have a good stock of freedome and plainnesse , and to trust even their very enemies , with their thoughts and intentions . that is to say ( replied the philosopher ) that all the thoughts of a courtier must be so good , that he may not be affraid to discover them to the whole world ; and that he must not only not think any thing which is criminal , and against morality , but be able to defend himself also , even against temptations : but this is too austere for the court , and not very well relisht , even in cloisters . some others ( said the baron ) believe , that to purchase dexterity , a man must know perfectly how to wear two faces under one hood , that is , to forge , foist , flatter , and dissemble , and never to speak as he thinks ; and this , for certain reasons , and maxims , which ( you know as well as i ) ought to seem void of all design , and artifice , and to be managed with such temper , that the least inconstancy , or levity may not appear in them . few persons come to the court , without engaging themselves in the service , either of the king , or of some noble man , to get a support , or make a fortune ; and a certain friend of mine , who hath fixt himself there in a very good one , made use of a great deal of art , and industry , to win the heart of the prince , to whom he belongs , ( as well knowing that to be the only way , and the principal spoak of the wheel of fortune ) in order to which , he set all his craft on work , to study , and find out his humor , without taking notice of the greatness of his pomp , and condition , or of his employments , dignities , and interests ; but he lookt only , and meerly upon himself , without any reflection at all , upon any of those frail , and fading goods , and advantages of the world , which ordinarily overcharge , and overwhelm the strongest souls : nay , and he desired ( if it had been as possible as he thought it necessary ) to have him stript of his body , that so , by seeing his soul naked , he might with the more facility be able to judge , whether she were great with temporal goods , or with her own , and consequently to discern her inclinations . in fine , by this course of his , he came so perfectly to know him , & to please him , by complying with him , in whatsoever he saw acceptable to him , that he most easily grew to obtain of him whatsoever he would , and to settle his fortune so advantagiously as he hath done ; and in order to this effect , the friendship , which he procured with all his creatures , and domesticks , was of very considerable use , and assistance to him . for , as a lover endeavours to win the maid before the mistresse , thereby to facilitate his design , and enjoy his desire ; just so do good reports stir up benevolence , and prepare a master to affect , and favour a servant ; as on the other side , bad reports alienate , and avert the good intentions he may have towards him . in a word , he rendred himself so officious , and submissive , that by his dexterity , and care , he never met with any humor , opinion , or inclination so contrary , and so irreconcileable to his , but he wrought so efficaciously upon it , as to make it absolutely his own . it must needs be very troublesome ( said the marquesse ) to a person of condition , who hath been wont to be served , and courted at home , to submit himself to the service of a noble man , or prince , whom he must be as careful to please , as to please the king himself : and certainly if we considered this well , we should see , that it is to give a mountain for a mole-hill , since when we are under obedience , we must make a thousand congees , and cringes , for so much as a nod , or a good look ; a slight acknowledgement , god wot , of so precious a gift as our liberty , which is the richest treasure of this life , and which the divine providence it self thought fit to leave to our own disposal , and direction . there is no doubt ( said the baron ) but he who betakes himself to service , and subjection , finds at first , a great deal of hardnesse in the ways of the court , in regard that he hath left his own house , and his businesse , for that of another ; and for that he cannot move , but by a second motion , in respect of his duty to obedience , and of his having changed his liberty for captivity : but pains , and troubles grow easie by custome , whereas otherwise they are odious , and burthensome ; and some men , rather then they will accustome themselves to them , are content to loose , what others acquire , by suffring them ; for they are matters both of honour and profit ; since by humility , and assiduity , we grow to overcome . but every body cannot follow the court , and maintain himself in the kings service , at his own charge . no , ( said the marquesse ) but yet you will grant me , that if we voluntarily follow a prince , he bestows great courtships and favours upon us ; whereas if we serve him for wages , he slights us , and commands us : and what a vexation it is for a gentleman to be either stalking , or standing like a crane , in an anticamera , or lobby , whilst some mean and petty officer of the army , some poet , or some lutenist , shall be jigg by joll in the cabinet with my lord ? if we should make all these reflexions , and scruples , ( said the baron ) the grandees would have no persons of quality about them ; and very many gentlemen would also want , those good fortunes , which they purchase by their means and assistance . colonel hydaspe , ( who sate in the boot of the coach ) rising up , and looking out ; what do you look upon so earnestly , sir ? said the baron . a coach full of the handsomest wenches in paris , and all of my acquaintance , said the colonel . i know well enough , ( said the count ) that the baggage was in the reer , and that now that the cours is almost ended , this blessed crew would come to beautifie the retreat , as hoping to meet with an occasion to pick up a cully . marry ( said the marquess ) there is enough of this stuff every where , and the greatest , and gallantest meetings are composed of such kinde of cattle ; though they all act different parts , and most of them are a lincognito . but as for such of them as are unmaskt , and publick enough to be known by persons of honour , they are lesse dangerous , and more harmlesse in the trade they drive ( as hurting no body but themselves , and some fond blockheads ) then those others , who under the false apparence of modesty , and civility , palliate their brutality , or their interest , with gallantry , and who are indeed , the poyson of nature , which every one should do well to shun , like the plague . i know that coach ( said the count ) and i wonder whether the owner of it be there , with that honorable society ? who is it ? said the baron . a young gentleman of condition , and the marquesse de bon air's country man , ( said the count ) who was not long since a fryer , and being ashamed to shew his head in own country , came , and hid himself here in base , and infamous places , where he goes abroad but seldome , for fear of being seen , and keeps no other company but such a crew as this , which will ruine him , and bring him , peradventure , to the end allotted for such courses . i know both his person and his family , ( said the marquesse ) and indeed it is pity , that the poor gentleman is grown so debaucht ; for he is of a good descent , and hath both natural , and artificial parts most worthy of his quality , and of a better fortune then he hath got himself : i was once employed for him , and i would i could have given his father that satisfaction which he desired of me in his behalf . but the young man hath carried himself ill , & very much wronged his parents . this always comes ( said the counsellor ) of wild and rash actions , and of weighty resolutions ill digested , which cause shame and repentance , and sometimes desolation in families . i will tell you ( said the marquesse ) the story of this person ( which is after a manner romansick ) that so you may see the different effects of his passions . his father is an officer , of a soveraign court of our province , and one of the most esteem'd , and powerful of his company . he bred up this son with great expense , and all imaginable care ; and really , by his good nature , and conditions , he at first answered all his fathers expectations , and grew a very compleat young man ; as being enricht , and adorn'd with many fine qualities , and sciences . he daunces , and plaies on the lute most admirably well ; he is very learned , and most accomplisht in all his academical exercises ; and besides all this , he hath a very handsome body , and a gentile behaviour , which had already gotten him some good esteem at court. but since he hath learnt ill customes , neglected all his good parts , and done horrible things . for being taken with that natural affection to his country , ( which is common to us all ) ( our native air seeming sweeter , and pleasanter to us , then that of the gallantest court in the world ) he would needs go taste the delights thereof , and make his parents and friends spectators of his good qualities : but this journey proved fatal to him , as being the source of all his misfortunes , and desolations : for he fell so in love with a young woman , who was not of his condition , as to ruine himself by it . now his father , who knew him to be of so violent , and impetuous a spirit , that he would undertake any thing to please his fancy , endeavoured to send him away , thereby to divert him from his amours ; but all in vain , for after having used all imaginable diligences , as well by rendernesse , as harshnesse , and by intreaties , as mennaces , without being able to perswade him ; he desired me ( as knowing me to be one of his friends , and conceiving me to have some influence upon him ) to disswade him , from the design he had taken , to marry that person , who was so much inferior to him , both in birth , and fortune , and of a contrary religion besides , as being the parsons daughter of the parish , which most of all troubled the poor father . wherefore , i being in that town , ( whether i went to keep the carnaval ) and taking him one day abroad in my coach , i attempted to divert him from his said purpose ; and after having intimated to him his fathers most passionate opposition , i askt him whether it were true , ( as i had heard ) that he intended to seek contentment , and repose , in a marriage , where he would be sure to find nothing but disquiet and vexation ? i told him , that women were strong chains to intangle men ; and that being diseases , ( as the proverb says they are ) if they make us not keep our beds , yet they make us keep our chamber , and weaken us , and deprive us of the delights of the court : and it is ( said i ) a strange thing , that every body desires to marry , and to grow old ; but when they have once obtain'd their desires , they repent , and lament it . i did not signifie to him , that i was so great an enemy to nature , as to intend to disswade him altogether from marriage , and to embrace a single life ; but to make him defer it yet some time , and shun that rock , and that gulf into which he was going to cast himself , to the extream discontentment of his parents , and the utter destruction of his affairs . in order to which , i spake thus to him . if you resolve to take a wife , you hazzard the infringment of your liberty ; & you will have but a bad successe of the enterprize , if you charge your self with so heavy a burthen . consider it maturely , before you do it ; a wife is a fine piece of housholdstuff in our neighbours house ; and he who intends to live happily in this world , must wish every body else to marry , and never marry himself . experience indeed ought to have cured men of this folly , since it hath taught them , that they quietly enjoy the estates of their parents ; but that those which are brought them by their wives , are so fatal to their families , that they do not only not receive any benefit from them , but by a contagious conjuncture , they often cause them to lose their own . but as for you , who pretend to a mean , and unworthy match , you have no cause to fear that , for many reasons , in regard you are to have nothing with her ; and i tell you as a friend , that if love , and generosity makes you scorn interest , at least ought you to consider birth , and religion , and not cast your father into a mortal affliction , nor give him just ground to disinherit you , and make you miserable . consider , that a single man may do much with little means , and that our own inconveniences are insupportable enough , without charging our selves with those of a whole family : that a batchellors life , and the delights of the court ( where your father intended to settle you ) are powerful charms to stay you there : that god , amongst the manifold and various afflictions , which he cast upon that illustrious patient in the holy scripture , left him his wife , as the alpha , and omega , that is , the source , and compliment , of all his miseries ; and in fine , that this evil ( though it be called a necessary one ) is accompanied with many other ; and that a married man can have but two good days in his life ; to wit , the day of his marriage , and the day of his wives death . therefore let me intreat you , to cease your suit ; for your father will never give his consent , and your equipage is ready for you to go to court , as soon as you please . upon this he seem'd , in some sort , to be reduc't , and made me a kind of promise to obey his father ; but he would by no means hear of going out of town ; and some days after , he was caught in his mistresses chamber , by certain arm'd men sent on purpose by the parson , ( for he had the hearts of his disciples at his devotion ) who threatned him to kill him , unlesse he married her presently , which to avoid the danger , he was accordingly constrained to do ; and to make the businesse the more notorious , and prevent the fathers complaint , they got it to be perform'd by a roman catholique priest , with the ceremonies of that church . thus you may behold a most desolate father , and a most miserable son : for the father sued for his son , and the abolition of the marriage ; and for the mittigation of this suit , i was employ'd as an intercessor , for the son to the father , as formerly i had been , for the father , to the son ; and so , after time had a little appeased his indignation , and moderated his passion , i went to see him ; and the better to reconcile him , to a thing already done , i spake thus to him . since hope is the only consolation of the distressed , and the object of an uncertain good , you have no reason to afflict your self , if by flattering your self with a favourable event , the uncertainty thereof have undeceived you , by deceiving your expectation , and demonstrated to you , that we must look with an indifferent eye , upon such things as depend upon fortune , and sometimes slight the fair apparence thereof , in regard they are casual , and have as different successes , as she is inconstant , and various . all your sons actions gave you contentment , and satisfaction , because of his dexterity , and obedience ; but since he hath been obnoxious to love , you have seen , that that god will not permit his vassals , to suffer any chains but his own ; and that his persevering to lodge his affections , in a place which you had forbidden him , hath punisht his disobedience , with the premeditated surprize , wherewith they caught him . your intentions were just , and his chastizable ; for though the consideration of religion had not been a sufficient obstacle to temper his passion , you had a right , and authority , to prescribe rules to his designs ; and he was obliged to a blind obedience , not only for the respect , and reverence due from a son to a father , but also for fear of being miserable . for he well knew , that to marry against your will , was the high-way to beggery , and that your natural affection , and paternal indulgence towards him , would run the hazzard of being taken from him , by the resentment you would have of his rebellion , and by the little acknowledgement he had made you , of the good which you intended him . but in fine , since suddain and passionate resolutions are of no long durance , it is fit for you to break that , which you have taken of disinheriting him , and to let your self be overcome by a fatherly affection , which will not suffer you to see the ruine of your child . you are not ignorant , that the honour of a virgin cannot be repaired , but by marriage , or death ; and your son was necessitated , either to finish the one , or undergo the other ; and since you are his father , i am sure , you desire not his death ; and consequently , having given him life , you are bound to conserve and sustain it . affliction is the touchstone , of a quiet and peaceful soul , which , when she once comes to wrestle with misfortune , and adversity , easily gets the victory . i know well enough , that in regard you could have found a fitter , and a richer match for him , and have enjoy'd the unity of religion in your house , it will be a great grief to you , to receive a smaller portion , and a subject of controversie , instead of peace , and quiet , which you so much love and cherish : but if thereby you win a soul to god , that difficulty will give you a double merit , and the ladies vertue , ( whose body is a treasure ) will bring more happinesse to your family , then you would have elsewhere acquired . for , the maids of sparta had no portions , but their vertues ; and if they had a good reputation , their poverty never hindred their marriage . many things give us more fear , then hurt ; and we are more troubled by opinion , then by effect . you will be even ravisht with joy , when you shall find your self receive more consolation from this lady , then you would have done from another , and when you shall confesse your self bound to blesse a thousand times the day , when you left your suit , and gave your consent to this marriage . i make this good augure of this fair lady , because i know , that the bounty of her soul , is not inferior to the beauty of her body , and that the sweetnesse of her nature , and the gentilenesse of her education , will not give you a greater dominion , over her humility , then a reverence to her vertue . take therefore quickly , possession of this treasure , and forgetting the disobedience of your son , instead of chastizing him , requite him , for the interest you have in so worthy a purchase ; for it is to as little purpose for you to hinder him , from receiving the fruits , and pleasures of the pains he hath taken , and the trouble he hath suffred , as it is to shew your aversion and opposition , by absenting him , since at last you must resolve it . 't is true , the businesse was a little rash , and violent , but — i was willing to go on , but the impetuosity of his grief breaking out into tears , he interrupted me , saying , my lord , the respect which i ow you , forc't me to have the patience to hear you , though not without much internall reluctancy . i confess , i can refuse you nothing , and that i resign my self wholly to your request ; but i know you likewise , to have too much discretion to command me any thing so repugnant , both to my affairs , and to my reason ; and in order thereto , he made me so many protestations , and instanc't so many , and so strong arguments , that i was fain to leave him re infecta ; and he , by his continued prosecution , and diligence afterwards , obtain'd a breach and abbolition of the marriage . it may be conceived ( said the councellor ) that this young gentleman caused this plot to be laid for himself , and had intelligence with the gentlewomans parents , presuming that his father seeing the business without remedy , and the marriage performed by a roman-catholick priest , would afterwards condescend and submit to fate , without using any further opposition . but he was very much mistaken , ( said the marquisse ) and though you councellors use to obtain your ends by heat and confidence , yet this poor young gentleman , either out of spight and revenge , against his father , or out of the tender sense of love , or despaire , to see himself deprived of so fair and sweet a consort ) cast himself into a cloister . finish , if it please you my lord ( said the count ) and say , that he soon came out of it again ; for the cause , and manner of his going in , could promise nothing but a fatal repentance , which obscures the noblest actions , and a shameful coming out , which stains the purest life . and this is the reason ( as i told you ) why he came to hide himself here for shame , in such places as i dare not name , where he leads as disorderly , and loose a life , as that which he had undertaken , was retired and holy . the fervent desires of religion ( said the baron ) which arise in young persons , ought not to be followed , upon the first motions ; for unlesse they be persecuted by these inspirations , at least ten years together , it is hard to discern cleerly , whether it be a vocation of heaven , or a temptation of the divel , and whether it be a true zeal , to die to the world , and live to god , or a snare of the enemy of mankind , to destroy our souls . it is fit therefore to take much time to consider a design , which must last as long as he lives ; for it is easie for us to slip into hell , under the false apparence of heaven . there are but two motives ( said the philosopher ) to perswade us to a monastical life ; the one , in order , god , and the other , to our selves ; and when the love of god , and of our own salvation is mixt with any shadow of particular interest , and levity of spirit , the yoak of the lord becomes rough , and insupportable ; how sweet and charming soever it be , when we have no other end , but the pure love of him . wherefore , we must consult with our consciences , to make this distinction , and know , whether the passions wee have for a monastical life , have a disinterest perseverance ; that so we may not sigh always in a cloister , for the world , after having sigh't a little in the world , for a cloister . now , to make a firm , and solid judgement , of the suspicions , and scruples , which may arise from such inspirations , we may believe , that the vocation is undoubtedly divine , and that fervency , and heat of devotion , comes perfectly , and purely from the holy ghost , when a perseverant zeal of the love of god , accompanied with the contempt of the pleasures of this life , stirs us up , and pricks us on , to unite our selves to him , and makes us ( even whilst we are in the world ) begin to practice the mortifications of a religious life . and when we are so truly enlightned with this knowledge , that there is no more blindnesse , nor shame left to counter-ballance the truth ; we ought not to bear a deaf ear , nor spurn against the holy spirit , but take up the burthen , and cover our selves with sack-cloth , and ashes , to follow the summons of this divine fire . it is true indeed ( said the counsellor ) that we may be tempted to our perdition , under a fair , and false appearance of salvation ; and that the false motives of religion , do ordinarily proceed from the discontentments of life , from wearinesse of the world , or from some capricio , or fancy of the brain ; and therefore it is very necessary to sound to the bottomes of our hearts , to know , whether our vocation be perfectly pure , or any way polluted with sensual appetites ; whether the desire of beautifying , and beatifying our souls , guide us towards solitude , rather then the desire of change , or the hope of a better condition ; and whether our intention be rather to please god , by forsaking the world , then either to please our selves , or the first motion of our spirits ; and in fine , whether ambition have any prevalency with us , either to forward , or hinder us ; and that since secular honours are so high , that we have no hope to attain to them , whether we aspire to merit , and obtain those of religion . wherefore this gentleman should have well pondered , whether it were the saturity of wanton love , or the abolition of his marriage , which made him abandon , and detest that , which he had so passionately coveted before , and retire himself into a monastery , either to anger his father , or to have a freer accesse to women , under the habit of hypocrisie . moreover , we must also take heed , least by the sense of the indigency of our condition , and by the fear , of not being able to hold out the immense expences of the variety of fashion , or otherwise , we be induc't to make profession of poverty , in a place , where it is as honorable , as it seems dishonorable , and shameful elsewhere . for how many afflicted persons in the world , seek consolation in cloisters ? and how many droans , and sluggards , make choice of a quiet , and sedentary life , to eat their bread without working ? how many , out of a blind , and false opinion , that it is impossible to make their salvation in the world , thrust themselves into monasteries ? and how many out of too much instability , and levity of spirit ? how great is the number of them , who are seduc't by the greedy , and interessable perswasions , of their directors , and ghostly fathers , who judge them in some kind or other , either like to prove useful to their order , or know them to have estates to dispose of ? and how many also of them , whose simple , and ill digested motion to piety , which lasts no longer then a blast of straw , and suddainly turns to repentance ? there is , in fine , an infinity , of false , and treacherous motives , which inspire a soul to perdition , instead of salvation ; and there is only that of the holy ghost , which under an appearance of tempting us , doth really operate to save us . therefore how careful , and punctual ought we to be in this case , to pick out the most abstruse , and secret thoughts of a soul , to make an absolute , and definitive judgement of her , and know whether it be really , and only the pure love of god , which moves her , or self love , and a defire to flattter her , with the plausible bait of devotion ? for , as the former makes us lead a happy , and celestial life , amongst the rigors of abstinency , and mortification , and hath the joy of heaven for its scope ; so doth the later make us lead a dismal , and unhappy life here on earth , and hath no other end , then despair , and ignominy , that is , apostacy , and hell , since it is a common thing , both to the learned , and unlearned , to brand apostacy with shame & ignominy , a forc't , and irreligious life in a monastery with despair ; and from thence comes the proverb , that all persons consecrated to god , are good , or bad angels ; that there is no mediocrity in religion and that a man must necessarily be , either the one , or the other . according to this discourse ( said the baron ) we may clearly distinguish vocations ; and a person who is moved by devotion , by sounding his heart to the bottome , may know , whether he be rightly called , and whether the place he hath appointed for his retirement , be the right , or the wrong way , both to his temporal , and eternal felicity ? if a false vocation ( said the marquesse ) be so fatal to monasteries , as to make a man live a wicked , and scandalous life ; the true one , which comes from the holy ghost , must needs be divine , because it causes an angelical life , and purchases much veneration , and reverence , to such souls , as having profited by good inspirations , are like the gifts of heaven and nature , to serve for lights , and patterns of heroick , and moral vertue . indeed ( said the philosopher ) we ought to carry some respect , and reverence , towards good religious men ; and i know not what to think , of those libertines , who despise them , and scoff at holy things ; and who , setting light by heaven , and the gifts thereof , upbraid , and combate their felicity . nor do i make a rash proposition , when i affirm these persons , who are markt with the sacred character , to be the gift of god , because ( besides that they lead a holy , and exemplary life , and instruct souls towards salvation ) the lively light they impart , to such as with whom they converse , is an infallible sign of their being sent from above , to save souls , and to illuminate such spirits , as have the ordinary notions ; for god ( who is an universal , and incomprehensible intelligence ) hath a care of us , and makes himself concern'd , in the affairs of our consciences , procuring our salvation by his providence , according as we cooperate with our actions ; and in regard that he hath given us rational souls , he likes not that they should be in love with our bodies , and wholly transported to sensual delights ; and that , in fine , that beam of divinity which we hold from him , should be put out upon earth , as material fire is hidden under ashes . therefore it was , that he sent his prophets in the old law , to prepare mens spirits for his coming ; and his apostles in the new one , to announce his passion , and his miracles to our forefathers , and to instruct them , by the example he gave us in his life : and for that , in the infancy of the church , it was expedient for him , to make himself known , by the greatnesse of his gifts , thereby to attract to himself , those people , which were then , either in disobedience , or paganism ; he sent his holy spirit ; and that not secretly , and only to kindle the hearts of his apostles , with the fire of charity , and to inspire them , with the orthodox , and sacred doctrine , which they were to preach in the world ; but openly , and publickly , to shew by his goodnesse , and by the magnificence of his gifts , a pattern of the glory he had promised , which is unconceiveable , inefable , and incomprehensible to human understanding . but now since christianism is so generally propagated , it is not needful , for god to use those attracts , and specious magnificencies , or any other particular remedies , to retain the faithful believers in their duty , which only consists in the well keeping of his commandments , and in honoring the announcers of his divine word . now , if he sends us secret apostles , markt with the sacred character of his grace , and inspires them with the misterious notions of a purely celestial science ; i pray you consider , what kind of persons they be , who have so good a mission , and how they ought to be esteemed ? wherefore , i will conclude , that as all good religious are called by god , so are they also sent by him , to interpret his oracles , and that he sends them , not with lightning , and thunder , as he anciently communicated himself to his people ; but secretly , and as if he were familiar , amongst men ; to the end , that not being of a higher essence then theirs , their words , and deeds might preach together , and shew us , that we our selves are the causers of our destruction , as israel was ; and that though god made us without our help , yet will he not save us without our help ; and that we must serve our selves of those two things , as of two spurs , to attain to christian perfection . that is called , in plain terms , preaching ( said hydaspe ) and so going on with his caillery , the count interrupted him , saying , gentlemen , shall we not retire our selves ? for it grows late , and we must sup more early then we use to do , to go to the bal , or mask , which is to be daunc't to night , at the hostel de luxembourgh . with all my heart , said the baron , when you please ; and so all agreeing , away they went , to the barons house , whether when they were come , gentlemen , ( said he ) you must do me the honour to sup with me , and then we will go all together to the bal. what kind of bal is it ? said the marquesse . 't is but a bal of entrances , without machins , ( said the count ; ) and they say , that the divertisements , exercises , and passions of youth , is the subject , and that the baladins , or maskers , took it out of their own ordinary manner of life : not to publish their vices , and volupties , which it were fit for them to keep private , ( and which they will not forbear to follow , and enjoy , whether they be known , or not known ) but because the pleasures of the senses are not so satisfactory , and agreeable , when they are not communicated ; as being , for the most part , like those of love , the chief satisfaction whereof , is , first to obtain ones desire , and then to divulge it : and so these people take pride in their employments , and declare , that though every body seeks after divertisements , and pleasures , yet few know how to choose the true , and noble means to acquire them : for women are ignorant of it , either for want of capacity , or through excesse of passions ; children are not of maturity , to comprehend it ; and old folks , are fond of toys and bables . but they who are to daunce this ball , are both for age , and sex , in the most perfect flower , and vigor , to have both the theorical , and practical knowledge , of true pleasures : i mean that gang of inseperable camerades , who are called la trouppe galliarde , or the jolly company , and who study nothing but the accomplishment , of the delights , and volupties of this life ; for they trample upon what is base ; scorn as chimerical , what is too witty , and give their minds wholly to such things , as are exempt from sottish vanity , and sordity . this mask ( as i told you before ) is a picture , of their manner of life , and a true type , and confirmation of their honest , and honorable divertizements ; and if you have the curiosity to see it , i doubt not but you will esteem it , as it deserves , and instead of censuring it , not only approve it , but praise it , and do your best to protect it , and prefer it , both for the fitnesse of the subject , the dexterity of the actors , and the gallantry of the scene , before all you have ever seen . though you commended it not so much ( said the counsellor ) we should yet be desirous to see it , because the other night we crouded so much , to see one neer us , which was not so good , either for the scene , or for the actors , and the subject of it was a little peccant too , as alluding to the disparagement of women . what subject was it then , said the marquesse , who had not been then in their company to see it ? it was ( said the counsellor ) the jubiley of caelibat , or single life , wherein were represented all the gallantries , which possibly could be invented , in contempt , and scorn of ladies : and therefore it was not only not applauded , but all the spectators ( for their sakes ) were much disgusted , because the ladies ( who are the oracles , which either give , or take away the approbation of men ) were much troubled at the blemishing of their credit , and the deminution of their honour . i will tell you ( said the marquesse ) of a bal which i made in our country this lent , a little after i employ'd my self for that young gentleman , whose sad story i have related to you ; and i believe , you will find the subject to be very good , and the invention most pleasant . it was this , after the death of alexander the great , ( which was the noble cause of dividing the empire of the world , amongst his captains , and prescribing limits to ambition ) antigonus , the father of demetrius , and salcucus , had each of them certain kingdoms for their shares ; for in regard they were the chief commanders , who had signalized themselves in battails , and victories , and had , in great part , by their exploits , forwarded their master , in the atchievement of that universal soveraignty ; it was therefore fit , and just , that they should be requited , for their pains , and dangers , with a recompense suitable to the greatnesse of their minds , and the merit of their actions , and that their valor should be rewarded with kingdoms , since nothing but triumph , and potency can be the just , and equivalent price of vertue . wherefore , to demetrius and his father , was allotted the kingdom of phrygia ; and that of syria , to seleucus ; who had to wife the lady stratonica , daughter to demetrius ; a princess , as much worthy of admiration , for the singular beauty of her body , as of adoration , for the incomparable gifts , and endowments of her mind . to assure you of the historical part of the subject , it is hard , because there is no author , who hath written truely , and perfectly of it : but i conceive it to be thus . fame , the flying trumpet of stratonica's beauty , had already spread it , as a prodigy , upon the whole face of the earth , and erected as many altars , as there are princely , and soveraign hearts , to conceive love , and ambition for her . this coming to the court of syria , and breeding some disorder in the kings family , it also possest seleucus , and his son antiochus , with an equal passion of love towards her ; but antiochus , ( as a son , and a subject ) must submit to the law of nature , and to the royal power , by concealing his flame , and tempering his passion , by force , and duty . for seleucus , having imposed silence , upon those internal , and hidden motions , which his son was like to discover in his brest , declared to his counsel the resolution he had , to take demetrius his daughter , to his second wife ; and for this effect , he sent appelles into phrygia , to draw her picture , thereby to know , by the copy of so perfect a hand , whether the original were answerable to the reputation , and whether his passions were seconded by verity . the divine appelles , ( whose name will never die , and merited alone to be styled the author of a second nature ) lived at that time , upon the coast of syria , and was a subject to seleucus . but , this picture proved fatal , to all such as beheld it ; for they were all deprived , of the use of some member of their bodies , because it was drawn in the temple , at the time of sacrifice . this was the subject of my mask , which i intituled , the enchanted picture of stratonica ; and the order , and entries of it were these . the great hall of the palace , was the place where they daunc't , because it was the most capable of the company , and the most remarkable to help their memories , to retain the representation of this dumb history . a vast and stately theater was built from the floor , a dorn'd with a scene magnificently drest ; where an excellent concert of instruments , and voices , entertain'd the spectators , till the assembly was full ; and in the mean time , a stain'd cloth , with the subject painted upon it , hid from their eyes the proud decorations , and ornaments of the scene , and afforded a gentle , and sweet liberty to their ears , to enjoy the charms of the musick , and avoid the confounding of the functions of the senses , that so they might suddainly , and all at once , surprize them with the magnificence , and splendor thereof , and pleasantly beguile them , by the distance of the object . fame , ( as the principal subject of the history of this mask ) with her clothes full of eyes , and tongues , and gazets , or news-books , in her hands , shewed her self with incomparable celerity , at the first entry ; and dauncing with an imperceptible agility , made the beholders believe that she flew in her steps , and that he who represented her , ( who was a dauncing-master ) had both the wings , and lightnesse of that goddesse . at the end of his part , he scattered his gazets in the hall , and exit . in the second scene , was exhibited the frontispiece of a stately temple , which being opened by a sacristain , or sexton , displaid a most excellent , and resplendent piece of painting , representing the altar , and trevet , where the idol rendred the oracles ; which was very recreative , by means of the variety of actions , which the sacristain perform'd , in just measure , and cadency of the daunce , to prepare , and accommodate all things for the sacrifice , and which was as cleer , and intelligible indeed , as any part of a play. the adorable stratonica , led by her gallant , daunc't the third scene , and afforded admiration to all the spectators , by the majesty of her countenance , by the statelinesse of her habit , and by her most sweet , and regulated gravity , in the exactnesse of the daunce . having ended her part , she kneel'd down in a corner of the temple , and her gallant behind her , expecting the sacrisice . the fourth represented the coming of appelles from syria , to the court of phrygia , to take a picture of stratonica , who having understood that she was in the temple , at a sacrifice which her father demetrius had commanded to be made , as a thanks-giving , for a victory which he had obtain'd , came in with his stain'd cloth , his slice , and his pensils , and having daunc't a while , hid himself behind a corner of the altar , over against the princesse , to steal her picture , during the time of the sacrifice , the most secretly he could , according to his order . the high priest , follow'd by two sacrificers , having each of them a thurible in his hand , made the fift entrey , with a majestick gravity , and a statelinesse of habit , taken out of the ancient medals , fit for the parts they acted , and as they were dauncing , offred incense to the idol , and made the finest figures , and cadencies , that could be shew'd by the number of three , still turning to the altar , and offering incense , at the end of their ayer , whilst appelles , behind the altar , drew stratonica's picture , with a regulated motion , upon the fame ayer they daunc't . upon a suddain , a huge , and terrible noise , behind the altar , made both the musitians , and dauncers stop , in the middle of the sacrifice , and the oracle bellow'd out a dreadful voice , that their adorations were not pleasing to the gods , because they had been prophan'd by a painter ; but that his work should expiate the crime , and that all men who should look upon it , should be deform'd in some part of their bodies , excepting only women , who should be exempt from the punishment . hereupon , the whole assembly went out of the temple much afflicted , and disturbed . olympia , wife to one of the sacrificers , made the sixth entry , and then the musick struck up again ; and she understanding the disgust , which the gods had signified against the sacrifice , by the concourse of people she saw going out of the temple , and shewing her self desirous to know the cause thereof , she found no body there , but appelles cast into a profound , and letargical sleep ; whom she ( in vain ) endeavoured to awake , to consult about the businesse : for , in regard he had been taken with the beauty of the picture whilst he was drawing it , he was the first who received the punishment of the prophanation he had committed , by a dead sleep , into which he was cast , according to thesentence of the oracle . so that olympia could not awake him ; but observing , amongst other marvailous excellencies of the picture , the inscription which it bore , for king seleucus , and nettled by covetousnesse ( a vice constant to the sex ) in hope of great reward for so rare a present , she resolved to steal the picture , and carry it into syria to the king. but it was no small pleasure , to see this woman represent all the motions , which the passions of this entry required , with a well compos'd cadency , and an agreeable disposition of steps : as the terror given by the oracle ; the extasies , into which she was cast , by the excellency of the piece ; and the flight she made out of the temple , for fear of being caught in so worthy a theft . in a word , this entry was so stupendious , and so expressive , that it raised so many buzzes of admiration , and applause , as put the musick to silence . upon this , an excellent trio was sung , by certain musitians , in an antick habit , to give time for olympia's journey into syria with the picture , and to observe the rules of the representation ; during which the temple disappear'd , and at the same time , by a subtle change of the scene , was suddainly represented a stately room , of a kings palace , which covered the whole theater , ( and whose magnificent structure might dispute architecture , with the most pompous palace of italy , and the most admirable porticks of venice ) where there came out an eunuch , door-keeper to king seleucus's chamber , and introduc't olympia to him . the musick ( having given the spectators leisure to recollect their minds , from the excess of delight , wherewith they had been seaz'd by this stately change of the stage ) began to play-again , and the eunuch daunc't his part , after a brisk , and antick fashion , not much disresembling the ideas of the trio , perform'd by the musitians . the king seleucus came forth of his chamber , with olympia , to whom he shew'd many signs of recognizance , for the present she had made him , and willing her to set it upon a cupboard which stood neer the stage , and not being able to satiate himself with admiring it , or rather with adoring it , he suddainly became blind ; which olympia perceiving , she fled away , and left him groaping up and down the stage ; and it was a very pleasant spectacle to the beholders , to see him harnast in a coat of arms , glittering like the sun , with spangles of gold , and embrodery , go groveling , and staggering to his chamber ; and all this , with the hansomest measure , and the most regulated counterpaces that could be . the prince antiochus , understanding the dismal news of the king his fathers blindnesse , came out of his chamber , with intention to go visit , and consolate him ; but casting his eye upon this divine , and fatal picture , and contemplating the beauty thereof , he suddainly found his right leg shortned by a foot , with strange and grievous pains ; and so he was fain to go halting home . in the second entry , two princes of the court came forth , to go to the king ; but stopping to gaze upon the picture , before they went in , the one of them swel'd up like a tun , and the other grew bunch-backt . then , four of the life-guard daunc't excellently well , and were so much the more admir'd , because they daunc't a pyrrique after the old fashion , with their halbards in their hands , wherewith they shew'd many military feats , after the manner of pitcht , and well regulated battails : but they also suffred by this fatal charm ; for as they were peeping upon the picture , they were all four struck lame in their arms , and their halbards fell out of their hands , and made sport enough for the company , to see them march off with every one a crooked arm , dragging their halbards with their other hands ; and all this , with a very fine cadency , and measure . but the greatest mischief the picture did , was to a litte knavish page , who , being sent to call the physitians , and not content to stand and pry upon it , at a distance , must needs forsooth creep towards it , and consider it neer hand ; but upon a suddain , the poor strippling found his thighs shivered , and was forc't to wriggle away upon his breech , which caused much laughter , to see him throw away the picture in a rage , and daunce upon his arse . now , the king understanding that the whole court had suffred by looking upon this picture , commanded it to be torn in pieces ; to which purpose the eunuch coming forth in the third entry , and finding the picture upon the ground , could not forbear to look upon it , before he brake it ; but it cost him dear , for his head grew forthwith as bald as his chin ; and so scratching his noddle with one hand , and assaulting the picture with the other , he came as scurvily off as the rest . a physitian , and a mountebank being sent for , to cure the king , and his son , made the fourth entry , so upon the same ayer , but with different steps , and contrary figures , in regard of the antipathy there is between them , in point of their vocation ; and this entry was of more force then the rest , and had more paces of science , and figures of peculiarity , in respect of their contrariety ; but it was too short ; for really , had the whole bal been compos'd of the same steps , upon the same ayer , it would not have been tedious ; so delightful , and ravishing they were . now , all humane remedies being found uselesse , towards the cure of these great mischiefs this charm had wrought , it was thought fit , to have recourse to divine ones . wherefore the king , with all his crippled court , went to the temple , to beg remedy of the gods ; and here the scene changed in a trice , and shew'd another temple , different from the former , where the high priest , and the sacrificer immolated an heyfer upon the altar , for the recovery of the king , and his court : and then all the cripples entred together , dauncing after odd , and ridiculous fashions , every one according to the defect of his debilitated part ; after which , the musick stopping , they all made halt , expecting the oracle , which answered , that nothing but the original of the picture , could cure the evils which the copy had wrought . hereupon the temple disappear'd , and seleucus's palace return'd again , whence two embassadors were dispatch't to demetrius , to demand stratonica , for wise to the king of syria ; which finisht the sixth entry ; and after which the musitians began to play , and by a sweet concert of voices , and instruments , made an agreeable interlude , to give the embassadors leisure to make their journey , and bring the worthy fruit of their embassie . seleucus being inform'd , that the embassadors approached with the divine subject of his health , and the adorable object of his love , went forth at the eighteenth entry , with all his court , in as pitiful a case as it was , to receive her ; where they daunc't , after the prettiest , and most phantastical fashion that could be , with so many various , and extravagant postures , ( according to the various defects of their members , and all together with so much punctuality ) that all these different persons compos'd a just harmony of their bodies , like a good concert , of a diversity of notes . the fair stratonica , shew'd her self at the bottome of the theater , ushered in by the embassadors , and she soon suspended both the eyes , and hearts of the spectators , as well with the beauty of her person , as with her grace , and comlinesse in dauncing ; and as soon as she was presented to the king , he recovered his sight , and all the poor , maim'd courtiers grew sound , and brisk ; in acknowledgement of which great felicity , the stage was subtly , and suddainly changed , into joy and jubily , and the musick , having altered their tune , for the twentieth , and last entry , stratonica , and the whole court daunc't the grand bal , ( being thirteen in number ) to wit , stratonica , seleucus , antiochus , the two embassadors , the two princes , the four halbardeers , the eunuch , and the page , and afterwards , in representation of the wedding , and copolusion of the mask , they all went to play the good fellows together . indeed ( said the count ) the subject of their bal was gallant , and stately , and i believe the representation of it was admirable , though it seem to be almost impossible ; not for the sumptuousnesse , and charge , but for the trouble and difficulty of it . for , how could you make a man seem blind , bunch-backt , puft up , and broaken-thigh'd , which are things almost impossible ? it was a pretty trick indeed , said the marquesse : for whilst the king was rubbing his eyes , and making a shew of feeling some dimnesse in them , he imperceivably slipt on a pair of false eyes , which he had hidden under his vizard : and one of the princes , by means of a cushion which he had under his cassack , drew up a silken string , and shew'd a bunch in his back : and the other made himself seem to be swoln , with a bag-pipe , which he had upon his brest , the pipes whereof were tied to his arm-pits , fill'd the bag by their frequent motion . as for the page , he fell instantly upon his breech , having the bowl dish tyed behind him before , though it appear'd not at all , till he began to daunce upon it , and to tumble upon the stage , the noise whereof signified the measures of the cadency , which added great grace to the action , and great delight both to the ears , and eyes of the company . all the rest was very easie , and feasable ; and all things were so well , and so advantagiously ordered , that there was not any defect at all , in the least point of the whole representation . these are but petty observations which you make , ( said the philosopher ) and i have taken notice of one thing , very irregular , and quite against the order of the scene , which requires the unity of times , and places , and which ought to be regulated at most , within the term of a natural day , of four and twenty hours : but in this bal , i have noted , that of place , in the representation , of two different kingdoms far asunder ; and in that of time , two different journeys , which impugns the unity of time , and restrains not the mind , to the point which the stage desires . you could not be a philosopher ( replied the marquesse ) if you did not comment upon all things , and pretend even to shame an egg-shell . but to give rational satisfaction , to such persons of judgement , as shall come to the knowledge of the subject ; and to prevent the malice of such criticks , as shall presume to condemn , either the invention , or order of this bal ; i will only tell you , that we ought not to cavil , or find strange , to see fabulous conceptions exhibited upon a true foundation ; and if we made any addition , to the history of piutarch , or to the famous romance of stratonica , to embellish and illustrate the stage , and to give the spectators more cause of admiration , you must consider , that common things do not surprize , and ravish the senses , as novelty doth : for , if even beauty it self were too familiar to us , it would not be amiable ; and if our notions , and sciences were not so defective as they are , we should live without pleasure ; in regard that all satisfactions of the mind , and delights of the eyes , come from deprivations , or ignorance , which is the whetstone of curiosity : and thence it is , that we draw those admirations , attended by the charms , and divertizements which new things afford us ; whereas such , as wherewith we have been once satiated , seem always faint , and insipid , though never so excellent . now , in regard that in this design , the principal scope was the satisfaction of the intelligent ; we conceived , that the representation of a history , of a fable , or of any trivial subject , would not surprize the mind , nor charm the senses ; and therefore that it was fit to invent some particular subject , so to exact ( at least by the novelty thereof ) something , for the advantage , and pleasure of the curious , and that to keep the learned within the compass of their rules , it was also necessary , by diversifying the scene , to insert somewhat , contrary to the dramatick , and to illustrate the beauty of the epick , and to elevate , in fine , the splendor of the stage , by the thing , which is now a days most unusual to it . i speak to you master philosopher , ( said the marquesse ) and if you be not content with this , i send you back to the hall , where you would have found wherewith to satisfie you , in the pompous richnesse of the cloaths , in the proud decorations of the stage , and in the excellent harmony , both of the instruments , and voices . the marquesse had no sooner done , but the coach was stopt , and invested * by a multitude of arm'd citizens , and sergeants , in lumbard-street , who all in a rage , attend upon the commissary of the quarter , which their pages , and lackays ( who were in good number ) perceiving , forthwith drew their swords to repulse them , and laid so well about them , that they wounded some , put others to flight , and slasht them for the most part to the purpose , whilst the commissary , coming to the coach with some torches about him , cried out with a commanding voice , like a magistrate , are you they , who have stoln away a young lady , out of this street ? come on , let us see ? feel , my friends , feel in this coach ! to which the gentlemen answered , we know not what you mean ; we have no lady here ; but if we had , we would keep her well enough from you . herewith , finding themselves mistaken , they departed , and the coach went on ; and when it was pretty far advanc't , the gentlemen heard some pistols go off , at the next turning ; and when they were past the corner of old temple street , they saw in * white-cloak-street , seven or eight filous , or theeves , having set upon another coach , which had but few folks in it , had kill'd the coach-man ; and the horses being frighted , ran away with the coach , and overthrew it in the middle of the street , which stopt the passage . the rogues seeing so many people coming , betook them to their heels , and got away , before these gentlemen came up ; whose coach-man , to make way , fell a whipping his own horses , and those of the other too so sharply , that they rais'd the coach upright , in such sort , as the boots of the two coaches rub'd one against another , & so the gentlemen past slowly on ; when suddainly , a lady skipt out of the other coach , in despight of them who endeavoured to hold her , & resolutely catching hold of the boot of the barons coach , cried help , help , for gods sake ! i am a poor girle stoln from my fathers house , and would rather be hang'd , then go with this villain , who hath forc't me away ! the civil , and officious baron receiving her , took her in his arms , set her down by him , and bid the coachman drive on as fast as he could . all the company crouded to see her , and examine her ; but to no purpose , for she gave them no answer ; but , partly through the fright , and partly through her straining to get out of the other coach , she fell in a swoon . being come to the barons house , they caused torches to be brought to the coach , to see what fortune had bestowed upon them , and there they found so much beauty , and so many charms , in the face of a young lady , of about fifteen years old , that even in the very fit of her swooning it self , it surpriz'd them with admiration , and passion . they laid her upon a bed , and when she was come to her self again , she burst forth into such lamentable shriks , and complaints , as that she was almost ready to use violence to her self , notwithstanding the baron did what he could , to appease and consolate her . oh unhappy wretch that i am ! ( said she ) i fell at first but into the snares of one ravisher ; and now i am at the mercy of many persons whom i know not , and who peradventure — she was going on , but the baron interrupted her , saying , cheer up lady , and be of good comfort , in the assurance i give you , that you shall here receive no wrong , nor displeasure , but rather all kind of respect , and obedience . she replied with resentment , and submission ; i desire no such thing as that of you sir ; but all the favour i crave of you , is , that i may be carried safe to my fathers house ; and this i beg of you , by all the honour you have , and by all you hold dear in the world ! and with this , she burst out into so many tears and sobs , and actions of humility , that she would have softned the heart of a very barbarian ; and adding to her supplications ( to captivate them whom she petition'd ) that the aversion , and hatred which she carried towards him who had forc't her away , made her cast her self upon the mercy of the first she met with ; but that the fates had been propitious to her , in throwing her upon persons of condition , amongst whom she found some light , of the only comfort of the distressed , which is hope . lady , ( said the baron ) i should be glad to carry you instantly home ; but i can hardly do it , because i neither know where you dwell , nor who you are . upon this , she took a little courage , and wiping her rosy , and most amiable cheeks , which were all bedew'd with tears , she told him where she dwelt , and who she was ; namely , the daughter of a certain financier , ( whom she named ) and related part of the accident how she was forc't away . then the marquesse catching up her words , said , your parents , lady , are seeking after you , and the commissary of your quarter came with a great multitude , and felt in our coach for you , as we past along the street , to see if we had stoln you . i would to god! ( said she ) ( with a sob , which stopt her speech , and already flattered the noble company , with the hope , that , this word was spoken to their advantage ) i would to god , the commissary , and my parents had met that coach wherein i was , instead of yours ! for then i had been by this time , in my dear mothers arms . but i should be sorry for that , replied the baron ; for then i should have been deprived , of the highest felicity that could befal me : and i should be freed ( said she with a sigh ) from the fear and danger wherein i am ! i will warrant you from the later , ( said the baron ) and you have just ground to lay aside the former , in regard you are in a safe refuge , where none shall command but your self , and where you are as absolute by the respect i have vow'd you , as by the empire you have acquired upon my soul. this sublime complement dull'd the heat of the fire wherewith the other gentlemen began to burn : for afterwards , they spake of nothing but going instantly to supper , & then to the bal , whereof they had talkt upon the cours , and to leave this fair desolate lady to her rest , if it were possible for her to take any , ( being at the mercy of despair ) but it was so far from it , that she did nothing but impatiently ask now whether she were going home ? then , whether the coach were ready ? and in fine , whether they would keep their word with her , or not ? and the like . the steward having sent word , that the meat was at table , the company rose to go to supper ; but much ado they had to depart out of the chamber , where they had left their hearts , and where love had laid new ambushes for them , at their going out : for this charming lady , having recovered some part of her strength through hope , and rising , out of civility , from the bed to wait upon them to the door , shew'd them so tall , straight , and slender a body , enricht , and illustrated with so comely and majestick a grace , and with so sweet and penetrating an ayer , that the gravity of her carriage , and the vivacity of her aspect rendred her divine , and inaccessible . her supper was brought into her chamber to her , but the would not touch so much as one bit of any thing ; and indeed , the gentlemen did neither eat , nor say much ; they being agitated with the passion of love , and desire ; and she with that of fear , and discomfort . after supper , they all retired , save only the baron , who dispatcht a witty , & discreet person , to inform himself of the ladies condition , and of the truth of the accident ; wherby he found , that she was worth six hundred thousand livers , ( which is neer sixty thousand pound sterling ) as being the only child , and heiress to a rich financier , and that there was great diligence , and inquiry made after her . but if love had sensibly touch't his heart before , this news did it much more , in despight of all the generus resistance he could make against it . wherefore , he presently began to consider how he might make use of his good fortune , and keep the lady for himself : in order to which , he resolved to carry her forthwith out of his house , where she had been seen ; and to this effect , he sent his coach with six fresh horses , out at st. anshonies gate , with some men on horse-back well arm'd , to guard it . in the mean while , he went into the chamber of his fair guest , to ask her if she were ready to go home ; however he intended to carry her farther . and she , as soon as ever she saw him , without expecting his complement , earnestly ask't him what he came to offer her , according to his promise . i am here to wait on you lady ( said he ) and there is a chair on purpose at the gate , to carry you with more ease , and convenience , then in a coach , in regard of your weakness . whereupon she , without answering him , without calling for hood or mask , and without expecting his hand , went first down the stairs , and slipt into the chair , and the baron went into another , to conduct her to the coach , which stay'd for them , and which was to carry them before day , to the house of a friend of his in the country . they met with misfortune in the streets ; but the baron being in deep contemplation upon his design , was furiously assaulted by two strong passions , which so tormented him , that they made a kinde of a portative hell of his soul , namely , honor , and profit , which made a fierce combat in his brest ; and love , taking the stronger side of the two , suffered him not to deliberate much upon it , but byassed his spirit that way . honour said to him , hold , whither goest thou ? thou goest to commit an unworthy rape , which will stain the brightness of thy glory with irreparable shame ; and to perpetrate a crime , whereof heaven hath made thee the preventer . thou oughtest to send this lady home to her parents , and therein thou wouldst perform an heroical action . love said , affection cannot be forc't , and my fire is never kindled , but by services , and complements . thou wilt more vigorously captivate thy mistresse , by carrying her home , then by keeping her prisoner ; and her father , in requital of thy generosity , will make thee a present of the thing which thou hast given him : home with her , home with her ! no , ( said profit ) thou art a fool , if thou lettest slip thy good fortune , and out of faint-heartedness , loosest a certain treasure for an uncertain reward . whereupon , love wheel'd about , and tickled him with a desire , to take present possession of the charms , and delights he had propos'd him . in fine , after a long contestation of his thoughts , honor got the victory ; and so , calling that person to him , whom he had sent to inform him of the accident , ( as confiding most in him ) he bid him softly , go to the financiers house ; whither when they came , the tears , desolation , and affliction , which was there before , turn'd forthwith into as great a confusion of amazement , joy , and gladnesse . for , when the mother ( who was in her bed , overwhelmed with grief ) and the father , ( who was walking sadly up and down the chamber , exaggerating the excesse of his misfortune ) heard their servants shout out upon a suddain , mistresse , mistresse ! the father was coming out , to see what was the matter , and met the baron at the chamber-door , ushering in his daughter , and presenting her to him . the mother could not contain her self , but jumpt out of the bed , and caught her in her arms ; and whilst all was full of embra ements , and excesses of joy , the baron said to them ; it hath been my happinesse , to take your daughter out of the hands of him who had stoln her , and now i bring her to you . upon which the young lady began to relate the good treatment she had received ; but the baron forthwith replied ; lady , all the recompense i desire , shall be the glory of having served you . as for the father , and mother , their actions supplied the want of words , to thank , and acknowledge the irremunerable favour he had done them ; and so having sent for his coach , which expected him out of town , and taking his leave , he said to the young lady ; lady , i have yet served you but to halves ; nor shall i think my self to have merited any thing of you , till i shall have fought with him who forc't you , and till the justice of your cause shall have made me sacrifice him , to revenge your injury . in the second walk , we will treat of the pretty adventures of the barons love to this lady , and introduce his coach , with other persons in it , amongst whom we shall see a conversation as various , as recreative . and the ladies , and wits of the court must be pleased to pardon me , if i have coucht any entertainments here , which are not proper for the cours , or any matters which are not pleasing to their palates : for , if i have shew'd in this book , that i am not much inclin'd to verbosity , and that i love not superfluous and affected terms ; i was induc't to it by the advice of my friends , who are good book-men , and the scourges of them , who talk much , and say nothing . however , to expiate this crime committed against gallantry , i was fain ( contrary to my design ) to change the scene of this first walk , and retire the coach of my interlocutors , from the cours ; to the end , that not being distracted by the charming beauty of the ladies , nor diverted by the variety and confusion of objects , their conversation might not be interrupted , and that they might probably be able to continue it in a walk apart , upon such subjects as require quiet and attention . but in these following walks , it shall not be so ; and they shall allow the court more freedome , more gallantry , and more pleasure , then this hath done . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52003-e200 after the battell of kilseioh . notes for div a52003-e3050 1. he maintains the honour of ladies . 2. of the country . 5. of sympathy . 4 of habitudes in all their parts . 6. of quarrels , and duels . 7. of the palm and of the laurel . 8. of glory , the sole reward of champions and conquerors . 9. of envy . 10. of sea-sickness . 11. of the turks maxime . 12. of clomency . 13. the relation of a comedy , of the days reign of sem 〈…〉 mis . 15. an invective against an able poet. 16. of eloquence , and the delicate parts thereof . * where all the mountaubancs , jugglers , and cheaters are . 17. for the country . 18. an apology for monsieur de balzac . 19. of the distinction of wits . 21. of metoposcopy . 22. of the infallibility of the horoscopes . 23. whence comes the folly of learned men . 24. whether the world be eternal or no. 25. of academies , and the differences thereof . 26. of that which makes a compleat man. 27. of the posture men ought to be in at court. 28. of marriage , and single life . 31. of the respect we owe to sacred persons . 31. of bals and masks . 32. the relation of a magnificent ball , or mask . * rue des lombards at paris . lavieille rue du temple . * rue des blancs-manteaux . the memorialls of margaret de valoys, first wife to henry the fourth, king of france and navarre compiled in french by her owne most delicate and royall hand : and translated into english by robert codrington ... memoires de la roine margverite. english marguerite, queen, consort of henry iv, king of france, 1553-1615. 1641 approx. 303 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 119 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51922 wing m595 estc r15539 13351895 ocm 13351895 99191 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51922) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99191) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 466:3) the memorialls of margaret de valoys, first wife to henry the fourth, king of france and navarre compiled in french by her owne most delicate and royall hand : and translated into english by robert codrington ... memoires de la roine margverite. english marguerite, queen, consort of henry iv, king of france, 1553-1615. codrington, robert, 1601-1665. [6], 229 p. printed by r. h., london : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and 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in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marguerite, -queen, consort of henry iv, king of france, 1553-1615. france -court and courtiers. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the memorialls of margaret de valoys , first wife to henry the fourth , king of france and navarre . compiled in french by her owne most delicate and royall hand : and translated into english by robert codrington , master of arts. london , printed by r. h. 1641. to the trve lover of all good learning . the truly honorable , sir anthony vincent knight and baronet , &c. sir , the workes of royall authors are onely fit to bee lodged in noble hands , to whom then more justly could i devote this service then unto you to whom all learning owes for a patron , and the world for an example . this is that which hath invited me to this dedication , besides an ambition which a long time i have nourished that poynteth at no other happines then to study out some way to make my selfe knowne unto you , and if my devotion to your service can winne on your goodnesse to pardon my presumption the glorious endowments of this most illustrious lady ( who in her time was one of the greatest princesses of europe ) shall winne on your iudgemeut to entertaine this everlasting issue and memoriall of her , in which there is no other errour to be found but that it is presented to the world and you by this rude hand sir , of your most humble and most devoted servant , robert codrington . an advertisement to the reader . who is to understand that the addresse of this book in the originall is supposed to be to monsieur de hardslay , chief in attendance on the duke of alenson , at what time he was chosen by the lords of flanders for their protector . the argument of the first booke . the infancy and education of this lady ; her attendance in ordinary on the queen her mother , and her removall from that place by the same power which did preferre her to it . the beginning of her love with her brother the duke of alenson , which was continued to his death . her marriage with the king of navarre , on which ensued the massacre of saint bartholomew . the resolutions of her husband , and the duke of alenson to joyne with the huguenots , wisely descovered , and prevented . the death of king charles her brother . the close projects and practises at court to plant dissention betwixt the duke of alenson and her husband , and betwixt the king her husband and her self , occasioned partly by the malice and aspertions of du guast , partly by the beauty and temptations of madame de sauva , and countenanced by the too eager beleefe of the king of france her brother , to blast this ladies honor. the memorialls of queene margaret . the first booke . i should have extolled your work the more , if it had not praised me so much , being unwilling to have those praises conferred on me , which might sway me more to self conceit then reason , for so i may be thought like themistocles to esteem that man to speake best who doth extoll me most ; this is a weaknesse incident to women to be taken more with praises than deserts , for this i doe condemn my sex , and would not be ranked in this condition with them ; neverthelesse i doe account it a great glory , that so deserving a gentleman as your self have drawn my picture with so rich a pencill . in this pourtraict , the ornament of the table doth farre surpasse the excellence of the figure which you have made your subject ; had i any part of those graces which you impute unto me , my afflictions having wiped them away from outward observation , have wiped withall their rememberance from my memory ; in a manner that beholding my selfe in your discourse , i could doe willingly as sometimes the old lady of rendan , who after her husbands decease having a long time forborn her looking glasse , and having afterwards a sight of her self in another glasse by chance , she demanded who it was she saw there ? and although my friends that see me would perswade me to the contrary , yet i doe suspect their judgements , as having their eyes charmed with too much affection ; i believe when you shall come unto the proofe , that in this you will be on my side , and will say as i doe often write out of the verses of bellay . thus rome in rome was sought for round , and nothing of rome in rome was found . but as we take delight to reade of the destruction of troy , of the glory of athens , and of such mighty cities when most they flourished , although the signes of them are now so small , that we hardly can discern where heretofore they stood , so you take pleasure to describe the excellence of a beauty , of which there remains no witnesse , nor appearence , but only in your writings . had you done it to represent the contention of nature and of fortune , you could not have made choice of a more remarkable subject , they both in me having to emulation made essay how far their powers could extend . in that of nature , your selfe being an eye witnesse doe not need instructions ; but in that of fortune , being unable to make description but by report , which is subject to be delivered by persons ill informed , or ill affected , and who cannot represent the truth either through ignorance , or through malice , i presume that you will take pleasure to receive these memorialls from her , who hath most reason to know them best , and who having greatest interest in them , can with greatest truth describe their subject . i have also been invited to it by five or six remarkable observations in your discourse which i have found defective , as when you speak of pau , and of my voyage out of france ; when you speak of the late marshall of biron , when you speak of agen , and of the marquis of canillac . i will runne over my own memorialls , to which i will not give a more glorious name , although they well deserve the title of a history , for the truth which they nakedly contain , being without any ornament of language , for which i have now neither the ability , nor the leasure . this work then of one afternoon shall repaire to you in a rude and mishapen lump , like bears new whelpt , to receive from you their beauty and proportion . it is a chaos from whence already you have drawn the light . it is indeed a story well worthy to be written by a knight of honor , a true gentleman of france , born of the illustrious family which was cherished by the kings my father , and my brothers , and cosin and familiar friend to the noblest and most accomplished ladies of our time , it being my happinesse to be the induction and the tye , in the society and the union of them . the occurrences of the precedent with those of the succeeding times doe inforce me to begin in the reign of king charles , & in the first time that in my remembrance there fell out any thing worthy of observation . for as the geographers in the description of the earth ; when they are arrived to the utmost bound of all their knowledge , doe tell us that beyond that there are nothing but sandy deserts , inhabitable lands , and seas innavig●ble ; in the like manner will i say , that beyond that first rememberance of mine , there is nothing to be discovered , but a wilde of my first infancy , an infancy wherein we live , rather guided by nature , after the manner of plants , and other creatures , then of men perswaded and counsailed by reason ; and i will leave unto those who were the governours of my nonage that superfluous enquiry , where peradventure among those actions of my infancy , there will be found some as worthy to be recorded , as that of the infancy of themistocles , and alexander , the one exposing himselfe in the middle of a street to a carters horses , who would not stay himselfe at his intreaties ; the other despising the rewa●d of the olympique race , if kings might not contend with him for the honor or it . of which number may be the answer that i made the king my father some few daies before the fatall blow that deprived france of peace , and our house of happinesse : being then but foure , or five yeers of age , my father ( holding me on his knee to hear me prattle ) demanded ●f me , whom i would choose for my servant , monseiur the prince of joinville , who hath been since the great and unfortunate duke of guise , or the marquis of beaupreau , the sonne of the prince of roche-sur-yon , in whose spirit , fortune having made too great a proofe of the excellency of it , conspired with envy to become his deadly enemy , depriving him by death in the fourteenth yeer of his age , of the honours and the crowns which were justly promised to the vertue and magnanimity that shined in him ; they were both at play with the king my father , and with a fixed eye i did behold them : i made answer to my father , that i would have the marquis ; wherefore so replied the king ? for ( said he ) he is not so handsome , for the prince of joinville was of a ruddy colour and fair to look on , and the marquis of beaupreau was of a brown complexion , and haire : i told him , because he was the wiser , and because the other would never live in peace , but would be working mischiefe to one or other , and one who ever would strive for masterdome ; a true presage of what we since have seen , and the resistance which i made to persevere in my religion at the time of the colloquy at poissy , when all the court was inclined to the new religion by the imperious perswasions of many lords and ladies of the court , and especially of my brother of anjou , since king of france , whose infancy could not avoide an impression of that religion , who with incessant importunity did call upon me to change my religion , casting oftentimes my howres into the fire , and giving me instead of them , the praiers and psalmes of the huguenots , constraining me to take them , which as soon as i received , i gave them to madame de curton my governesse , whom god in mercy to me had preserved still a catholick , and who oftentimes would goe with me to that good man the cardinall of tournon , who did counsaile and encourage me to suffer all things for the maintenance of my religion , and gave me new howres and beades in the place of those which my brother of anjou had burned ; and some other friends of his who were ●ealous to pervert me , observing me againe to weare them , transported with choler , would offer injury unto me , affirming that it was meer childishnesse and folly that made me doe so , saying it did well appear that i had no capacity , that all those who were of any discretion , of whatsoever age or sex they were , hearing grace preached , were retired from the abuses of the old superstition , but i they said , was as very a foole as my governesse . and my brother of anjou , adding threats to his reproaches , would tell me , that the queen my mother should cause me to be whipped ; but this he spake of himself , for the queen my mother knew not of the errour into which he was fallen , and as soon as she did understand it , she did extreamly check him , and his governours and causing them to re-instruct him , she constrayned them to return to the true , holy , and ancient religion of our fathers , from which she never did depart : but i replyed to such threatnings of my brother , melting into teares , as the age of seven or eight yeers ( at which i then was ) is tender enough , that he might cause me to be beaten , and if he pleased he might cause me to be killed , that i would rather suffer all the torments that cruelty could invent then pull damnation on my soule . many more such answers of mine and notes of resolution and of judgement might be found , in the discovery whereof i will no longer travaile , intending to begin my memorialls with that time when i waited in ordinary on the queen my mother , to depart from her no more ; for presently after the colloquy of poissy , that the warrs began , my brother of alenson and my selfe by reason of our tender age , were sent unto ambois , whither all the ladies of that country retired themselves with us , there was your aunt the lady of dampierre , who then received me into her friendship , which she continued to her death , and there was your cosin madame the dutchesse of rais , who in that place knew the favour that fortune had done her , by delivering her at the battell of dreux from her afflicting husband monsieur de annebaut , a person too unworthy to possesse so perfect , and so divine a subject . i speak here of the beginning of the friendship of your aunt with me , and not of your cosin which we have preserved so inviolate , that it continueth yet , and shall doe evermore . but then the age of your aunt had a greater complacence with my infancy , it being the nature of ancient people to make much of little children , and those who are of perfect age as was then your cosin , to be weary of them , and to hate their importunate simplicity . i did continue there untill the commencement of the great voiage , when the queen my mother caused me to return to court , to depart from thence no more , of which i will not speake at all , being then so young , that i cannot retain the remembrance of it but in grosse , the particulars being vanished from my memory like a dreame . i leave therefore the description of it to those who being then as you in a riper age , can remember in particular the magnificent triumphs that were made , especially at the duke of barrs at the christening of my nephew the prince of lorrain , at lions at the welcome of monsieur and madame de savoy , at bayons at the enterview of the queen of spain my sister , and the queen my mother , and of king charles my brother . there i assure my selfe you will not forget to represent that stately banquet which the queen my mother made in the iland , with the mask and manner of the hall , which nature it seems had appropriated to that effect , there being discovered in the middle of the i le , a great green where was a grove of high timber trees in an ovall form , round about which my mother had caused great neeches to be made , and in every neech she had placed a round table for twelve persons , the table only of their majesties with the cloath of state advanced it self at the upper end of the hall , and was mounted on foure steps of green turfes of earth . all these tables were served by diverse troupes of shepheards diversly apparelled with cloath or gold and sattin , according to the diverse habits of all the provinces of france . at the landing of the triumphant boats ( in which their majesties wafting from bayons to the i le , were alwaies attended by the way with the musick of man of the sea-gods , singing and rehearsing verses round about them ) these shepheards were on the green , troup by troup apart , on both sides of a great alley , cast up on purpose for their majesties to goe to the said hall , every troup playing and dancing according to the fashion of their country : the poitevines with their cornets , they of provence dancing lavalt●es with their cimbals , the burgundians and champagnians with the bagpipes , treble viols , and tabers , the brittons dancing loftily with their fine nimble risings , and as many turnings with it , and so accordingly of all the other provinces . after the service of whom , and the banquet ended , the musitians were discovered with a great troupe of satyres to enter the great luminous rock , shining with artificiall light , but sparkling more with the jewells and the beauties of the ladies that sate above , who comming down , did dance that most curious maske , the glory of which the envie of fortune not able to endure , came storming in with so great a tempest , that the confusion and wrack which among the boates that night had made , brought the next morning as great a subject of laughter , as the magnificent setting forth of the maske before had brought delight . the like was to be seen in all the brave entries that were made to expresse the principall cities of this kingdom , whose provinces here represented they did visite . in the reigne of the mighty king charles my brother , some few yeers after the return of the great voyage , the hugenots having begun again the war , the king and queen my mother , being at paris , a gentleman of my brothers of anjou ( who hath been since king of france ) arrived to bring tidings from him , that he had brought the huguenots army to such an extreamity , that he hoped in few dayes to force them to give him battell , before which time , hee did beseech them that he might have the honour to see them , to the end , that if fortune envious of the glories which in so young an age he had obtained , should in that desired expedition , after having done good service to his king , his religion , and the state , conjoyne his funeralls with the triumph of his victories , he might depart this world with lesse sorrow , having satisfied them both in that charge which they had done him the honor to commit unto him . if these words touched the heart of so good a mother , who did not live , but for her children only , to preserve whose lives and estates , she every houre abandoned her own , you are able to judge . incontinently she resolved to depart with the king , taking with her a small and usuall traine of ladies , as the lady de r●is , the lady de sauva , and my selfe . being borne on the wings of desire , and motherly affection , she dispatched the way betwixt paris , and tours , in three daies , which was not without some inconvenience , and many accidents worthy of laughter , occasioned by the poor mounsieur , the cardinall of burbon , who never did forsake her , although he was neither of garbe , of humour , nor complexion for so great a presence . arriving at tours , we found my brother of anjou , with the chiefe commanders and captaines of his army , who were the flowers of the princes , and the lords of france , in the presence of whom he made an oration to the king , to give him an account of all the carriage of his charge since his departure from the court , composed with such art and eloquence , and delivered with so much grace , that he caused admiration in all the standers by : the greennesse of his youth did so much the more advance and make apparent the wisedome of his words ; that seemed more suitable with a gray beard , with an old experienced captaine , than a young gentleman of sixteen yeers of age , whose brow the laurells of two conquests had already crowned , and beauty which gives a greater grace to every action , did so flourish in him , as if she were in emulation with fortune , which of them both should render him most glorious . the joy which my mother did receive hereat ▪ can no more by words be represented , then could the griefe of the father of ipbigenia ; and in any other but her self , whose soul was ever wedded to discretion , one might easily have perceived the exilience which such an excesse of joy had made , but she moderating her actions , as well she could , demonstrating apparently , that the discreet doe nothing which they would not doe , without studdying to proclaime her joyes , or stretch in words those prayses which the actions of so accomplished and deere a childe did merit , took only the chiefe points of his oration , which concerned the actions of the warre , to deliberate on them with the princes and the lords there present , to take a thorough resolution for the war , and to provide things necessary for it ; for the disposing whereof , it was requisite to continue there some certaine daies ; in one of which , the queen my mother walking in the parke , with some of the princes , my brother of anjou in●reated me that we might walke aside into ●n alley , into which being come , he thus spake to me . sister , the education which we have had together , doth no lesse obliege us unto love , then the neernesse of our blood , and you have understood , that among all my brothers & sisters , i have ever had a greater inclination to wish well to you then unto any of them , and i have well observed that your nature hath ever borne to me the same respects of love ; hitherto we have been guided to it by nature , not by counsell , neither hath this action brought us any profit , but only the pleasure we have to converse together , this indeed was agreeable to our infancy , but this houre requires that we no longer live like children , you see the great and honorable charges to which god hath called me , and to which the queene , our good mother , hath advanced me , you ought to believe that you being the onely thing in the world whom i doe most affect and cherish , i shall not be master of that greatnesse or fortune , of which you shall not be partaker . i know you have capacity and judgment to doe me good offices with the queene my mother , to preserve me in that fortune wherein i stand ; my principall intention is to labour to retaine her favor . i am afraid my absence will doe me wrong , and yet the warre , and the charge i have , constraine me almost to be alwayes absent ; in the meane while , the king my brother is alwayes with her , doth please and flatter her in all things . i am afraid , at length it will prove prejudiciall to me , and that the king my brother comming to be great , and being full of courage , will not alwayes minde the chace , but ambitious of change , will turne the chase of beasts into the chace of men , and taking away from me the charge of the kings leivtenant , which he hath given me , will leade the army himself . this would prove to me so great a ruine , and a griefe , that before i would receive so great a fall , i would imbrace the most cruell death . in this apprehension , studying the meanes to prevent it , i finde it necessary for me to have some faithfull persons that may make good my part with the queen my mother , i know not any so fit for this , as you , whom i have ever held for my second self . you have all the parts that can be desired for it , understanding , judgement , and fidelity , wherefore if you will so much obliege me , as to render your selfe observant of her , desiring you to be always at her rising , at her closet , at her lying downe , and briefly all the day , this will obliege her to communicate her selfe unto you ; with this will i expresse unto her your ability , and what comfort and service she shall receive from you , and i will intreat her no more to take you for a childe , but to imploy you in my absence , as my self ; this i doe assure my selfe , that she will doe . speak you to her with the same confidence as to me , and assure your selfe , you shall finde her affable . this shall be to you a happinesse as great as good , to be beloved of her , and and herein you shall doe much for your self and me ; and for my self , i shall next to god , acknowledge you to be the establishment of my fortunes . this language seemed very strange to me , as having yet ever lived without imployment , and minding nothing besides hunting , and dancing , not having so much as the curiosity of affecting new fashions , or of seeming beautifull , as being yet not indebted to age for that ambition , and i was trained up under the queen my mother , with such constraint and awe , that i durst not presume to speak unto her only , but when she looked on me , with what speed i could , i would steale away for fear of doing something that might displease her ; insomuch i was about to answere him , as moses sometimes answered god out of the vision of the bush , what am i , send thou him whom thou oughtest to send ; notwithstanding , finding in my self ( what i thought there had not been ) those faculties stirred up by the object of his words , which before lay undiscovered to me , and being borne with spirit enough , returning to my self from my former astonishment , those words did much affect me , and me thought , that i was at that instant a creature transformed , and was now become a thing of more account then heretofore i had beene , insomuch , that taking confidence in my selfe , i answered him ; brother , if god shall give me the capacitie and boldnesse to talke unto the queen my mother , as i have the will to doe you service in what you desire of me , assure your selfe , you shall receive that profit and content which you have proposed to your selfe , you have reason to be confident of me , for nothing in the world doth more honour and affect you then my selfe , procure only that i may be with the queen my mother , and you shall be there your self , i being only there for you . i expressed these words with my heart rather then my mouth , as the effects can witnesse : for being departed from him , the queen did call me to her closet , and said , your brother hath told me the discourse that you have had together , and now no longer taketh you for a childe , no more will i , it shall be a great comfort to me , to speake to you , as to your brother . render your self diligent and dutifull , and be not afraid to speak freely to me , for i will have it so . these words did shoote such an unbounded joy into my soule , as before it never apprehended , and me thoughts , that all the contents which i received till then , were but as shaddows to this blisse , with a disdainfull eye i looked back on the recreations and exercises of my infancy , as dancing , hunting and the companions of my childehood , despising all , as vain and foolish . i did obey this pleasing comand , not failing a day to be with the first at her rising , and with the last at her lying down , and she did me the honour to speake unto me sometimes two or three houres together , and god gave me the grace that she remained so satisfied therewith , that she could not sufficiently praise me to her women , i talked to her alwayes of my brother , and did advertise him of all occurrences with such fidelity , as i breathed forth nothing but his desires . in this happy estate i did remain some certain time with the queen my mother , during which the battell of montcontour was fought , at the news whereof my brother of anjou who desired nothing more then to be with the queen my mother , sent her word that he was going to besiege saint john d' angeli , and that the kings and her presence would be of much importance at the siege . shee more desirous then himself to come , resolved presently to depart , attended onely with her ordinary train , of which i was one , and i went with her extreamly joyous , not foreseeing the ensuing mischiefe which fortune had prepared . too young as i was , and unexperienced i did not suspect my happinesse , and believing the prosperity i enjoyed to be permanent , i collected to my selfe a perpetuity of my fortune , but my envious starrs that could not support the continuance of so happy a condition did provide me as much affliction at my arrivall , as i promised to my selfe pleasure by my fidelity by which i thought to have obliged my brother ; for in his absence from court , he had taken to him le guast , by whom he was so much possessed , that he saw not but by his eyes , nor spake but by his mouth ; this wicked fellow born for mischiefe suddainly bewitched his spirit , and filled it with a thousand tyrannicall precepts , as that he ought not love or trust to any but himselfe , that he must not joyn any to his fortunes , no not his brother , or his sister , and such goodly matchivilian tenents , imprinting which in his understanding , and he resolving to practise them , as soon as we were come , after the first salutations , my mother began to commend me , and to tell him with what faith and diligence i had attended on her , he answered her coldly , that he was glad of it , but wisedome he said did not permit , that she should use the same expedients at all times , and what seemed necessary in one houre , might prove prejudiciall in another . she demanded of him , what did move him so to speake , whereupon , he seeing the time for his invention which he had contrived for my ruine , made answer that i was grown very beautifull , and that monsieur de guise intended to be a suitor to me , being induced to it by his aspiring uncles , and if it came to passe that i should affect him , it were to be suspected that i would discover to them whatsoever thing she told me ; he told her , that she was not ignorant of the ambition of that house , which had alwaies sought to suppresse and to ruine ours , for which occasion it were requisite , that she should talke no more of affayres unto me , but by degrees retire her selfe and her familiarity from me ; that very evening i found the change which that pernicious councell had wrought in her , and seeing she feared to speake unto me before my brother , having commanded me three or foure times as she was talking to him to go to bed , i waited untill he was gone out of the chamber , & then approaching to her i did beseech her to tell me if through my ignorance i were so unhappy , as to have done any thing which might displease her . at first she began to dissemble with me , but in the end she said , daughter your brother is wise , you must not think ill of him , for that which i shall tell you tendeth unto good : she repeated then all the discourse that had past betwixt thē , & cōmanded me to speak no more unto her before my brother . these words were as many needles in my heart , as those were a joy unto me when she received me first into her favour ; i omitted nothing to represent unto her my innocence , urging that what he talked of was a thing of which i never heard , and if any such thing should happen , it should no sooner be spoken to me , but forthwith i would acquaint her with it ; but it advantaged nothing , my brothers words had left such a deep impression in her heart that there was no roome for truth , or reason ; seeing this , i told her that i was lesse sensible of the evill of the deprivation of my happinesse , because i found no good by the acquisition of it , that my brother might take me away , as he had given me , for he preferred me to her without merit , praysing me when i was unworthy , and that he now deprived me of it without any desert , onely on an imaginary subject which had no being but in his fancy , but i besought her to believe , that i would for ever preserve the remembrance of what my brother had done unto me ; hereat she grew into a great choller , commanding me not to shew the least appearance or signe of any thing . from that time daily more and more she diminished her favors , making her sonne her idoll , and indeavouring to content him in this and whatsoever else he desired of her . this affliction oppressing my heart , and possessing all the faculties of my soule , rendered my body more apt to receive the contagion of the bad ayre , which was then in the army , insomuch that i fell within few daies after , to be extreamly sick of a malignant and spotted feaver , a sicknesse which then ran fatally up and down , and which at the same time had born away two of the principall physitians of the king and queen , chappellain and castelan , intending , as it seems , by taking away the sheepheards to make a better market of their flock , and very few of those escaped who were infected . i being in this extremity the queen my mother who knew partly the cause of it , omitted nothing that might ease me , taking the pains without fearing the danger to come unto me every houre , which brought me much comfort , but the dissembling of my brother did as much again augment my griefe , who after he had shewed himself so unfaithfull , and was guilty of so great ingratitude , departed neither day nor night from my bed , attending as officiously on me , as in the time of our greatest friendship ; but i who by commandment had my mouth shut , answered not his hipocrisie but by sighes ( as burrus sometimes did neroe's , who died by the poyson that the tyrant gave him ) sufficiently witnessing unto him , that the cause of my sicknesse was the contagion of the evill offices that he had done and not of the infected ayre : but god had pitty on me , and delivered me from that danger , and after fifteen daies the army departing , they carried me in a litter , where every evening retiring to my chamber , i found king charles who took the pains with many other noble gentlemen to convey my litter to my bed. in this estate i came to angeirs to saint john de angeli , sick of body , but more sick of minde , where to encrease my misery i found monsieur de guise and his uncles arrived , which rejoyced as much my brother , giving some colour to his former artifice , as it gave me the apprehension to increase my pain , where my brother , the finer to spin his thred , came every day unto my chamber , bringing with him monsieur de guise , whom he counterfeited to love entirely . and to give him cause to think so , he would oftentimes in imbracing him say unto him , i would to god you were my brother : to which monsieur de guise would make as though he did not understand him , but i who knew his malice did loose all patience , and could not but tax him for dissembling . about this time there was a report of my marriage with the king of portugall , who sent his embassadours to demand me . the queen my mother enjoyned me to prepare my selfe to receive them , which i did , but my brother perswaded her that by no means i would be induced to that marriage , she communed with me about it in the evening , and demanded of me how i stood affected to it , thinking thereby to take an occasion to be angry with me ; i replyed to her , that my will altogether depended upon hers , and whatsoever was pleasing unto her should be as agreeable unto me : she answered me in choller to which before they had raised her , that what i spake unto her was not from my heart , and that she knew well , that the cardinall of lorrain had exhorted me to entertaine his nephew , i besought her that she would be pleased to come to the effect of the marriage with the king of portugall , and she should then perceive the fruits of my obedience ; every day brought in some new tidings concerning this subject , to exasperate her the more , and to torment me , which were all inventions contrived in the shop of le guast ; in a manner that i had not one day of quiet , for on one side the king of spaine hindered that my marriage should not bee , and on the other side , mounsieur de guise being at court , served alwayes as a pretext to furnish new subjects of persecution on me , although that neither he , nor any of his kindred did ever so much as speake unto me , and it was now more then a yeere , since he was a suitor to the princesse de portia , but because that marriage was deferred , it reflected alwayes on this illation , that he aspired unto mine , which i observing , resolved to write unto my sister madam de lorrayne , that could doe all in that house , intreating her to be a meanes that monsieur de guise might be withdrawn from court , and that the marriage might be dispatched betwixt him and the princesse de portia his mistresse , representing to her how this invention was complotted as much for monsieur de guize his ruine , as my owne ; the truth of this she knew very well , and came presently after to the court , where she caused the said marriage to be accomplished , by that meanes delivering me from detraction , and giving the queen my mother to understand the truth of that which i had alwayes said . this stopped the mouth of all mine enemies , and gave me rest . in the mean while the king of spaine , who would have none but his owne birds flie out of his owne nest , quite brake off the marriage with the king of portugall , and there was heard no more rumour of it . some few dayes after , there was a report of my marriage with the prince of navarre , who is now the brave and magnanimous king of france , and of my self . my mother being one day at the table , communed there a great while with mousieur de meru , because they of the house of montmorancy were the first that made the motion . and rising from the table , she told me that she had spoken to him to conferre with me about it . i made answere , that i having no other will but hers , it were superfluous , but i besought her seriously to consider that i was a catholike , and that it would be a great affliction to me , to be married to one that was not of my religion . afterwards my mother going to her closet , called me , and told me that the lords of montmorancy proposed againe that marriage to her , and that she willingly would know how i stood affected . i replyed to her againe , that i had neither choice nor will , but what was hers , and besought her againe to remember , that i was a true catholick . at the end of certaine daies , the report still continuing , the queen of navarre , mother to the said prince came to court , where the marriage was fully agreed upon before her death , to whom there happened a pretty passage , which deserveth not indeed to be recorded in this story , but to be passed off in silence twixt you and me . madam de nevers , whose humour you well know , being come with monsieur the cardinall of burbon , madam de guise , madam the princesse of conde , and her sisters , with my self , to discharge the last duety due unto her dignitie and the proximity betwixt us , we found her not with the pompe and ceremonies of our religion , but in the preciser cut of affected huguenotery . she had about her ordinary bed the curtaines open , without light , without priests , without a crosse , and without holy-water . we kept our selves some five or sixe paces from her bed , with the rest of the company . madame de nevers , whom in her life time she hated above all the creatures in the world , and who ever had returned good unto her for it , both in will and words , as you knew she would carry her self fairely to those she hated , departed from our troupe , and with many gracefull , humble and submissive curtesies shee came neere unto her bed , and taking her by the hand , did kisse it , and againe with a lowly courtesie , and most full of humble respects , she withdrew her selfe unto us , we who did know their hatred thinking that — some few moneths after , the prince of navarre , who then called himselfe king of navarre , mourning for the queene his mother , came thither , accompanied with eight hundred gentlemen all in blacks , and was received by the king and all the court with great honor , and some few daies after , my nuptialls were solemnized with more magnificence and triumph then was ever any of my quality . the king of navarre and his troupe had changed their blacks into habiliments most rich and gorgeous , and all the court accoutred , as you know , and can far better represent it . i was royally attired with the crowne . before me i had on a robe of powdered ermines , which glistered all over with the sparkling stones that reflected from the crown , and behind me the great blew mantle , the traine whereof being foure elles , was carried by three princesses , the scaffolds were set up , as it is usuall at the marriages of the daughters of france , from the euesche to our ladies , and covered with cloth of gold. the people thronged below to see the wedding , and all the court passed along upon the scaffolds . we came to the doore of the church , where monsieur the cardinall of bourbon , having received us to say the words accustomed for such solemnities , did there the office for that day . we being thus , fortune who never g●ants unto mortality a perfect happinesse , changed soone after this happy estate of triumphs and of nuptialls into another cleane contrary , by the hurt which the admirall received , which so offended those of the religion , that it made them even desperate , insomuch that old pardaillan , and some other of the chiefe huguenots talked so loud to the queen my mother , that they made her conceive they had some bad intention : by the advise of monsieur de guise , and my brother the king of polonia , who since hath been king of france , a counsell was taken to prevent them , a counsell to which king charles was no way accessary , who loved monsieur de la rochefoucault , teligny , la noue and some others who were the chiefe of that religion , whose service he did account to make use of in flanders , and i my selfe have heard him since affirme , that with much difficultie and importunitie he consented to it , and unlesse they had made him understand that his life and state were in the utmost jeopardy , he had never given way unto it ; and having known the assault which mauravell had made on monsieur the admirall by a shot from a pistoll , which he discharged out of a window , whereby thinking to kill him , hee was onely wounded in the shoulder , the king suspecting truly , that mauravel made that shot , by perswasion of monsieur de guise , in revenge of the death of his father the late monsieur de guise , whom the said admirall had caused to be slain in the same manner by poltrot , he was in so great a choler against monsieur de guise that he swore he would see justice executed , and if monsieur de guise had not withdrawn and hid himself all that day , the king had caused him to be apprehended , and the queen my mother had never more to doe then to make king charles understand , that it was done for the benefit of his estate , so great an affection he did beare to monsieur the admirall , la noüe and teligny , whose spirits and whose valour he well observed , being so noble a prince that he affected not any whom he saw not indued with such qualities , and though they had been most pernicious to the state , these foxes knew so well to dissemble , that they had wonne the heart of this brave prince , who hoped to make them profitable to him for the inlargement of his estate , whiles they propounded to him great and glorious enterprises in flanders , the only attraction of that royall and mighty spirit . and although the queen my mother in this accident represented to him that the assassinate , which the admirall made before on the father of monsieur de guise did render his son excusable in taking vengeance himselfe on the admirall , because he could not have justice done him , as also that although the assault which the admirall had made on charry master of the campe ( a person whose valour had so faithfully assisted her during the time of her regency and his nonage ) did render him worthy of such intreaty , although that these words might make the king conceive , that the revenge for charryes death was deeply imprinted in my mothers heart , yet his soule overcome with grief for the losse of those persons , whom he thought one day , as i have said , would be advantagious to him , did so ecclipse his judgement that he could neither moderate nor change his passionate desire to see justice executed , giving strict command continually to search out and apprehend monsieur de guise , protesting that such an act should not escape unpunished . in the end as pardaillan at supper with the queen my mother discovered by his threats , the badd intention of the huguenots ; and my mother saw that this accident had brought the affayres to such an exigence that if they prevented not their design , that night they would attempt against the king and her , she tooke a resolution throughly and plainly to acquaint the king with the truth of all , and of the danger in which he was . for this businesse she selected monsieur the marshall de rais , from whom she knew that the king would take it best , as being one to whom the king imputed greatest trust , and one whom he most did favour , who came unto the king about nine or ten of the clock in the evening , and told him that as his most faithfull servant he could not conceale the danger wherein he was , if he persevered in that resolution to have justice executed on monsieur de guise , and that it was requisite he undestood that the wound which the admirall received , was not only occasioned by monsieur de guise , but that my brother the king of polonia since king of france , and the queen my mother were both abettors in it ; that he knew the extream displeasure that my mother received at the assassinate on charry , as great reason she had for it , having then but few such servants who depended only on her , france being ( as well he knew ) in the time of his nonage divided , the catholicks standing for monsieur de guise , and the hugunots for the prince of conde , both of them attempting to dispossesse him of the crown , which next to god was not preserved , but by the wisdome and the vigilance of the queen his mother , who in her extremity found her not more faithfully assisted by any then by the said charry , that also she observed that the said admirall was ever a most dangerous and pernicious member of the state , and whatsoever apparence he made of the affection to his majesty , and to serve him in his wars in flanders , his only designe was to trouble france , that her intention indeed was only to take away the plague of the kingdome the admirall , but mischiefe and misfortune so did guide it , that mauravell missed in his shot , and that the huguenots thereon were grown so desperately obstinate , that not only attempting against monsieur de guise , the queen his mother , the king of polonia his brother , but believing that he himselfe was consenting to it , they were resolved that night to have their recourse to armes , insomuch that he saw his majesty in a great and most apparent danger , by the catholicks by reason of monsieur de guise , and by the huguenots for the reasons above mentioned . king charles who was of great wisedome , and who alwayes had been most obedient to the queen my mother , and a most catholick prince , seeing how eminent was the danger , took a suddaine resolution to joyn himselfe to the queen his mother , and to conform himselfe to her will , and by the catholiks to secure his person from the huguenots , but not without extream griefe , that he could not save the lives of teligny , la noue , and monsieur de la rochefoucault : and going presently himselfe to finde the queen his mother , he sent for monsieur de guise and all the other princes , and catholick captains , where resolution was taken that very night to beginne the massacre of saint bartholomew : and presently putting their hands unto the work , the chaines stretched forth , and the alarme beating , every one ran into his quarter ( according to the order given ) as well unto the admirall as to the huguenots : monsieur de guise bestowed himselfe on the lodging of the admirall , into whose chamber one besme an almaine gentleman having mounted , after having stabbed him to death , did throw him out of the window to his master monsieur de guise . for my part i heard nothing of all this , i saw all the world in action . the huguenots were strook into desperation by this assault , and the lords de guise fearing the execution would not be hot enough , did whisper every man in the eare to see it thorowly performed : the huguenots suspected me because i was a catholick , and the catholiks suspected me , because i was espoused to the king of navarre , who was a huguenot , so that i heard nothing of it , untill that evening , being at the lying down of the queen my mother , i sat on a coffer neer unto my sister of lorraine whom i saw wonderfully pensive : the queen my mother conferring with some there present , perceived where i sate , and commanded me to go to bed ; as i was a making my courtesy unto her , my sister took me by the arme and held me by it , and bursting forth in tears , she cryed out , good god! dear sister do not go : these words strook a great fear into me , which the queen my mother did perceive , and calling my sister to her was very angry with her , and forbad her to tell me any thing : my sister replyed , there appeared no reason , that my life should be thus made a sacrifice , and that without doubt if they discovered any thing , they would revenge themselves on me ; the queen my mother answered , that if it pleased god i should receive no hurt , but howsoever it fell out , i must needs be gone , for fear my absence should give occasion of suspecting any thing . i saw very well they were in earnest disputation , but i did not understand their words , when again she commanded me very roundly to go to bed . my sister weeping , bad me good night , not daring to tell me any thing , and i went away as a thing lost in amazements , and in fears . as soone as i came into my closet , i betooke my selfe to prayer , and besought almightie god , that he would be pleased to take me into his protection , and to defend me , not knowing from what , or whom : by and by the king my husband who was in bed , desired me that i would hasten to him , which i did , and found his bed encompassed with thirty or forty huguenots , which till then i not observed , for but a few daies were passed , since i was married to him , they did nothing else but talke of the accident that befell monsieur the admirall , resolving as soon as it was day to demand justice of the king on monsieur de guise , and if the king would refuse to right them , they would then right themselves . all that night my sisters teares were soaking into my heart , and i could not sleep for the apprehension into which she had put me , not knowing whom to feare : the night in this manner passed away without shutting of my eyes ; about the break of day , the king my husband said , that he would goe play a game at tennis , attending till king charles were stirring , resolving with all speed to demand justice of him , he went out of his chamber , and all his gentlemen with him ; i seeing it was day , beleeving the danger which my sister did imply was now passed , being overcome with sleepe , commanded my nurse to make fast the doore , that i might sleep without disturbance ; about an houre after , i being in a sound sleep , behold a man knocking with his hands and feet at the doore , and crying out , navarre , navarre ; my nurse thinking it to be the king my husband ▪ ranne presently to the doore . it was a gentleman named monsieur de teian , who had received a cut with a sword on the elbow , and a thrust with a halberd through the arme , and was pursued by foure of the guard , who came rushing into my chamber with him . he endeavoring to save his life , did cast himself on my bed , and i perceiving the man begin to take hold of me , did throw my selfe towards the wall , and he flung himself after me , taking fast hold behind me . i did not know the man , and could not tell if he came thither to violate me , or whither those of the guard would have him , or me , we both cryed out , and were both equally affrighted . at length it pleased god that monsieur de nansay , captaine of the guard came in , who finding me in that estate , although he was touched with compassion , could not refraine from laughter , and very sharply reprehended those of the guard , for indiscretion , and made them depart , giving me the life of that poore gentleman who tooke hold of me , whom i caused to remaine in my closet untill he was well recovered ; and changing my linnen , because he had covered it with blood : monsieur de nansay related to me all that had passed , and assured me that the king my husband was in the chamber of the king , and that he should receive no hurt , and causing me to throw a night-gowne on me , he did leade me into the chamber of my sister madame de lorraine , whither i came rather dead then alive , and passing through the the presence chamber , whose doores were all open , a gentleman called borse , saving himselfe from the pursuers , was struck through with a halberd some three paces from me , i fell downe on the other side , fainting away , and thought that the same stroak had run us both thorough ; and being a little recovered to my strength , i entered into the chamber where my sister lay , i was no sooner there , but monsieur de miossans , chiefe gentleman to the king my husband , and armagnack , chiefe groome of his chamber , came and besought me to begge their lives . i presently made haste , and fell on my knees before the king and the queen my mother , beseeching them to grant me this suite , to which in the end they condiscended . some five or sixe dayes after , they who had begun this game , knowing that they had fayled in their principall designe , not ayming so much at the huguenots , as at the princes of the blood , did impatiently indure that the king my husband , and the prince of conde were yet alive , and knowing that no man durst attempt against the king of navarre , because he was my husband , they began to weave another web , perswading the queen my mother , that it was necessary to dissolve the marriage . in this resolution , being one morning at the rising of the queen my mother , on a day in which we were to receive the sacrament , she took on oath of me to tell her the truth , and demanded of me if my husband were a man or no , telling me , if he was not , that she had then means to disanul the mariage . i besought her to believe , that i understood not what her demand was , for i might well have answered as the roman lady , whose husband being angry with her that she never told him of his evil breath , she made answere , that she thought that every mans breath did smell as his . but i told her howsoever it was , since she had placed me with him , it was my resolution there to stay , perceiving very well that this separation which she spake of , was only to procure a mischiefe to the king my husband . after this , we accompanyed the king of polonia as farre as beaumont , who some moneths before his departure from france , having laboured by all meanes to make me forget the cvill offices of his ingratitude , and to reduce our friendship to the same perfection as it was in our younger yeers , obliged himselfe in a thousand oathes and promises at his farewell to me . his departure out of france , and the kings sicknesse , which began almost at the same time , did rouze the spirits of the two parties of this kingdome , making diverse projects on the state , the huguenots having at the death of the admirall , by sealed writings obliged the king my husband , and my brother of alenson to revenge his death ( gaining my brothers heart a little before the feast of saint bartholomew , with the hope to establish him in flanders ) perswaded them as the king and queen my mother came back to france , to steale away into campagne , where certaine troupes should bee ready to attend them . monsieur de miossans , a catholike gentleman , having heard of this designe so pernicious to the king his master , advertised me of it , to prevent the bad effects which might prove so prejudiciall to themselves , and to the state. i made haste immediately to the king , and the queen my mother , telling them that i had a certaine thing to communicate unto them , which did much concerne them , and which i never would discover , unlesse they would assure me , that it should not prove hurtfull to whom i named , and also provide a remedy without making show of knowing any thing . i told them then , that the next morning , my brother and the king my husband intended to joyne with some troupes of huguenots which came to seek them by reason of the oath and obligation for revenge , which the huguenots had made at the admiralls death , which obligation , being for their fathers slaughter , was now excusable by their children . i besought them to pardon my brother , and the king my husband , and to hinder their departure without out making it apparent wherefore it was done ; this they accorded to , and it was carried with so much wisedome and dexteritie , that without the knowledge of the cause , they had not the means to escape . this being passed , we arrived at saint germans , where we stayed a long time by reason of the kings sicknesse , during which time , my brother of alenson laboured by all suits and services to render himselfe so agreeable unto me , that in the end i vowed him friendship , as i had done before unto king charles , for till that time , because he had alwayes his education out of court , we had scarce the knowledge of each other , and therefore could not be familiar ; in the end perceiving my selfe invited by such obsequiousnesse , by so many observances , and protestations which he daily did expresse , i did resolve to imbrace his love , and to be mindfull of all good offices that might concerne him , neverthelesse with this caution , that it should be without prejudice to the duty which i owed to king charles my brother , whom i honored above all things in the world ; he continued this his affection to me , having witnessed it with perseverance to his end . during this time the sicknesse of king charles daily increasing the huguenots never ceased to raise new troubles by raysing new projects , and indeavored again to retire my brother the duke of alenson and the king my husband from the court , which came not to my knowledge as at the former time , neverthelesse it pleased god the mischiefe should be disclosed to the queen my mother so neer to be put in practise , that the troupes of the huguenots were to arrive that day neere unto saint germans , in so much that we were constrained to remove from thence at two a clock after midnight , and to put king charles into one litter to recover paris , the queen my mother disposing of my brother and the king my husband in her own charriot , who were not now so gently handled as before ; for the king did goe to bois de vencennes , from whence it was not permitted him to depart again : and time continuing the sharpnesse of his evill produced daily new occasions to increase his discontents , and the distrust he conceived of them , to which the combination and the plots of those who alwaies desired the ruine of our house did , as i believe , lend too much help . these distrusts were carried with so much violence , that the lords marshals also de montmorancy and de cosse , were retained prisoners at bois de vencennes , and la mole and the count of cocanas were put to death ; nay to such an extremity and height of perfect danger the affayres were brought , that the commissaries of the court of parliament were deputed to hear my brother and the king my husband , who were both restrained of their liberty . the king my husband having none to counsell him , commanded me to draw in writing that which he had to answer , to the end that he might not trouble himself nor any other . god gave me the grace to draw it so to purpose , that he remained well satisfied , and the commissaries were amazed to see him so well prepared ; and seeing by the death of la mole and the count of cocanas they found themselves so charged that they were in danger of their lives , i resolved , although i was in such favour with king charles that he loved nothing more then me , to venture my own fortunes for the preservation of their lives , having deliberated and determined with my selfe , seeing that not any of the guard looked in , nor caused my women to unmask as daily i went into my coach and lighted from it , to disguise one of them into a woman , and to take him with me into my coach : and although they were well cleared of the guard , and that the enlargement of the one was sufficient to assure the life of the other , yet they could never agree which of them should ; come forth , either of them desiring to be that person , and neither of them being willing to stay behinde , so that this designe could not be put in execution , but god did provide a remedy by a means too grievous to me , for he deprived me of king charles who was all the comfort and supportance of my life , a brother from whom i never received but good , and who in all the persecutions which my brother of anjou brough upon me had alwayes assisted , advised , and directed me : briefly , i lost in him what ever i could loose . after this disaster fatall to france and me , we went to lyons to meet the king of polonia , who still possessed by le guast , rendred of the same causes the same effects and believing the advice of that pernicious spirit which he had left in france to maintain and make good his part , he conceived an extream jealousie against my brother of alenson , suspecting and impatiently bearing the union betwixt my husband the king and him , and beleeving that i was the only chain that united and preserved their love , and therefore contrived as his aptest and most expedient course , on the one side to traduce and set me at distance with the king my husband , and on the other to procure that the lady de sauva to whom they both were servants should handle them in such a manner , that the one might grow extreamly jealous of the other . this abhominable plot the fountain and beginning of so many crosses and afflictions which my brother and i have since endured , was pursued with as much heat and subtilty , as it was with wickednesse contrived . some are of opinion that god hath an extraordinary and particular protection of illustrious personages , and into those spirits where the raises of his excellence doe more brightly shine , he gives them by their good angels some secret advertisements of the accidents which are prepared for them , be they good or evill ; in which number i may justly place the queen my mother , who hath proved many examples of it . the very night before that inauspicious turnament , she dreamed that she saw the king my father wounded in the eye , as the next day he was , and being awaked , she often times besought him that he would not tilt that day , but content himself with the pleasure of seeing the turnaments without being an actor in them ; inevitable destiny permitted not so great a blessing to this kingdome that he should receive such saving counsell : neither did she ever loose any of her children , but a little before she saw the apparition of a great flame , whereat she suddainly would cry out god blesse my children ! and immediately after she understood the sad news which by that fire was presaged . in her sicknes at metz , being in great extreamity by a pestilent feaver , which she took by going to see the religious houses of women ; whereof there were many in that city , which a little before had contagiously been infected , from which desperate malady , miraculously she was recovered , god then restoring her to this state which had so much need of her , by the diligence of monsieur de castelan her physitian , who like a new aesculapius made an admirable proofe of the excellence of his art : she raving , and attended by king charles my brother , and my sister and brother of lorraine , with many lords of the counsell , and many ladies and princesses who were round about her bed , and although conceiving her past recovery , would not abandon her , she continued those raging fits , as if she had beheld the battell of jarnac : look how they fly , my sonne hath the victory ; o my god , my god assist my sonne , he now is fallen on the earth ; see where the prince of conde lyes slain under yonder hedge : those that were then present cryed out she raved , and knowing that my brother of anjou was about to joyn in battel with the enemy , they thought that she had nothing but the battell in her head , but the night following monsieur de losses brought news of it , as a desired message , by which he thought to merit much , to whom she said , you have done me wrong to waken me for that which i knew before , for said she , did i not see it yesterday ? then they understood , that it was not the raving of her feaver , but a particular prenotion which god doth give to rare and illustrious persons . the histories doe furnish us with many like examples of the ancient heathen , as the apparition of brutus , and many more which i will not now rehearse , it being not my intention to beautifie my memorials , but only to relate the truth and to advance them forward , that you may receive them with greater speed . of these divine presages i doe not account my self worthy ; neverthesse not ungratefully to conceale the graces and gifts of god which i have received , and which i ought to confesse , and will doe throughout all my life , to give thanks unto him for it , and that every one might praise in me the wonderfull effects of his power , his bounty , and his mercy ; i professe that never any remarkable accident hath befaln me either good or evill , of which i had not before some advertisement , either in a dreame or otherwise , and i might well repeat that verse my minde doth still prophetick see , all good or bad that fals on me . the truth whereof i proved then at the arrivall of the king of polonia , when the queen my mother met him , although it were so hot a season that we were even stifled with the throng , while my brother and the queen my mother were imbracing each other , and expressing their reciprocall indeerments , yet so strange a cold and universall a trembling in every limbe and joynt possessed me , that they who attended on me did perceive it ; i had much adoe to conceale it , when the king having left my mother came to salute me . this presage did touch me to the heart , howsoever there passed some few dayes before the king discovered his hate and badde intention which this malicious guast had made him to conceive against me . he reported to him that ever since the death of the king , i took in his absence the part of my brother of alenson , and had indeered him to the king my husband ; wherefore watching an occasion to arrive at their designe , which was to break the friendship of my brother of alenson & the king my husband , by planting dissention betwixt my husband and my self , and by tormenting them both with jealous pangs for their common love , and mistresse the lady de sauva , one afternoon the queen my mother being retired into her closet to make some little stay , your cosin madame de nevers , madame de rais , bourdeille , and surgeres desired me that i would goe forth into the city ; on this motion the young lady de mon●igny the neece of madame de vsez told us that the abbey of saint peters was a goodly covent , we resolved to goe thither because she had an aunt there , and because there was no admission for her unlesse with persons of eminent degree ; we took her with us , and as we mounted into the charriot , although there were six of us in number , besides madame de curton a dame of honour who was alwaies with me , there was liancourt the kings chief esquire , and camillus with him , who threw themselves on the bearing staves of torignyes charriot , where holding as fast as they could , and playing and jeasting where they sate , as they were of a sportfull and frolick disposition , they said , they would goe with us also to see those faire and religious ladies ; the company of the young lady of montigny , who was a meere stranger to me , and of those two who were the kings associates , was as i beleeve an especiall mercy and providence of god to acquit me from the imputation of the insuing slander . we came to that religious house , and my charriot , which was easie to be knowne , being guilded over , the ground-worke being yellow velvet , and garnished with silver , did attend us at the doore , neere unto which place were the lodgings of many gentlemen . while we were in the abbey , the king going to see quelus , who then lay sick , having with him the king my husband , de o , and rufus , passed by that place , and seeing my charriot empty , he turned towards the king my husband , and said , see heere where your queens charriot is , and heere doth bidus lodge , i will lay a wager that she is there , and commanded rufus , a fit instrument for such malice , being a friend to le guast , to goe in , and see , who having found nothing there , yet unwilling that the truth should hinder the kings project , spake alowd before the king my husband , the birds were there of late , but they are now flowen ; this was sufficient to administer a subject to them for discourse till they returned home . the king my husband testifyed in this the goodnes of his nature and understanding , with which he shewed himselfe to be alwayes accompanied , and detesting in his heart this malice , did easily discover wherefore it was done . the king made haste to returne before me , to possesse the queen my mother with this invention , and to make me receive an affront ; i arrived presently after he had the leisure to doe me this ill office ; when the queen my mother had spoken strangely of me before the ladies , partly for beliefe , and partly to please her son , whom in all things she idolized . on my returne ( not knowing any thing at all ) as i was going downe unto my chamber , with all the troupe that accompanyed me to saint peters , i did meet my husband , who as soone as he beheld me , began to laugh , and said , goe to the queene your mother , and i assure my selfe you will return well chafed thence . i asked him wherefore , and what the businesse was ? he made answere , i will not tell you , it is sufficient that i beleeve it not , these are inventions to set you and me at distance , and by that means to estrange me from the freindship of monsieur your brother ; seeing i could learn from him nothing else , i repayred to the queen my mother , comming into the hall , i met with monsieur de guise , who seeing this division in our house , was nothing sorry for it , well hoping himself to collect the pieces of the broken vessell , who said to me , i waite here madame to tell you , that the queen hath entertained a very uncharitable opinion of you , and related to me all the discourse , which he received from de o , who being then an entire freind of your cosins , told it to monsieur de guise , to acquaint me with it . i made haste unto the chamber of the queen my mother , where she was not to be found , but there i met with madame de nemours , and all the other princesses and ladies , who said unto me , good god ( madame ) the queene your mother is extreamly incensed against you , i would advise you not to present your selfe before her . indeed i would not , i replied , if i had done what the king hath reported of me , but being altogether innocent , it is requisite that i should speake unto her to acquit my selfe . i entred then into her closet , which was made only but of single wainscot , so that they might understand with ease whatsoever words were spoken ; as soone as she did see me , she began to vent her choler , and to speak whatsoever a violent and an outragious passion could deliver . i presented the truth unto her , and told her that there were ten or twelve of us in company , beseeching her to enquire , and not onely beleeve those who were my friends and familiar acquaintance , but madame de montigny , who was a stranger to me , and liancourt , and camillus , who depended not but on the king ; but she had no eare either for truth or reason , whether it were that she were prepossessed with the falsehood , or whither it rather were to comply with the king her sonne , whom with all her affection and indeavours , with all her hopes and feares she idolized , and ceased not to chide and threaten me ; i telling her that the king was he that raised this report , she grew into a greater choller , and would have made me believe that it was one of the grooms of her chambers who passing by did see me , but finding that this excuse was too grosse that i should receive it into my beliefe , and that i remained extreamly offended with the king , it did the more instimulate and torment her ; all this was heard into her chamber being full of people ; departing thence with as much indignation as can be conceived , i found in my own chamber the king my husband , who said unto me , and have you not found what i told you true ? and perceiving me much afflicted ; torment not your self he said , for this liancourt and camillus shall attend the king at his going to rest , and shall acquaint him with the wrong that he hath done you , and i assure my selfe , to morrow that the queen your mother will doe her best to make a perfect agreement ; i replyed to him , sir i have received in this slander too publick an affront to pardon those that did procure it , but i account all but light in regard of the injury they would have done , by pulling on me so great a mischiefe , as the losse of your love ; he answered , but god be thanked that is frustrated : to which i replyed , yea thanks be to god , and to your good nature , but from this evill it were requisite we should derive some benefit , which might serve us for instruction , to have an eye to all their policies whereby they shall indeavour to work debate betwixt us , for it is to be believed that since the king hath begun to proceed thus farre he will not stay here , nor desist , till he hath brohen the bonds of love betwixt my brother and your selfe ; whiles i was speaking this , my brother came , and by a new oath i obliged them both to the continuation of their friendship , but what oath is of strength in love ? while we were at the banquet , the king having conferred with liancourt and camillus , and the lady of montigny had perceived the errour into which the malice of rufus had caused him to fall , and being no lesse carefull to recall it then he was ready to receive it , comming to the queen my mother he did confesse the truth unto her , and intreated her that she would be pleased to excuse it to me , that i might not persevere an enemy against him , fearing much ( because he saw i apprehended the injury ) that i knew as aptly to revenge my self , as he did to offend me . returning from the banquet , i found the prophecy of the king my husband true , the queen my mother sent for me into her back cabinet , which was joyning to the kings , where she told me that she had learned the truth , and had found it to be all false whatsoever the groom of her chamber had related to her ; and perceiving by my semblance that i believed not that pretext , she endeavoured by all meanes to take from me the opinion that it was the king , and finding it advantaged nothing , the king came presently into her cabinet , and made me many and grand excuses , alledging that others made him believe it , and gave me all the satisfaction and demonstration of friendship that could be desired . this being passed , having continued at lyons a little longer , we went into avignon , le guast daring no more invent such impostures , and seeing by my actions that i gave no regard unto him , he took now another course by the lady de sauva to advance his mischeivous projects , winning her so far , that she governed all by him , and practising his instructions no lesse dangerous then those of celestina , she worked the love of my brother and of the king my husband ( but light before and flexible , being both but very young ) to such a height and strength , that forgetting all ambition , exercise and designe , they minded nothing else but that ladies service , and were so strongly jealous of one another , that although she was courted by monsieur le guise , by le guast , sovuray and many others who were all better beloved by her then themselves , yet these two brothers neither minded nor feared any thing but the preferred acceptance and entertainment of each others service ; and this woman the better to play her game perswaded the king my husband that i grew jealous of her , and for that cause that i took my brothers part ; we easily believe what is told us by those we love . he entertaineth this beliefe , he estrangeth , he concealeth himself from me more then from any other , which till then he never did ; for till he received this impression he did speak to me alwaies as freely as to a sister , knowing that i was no way inclined unto jealousy , but desired above all things his content , i seeing this which i most feared to come to passe , which was the removall of his affection from me , for till then i alwaies enjoyed the freedome and society of his love , and knowing that distrust which depriveth of familiarity is the beginning of hate , whether it be amongst friends or kindred , and believing besides that if i could divert the affections of my brother from madame de sauva , i should overthrow the foundation of le guast his invention which he had plotted for our division a●d ruine , i used my best indeavour in the behalf of my brother to withdraw him from her , which would have perswaded any other who had not his soule inchanted with the love and subtilty of these fine persons . my brother who in all other things believed none more then me , could not in this retain himselfe for his own safety or mine , so strong the charms of this circe were , assisted with the divelish spirit of le guast , insomuch that instead of drawing any benefit from my perswasions , he disclosed to that woman whatsoever privately i had said unto him : what can we conceale from those we love ? she exasperated him the more against me , and strived with more affection to advance le guasts designes , and to perfect her revenge she daily incited the king my husband to abandon me , in a manner that he spake no more unto me : he returned from her very late , and to deprive him of seeing me , she commanded him alwaies to be early at the rising of the queen my mother to which she was accustomed to go , and all the day afterwards he departed no more from her ; my brother was altogether as carefull in his suit unto her , she making them both believe that most intirely she affected them which did advance as much their jealousie , as their ruine . we staied a long time in avignon , and a good space after this in burgundy and champagne , as we went to rhemes to the mariage of the king , and from thence we came to paris , where the affayres were carried after the old manner ; the cunning of le guast by this means did still imploy it selfe to our destruction . being at paris , my brother did take unto him bussi , giving that respect unto him which his valor did deserve , he was alwayes with my brother , and by consequence with me , my brother and i being for the most part continually together , and giving charge to all his servants to honor and respect me as himself , his gentlemen and servants which attended on him fulfilled this his pleasing command , and with such subjection , that they expressed no lesse service to me then to himselfe : your aunt observing this , would tell me oftentimes that this union betwixt my brother and my self made her remember the time of monsieur de orleance my uncle , and madame de savoy my aunt ; but guast who was the toadstoole of the time , giving a contrary interpretation to it , imagined that fortune now had levelled him a faire and easie way by which with more dexterity he might hasten to the but of his designes , and by the means of madame de sauva being brought into favour with the king my husband , he attempted by all the wayes that could be devised to perswade him that bussi courted me , and seeing he could not prevaile with my husband to believe it , being sufficiently advertised by his people who were alwayes with him , of my demeanour , and that there was no apparence for any such suspition , he addressed himselfe to the king whom he found more easie to perswade , as well for the little good will he did bear my brother and my selfe , our friendship being suspected and hatefull to him , as for the secret spleen he did owe to bussi , who having sometimes followed him , had left him now , to devote his service to my brother : the acquisition of such a servant as much increased the glory of my brother , as the envy of our enimies , there being nothing in this age of his sex and quality like unto him in valour , reputation , grace and spirit , of whom some have said if we may believe the transmigration of soules as some philosophers have affirmed , that without doubt the soule of your brave brother hardelay animated and informed bussi ; the king being possest with this by le guast related it to the queen my mother , exhorting her to tell it to the king my husband , attempting to put him in the same grievances as he did before at lyons ; but she seing what small apparence of truth it had , rejected it and said , i know not what male-contents they are who abuse your fancy with such suggestions , my daughter is unhappy to be borne in such an age , in our time we spake free to all the world , and to all the gentlemen that followed the king your father , monsieur le dauphin and monsieur de orleance ; your uncles were ordinarily in your aunt margarets chamber and in mine , and none thought strange thereat , as there was no reason why they should ; bussi seeth my daughter before you , before her husband in his chamber , this is not in some retired place , or the doore being shut , bussi is a person of quality , and chiefe in attendance on your brother ; what can you collect from this , can any man make more then a meer slander of it ? at lyons you made me give her so great an affront in the same nature that i am afraid she will remember it while she liveth . the king amazed at this , replyed , madame i speak not but after others , she demanded who are they my son ? they are those who labour to sow dissention betwixt you and all yours : the king being gone she repeated all to me , and said , you are born in a miserable age , and calling in your aunt madame de dampierre she began to discourse with her of the honest liberty of delights which they enjoyed in their younger years , without being subject to misconstruction : la guast seeing the mine blown up , and that it took not fire on that side he expected , addressed himself to some gentlemen that followed the king my husband , who till that time had been companions of bussi , and were now become his enemies , by reason of the jealousie which his advancement and his glory had procured him , they joyning to their envious hatred an inconsiderate zeale to the service of their master , or to speake more truly , covering their envy with that pretence , resolved one evening ( as he went late from his masters lying down ) to retire into his own lodging to assault and seize upon him ; and because my brothers gentlemen were accustomed to keep him company they knew they should not finde him with lesse then fifteen or twenty persons , and although he carried no sword by reason of the wound which a little before he received in his arme , they knew his presence would be enough to double the courage of his companions : apprehending this and indeavoring to make their enterprise assured , they resolved to assault him with two or three hundred men , the vaile of night covering the shame of such an assault : le guast who commanded a regiment of the guard provided them with souldiers , who putting themselves in five or six troupes in the street through which of necessity he must passe , they charged on him putting out their links and torches . after a volley of harquebuses and pistols , enough not only to intrap a troupe of fifteen or twenty persons , but to defeate a whole regiment of souldiers , they hand to hand did combat with this troupe , labouring continually in the mask of night to mark out bussi , knowing him by his dove-coloured scarfe in which he carried his wounded arme , which served at that time well for them , who otherwise would have felt the strength and vigour of it , but they were so well entertained by those few honest gentlemen from whom neither this unexpected incounter , nor the horrour of the night had taken away their judgement , or their courage , that making as great a proofe of their valour as of their affection , to their friend , by fine force they brought him to his lodging , without losing any of their troupe , saving one gentleman only who was trained up with him , and being wounded also in his arme carried it in a dove-coloured scarfe as bussi did , yet differing much from his , it being nothing so rich as his masters was , howsoever in the obscurity of night either the fury or the courage of these assassinates , who had the word given them to fall on the dove-coloured scarfe , prevailed so much , that all the troupes threw themselves on that poore gentleman and left him dead in the street . an italian gentleman that belonged to my brother being there , surprised with feare did runne all bloody into the louure and comming up the staires where my brothers chamber was , cryed out that bussi was assaulted ; my brother immediately would have gone to rescue him : by good fortune i was not then in bed , and was lodged so neer unto my brother that i heard that affrighted man comming up the staires , and proclayming that terrible news as soon as he . i ran forthwith into his chamber to hinder him from going down , and sent to the queen my mother to intreate her to come and stay him , seeing the just griefe which he conceived did transport him so beyond himselfe , that inconsiderately he would expose himselfe to any danger to run headlong to revenge : we retained him with much adoe ; the q. my mother urging there was no apparence that he should venter himself alone during night , that obscurity did cover all vilany , that le guast was mischievous enough to have done it peradventure on purpose that he might fall into some evill accident . these words were of little force with him being almost desperate , but she using her authority staied him and gave the porters charge that they should not let him forth , taking the pains herself to stay with him till he had learned the truth of all : bussi whom god had preserved miraculously from that danger troubling not himself with the hazard of it , his sou●e being uncapable of feare , being born for a terrour to his enemies , a glory to his master , a helpe unto his friends ; as soon as he was entred into his lodging thinking in what a trouble his master would be if the newes of this encounter were brought uncertainly unto him , and fearing it might throw him upon the ranks of his enemies , as without doubt it had , if the queen my mother had not prevented it , sent forthwith one of his servants who brought him the truth and the news of all ; and the day appearing , bussi without fear of his enemies came into the louure with as joyfull and as brave a presence , as if the former assassinat had been to him a turnament of pleasure , my brother being also as glad to see him , as full of indignation to revenge his quarrell , sufficiently did witnesse how sensible he was of the affront that was done unto him by attempting to deprive him of so worthy and so brave a servant although le guast could not endure that bussi should be ranckt before him , or be seen to take the upper hand . the queen my mother the wisest and most advised that ever was , knowing of what weights were such effects , and foreseeing that in the end , they might set both her sonnes at variance , did counsaile my brother ( to take away all pretences ) that bussi a while should absent himself from court , to which my brother gave consent , through my intreaties , seeing well that if he stayed , le guast would continue his incendiary devises , and would make him serve as a cloake for his pernicious designes , which were to keep at discord my brother and the king my husband as he had done by his aforesaid inventions ; bussi who had no other will but that of his masters , departed from the court accompanied with the bravest of the nobility which followed my brother ; this subject was pleasing to le guast , and at the same time seeing the king my husband one night in a great weaknesse in which he fainting swounded oftentimes away , which came unto him as i beleeve by an excesse which he had made with women , where i served and assisted him as my duty did command me , at which so much he was contented , that he praised me to all the world , saying that if i had not perceived him in that extreamity , and run presently to his succour to call my women and his servants to him , that he had been dead , and for this that he would make farre more deerly of me then hitherto he had . le guast seeing also that of late the love and friendship between my brother and the king my husband began to renew it self , believing that i was the only occasion and instrument thereof , and that i was to them ( as we may see in all naturall things , but especially in serpents cut ) a certain naturall balme which doth reunite and reconcile ▪ the divided parts , pursuing alwayes the course of his first pernicious designe , and labouring to contrive some new invention to divide the king my husband and my self ; did put into the kings head , who some few dayes before by the same inventien of le guast had taken from the queen his most vertuous and sacred princesse one of her gentlewomen whom she loved very deerly , and who was trayned up with her , named changi , he thought it now expedient that the king my husband should doe the like by me , taking from me her whom i most affected named torigny , without any cause or reason but this , that it was not requisite for young princesses to have such servants in whom they might repose any particular confidence ; the king perswaded by this wicked fellow talked of it oftentimes to the king my husband , who told him that he knew very well that he should doe me a grievous displeasure by it , and if i loved torigny , i had occasion so to doe , that besides her education with the queen of spaine my sister , and her attendance on me since my infancy , she was of an excellent understanding , and who had done him very good service in his captivity at bois de vincennes , that he should be ungratefull should he not remember it , and that he oftentimes had seen his majesty himself make deerly of her . in this he defended himself , but in the end le guast persisting continually to incite the king who telling my husband that he would never love him more ▪ if by the next morning he had not taken torigny from me , he was constrained to his great griefe ( as since he often hath protested to me ) to intreat and command me to give way unto it , which was so grievous to me that i could not but witnes to him by my tears what an injury and displeasure ▪ i received by it , demonstrating unto him that what most afflicted me , was not the removall of a servant who since my infancy had been alwayes profitable and dutifull to me , but it being known how well i loved her , i was not ignorant how great a prejudice this suddain and forced departure of hers would bring to my reputation ; he being unable to allow these truths by reason of the promise which he made the king to doe me this great displeasure , she went away the same day to a cosin of hers called monsieur de castelas , i remained so perplexed with this indignity that no longer able to resist the just griefes that did invade me , but banishing all counsell from me , i did so abandon my selfe unto affliction , that i had not the power any more to look after the king my husband ; in a manner that le guast and madame de sauva on one side estranging him from me , and i estranging my self on the other , we neither lay nor talked more together . the argument of the second book . the duke of alenson his departure from court by stealth , seconded by the king of navarres , on which insued the imprisonment of this lady . the peace of sens ▪ new warrs denounced against the huguenots by the bad counsell of the bishops . her travailes and negotiation into flanders , and the honorable inducements to it . the tragicall story of madamoiselle de tournon , who overcome by despaire , dyed ( poore lady ) for the want of that love , whose abundance overcharged her . assurance taken from the lords of flanders for the surrendring of their towns and countries into the duke of alenson his protection . the heady and unjust proceedings of his imprisonment at court , his releasement from it , and not long after , his re-deliverance from his increasing fears and persecutions by a dangerous escape by night out of this ladyes window . the memorialls of queen margaret . the second booke . certain dayes after , some faithfull servants of the king my husband having made him understand the artifice by the means whereof he was led unto destruction , by estranging himselfe and his affections from my brother , and my selfe , from whom he ought to expect his greatest succour , and growing now into neglect , as the king began to undervalue him , they caused him to speak unto my brother , who since the departure of bussi had no way amended his condition ; for every day le guast caused him to receive some new indignities , and knowing that they were both in the same condition at court , being both out of favour , and that le guast alone did govern the world , that they must begge to him for whatsoever they desired to obtain of the king ; and if they chanced to demand any thing they were rejected with contempt , that if any one had made himself their servant , he forthwith was cryed down , and laden with a thousand slanders and complaints , perceiving also that their disunion was their ruine , they resolved to unite and retire themselves from court , and to assemble their servants and friends together , to demand of the king a condition and respect worthy of them , my brother having not yet the exhibition for his maintenance , and maintaining himself on certain ill assigned pensions which came unto him onely when it pleased le guast , and the king my husband no way rejoycing in his government of guyenne , he being not permitted to go unto it , or to any other of his principalities . this resolution being taken , my brother spake unto me and said that they two were now made perfect friends , and that he much desired that the king my husband and i should be the like , and intreated me to forget whatsoever before had passed betwixt us , adding that the king my husband told him that he was heartily sorry for it , and now perceived that our enemies were too strong and subtile for us , that he was resolved now entirely to affect me , and to grant unto me all desired satisfaction , he besought me also that for my part i would love him , and in his absence assist him in his affaires ; they both agree on this resolution , that my brother should depart first , stealing away in a caroach , and that certain dayes after the king my husband should follow him under pretence of going to the chace , being both very sorry that they could not take me with them , neverthelesse assuring themselves , it being known they were abroad , that none durst offer any violence to me , intending to make it speedily appeare , that their intention was no way to trouble france , but only to establish a condition worthy of their quality , and to secure their persons , for among these late troubles they alledged , that they were not without great danger of their lives : whether this feare of theirs were well grounded or no , or whether they who desired the ruine and division of our house ( the better to prevaile themselves ) had caused such alarmes to be given them , by the daily advertisements they received . the evening being come , a little before the supper of the king was served in , my brother changing his cloake , and muffling it about his face , went forth attended only with one servant , who was not known , and walked on foot as farre as saint honorius gate , where he found himselfe provided with a caroach which he borrowed of a lady for that purpose , into which being mounted , he came as farre as certaine houses about a quarter of a mile from paris , where having horses that attended him , he there planted himself in the saddle , and about a mile from thence , hee was saluted by two or three hundred horse of his servants , who made there their rendezvous accordingly , as he appointed ; they perceived not at court his departure , till about nine of the clock in the evening ; the king and queen my mother demanded of me why he was not at supper with them , and if he were in health or no ; i replyed , that i saw him not since dinner , they sent into his chamber to know what the businesse was , forthwith it was returned that he was not there , they gave order that they should search all the chambers of the ladies to which he was accustomed to goe , they sought him in the castle , and in , and round about the citie ; but they found him not ; immediately the alarme waxed hot , the king grew into a rage , and swolne with choler and despite , he sent to all the princes and lords of the court , commanding them to take horse , and to bring him back either alive or dead , urging that he was gone to trouble his estate , and to make warre against him , and that he would make him understand the folly he committed in opposing a prince so puissant as himselfe . many of the princes and lords refused this commission , demonstrating unto the king , of what importance it was , and that they would ingage their lives in the service of his majestie , as their duties did oblige them , but to goe against monsieur his brother , they well knew that the day would come , when his majestie would give them but little thanks for it , and assured him that my brother would undertake nothing that might be displeasing to his majestie , or prejudicial to the state , that peradventure it was some discontent that invited him to remove from court , and thereupon it were expedient that the king should first send unto him to informe himselfe of the occasion that moved him to depart , before he took a resolution to proceed against him with so extreame a rigour ; but others there were that accepted this commission , and prepared themselves to take horse , their diligence could not make that dispatch , but it was first upon the break of day , which was the cause that they could not finde my brother , and were constrained to returne , as being not in equipage of warre ; the king for all this was not more favourable to the king my husband , but looked with the same eye of disregard upon him as before , the which confirmed him in his resolution , so that within a few daies after , he retired himself from court , pretending that he was gone on hunting . for me , the teares which ( all that night after my brothers departure ) were my companions , had brought on the next morning so great a rewme on one side of my face , that by reason of a fever , i was constrained certain daies to keep my bed , being very ill , and overcome with many sorrows , during which time of sicknesse , the king my husband , whether he was busied to prepare for his departure , or whether being about to leave the court , he would bestow on pleasure the little time he had to stay , and delight himself with the presence and company of his mistris madame de sauva , had not the leisure to visite me , but retiring to his rest at his accustomed houres , which were about one or two a clock after mid-night , i knew not of his comming , we lying in two beds , as our usuall manner was , and rising before i was awake to be at the rising of the queen my mother , to which as i have said , madame de sauva was accustomed to goe , he not so much as spake unto me , as he promised my brother , and departed in the same manner , without bidding me farewell : for all this , i was suspected by the king to be the only cause of his departure , who was so incensed against me , that if he had not been retained by the queen my mother , i beleeve his choler had wrought some crueltie against my life , but restrained by her , and daring not doe-worse , he suddenly whispered in my mothers eare , that it were requisite , i had a guard set over me ; to keep me from following the king my husband , and to debar any from comming to me , that i might not advertise my brother and him of the occurrences at court. the queene my mother willing to doe all things with clemency , told him , that she held it also to be very necessary , being very glad that she had rebated a little the first edge and fury of his choler , but said withall , that she would goe and prepare me to endure my bondage with patience , alleaging that those grievances would not allwayes continue in the same termes , that all things in this world had two faces , that the first which was darke and frightfull , being turned , when we should come to behold the second more sweet and smiling , that on those new events , wee would take new counsells , that then peradventure he might have need of my service , that as wisedome did advise him to live with his friends , as chancing one day to prove his enemies , and therefore not too much to trust them , so friendship dissolving , and being of power to hurt , the same wisedome did counsell him to use his enemies , as chancing one day to prove his friends . these demonstrances withheld the king from doing me any hurt , to which he had a great desire , but le guast assisted him with an invention to discharge his choler another way , and caused him ( to doe me the greatest displeasure in the world ) to send some swordmen to the house of chastelas the cosin of torigny , and under pretence of bringing her to the king to drown her in the river that was neere unto his house ; they being arrived , chastelas gave them free admission into his house , not doubting any thing ; they seeing her , the strongest of them using as much indiscretion as violence in the ruinous charge which was committed to them , took hold of torigny , and binding her , did lock her in a chamber till their horses were bayted ; in the mean time , behaving themselves after the french manner , not regarding what might happen , they crammed themselves up to the very throates with the best provision that the house afforded . chastelas , who was a discreet man , not caring at all if by the expence of his victualls , he could gain any time to deferre the departure of his cosin , hoping that who hath time , hath life , and that god might change the kings heart , and countermand those people to desist from so great a cruelty , durst not enterprise by any other way to hinder them , though he had freinds and means enough , but god who alway looked on my affliction , to deliver me from the danger and indignities which my enemies procured me , prepared an unexpected succour to rescue torigny , which was this ; certain groomes and chamberlaines having fled for feare of these spoylers , who kept a knocking and a bouncing within ▪ as in a house of pillage , being gone some quarter of a mile from the house , god guided that way , la ferte and avantigny with their troupes , who were about two hundred horse , and were now going to joyne themselves to the body of my brothers army , and it happened that amongst the troupes of peasants , la ferte beheld a servant of chastelas , with an afflicted and dolefull countenance , and knowing him , asked if there were any souldiers , who passing by that way , had done his master wrong , the groome answered no , and that the cause which so tormented him , was the extreamity in which he left his master , for the violence offered to his cosin ; immediately la ferte and avantigny resolved to doe me that good office , to deliver torigny , praysing god , that gave them so good an occasion to witnesse their service and affection to me , and galloping in full speed , they and all their troupes arrived so aptly at chastelas his house , that they found these rude fellows on the point of putting torigny on a horse , to leade her out to ●rowne her ; the horsmen comming all into the court with their swords drawne , cryed out , forbeare you villaines , if you doe her any violence , you are but dead ! and charging on them , they did fly away , leaving their prisoner transported now with joy , as before with fear , and having thanked god and them for this so needfull a deliverance , she caused the charriot of her cosin chastelas to be made ready , and accompanied with him , went with this guard of honest men to find my brother , who was very glad being not able to have me with him , to have there one whom so intirely i affected . while the king made this goodly dispatch to sacrifice torigny to his anger , the queen my mother who knew nothing of it came into my chamber to visite me , as i was then making my selfe ready , determining with my selfe , though i was troubled with the rhewme , yet more sick in minde then body by reason of the afflictions which possessed me , to go that day abroad to see a little the course of the world on these new accidents , being alwayes in feare least they should enterprise any thing against my brother and the king my husband ; my mother said unto me , daughter you need not make such haste to dresse you , grieve not i pray at what i shall deliver , i assure my selfe that you doe not think it strange that the king findes himselfe offended with your brother and your husband , and knowing the friendship that is between you , believing that you knew of their departure he is resolved to keep you as a hostage of them ; he knows how your husband loves you , and that he cannot have a better gage of him than you , for this cause he hath commanded that a guard should be set over you , to hinder you that you should not stirre from your chamber : his counsell also hath represented to him , that if you were at freedome amongst us , you would discover whatsoever is intended against your brother and your husband , and acquaint them with it . i desire you not to grow impatient at this restraint , it shall not god willing last long , grieve not your selfe that i dare not come unto you as often as i would , for i am afraid to give suspition to the king , but assure your selfe i will not permit that any violence shall be done unto you , and i will labour to the uttermost of my power to conclude a peace for the reconcilement of your brothers . i represented to her how great was the injury that in this i did receive ; i would not deny but that my brother did alwaies communicate to me his just discontents , but for the king my husband , since torigny was taken from me , we had not so much as talked together , that he came not to visite me in my sicknesse , nor yet did so much as bid me adieu when he went away : she replyed these be ordinary complaints between a husband and a wife , but i know that with kinde words and letters he will regain your heart , and if he should send you word to come unto him , that you would goe , to which the king my sonne will no way give consent . she returning i remained certain moneths in that estate , having not any , not so much as my familiar and most private friends that came to see me , for feare of the kings displeasure . at court adversity is alwayes alone , as prosperity is accompanied , and persecution is seldome any where assisted with true and constant friends ; only the brave grillon was he who despising all prohibitions came five or six times into chamber so astonishing and frighting the cerberusses that were set to guard my my doore , that they durst neither grant , nor deny him entrance : during this time the king my husband being arrived in his government , and having assembled his friends and servants they did demonstrate unto him what an unkindnesse and injury he committed in not taking his leave of me , nor in so much as bidding me farewell at his departure , telling him that i had understanding enough to doe him service , and that it was needfull to regain me , that he should receive much profit by my love and by my presence , if things being reconciled , he could have me with him . he was easie to be perswaded to this , being removed from that circe madame de sauva whose charms had lost their force by her absence , which in her presence rendred him without reason to apprehend the policies of our adversaries , and that the separation and division betwixt us was as prejudiciall to himselfe as unto me ; he wrote unto me a very honest letter in which he desired me to forget whatsoever had passed betwixt us , and to believe that for the time to come he intirely would affect me , which he would make more apparent to me then heretofore he had done , commanding me to advertise him of the passages of the court-affaires , and of my own estate , and of my brothers , for though they were friends , they were removed from intelligence , my brother being in champagne and the king my husband in gascony ; i received that letter being yet a captive which brought much comfort to me , and i failed not afterwards ( although the guard were commanded that i should not be suffered to write ) being aided with necessity the mother of invention , to send oftentimes my letters to him . certain dayes after my restraint , my brother knew of my captivity , which did so much incense him , that had he not planted in his heart as great an affection to his country , as he had a part and interest in the state , he had made so cruell a war , as he had then the means , commanding a brave army , that the people had endured the punishment for the errour of their prince , but retained by that naturall obligation and affection , hee wrote to the queen my mother , that if they used me so ungently they would throw him into the bottome of despaire , she fearing to see the occasion of this warre brought to such an extreamity , that she knew not how to pacifie it , represented to the king of what importance it was , and found him disposed to receive her reasons , his anger being qualified by the knowledge of the danger wherein he was , being seized on in languedock , gascogny , dauphine , and poictou by the king my husband , and the huguenots , who held many goodly towns and forts ; and by my brother in champagne who had a great army composed of the bravest of the nobility in france , and since this departure of my brother , being himselfe not able either by perswasions , threatnings , or commands , to make any take horse or to oppose my brother , all the princes and lords of france providently forbearing to put their finger betwixt two grinding milstones ; all this considered , the king gave open eare to the declaration of the queen my mother , and was as desirous as her selfe to have a peace established , intreating her that she would be pleased to be a means thereof . she presently prepared her self to goe unto my brother demonstrating unto the king that it was necessary to take me with her , but the king would not consent unto it , believing that i did serve him as a sufficient hostate , thereupon she took her journy without me , and without so much as speaking to me , when my brother seeing that i was not with her , represented the just discontents which he received , and the indignities and rough usage which he found at court , adding thereunto the injuries which were done to me by keeping me in durance , and the cruelty which to displease me they more then offered to torigny , protesting that he would lend no ●are to any overture of peace untill the wrongs which they had done me were redressed , and till he saw me satisfied , and free . the queen my mother hearing this , returned , and declared to the king what answer my brother sent unto him , and that it were requisite if he desired a peace that she should go back again , but for her to goe without me , her journey would be so unprofitable , that it would rather increase , then mitigate the evill , as also to take me with her , without having first contented me , it might doe more hurt then good , and that it was to be feared that i would return no more , but from thence would repaire to the king my husband , that it was necessary to take away the guard that was set over me , and to finde a means to make me forget the rough usage which i received . this the king found good , and seemed as much affected to it as her selfe . immediately she sent for me , and told me that she had prevailed so much , that she had prepared things to a way of peace , that she knew that my brother and my self did ever desire the benefit of the state , that she could conclude a peace so advantagious to my brother , that he should have occasion to rest himself content , and be free from the tyrany of le guast , or whatsoever other malicious spirit did possesse the king against him , and that if i would assist her in making the accordance betwixt the king and my brother , i should deliver her from a great and insupportable calamity , shee being unable without a griefe as strong as death to receive the tidings of the victory of the one , or other of her sonnes , she desired me that the injuries i received might not transport me rather to thoughts of vengeance , then of peace ; she told me that the king was sorry , that she had seen him weep , and that he would give me such satisfaction , that i should remaine contented with it : i replyed to her , that i never would preferre my private good to the benefit of the state , for the improvement and safety whereof , i would willingly sacrifice my life , and that i desired nothing more then a happy peace , to the effecting whereof , i would devote my self , and all my indeavors ; on this , the king came into her cabinet , and with a multitude of faire words did labour to give me satisfaction , and incited me to his friendship , finding that neither my deportment , nor my words gave him any apparence of the injuries i received , which i did more in contempt of the offence that he had done unto me , then for any satisfaction to him , having passed the time of my captivity in the pleasure and exercise of reading , in which i then began to delight my self , owing this obligation not to fortune , but to the divine providence , which then began to provide me so great a remedy to relieve my self in the afflictions which were prepared for me , which served me also as an introduction to devotion , reading in that fayre and universall booke of nature , so many wonders of the creator of it ; for every well tempered soul , rearing to it self a ladder by this knowledge , of which god is the last and highest round , ravished thereat , doth addresse himself to the adoration of the admirable light of that incomprehensible essence , and making a perfect circle , delighteth not in any thing but to follow that homerick chaine , that exquisite ring of knowledge which proceedeth from god himselfe , the beginning and end of all things ; and sadnesse , contrary to joy , which giveth us not leave to consider our own actions , rouzeth up the soul in its self , which uniting all her forces to reject the evill , and to imbrace the good , thinkes , and thinkes againe incessantly , to choose this soveraigne blisse , in which we may finde peace with confidence , and these are those pious dispositions that prepare us to arrive at the knowledge and the love of god. i received these two benefits from the solitude and griefe of my captivity , to addict my selfe to reading and devotion , of which , before i scarce had tasted , amidst the vanity and pompe of my prosperous fortune . the king as i have said , seeing in me no apparence of discontent , told me that the queen my mother should return unto my brother in champagne , to mediate a peace , and besought me to accompany her , and to doe there all the good offices i could , for he knew ( he said ) that my brother reposed more trust in me , then in any other in the world , and that whatsoever good should arise from thence , he would give me the honour of it , and professe himselfe obliged to me ; i promised him what i resolved to performe , for it conduced to the benefit of my brother , and the state , so to imply my self , as he by it should receive contentment . the queen my mother did depart , and i with her , and comming to sens , the conferrence was held in a gentlemans house a mile from thence . the morning following , wee came to the place of conference , my brother was there in person , accompanyed with some of his owne troupes , and with the principall lords and catholike princes of his army , among whom also was duke casimire , and colonell poux , who brought unto him sixe thousand reisters , by the means of those of the religion , who were joyned with my brother in the behalfe of the king my husband . for many dayes they treated on the peace , and the conditions of it , having many disputations on the articles , especially on those which concerned the huguenots , and the agreement was made with conditions more advantagious to them , then they themselves could wish , as presently after it appeared . the queen my mother , the peace being concluded , perswaded my brother to send back the reisters , and to retire himselfe from those , from whom ( being ever a good catholick ) he had a great desire to separate himselfe , not willing to be served by huguenots , but only for necessitie . in this peace , there was an estate assured to my brother for his maintenance according to his qualitie , in which my brother would have me comprised , being very earnest , that the assignation of my dowry in lands might be established , and monsieur de beauvais , who was deputed there a party for him , insisted on it very strongly ; but the queen my mother did intreate me that i would not give way unto it , and assured me that i should receive of the king what i would demand , on which i did request them , that they would not comprehend me in the articles , and that whatsoever i had conferred on me , i had rather receive it from the grace and bounty of the king and queen my mother , beleeving that it would be a course more beneficiall , and as assured to me . the peace concluded , and assurance taken on the one side , and on the other , the queen my mother preparing her selfe for her returne , i received letters from the king my husband , by which i understood that he had a great desire to see me , intreating me , that as soone as i saw the peace concluded , to sue for leave to come unto him : i besought the queen my mother , who rejected my petition , and by all means possible indeavored to divert me from it , saying , that when i received not her proposition to disanull our marriage , after the massacre of s. bartholomew , she then commended my resolution , because my husband was made a catholick , but now , since he hath abandoned the catholick religion , and is turned huguenot , she could not permit that i should goe unto him , and seeing i daily renewed my petition , she told me with teares in her eyes , that if i returned not with her , she should for ever loose her credit with the king , adding , that the king would beleeve that she had taken me with her for that intent , and that she had made a solemn promise to him to bring me back , she desired me to stay till my brothers return , which she said should be with speed , and that suddainly after , she would take order for my dispatch to the king my husband . some few dayes after , we returned to the king to paris , who by reason of the peace , received us with great joy , yet not well liking the advantageous conditions of the huguenots , and determining with himselfe , as soon as he had got my brother to court , to finde some new invention to begin the war again , and not let them joy in that , to which to his grief he condiscended , to withdraw my brother from them , who stayed yet behind a moneth or two , to give order for sending backe the reisters , and for the dismissing of his army , he arrived not long after at court , with all the catholick nobilitie that assisted him ; the king received him with all honour , seeming to have great joy to see him there , and he made very much of bussi also , who came with him , for le guast was lately dead , being slaine by the judgement of god as he was in course of physick ; he had a body infected with all sort of villanies , and subject to a corruption , which a long time did possesse it , as the devills did his soule , to whom he did homage by magick , and all sort of wickednesse ; this brand of fire and division being taken from the world , and the king having his thoughts bent only on the ruine of the huguenots , intended to make use of my brother to command against them , to render my brother and them unreconcileable , and fearing also that to prevent it , i would hasten to the king my husband , he entertaind us both , as well the one , as the other , with all the pleasures that the court could yeeld , to make our stay there more delightfull ; and seeing at the same time that monsieur de duras was sent from the king my husband to demand me , and with so much importunity i urged to be gone , that he no longer could denie me , he told me ( shewing first it was the love he did beare unto me , and then the knowledg what a grace & ornament i brought unto his court , which caused him so long to suspend my journey ) that he would now conduct me himself as far as poictiers , and returned monsieur de duras with that assurance . certaine daies after , he stayed at paris , deferring , and not openly refusing to give me leave to goe , till he had all things in readinesse for the declaration of his designed warre against the huguenots , and by consequence against the king my husband , and to give a pretence unto it , they caused a rumour to be spread , that the catholicks complained of the advantageous conditions , to which they accorded with the huguenots at the peace of sens. this murmur and discontent of the catholicks was blowne abroad , that they came to league and unite themselves at court from all the cities and provinces of the kingdome , enrouling , and signing themselves , and making a great noise ( but privately with the kings consent ) that they would choose monsieur de guise for chiefe ; there was no other thing spoken of from paris untill you come to blois , where the king had called the states together , during the overture of whom , the king called my brother into his cabinet with the queen my mother , and some of the lords of his counsell , and presented there unto him , of what importance for his authoritie and estate was this league , which the catholicks had begun , especially if they should come to make themselves heads , and to choose those of the house of guize ; that it concerned them ( understanding my brother and himself ) more then all the rest , that the catholicks had reason to complain , and that his duty and conscience did oblige him to discontent the huguenots rather then the catholicks , he intreated and conjured my brother , as an heire of france , and a true catholick , that he would counsell and assist him in this affayre , whereon the hazard of his crowne , and the catholick religion so much depended , adding that it seemed to him to cut off all danger that this league might bring , that he himself ought to make the chiefe , and both to shew his zeal to his religion , and to debarre them from choosing any other , to signe himself first as chiefe , and then to have my brother signe , and afterwards all the princes , lords and governours , and whosoever had any charge or power in his kingdome . my brother could not but offer that service which he owed to his majestie , and to the preservation of the catholick religion . the king having taken assurance of my brothers assistance , which was the principall end to which the artifice of the league did tend , did suddenly call all the princes and lords together , and causing the roll of the said league to be brought unto him , he first there signed himself as chiefe , and then my brother , and after him all the rest , who had not yet signed . the morning following , they opened the estates , having taken advice of the three lord bishops of lions , of ambrum , and of vienne , who perswaded him that after the oath made at his consecration , no oath made unto the hereticks could be of power , the said oath nullifying all other oathes and promises which he could make unto the huguenots : this being pronounced at the opening of the states , and warre being proclaimed against the huguenots ; the king sent back genislac , who had been there to hasten my departure , with rough and threatning language : telling him that he gave his sister to a catholick , and not unto a huguenot , and if that the king my husband had a desire to have me , he should turne catholick againe ; all preparations for the warre were made , there nothing else was spoken of at court , and to render my brother more unreconcileable with the huguenots , the king made him chiefe of one of his armies . genislac being come to tell me this sad farewell , which the king had given him , i repayred presently to the closet of the queen my mother , where i found the king , and complained how he had abused me with delayes , having alwayes hindered me from going to the king my husband ; and now dissembled to depart from paris , to conduct me to poictiers , to expresse an effect so contrary . i represented to him , that i was not married for pleasure , or to satisfie my owne desires , but that it was the desire of king charles , conjoyned with my mothers , and his owne , that since they had given me to him , they could not hinder me from running my fortune with him , that i would goe unto him , and if they refused to give me leave , i would steale away in what disguise and fashion that i could , though with the hazard of my life . the king answered , 't is not now a time ( my sister ) to importune me for leave , and i professe the truth which you have said , that i have deferred your going for a while , to denie it in the end for altogether ; for since the king of navarre hath turned again to be a huguenot , i never thought it good that you should goe unto him ; that which we have done , the queen my mother , and my self , is for your safetie . i will make warre against the huguenots , and root out that religion , which doth us so much mischief , and there is not the least apparence of reason why you , who are a catholick , and my sister , should be in their hands as an hostage of me , and who knows not , but to procure unto me an irreparable losse , they may revenge themselves on your life for the evill which i shall bring upon them ; no , no , you shall not goe , and if you steale away , as you say you will , understand that you shall have me and the queen your mother for your cruell enemies , and you shall feel our anger to the uttermost of our power , and shall rather impayre , then amend the condition of your husband . i retired my self with great displeasure from that cruell sentence , and taking the advice of the principall of my friends at court , they declared , that it would ill become me to be resident in a court so contrary to the king my husband , and from whence so openly they made warre against him , and counselled me , as long as the warres continued , to retire my selfe from court , and were it possible , it were more honourable for me to finde some pretence to goe out of the kingdome , under the colour of pilgrimage , or to visite some of my kindred ; madame de roche-sur-yon was one of those whom i assembled to desire their counsell , who was then upon her departure to goe to the waters of spau . my brother was also present , and had brought mondoucet with him , who was agent for the king in flanders , and being lately returned , represented to the king , with what griefe the flemmings suffered the usurpation which the spaniards made on the lawes of france , for the dominion , and soveraignty of flanders ; that many of the lords and commons of their cities had expresly commanded him to acquaint his majestie how much they stood addicted to the french , and that they would lend him all their helping hands . mondoucet , seeing the king gave no eare to his advise , having nothing in his head , but the huguenots , who were now to feele the vengeance of his displeasure , for assisting my brother against him , talked no more unto him of it , but addressed himself unto my brother , who having the true nature of a prince , loved onely to enterprise great and glorious things , being borne rather to conquer , then preserve ; he suddenly imbraced the enterprise , which pleased him so much the more , because he perceived nothing of injustice in it , willing to regain that unto france , which was usurped by the spaniards ; mondoucet for this cause became my brothers servant , who sent him back to flanders under the colour of accompanying madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon to the waters of spau , and he observing that , during these warres , every one sought a faire pretence to withdraw me from france , whether it were into savoy , or into lorrayne , or to saint claudes , or to our lady of loretto , whispered these words into my brothers eare , sir ▪ if the queen of navarre could pretend any malady , which the waters of spau , whither madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon is now going , might serve for cure , this would fall out very fortunately for you : my brother much commended his counsell , and being very glad of the discovery of it , suddenly cryed out , my deer queen , study no more , for you must goe to the waters of spau , whether madame the princesse is going ; i have sometimes heard you complain of a swelling in your arme , you are to say that your physitians did then prescribe it , but the season was not fitting , but now the time is seasonable , and you must intreat the king to give you leave to goe . my brother declared not himself at that time , wherefore he desired the journey , because that monsieur the cardinall of burbon was then in company , whom he suspected for a guisian , and inclined to the spanish faction . for my selfe , i understood it very well , not doubting but it reflected on his enterprise for flanders , of the which mondoucet had spoken to us both . all the company were of this advise , and madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon , who her selfe was going thither , and who loved me intirely , with great joy did apprehend and entertain this counsell , and promised to goe with me to the queen my mother , to have her grant consent unto it . on the morning following , we found the queene alone , and i represented unto her , what a displeasure it was unto me , to see the king my husband in a warre against the king , and to be thus removed , and kept asunder from him , that while this warre continued , it were neither expedient nor honorable for me to stay at court , where if i still continued , i could not avoide one of these two evills , either that the king my husband would conceive that i stayed at court only for my owne pleasure , and that i assisted him not as i ought to doe , or that the king would entertaine an opinion , that i sent daily advertisements to the king my husband , that both the one and the other would procure unto me much affliction ; i besought her that she would be pleased to think well of it , if for a while i estranged my self from court , to avoid all occasions of suspition , that some time was passed , since the physitians prescribed me the waters of spau , for the swelling of my arme , to which i had a long time been subject , and that the season of the yeere being now fitted for it , this journey by her permission would fall out opportunely , not onely to remove me from court , but from france also ; and so the king my husband might understand , that being unable to be with him by reason of the kings distrust , i would not remaine in that place where warre was made against him , and that i hoped that her wisdome would so dispose of things in time , that the king my husband should obtaine a peace of the king , and returne into his favour , that i would attend to heare that happy news , to have then permission to repayre unto him , and that in this voyage to the spau , madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon ( who was there present ) would doe me the honour to accompany me . the queene my mother did much applaude my resolution , and told me that she was glad that i had taken this advise , affirming that this evill counsell which the bishops gave the king , not to make good his promises , but to breake whatsoever he had contracted with the huguenots for him , had for many considerations , brought her much affliction , especially seeing this impetuous torrent drew along with it , and ruined the most understanding , and the faithfullest servants that the king had in his counsell ( for the king had thereupon removed foure or five of the most noble and apparent in all his counsell ) moreover she affirmed , it left a deep impression in her , to see the truth of what i represented , that staying at court , i could not avoide one of those two evills , either that the king my husband would dislike that stay , and be off●nded at it , or that the king would distrust me , supposing that i gave intelligence to the king my husband , shee said that she would perswade the king to give consent unto the voyage , which she did , and the king discoursed with me of it , without the least apparence of being angry , being well content that he had diverted me from my husband , whom he hated more then all the world besides , and commanded that a post should be dispatched to don john of austria , who commanded in flanders for the king of spaine , to intreat him to give me necessary warrants to passe freely through the countrey of his authority , because i must of necessitie travell through flanders to goe to the waters of spau , which are in the lands belonging to the bishop of leige . this being determined , we severed our selves for a little space , during which time my brother imployed himselfe to instruct me in some desired offices concerning his enterprise in flanders , and the king and queene my mother removed to poictiers , to be neerer the army of monsieur de mayenne , who besieged brovage , and who from thence was to passe into gascogny , to make warre against the king my husband . my brother also was to march with another army , of which he was commander , to besiege issoire , and some other townes which shortly after he took in , and i prepared my self for my journey into flanders , attended with madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon , with madame de tournon , my dame of honour , with madame de mouy of picardie , with madame la chastelayne of millon , with madamoselle d' atrie , with madamoselle de tournon , and with seven or eight gentlewomen more , and with noblemen , as monsieur the cardinall of lenoncourt , with monsieur the bishop of langres ▪ with monsieur de mouy lord of picardie , with the chiefe esquires , and many other gentlemen of my house . this company gave such delight to strangers , who found it so full of state and lustre , that they had france in farre more admiration : my litter was of carnation velvet , imbroydered with works of gold and silke . the invention of the worke , and the impresses were easie to be seene ; this litter was glazed round , and every glasse had a device in it , there being in the works of velvet , and in the glasse , fourty different inventions , with italian and spanish mottoes on the sun , and his effects ; this litter was followed with the litter of madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon , and with the litter of madame de tournon , my dame of honour , and with ten wayting gentlewomen on horse , with their governesse , and with sixe caroaches , in which the rest of the ladies and women were . i passed through picardie , where the citties had commandment from the king to receive me as if himself were present , and they did me all the honour that i could desire . being arrived at castelet , which is a fort three miles from the frontire of cambresis , the bishop of cambray , whose church acknowledged not then the king of spaine , but for her protector , sent a gentleman unto me , to know the houre of my departure thence , intending to meet me at my entrance into his lands , where i found him well attended with people , who had the habite and apparence of true flemmings , as they are very grosse in those parts . the bishop was of the house of barlemont , one of the principall houses in flanders , but who in a flemmish brest had a spanish heart , as they made it apparent to me , being one of those that did most assist don john , but yet he received me with great honour , and no lesse spanish ceremonies . i found this citie of cambray , although not builded with such strong materialls as curs of france , yet farre more delightfull , the cities and houses thereof being better disposed , and proportioned , and the churches very faire and large , a common ornament to all the townes in france ; that which i found in this citie most remarkeable , was the cittadell , one of the strongest and fairest in christendome , which being since under the obedience of my brother , the spaniards to their costs have proved . a noble and worthy gentleman , monsieur de ainsi was the governour of it , who in grace , in presence , and all qualities requisite to a perfect gentleman , was nothing inferiour to our most accomplished courtiers , and no way partaking of that naturall clownishnesse , which seemeth proper to the flemmings . the bishop made us a banquet , and delighted us after supper , with the pleasure of a maske , to which all the ladies of that citie came , but being there himself not present ( for suddenly after the supper , he retired himself , being as i have said , of a spanish and ceremonious humour ) monsieur de ainsi , the most apparent in that troupe , was left behinde , to entertaine me at the maske , and to have me afterwards to a collation of confects , but very unadvisedly , as i conceive , for this was he who had the charge of the cittadell ; i speake this having learned it to my own expence , and knowing more ( then i would desire ) what belongeth to the guarditg of such a place . the remembrance of my brother being not to be divided from my heart , because i loved nothing more then him , i often did thinke on the instructions which he had given me , and seeing a fayre opportunitie offered to doe him good service in his enterprise for flanders , this citie and cittadell being the key thereof , i quickned and imployed all the understanding which god had given me to render monsieur de ainsi affectioned to france , and more particular to my brother , god gave such a blessing to my discourse , that he delighted with it , determined to stay with me as long as possibly he could , and to accompany me during the time i stayed in flanders , and to this intent , he demanded leave of his master to goe with me to namur , where don john of austria did attend me , saying , that he desired to see the triumphs of that entertainment . this flemming spanioliz'd was notwithstanding so ill advised to let him goe , during this voyage , which continued ten or twelve daies , he spake unto me as often as he could , openly demonstrating that he had a heart addicted to the french , & that he only desired to live to see the houre wherein he might have so brave a prince as my brother for his lord and master , despising the service and commands of his bishop , who although he was his soveraigne , was but a gentleman as himselfe , and farre inferiour to him in the qualities and graces both of minde and body . departing from cambray , i lodged the night ensuing at valenciennes in flanders where monsieur the count of lalain , monsieur de montigny his brother , and many other gentlemen to the number of two or three hundred came to receive me at my comming out of the principality of cambresis , unto which place the bishop of cambray conducted me . being arrived at valenciennes , a town inferiour to cambray in force , but not in the ornament of goodly buildings and of churches , where the fountaines and the clocks with industry proper to the almains gave not a little cause of wonder to the french , it being not ordinary with them to hear the clocks ●xpresse a pleasant musick of the voice , with as many sorts of persons as are in the little castle in the suburbs of saint germans : monsieur the count of lalain , the citty being under his government , made a feast to the lords and gentlemen of my ●roupe , where his wife and his faire sister madame de aurec and the most remarkable and bravest ladies of that country attended to receive me ; he told me he was cosin to the king my husband , and he was a person of great authority and estate , to whom the spainish insolence was alwaies odious , being strongly incensed against them since the death of the count of aigmont who was his neer kinsman , and although he maintained his government without being leagued with the prince of orange or the huguenots , being a thrice catholick lord , yet he could not endure to see don john , or permit that either he or any of his should enter into his government , don john not daring force him to the contrary , fearing that then the catholick league in flanders called the league of the estates would unite themselves with the prince of orange and the huguenots , wisely foreseeing , what a storm and tempest would ensue , as they have proved since who have governed there for the king of spain . the count of lalain could not sufficiently expresse what a joy he did receive to see me , and if his native prince had then been present , he could not be received with more honour and demonstrations of wellcome and affection . arriving at monts at the countes of lalain with about fourescore or a hundred ladies of the city and country , of whom i was received not as a strange princesse , but as if i had been their soveraign by the priviledge of inheritance , the disposition of the femmings is to be private , merry , and familiar , and the countesse of lalain being of this disposition , and having a great and high spirit , it gave me presently an assurance that it were no difficult matter to enter into a strict friendship with her : the houre of supper being come , she went to the banquet , and after to dancing which the count of lalain continued all the time of my aboad at monts , which was longer then i determined , intending to depart the morning following , but this good woman inforced me to stay a seventh night with them , which i was unwilling to doe , fearing to overcharge them , nor was it possible for me to perswade her husband or her selfe , but they enforced me to stay till the eighth day were expired , living with such familiarity with me , she stayed at my lying down very late , and would have staied longer but that she did what was very rare to doe in persons of her quality , which notwithstanding did witnesse a nature attended with great goodnesse , she nourished her infant with her own milk so that being one morning at the feast , and sitting next unto me at the table which is the place where they of that country doe communicate themselves with greatest friendship , and ayming at nothing but my content , which was altogether to advance my brothers designes in flanders , she being curiously drest and almost covered with precious stones and rich imbroyderies , having on a kirtle of cloath of gold , whose ground was black , wrought with curious workes of imbroydery and purles of gold and silver , and a doublet of cloath of silver whose ground was white , wrought with flowers of gold , and buttoned with great diamonds ( a habit proper to the office of a nurse ) they brought unto the table her little childe , as richly dressed as was the nurse that gave it suck , she set the childe on the table betwixt us both , and freely unbuttoning her selfe she gave her brest unto her little one ; this had been counted incivility in any else , but she did doe it with so great a grace and comelinesse , as her actions were all accompanied with it , that she received by it as much commendation , as the company delight . the banquet being ended , the dancing began in the same hall wherein we were , which was very faire and a large roome , where being seated one next unto another , i told her that although the pleasures which i received in her company might well be ranked in the first number of those which gave me greatest reason to acknowledge them , yet i could almost wish that ( never had enjoyed them , by reason of the griefe i should receive in departing from her , and that fortune shortly would deprive us from ever seeing one another , it being to be numbred amongst the misfortunes of my life , that heaven had not ordained that she and i should live in one and the same country . this i spake to make her enter into conference which might serve for the designes of my brother ; shee replyed to me , this country hath been sometimes part of france , and for this cause their pleadings in law are yet in french , and this naturall affection is not departed from the hearts of the most of us , for my part i have no other desire in my soule , since i have had the honour to have seen you ; sometimes indeed this country stood affected to the house of austria , but that affection hath been torn from us in the deaths of the count of aigmont , of monsieur de horn of monsieur de montigny and of the other lords who were all our neer cosins , that were then defeated , and pertaining to the nobility of this country , we have nothing so odious as the spanish government , and desire nothing more , then to be delivered from their tyranny , neverthelesse we know not yet how to effect it , because this country is divided into different religions , but had we been united , we had thrown out the spanyard long agoe , but this division doth render us too feeble for them : i would to god that your brother the king of france would be pleased to recover this country , which in times precedent was his own , we would lend him all our helping hands ; she spake not this in an unadvised suddaines but with premeditation to finde from france some remedy for their evils . i seeing the way open to what so much i did desire , made answer , the king of france my brother is not disposed to undertake forrain warres , especially at this present , having in his own kingdome the factious party of the huguenots which is grown so strong , that continually it will hinder him from commencing any wars abroad , but my brother monsieur de alenson who is nothing inferiour in valour , wisedome , and in bounty to the kings my fathers and my brothers , will readily attend this enterprise , and will have no lesse meanes to bring succour to you , then the king of france by brother , he is trained up in war , and esteemed one of the bravest captains of this age , and now commandeth the kings army against the huguenots , with which he hath taken since my departure a very strong town called issoire , and some others , you cannot seek unto a prince whose succour shall be more profitable to you , being so neer your neighbour , and having so great a realme as france at his devotion , from whence he may bring all the means and commodities necessary for the warre , and if he may receive that good office from the count your husband , you may assure your selves that you shall have what part in his fortunes that you will defire ; my brother is of a noble disposition not ingratefull , and who delighteth in nothing more then in acknowledging a service or good office done ; he doth much respect and imbrace gentlemen of courage and of honour , and is also followed with the bravest of the nobility of france ; i believe they will shortly conclude a peace in france with the huguenots , and that at my return i shall see it accomplished ; if the count your husband be of the same resolution as you are , and of the same desire , let him ( if he please ) acquaint me with it , and i will dispose my brother to undertake it , i assure my selfe that this country and your house by it in particular will receive all happinesse : and if my brother should establish himselfe here , you may assure your selfe you shall see me often , our friendship being such that never any brother entertained a sister with more perfect love : she received this declaration with much content , and told me that she spake not this at adventure , but seeing the honour i had done her to affect her , she was resolved not to leave me , untill she had discovered to me the estate in which her husband was , and till she had required that some remedy might be brought from france to release them from the feare in which they lived , being in perpetuall warre and danger to stoope to the insolence and tyranny of spaine ; she intreated me that with my consent she might relate unto her husband the communication that passed betwixt us , that on the next morning they both together might talke unto me of it , i very gladly consented to it , and we passed away that afternoone in such discourses , and in what ever else i thought might doe my brother service , in which i found that she received great content . the dancing being ended , we repayred to heare vespers among the canonesses , which is a religious order that we have not in france , they are gentlewomen which are placed there very young , for the improvement of their marriages , untill they are of age for husbands , they lodge not in common dormitories , but in severall roomes , and in every roome there are three or foure , or five or six young gentlewomen with an old woman , of which old women , there is a certaine and distinct number , who are never married , nor the abbesse of them , they onely weare the habite of religion in the morning at mattens , and in the afternoone at vespers , and as soone as service is ended , they put off their religious habite , and apparell themselves as other gentlewomen that are to marry , going freely with them to the banquettings and dancing , so that they dresse themselves foure times a day , they were every day at the banquet , and daunced ordinarily after it . the countesse of lalain thought it long till the evening was come , to acquaint her husband with the good beginnings which she had given to these affaires , which having done , in the morning she brought her husband to me , who made a long discourse of the just occasions which he had to free himself from the tyranny of the spaniard , in which he intended not to undertake any thing against his naturall prince , knowing that the soveraignty of flanders belonged to the king of france , he represented to me what means he had to establish my brother in flanders , having all hainault at his devotion , which extended as farre as bruxells , he only was in doubt of cambresis , which lay betwixt flanders and hainault , and told me it would be expedient for me to gaine monsieur de ainsi , to which i replyed , that i would beseech him rather that he would be pleased to speak himself unto him , which he could doe more freely then my self , being both his neighbour and his friend ; having then presented to him what estimation and assurance he might make of the friendship of my brother , and that the fortune he should partake in , should be with as much greatnes and authoritie as the remarkeable service received from a person of his quality could merit ; we resolved at my returne to france , that i should stay at la fere , whether my brother should come unto me , and that monsieur de montigny the brother of the said count of lalain should come to treate there with him on those affaires ; during the time of my abode there , i did encourage him alwayes , and fortifie him in that resolutiō , to which his wife brought no lesse affection then my self ; and the day being come that i must depart from this goodly company at monts , it was not without great and reciprocall griefe of all the flemmish ladies , and my self , and above all , of the countesse of lalain , by reason of the great friendship which she had vowed to me , having inforced me to promise her , to make my return that way , as i passed into france . i did give unto her a carcanet of jewells , and to her husband a seale of pretious stones , which were esteemed of great value , but farre more pretious to them , because they came from the hand of one whom so intirely they affected ; all the ladies stayed behind , except the lady of aurec , who did goe with me to namur , her husband monsieur de aurec , and monsieur the duke of arscot staying there , ever since the peace betwixt the king of spaine and the states of flanders ; for though they were both on the states side , the duke of arscot was an ancient courtier , and one of the most remarkable in king phillips court , at what time he was in flanders , and in england , and he was alwayes in great esteeme , and next unto the grandyes of his court. the count of lalain , with all the nobilitie of that countrey conducted me above two miles beyond his government , untill he saw the troupe of don john appeare , then he took his leave of me , because he would not see him , only monsieur de ainsi did accompany me , because his master the bishop of cambray was of the spanish faction . that faire troupe being returned , having travelled a little farther , i was encountered by don john of austria , who was attended indeed with many people , but onely with twenty or thirty horse , and with the lords , the duke of arscot , monsieur de aurec , the marquesse of varambon , and young balenson , governour for the king of spaine in the county of burgundy , which noble and gallant gentlemen , hearing that i passed that way , were come in a full speed to meet me : of don johns owne people , there were none of any name or fashion , but one lodovick de gonzagua , who stiled himselfe cosin to the duke of mantua , the rest were but meane people , and of a servile countenance , there being not any with him of the nobility of flanders : he alighted from his horse , and set foot on ground to salute me in my litter , which was lifted up , and opened round ; i saluted in the french garbe , both him , the duke of arscot , and monsieur de aurec ; after some complements , mounting againe his horse , he discoursed with me till he brought me to the towne , whither we could not come but very late , because the ladies at monts detained us as long as possibly they could , spending above an houre in the observation of my litter , and taking great delight to understand the manner , and the devices of it . the method of their building was so beautifull at namur , as the spaniards are excellent that way , and their towne so lightsome , that the windowes and the shops being full of splendor , one might beleeve that he saw a new day to shine there . that night don john caused me and my traine to be served in our own lodgings and chambers , thinking that after so long a journey , it would be unmannerly to tire us againe with the tediousnesse of a banquet . the house wherein he lodged me , was well accomodated to receive me , where they found means to make a great and fayre hall , and an appartement for me of chambers and closets , which were hung round with the fairest , richest , and bravest moveables , that i beleeve were ever seen , being all tapistries of velvet or satten , embossed with great pillars made of cloath of silver , inchased with thick knots , and purles of gold , and set forth in the richest and most beautifull manner that could be invented , and in the middle of those pillars were great personages attired after the ancient fashion , and made of the same imbroidery . monsieur the cardinall of lenoncourt , who had a curious and a delicate spirit , being a familiar friend of the duke of arscots , who as i have said , was an old courtier , and a gentleman of exquisite indowments , being indeed the only honour of don johns troupe , beholding , one day while i was there , those gorgeous and magnificent moveables , said unto him , this furniture seemeth to me to appertaine rather to some mighty monarch then to a prince unmarried , and of no greater authority then don john ; the duke of arscot replyed , they are the gifts of fortune , and not of providence or abundance , these stuffes being sent unto him from one of the bashaes of the great turke , whose sonnes in a memorable battell he tooke prisoners , and signior don john having done him the courtesie to return them to him without ransome , the basha , to requite the good turne , did send him a great quantitie of stuffes of silke , and of cloath of gold , and silver , which were presented to him , being then at myllain , a citie where is choice of such pretious furniture , of which he made the tapistrey which you behold , and for an everlasting remembrance of the glorious atchievement of them , he wrought the bed and the hangings of the queens chamber in a most rich imbroidery , representing the glorious victory in that battell , which he gained against the turks : the morning being come , we heard masse after the custome of spaine , which was with violins , cornets , and other musick , and departing thence unto the feast in the great hall , he and i did dine at a table by our selves , the table where the lords and the ladies dined , was removed some three foot from ours , where madame de aurec had the honour done her for don johns house , having her drinke presented to her by lodovick g●nzagua , kneeling . the banquet being ended , dancing began , which lasted all the afternoone , the evening passed away in this manner , don john discoursing alwayes with me , and oftentimes repeating , that he saw in me a resemblance of the queen his mistris , the late queen of spaine my sister , witnessing by all honorable courtesies that could be expressed to me and my troupe , that he received an undissembling joy to see me there . the boate on which i was to passe the river mose unto leige being not yet in readinesse ▪ i was constrained to tarry there all the next day , where having passed away the morning as we did the morne before ; there was a faire b●are after dinner prepared for me in which we were ferryed to an iland , being environed in our way with other boars full of hob●yes , cornets and viols ; don john had provided a banquet in the i le , in a great hall made of guilded leather , accomodated with cabinets round about it , and fille with the musick of hoboyes and other instruments which continued all supper time . the banquet being ended , and dancing having lasted almost an houre , we returned in the same boat that did waft us out , and which don john had prepared for my voyage . the morning following we departed thence , don john accompanied me in the boat , and after a very honest and courteous farewell , he gave me to monsieur and madame de aurec to attend me as far as huy , where that night i was to lodge , which is the first town that belongeth to the bishop of leige : don john being gone forth , monsieur de ainsi who was the last that stayed in the boat , and who had not permission to conduct me further , with much griefe took his farewell of me , and with many protestations that he would remain a most constant servant to my brother and my selfe : but false and treacherous fortune not able to support the glory of this so happy a condition which in my voyage hitherto did attend me , gave me two crosse presa●es , which on my return , to content her envy , she had prepared for me . the first was , that my boat had no sooner removed from the shore , but madamois●lle de ●●urnon , a virgin indowed with many virtues , whom i intirely loved , took so strange a sicknesse , that on a suddain she bur●● forth into strong and loud shreiks by reason of the violence of the grief she felt , which did so oppresse her heart that the physitians could provide no remedy , but within a few daies she was ravished by death , i will relate this tragicall story in its own place , it being so remarkable . the other was that arriving at huy a town scituate on the declining of a hill , there brake forth on a suddain , so impetuous a torrent falling from the mountain waters into the river , that ingrossing and devouring all at once , we could no sooner leape to land and run with all the speed we could to recover the top of the hill , but the floud was there as soon as we . my lodgeing was on the upper and highest part of the town , where that night we were content with what provision the master of the house had of his own , who had not means to get boats or people to send down into the town , which seemd overwhelmed in that vast deluge , from which it was wonderfully delivered , as it was seized by it , for on the dawning of the day the waters were all returned , and retired within their proper channels . on my departure thence monsieur and madame de aurec returned to namur unto don john , and i took boat to goe that day to leige , where the bishop who is a great lord received me with all the honour and demonstrations of good will that a courteous and well affected person could expresse ; he was a lord attented with great virtue , wisedome , and bounty , and who spake very good french agreeable with his person , which was honorable , and magnificen● : he was attended with a chapiter and many canons , all sonnes of dukes and counts , and great lords of germany . the bishoprick is of a soveraigne estate , and of great revenue , and filled with many goodly towns : the canons obtain their places by election , and they must continue a yeere probationers that are received into their society ; the town is great as lyons , and almost of the same scituation ( the river mosa passing in the middle of it ) excellently builded , there being no religious house which seemeth not a faire palace , the streets long and large , enriched with curious fountaines , the churches adorned with so much marble which they have there at hand , that worthily they challenge the observation of the passinger , and may be as well the wonders , as the pleasures of his eye , the clockes made with german industry , singing and representing all variety of musick and of persons . the bishop received me as i came out of my boat , and conducted me into a faire and stately palace , so richly painted , and set forth with so much gold and marble , that there is nothing more magnificent or delightfull . the waters of spa were three or foure miles from thence , and there being no town neer , but a village only of three or foure houses , madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon was advised by her physitians to stay at leige , and to have the water brought thither to her , assuring her that it would loose no virtue being brought unto her before the sun was up , of which i was very glad , having our aboad in so fit a place , and in so good a company ; for besides his grace ▪ ( for so they stile the bishop of leige , as we give the title of majesty to a king , or of highnesse to a prince ) the rumour flying that i passed that way , most of the lords and ladies of almaine were come thither to attend me , and among others madame the countesse of aremberg , who was she that had the honour to conduct queen elizabeth to her mariage at meziers , when she was espoused to king charles my brother , and who conducted my eldest sister at her mariage , to the king of spaine ; she was a woman that was in great account with the empresse and emperour , and with all the princes of christendome ; there was also her sister madame de lantgrave and her daughter madame de aremberg , and monsieur de aremberg her sonne a brave and worthy gentleman , the lively image of his father , who bringing heretofore auxiliary souldiers from spaine to king charles my brother , returned with great honour and reputation . this arrivall being full of joy and honour ▪ had been yet farre more delightfull , were it not interrupted by the death of madamoselle de tournon , whose history being so remarkable , i cannot here but make digression to relate it . madame de tournon who was then my dame of honour had many daughters , the ●●●est whereof was maried to monsieur ●e b●●anson governour for the king of spaine in the county of burgundy , who returning to his own country intreated madame de tournon his mother to let him have another of her daughters , to associate his wife being to live now in a place removed from her kindred ; her mother consented to it , and she staying there some yeers in improving her selfe , though her cheifest beauty was her virtue and her gracefull carriage , monsieur the marques of varambon ( a man designed to the church being resident in the same house with his brother monsieur de balanson ) by ordinary society of discourse and conversation with madamoiselle de tournon became very amorous of her , and being not yet obliged to the church desired to espouse her ; he propounded the motion to his own friends and to hers , they of her side did well approve it , but his brother monsieur de balanson thinking it more profitable for him to have him of the church prevailed so farre that he brake off the marriage , designing to him the habit and formality of the gown . madame de tournon offended thereat , took from thence her daughter madamoiselle de tournon with her sister madame de balanson , and being a rough and severe woman without regard of her daughters age and disposition , which deserved a more gentle usage , she daily did torment her with vehement and invective language , insomuch that she was never seen to have her eyes dry , though all her actions were most commendable , so ungentle was the nature and severi●y of this mother . her daughter desiring nothing more then to be released from this tyranny entertained a certain joy when she saw i was going into flanders , truly conceiving that the marques of var●b●n would meet me there , and being now in the estate of mariage for he had altogether abandoned the gown would peradventure demand her of her mother , and that by the means of this mariage she should be delivered from her former persecutions . the marques of varambon and his brother the younger balanson did meet us at namure , the young balanson who was nothing so proper a gentleman as the other , did court this maid in the way of mariage , and the marques of varambon during our aboad at namure , made semblance as if till then he had never seen her , at which she put on the apparence of content , constrayning her selfe to seem regardlesse of it , but the trouble , the griefe and indignation thereof did so contract her heart , that as soon as they had taken their last farewell , and were departed from the boat , she was strook with such a suddain sorrow that shee could not draw her breath but with many shreikes and mortall pangs ; having no other cause of her sicknesse , her youth did combat with death , for the space of eight or ten dayes , who armed with despite in the end did render himselfe victorius , ravishing her from her mother and my self , who both did bear this losse with equall greife and passion , for her mother although she was a very severe woman did love her most intirely : her funeralls were commanded to be performed with all solemnity , because she was discended from a great great and noble family , and pertained to the queen my mother ; the day of her interrement being come , they appointed foure of my gentlemen to bear the corps , one whereof was boessier , who having in her life time passionately adored her , and not daring to discover it unto her by reason of the inequality of his birth , and the vertue which he observed in her , did carry now this mortall burden , and dyed as often in her death , as the losse of his love had interrupted and divided the course of his life , breathing out his soule after her in sighes , and every new minute bringing a new death unto him ; this fatall convoy , being in the middle of the streets , and passing to the cathedrall church , behold the marques of var●mbon , who guilty o● this sad accident , some few dayes after my departure from namur , repenting of his crueltie , and his ancient flame ( o wonderfull ) being kindled in her absence , which could not be awakened by her presence , he resolved to come and demand her of her mother , trusting peradventure in the good fortune which did attend him , to be beloved of all whomsoever he desired , as since it hath appeared in a lady of eminent account , whom against her parents consents he hath espoused ; and promising to himselfe , that his mistris de tournon would grant him an easie pardon , repeating these italian words , che l● forza d'amore non risguarda al delitto , did beseech don john to give him commission to come unto me , and making diligent haste , he came just , as the body , as unhappy in her death , as glorious and innocent in her virginitie , was in the middle of the street , the throng of the people at this pompous solemnitie , did hinder him that he could not passe , he looked about him to learne what the occasion was , and observed in the middle of the troupe , a multitude of mourners , and a white cloath crowned with chaplets of flowers , he asked who it was , some of the city made reply that it was a buriall , he growne more curious , advanced himself amongst the first of the convoy , and with much importunity desired to know who it was , o deadly answere , the vengeance of love for his ingratitude and inconstancie , made him now feele those stroakes of death in his soule , which his forgetfulnesse and disdaine had made his mistresse suffer in her body ; the man not knowing who it was that pressed to know it , told him that it was the body of madamoiselle de tournon ; at that word he swounded away , and fell from his horse , they carried him as dead into his lodging , justly desiring in this extremity to approve that union with her in his death , which in his life too slowly he accorded to ; his soul , as i believe , departing into her tombe to crave pardon for what his disdainfull oblivion had committed , did leave his body for a time without any apparence of life , and returning thence , did animate it anew , to make him feele again the justice of death , which once alone had not sufficiently punished his ingratitude . this sad office being performed , beholding my self in a company of strangers , i would not afflict them with the griefe which i received , for the losse of so vertuous a servant . i was invited either by the bishops grace , or by some of the canons to dinner every day in severall houses and gardens , as there are very faire ones in that citie . his grace , with many lords and ladies , strangers , comming every morning to my chamber , accompanied me to the garden wherein i was to take the waters of sp●u , which was to be received walking , and though the physitian that did prescribe it was my brother , yet it hath done me good , having since continued six or seven yeeres without feeling the swelling of my arme ; departing thence , we never parted company , but resorted to some feast , and after dancing , to heare vespers to some religious house , and after supper we were entertained with dancing againe , or else with musick on the water . six weeks did passe away themselves on this manner , which is the ordinary time accustomed for the taking of these waters , and which was prescribed to madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon . as i was preparing to returne to france , behold madame de aurec , who going to lorrayn to seek her husband , expounded to us the wonderfull alteration that happened at namur , and in all that countrey , since my departure , the same day wherein i departed from namur , don john going out of his boate , and taking horse , under presence of hunting , came before the gate of the castle of namur , the which as yet he had not mastered , and feigning ( as casually he passed by ) to goe in , and see it in his way , he seized on it , and slew the captaine whom the states kept there , breaking the articles that were agreed on between the states and him , and moreover he seized on the duke of arscots ▪ on monsieur de aurecs , and on her owne person , and though after many demonstrations and intreaties , he let her husband and the duke depart , yet he retained her till then , 〈◊〉 be a caution to him for the deportment of them ; she declared that all the countrey was now in armes ; there were three parties , the first of the states , which were the catholicks of flanders ; the other of the prince of orange , and the huguenots , who made but one party ; and the third of the spaniards , over whom don john commanded . i seeing my selfe imbarked in this manner , that of necessitie i must fall into the hands of the one or the other of them , and my brother having sent a gentleman named lescar to me , by whom he wrote that since my departure from france , god had given him the grace to serve the king so well in the charge of the army committed to him , that he had taken all the townes which he was commanded to besiege , and chaced the huguenots through all the provinces in which his army was to march , that he was returned to poictiers , where during the siege of brouage the king continued to be neere at hand to succour monsieur de mayenne in what was necessary ; that as the court is a proteus , that turnes his shape in every houre on the arriving of every new accident , so at his return he found all things changed , that they made no more account of him , then if he had done nothing at all for the service of the king , that bussi , whom the king seemed to contenance before his departure , and who had served the king in this warre in his owne person , and in the person of his friends , having lost his brother in an assault at the seige of issoire , was disreguarded also , and persecuted with envy , as if it had been in the time of le guast , that every day they did procure him some new indignitie or other , that the kings minions had practised with foure or five of his chiefest servants , maugiroa , la valeit● , m●uleon , livarrot and some others to abandon his , and to betake themselves to the kings service , that the king ●id much repent him of my voyage into flanders , and that i should take heed in my returne , for feare of b●ing surprised , either by the spaniards , who were advertised of what i treated in flanders for him , or for the huguenots , who would revenge on me the evil●s which he had done them , having first assisted them , and afterwards made warre against them . all this promised , wrought much in my consideration , seeing that not only of necessitie i must passe either amongst the one or the other of them , but that the principall of my company also were affected either to the spaniards , or to the huguenots , monsieur the cardinall of lenoncourt , being suspected to favour the huguenots , and monsieur de descarts , who was brother to the bishops grace of leigh , to be addicted to the spaniards . in these doubts full of contrarieties , i knew not to whom to communicate my selfe , but to madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon , and to madame de tournon , who knowing the danger wherein we were , and finding we had five or sixe dayes journey to la fere being to passe all the way under the mercy of the one or other of these two parties , answered me with teares in their eyes , that god alone could preserve me from that danger , that i should recommend my self to him , and then doe as his inspirations did direct me ; as for them , though one of them was sick , and the other stooped with the weight of age , they desired me not to forbeare to make long journeys , and that they would indeavour themselves to the utmost to draw me from this danger . i spake unto the bishop of leigh , who was indeed a father to me , and gave me his grand master with horses to conduct me as farre as i would desire , and because it was needfull for us to have a warrant for free passage from the prince of orange , i sent mondoucet thither , who was his associate , and rellished something of that religion ; he returned thence no more , i expected two or three dayes his comming , and i believe that should i have waited till he came , i should have stayd there still . i was daily counsailed by monsieur the cardinall of lenoncourt and my chiefe esquire salviati , who were both of one complexion not to depart without a passe , and finding their designe did bend another way , i was resolved to goe betimes the morning following , they seeing they could not stay me with this pretext , salviati being of intelligence with my treasurer , who was also a private huguenot , exhorted him to say that there was not money left enough to discharge my expences , which was extreamly false , for being arrived at la fere , i looked on the accounts , and there was money enough to defray the charges of at least six weeks travaile more , yet they caused my horses to be staied , giving this publick affront with great danger to me . madame the princesse of roche-sur-yon being not able to indure this indignity , and seing the danger wherein i was did lend me what money i thought necessary , and they remaining confused at it , i departed thence having made a present to the bishop of a diamond worth three thousand crowns , & given to all his servants either chains or king of gold , and i came to huy having no protection but my hope in god. that town as i have said belonged to the bishop of leige , but full of tumult and mutiny ( as all the people there knew of the generall revolt of the low-countries ) and would no longer acknowledge the bishop ▪ because he lived as a newtrall , and they were a professed party with the states , so that without any respect to the grand master of the bishop of leige who was with us , hearing how don john had seized on the castle of namur in my travails that way , as soon as we were lodged , their drums did beat an alarm , and they brought their artillery into the street , and made barricadoes against my lodging , stretching forth their chains that we should not come together , and held as all that night in these perplexities , without having the means to speake to any of them , being all a silly people , a brutish nation , and without reason ; in the morning they suffered us to goe , having filled the streets through which i was to passe with armed men . from thence we departed to di●an , where by misfortune that day they chose their burgomasters , who are as consuls , in gascogny and france . all that day was spent in debauchment , all the world was drunk , no knowledge of magistrates , but a true chaos of confusion , and to make our condition yet worse , the grand master of the bishop of leige had sometimes made warre against them , and was taken by them for their mortall enemy ; this town when the people are sober and in sence , hold for the states , but 〈◊〉 dominering now amongst them , they could not hold it for themselves , and indeed neither knew nor acknowledged any master . as soon as they beheld a troupe great as mine to approach their suburbs , the alarum grew hot amongst them , they forsook their glasses to run to armes , and all in a tumult insteed of opening the gate they barred it fast against me . i had sent a gentleman before with the harbingers and the marshall of my lodging to intreate them to give me passage , but i found them at the gate crying to those who did not understand them . in the end i stood up in the litter , and taking of my mask , i made a signe to the most apparent of them , that i would speak unto him , who being come unto me , i intreate● him to cause silence to be made , to the end i might be understood , which with much a doe being obtained , i declared to them who i was ▪ and the occasion of my voyage , that so farre it was from me to bring any hurt unto them by my comming that i would not give them the least suspition of it , i intreated them to permit me and my women onely to enter into the town , with as few of my men as they pleased , telling them that i would leave the rest behinde me in the suburbs ; they accepted of this proposition , and i came into the town with the most apparent of my troupe in which number was the grand master of the bishop of leige , who by chance was knowne as i entred into my lodging , environed with this people drunken and armed , then they began to cry out , that they were injured , and to charge upon him who was a reverend man of fourescore yeers of age , having a white beard down to his girdle . i caused him to make haste into my lodging against which these drunkards plyed their harquebuses with volleyes of shot as thick as haile , the walls being made but of earth only . seeing this tumult i demanded if the host of the house were within , by good fortune they found him , i desired him that he would goe unto the window , and make way for me to speake to the most remarkable of them , which with great difficulty i procured ; he having a long time called to them out of the window , at length the burgomasters came to parly with me , but so full of swill , that they knew not what they said ; in the end assuring them , that i knew not that the grand master was their enemy , demonstrating of what importance it was to offend a person of my quality , who was a friend to the principall lords of the states , and that monsieur the count of lalaine , and all other chieftaines would give them but little thankes for this their entertainment of me ; having heard the name of monsieur the count of lalaine , they presently became of another minde , and gave more respect to him , then to all the kings to whom i appertained , the most antient of them betwixt stammering and laughing , demanded of me , if i was then a friend to monsieur the count of lalaine ; i seeing that his consanguinity would stand me more in stead then all the potentates in christendom , made answer , yes , i am not only his friend , but his kinswoman also , then they did reverence to me , and gave me their right hand of friendship , offering as much courtesie , as before they had committed insolence , and besought me to excuse them , assuring me that no wrong should be done to that good man the grand-master of the bishop of leige , and that he should goe along with me . the morning being come , as i was going to heare masse , the kings agent that was resident with don john named du bois who was a french man extreamly spaniolized , came unto me , saying , that he had letters and command from the king to attend and conduct me in my return to france , and for that end he had intreated don john to let me have barlemont with a troupe of horse for my guard to bring me without danger to namur , desiring me to speak to those of the town to grant entrance to monsieur barlemont who was a lord of that country , and to his troupe of horse ; this was done for a double end , to make themselves masters of the town , and to make me fall into the hands of the spanyards . i found my self here in a great streight , and communing with monsieur the cardinall of lenoncourt , who had no greater desire then my selfe to fall into the hands of the spanyards , we concluded to know of the towns men if there were any way by which we might avoide the troupe of monsieur de barlemont , and leaving my little agent du bois to discourse with monsieur de lenoncourt , i walked into another chamber where i caused those of the town to come unto me , and declaring to them that if they gave entrance to the troupe of monsieur de barlemont they were all undone , because that he would seize on their town for don john , i counsailed them to arme themselves , and to stand on their guard , and being ready at the gate to shew the countenance of men of understanding that would not be surprised ; they did allow and believe my reasons offering to lose their lives in my service , and gave me a guide to lead me a way where by passing over the river that ran betwixt the troupes of don john and mine , i should cast them so farre behinde , that they could not overtake me , going all the way after by towns which held for the states . having taken this resolution , i sent them to the gate , and monsieur de barlemont who was already entred did importunately perswade the townsmen to permit his troupe to come in also . they hearing this , began all to fall upon him , so that he hardly escaped from being massacred amongst them , telling him that if his troup did not forthwith retire from the sight of their town they would discharge their artillery upon them , this they did to give me leasure and the advantage to passe the water , before that troupe could overtake me . monsieur de barlemont and the agent du bois did what they could , to perswade me to goe to namur , where don john attended me , i made apparence to doe what they desired , and to follow their advice , and having heard masse , and made a short dinner , i came out of my lodging , attended with two or three hundred of the towne in armes , and conferring all the way with monsieur de barlemont , and the agent du bois , i tooke my direct course towards the mouth of the river , which was contrary to the way unto namur , where the troup o● mon. de barlemont expected me : they observing it , told me , that i had mistooke my way , but i beholding them still in discourse , passed on , till i came unto the gate of the town , going out of which , and accompanied with a good number of the townes men , with doubled speed i hasted towards the river , and taking boate , i caused all the chiefest of my traine to enter with me , monsieur de barlemont , and the agent du bois crying continually on the bank-side , that it was not my neerest way , that it was crosse to the kings intention , who would have me goe by namur ; notwithstanding their out-cries , we ferried over the water with what speed we could , and while they made two or three fares to carry my litters and horses over , those of the towne , on purpose to give me time , with a thousand out-cries and complaints , delayed and amazed monsieur de barlemont , and the agent du bois , reasoning with them on the wrongs which don john had done them , having falsifyed his faith with the estates , and broken the peace , and arguing with them on antient quarrells , about the death of count aigmont , and threatning them continually , that if their troupe appeared nigh the towne , they would discharge their ordnance upon them ; this gave me the leisure to secure my self , being delivered from all feare and danger , by the guidance of god , and this good man whom they had given to conduct me . i lodged that night in a strong castle named flurines , which belonged to a gentleman who held with the estates , and whom i had seen with the count of lalain , but such was the mischance , that the gentleman was not within , there being none at home but his wife only , who seeing us in the base-court which lay all open , she tooke a sudden fright , and drawing up the bridge , did flie into the castle , resolving , say what we could , not to let us in . in the meane while three hundred gentlemen , whom don john had sent to intrap me by the way , knowing that i went to the castle of fleurines to lodge there , did appeare upon a little hill some mile from thence , and beleeving that we were got into the castle , for they might see from thence , that we were all entred into the court , there made a stand , and lodged there that night , hoping the next morning to intrap us . as we were in these perplexities , seeing our selves no farther than in the base-court , which was inclosed only with a weake wall , and defended with as bad a gate , which had been easie to be forced , we continually parlyed and disputed with the gentlewoman of the castle , who was inexorable to our prayers ; but it pleased god , in the duske of the evening to send her husband monsieur de fleurines , who presently received us into his castle , and was extreamly angry and passionate with his wife for the incivilitie , and indiscretion which she shewed . this gentleman , monsieur de fleurines , was sent on purpose to me from the count of lalaine , to give me a sure convoy through the townes of the estates , being not able to accompany me himself , because he could not abandon the army , being a chief commander for the states , so happy was this gentlemans incounter with me , that conducting me into france , we passed no more by any townes , wherein we found not honourable entertainment , because it was the countrey of the estates , this was the only displeasure which i received , that i could not passe by monts , as i promised the countesse of lalain , our way lying no neerer to it then nivelles , which is seven long mile from thence , and i could not see her husband the count of lalaine , because the warre growing hot , he was in the army of the states , towards anvers . i wrote unto her only from thence , on the behalfe of the gentleman that conducted me . she , as soone as she learned where i was , did send unto me the chiefest of her gentlemen to conduct me to the frontires of france , for i was to passe through all cambresis , which was divided one half for the spaniard , and the other for the states . i travelled with them to the castle of cambresis , from whence they returning , i sent her in remembrance of me , one of my gownes , which i heard her very highly prize when i did weare it at monts , it was of black satten , covered with imbroyderies , which cost me nine hundred crownes . arriving at the castle of cambresis , i was informed , that certain troupes of huguenots had a designe to attache me betweene the frontires of france and flanders , which i disclosing but to a few , was ready to depart the next morning an houre before day . sending for my litter , my esquire sal●iati prolonged the time , as he had done before at leige , and perceiving that he did this on purpose , i left my litter , and taking horse , those that first were ready followed me . i came to castelet by ten of the clock in the morning , having by gods goodnesse escaped all the wiles and ambuscadoes of my enemies . i departed thence to my house of la fere , intending to continue there , till i heard a peace concluded ; i found there a poste of my brothers arrived before me , who had a charge to attend my comming , and as soone as i was arrived , to return in all haste to acquaint him with it . he wrote to me that the peace was made , and that the king was returned to paris , that for himself , his condition of estate was daily worse then other , there being no indignity and disgrace , which he and his did not daily prove , and that every houre brought in new and unjust complaints against bussi , and the honest gentlemen that attended on him , that with extreame impatience he expected my return to la fere , intending there to meet me . i suddenly dispatched his messenger unto him , by whom advertised of my return , he forthwith sent bussi , with all his house to anger 's , and taking only with him fifteen or twenty of his servants , he came in post to la fere unto me , which was one of the greatest contentments that ever i received , to have that person with me , whom so intirely i did affect and honour , and i endeavoured my self , to give him all pleasures which i thought might make that place delightfull , which he so well accepted , that willingly he would have said with saint peter , let us here make us tabernacles , had not his royall courage , and the noblenesse of his active soul , called him to enterprises of renowne and glory . the peace and pleasure of our court , in comparison of that from whence he came , did render every houre so delightfull , that he could not forbear oftentimes from crying out , o my queen , how good it is to be with you ; this court is a paradise filled with all variety of delight , and that from whence i came , a hell , pestered with all manner of torments , and furies . we stayed there about two moneths , which in that happy estate , were to us but two short daies , during which time , having made him account , of what i had done for him in my voyage into flanders , and certified him in what terms i had left his affayres , he thought it expedient that monsieur the count of montigny , brother to the count of lalain should come , and resolve him what course he was best to hold therein , and to take assurances of their good will , and they reciprocally of his . he came unto my brother , with foure or five of the chiefest lords of hainault , the one whereof had a letter , and command from monsieur de ainsi , to offer his service to my brother , and to assure him of the cittadell of cambray . monsieur de montigny promised that his brother , the count of lalaine , would deliver into his hand all hainault and artois , where are many goodly townes . these offers and assurances being received , my brother sent them back with presents , which were medalls of gold , wherin were his and my figure stamped , and with reassurances of all additions , and benefits that they could expect . returning home , they prepared all things for my brothers comming , who making all the ▪ dispatch he could to have his forces ready , returned to court , to see what assistance the king would give him to furnish him in this enterprise , and i desiring to go into gascogny , having prepared all things for that effect ▪ returned to paris , my brother met met on the way , a dayes journey from it , and the next day the king , the queen my mother , and the queen louisa , with all the court , did meet me as farre as saint denis , where i was to dine , where they received me with great honour , and many welcoms , taking great delight to heare me recount the honours and magnificence of my voyage , and of my abode at leige , and the adventures of my return . in this pleasing entertainment of discourse , being all in the charriot of the queen my mother , we came to paris , where having supped , and the maske ended , the king and queen my mother , being both together , i approached to them , and besought them that they would not think ill of it , if i intreated them that they would be pleased to grant me leave to goe to the king my husband , urging , that the peace being concluded , my journey could not be suspected by them , and that it would be prejudiciall to my honour , and unbeseeming the duty of a wife , should i stay any longer from him : they both expressed themselves to like it well , and with free applause did entertaine the motion , and the queene my mother told me , that shee would accompany me her selfe , her voyage being necessary in that country for the service of the king , moreover she added , that it was needfull that the king should grant me maintenance for the expences of my journey , to which the king did give consent , and i desiring to leave nothing behinde which might cause me to return to court , being no longer able to take pleasure in it , my brother going from it , whom i saw with all speed preparing into flanders , i besought my mother to remember her selfe in what she promised me at the peace concluded with my brother , and that before i undertooke my journey into gascogny she would make over the lands unto me for the assignation of my dowry : she acquainted the king with it who found it very reasonable , and promised me that it should be done ; i besought him that it might be done with speed , for i desired to begin my journey , if he thought good , on the beginning of the moneth ensuing : this also was promised , but according to the fashion of the court , for instead of dispatching me , though every day i did solicite him , i was deferred five or six moneths ; and so likewise was my brother who was as urgent for his voyage into flanders , though he represented daily to the king , that it was for the honour and inlargement of france , that it would prove 'a happy occasion to hinder the civill warres , all the moving spirits and desirous of novelty having the opportunity to goe into flanders , to passe away their discontent and choller there , and to glut themselves with warre , that this enterprise would serve as sometimes piedmont did , as a schoole for the nobility of france in their exercise of armes , and there revive the montlukes , and brave brissa●s , the terms and bellegards , and such as those great marshalls were , who trayned up in the warres of piedmont , have since so gloriously and successefully served their king and country . these demonstrances were fair and true enough , but they had not so much weight , as to be ballanced with the envy which was born to the enlargement of my brothers fortunes , to whom every day administred new occasions of delay , to hinder him from assembling his forces , rai●ing sometimes on himselfe , sometimes on bussi , and his other servants a thousand scandals and complaints ; bussi being daily inveighed against either by quelus or gramont , who watched by those unjust alarms to rouse up my brothers rage to the overthrowing of his fortunes . all this was done without the knowledge of the king ; but maugiron who then did most possesse him , having forsaken my brothers service , and believing that he was sensible of it , ( as it is ordinary , that he who offendeth doth never pardon ) did prosecute my brother with so strong a hate , that he did vow his ruine , and at every word did undervalue and outbrave him , as the impudency of youth blown up with the kings favor , did drive him to all kind of insolence and outrage , and combined himselfe with quelus , saint luke , saint maigrin , gramont , mauleon , livarrot and other young people whom the king favoured , and these being followed by all the court , after the fashion of courtiers who hunt after favor did practise all things whatsoever came into their fantasie ; in a manner that not a day passed wherein there was not a quarrell betwixt them and bussi , who in courage was not inferiour unto any . my brother considering that this was not the way to advance his voyage into flanders , desiring rather to mitigate the king then to exasperate him , and beleeving besides that bussi being abroad might increase the number of his forces , and provide things necessary for his army ; he sent him through his principalities to give order for it ; but bussi being gone , the persecution of my brother ceased not , and then was it understood that although his brave qualities wrought much jealously in the brest of maugiron and the rest of these younkers that were neer unto the king , yet the principall cause of their hatred against bussi was , that he was my brothers servant ; for after he was gone , they out-braved and derided my brother so apparently , and with such despite , that all the world perceived it , although my brother was very wise and patient in his own nature , and was resolved to suffer all things for the dispatch of his affaires in flanders , hoping by this means to be quickly gone , and no more to be found a subject for them . this persecution howsoever and indignity was very grievous to him , especially seeing in hate to him , they did daily molest and wrong his servants , having lately made monsieur de la chastre lose a great suit , because that a little before he became my brothers servant , the king being so carried away by the perswasions of maugiron , and saint luke , who were friends to madame de senaire , that he himselfe did solicite the processe for her against monsieur de la chastre , who was then with my brother , and finding himselfe opprest with the injury thereof , did make my brother partake of the just griefes he suffered . in those dayes , the mariage of saint luke was solemnized , at which my brother ( not willing to assist ) desired me to be absent also , and the queen my mother who took no pleasure in the boundlesse arrogance of these young people , fearing that all that day would be in debauchment and excesse , and that my brother not being there , they would give a malicious interpretaion of his absence , which might prove prejudiciall to him , procured the kings good will , that she should goe abroad on the mariage day to dinner at saint maurus , and took my brother and my selfe with her : it was on shro vemunday , on the evening we returned , the queen my mother so prevailed with my brother , that he consented that night to be present at the dancing to content the king , but instead of amending his condition , it did impaire it ; for maugiron and his companions being there , they began to play on my brother with such keene and pointed language , that a meaner person then himselfe would have been offended at it , saying that he had lost his paines to re-attire himselfe , that they could not find him after dinner to say so much as , much good d'it you , to him , that he came in the houre of darknes , because it was proper to him , reviling him for the meannesse of his habit , and for the sicklinesse of his changed complexion : all this was spoken to the bride that sate next unto him ; my brother knowing it was done on purpose to make him answer , and by this means to set him at distance with the king , did fling away from thence so full of choler and despite , that he could forbeare no longer ; but having deliberated with monsieur de la chastre , he resolved to absent himselfe a while from court to goe unto the chace , thinking by his absence to qualifie the heat of these young people , and to render his affayres with the king more easie , for the preparation of his army which was necessary to goe unto flanders . he addressed himself to the queen my mother , who was very sorry to hear of this difference , and acquainted her with the resolution he had taken , which she did well approve , and assured him that the king should condiscend unto it , and that she would solicite him in his absence for a dispatch in what he promised , concerning his enterprise in flanders ; and monsieur de villequier standing by , shee commanded him to goe unto the king , and acquaint him with the desire which my brother had to goe for a few dayes a hunting , which the king allowed , thinking it would be a means to appease the differences which were betwixt him and the young people maugiron , saint luke , quelus , and the rest . my brother retiring into his chamber holding his suit granted , commanded all his people to be ready the next morning , to attend him at saint germans , where intending to make his aboad for certain dayes , he gave order to his chiefe hunter to have his dogs in readinesse , and betook himselfe to his rest that night , with an intention to rise early the morning following to goe unto the chace , either to solace his spirits , or a little to divert them from the noyse and tumult of the court : monsieur de villequier repaired to the king to demand leave of him , to which he did accord , but remayning in his cabinet , with the counsaile of rehoboam , which was five or six young fellows , they presented to him that this departure of my brothers was much to be suspected , and put him into such an apprehension , that they made him commit one of the greatest oversights that this our age did know , which was to take my brother and his chiefest servants prisoners , which as it was unwisely determined , so was it rashly executed ; for the king catching hold of these words , went suddainly in the night , in a great passion to finde the queen my mother , as if it were a publick alarm , or as the enemie had been at the gate , and said unto her , now madam ! what doe you think you have done by demanding leave for my brother to go , doe not you see the danger in which you put my estate , without all doubt , under this pretence of hunting , there lies some dangerous enterprise ; i will goe seize on him , and all his people , and i will cause his coffers to be broken open , i assure my self we shall discover somthing of importance . he had with him the captaine of the guard , monsieur de losse , and some of the scotch regiment . the queen my mother fearing in this precipitation , that my brothers life would be in jeopardie , earnestly desired that shee might goe along with him , and because she was all undressed , throwing her night-gowne on her , she made haste up after him to my brothers chamber , the king was knocking furiously at the doore , commanding it to be opened , pronouncing that the king was there : my brother awaked at this tumult , and knowing that he had not committed any thing that might give him the least occasion of feare , he commanded cange the groom of his chamber ; to open the doore ; the king rushing in , began to taxe him , and to tell him that he would never leave to practise against his state and him , and that he would make him know what it was to attempt against his prince : on that , he presently commanded the guard to carry forth his coffers , and to take the groomes of his chamber with them ; he searched my brothers bed himself , and turned and tossed it , to see if he could finde any papers there . my brother having a letter of madame de sauvaes , which he received that evening , did take it into his hand , that the king might not see it , the king inforced himself to take it from him , and my brother resisting , and with joyned hands intreating him that he would be pleased not to looke on it , he made the king more desirous to peruse it , beleeving that in that paper he should finde a sufficient ground to commence his processe against him . in the end , having opened it in the presence of the queene my mother , they were as much abashed at it , as was sometimes cato , who in the senate having constrained caesar to show the paper that was brought unto him , importunatly implying that it concerned the benefit of the common-wealth , he perceived , that it was a wanton letter of love , directed from his sister to him . the shame of this event , that came so crosse to the expectation of the king , augmented by despight his choler , so that he gave no eare unto my brother , who incessantly demanded , of what he was accused , and wherefore he was so intreated ? he was committed to the charge of monsieur de losse , and there was a guard set over him of the scotch regiment , with command not to permit him to talke to any : this was done an houre after midnight ; my brother remaining still in this manner , was in greater perplexitie for me , then for himself , beleeving truly that they would doe the like by me , and that so violent and unjust a beginning , could not have but as untoward and ending , and seeing that monsieur de losse had teares in his eyes , for griefe to see things carried after this manner , and that by reason of the guard there present , he durst not speak freely to him , he only asked him what was become of me , monsieur de losse made answere , that as yet he heard nothing of me ; my brother straight replyed , it is a great comfort to me in this affliction , to heare that my sister is at libertie , but although she be in that free estate , she affecteth me so intirely , that she would rather be in bondage with me , then live in libertie without me , and desired him to goe to the queen my mother , and beseech her that she would be pleased to obtaine of the king , that i might endure my captivitie with him , this the king did grant ; this unshaken beleefe which my brother had of the assurance of my love , was such a particular obligation to me , though his good offices might challenge from me many and great acknowledgements , that i have ever placed it in the first ranke of all ; as soon as he had this permission , which was upon the break of day , he desired monsieur de losse , to send one of the guard to acquaint me with this melancholy newes , and to desire me to come unto him , the yeoman of the guard , comming into my chamber , found me asleep , not dreaming of any thing that had passed ; he opened my curtaine , as i was opening my eyes , and in a language proper to the scots , said unto me , bon jour madame ! monsieur your brother desires you , that you would come unto him . i looked on the man , being not halfe awaked , and even ready to fall asleep againe , and knowing him , i demanded of him , if he was not one of the scottish guard , he answered , yes ; i replyed , what is the matter , hath my brother no other messenger then you to send ? he answered , no , for all his people are taken from him , and told me in his language all which that night had happened , and perceiving i was much afflicted at it , he approached neerer to me , and spake that my servants being present , might not heare him , doe not torment your self madame , i have a means to save monsieur your brother , and assure your selfe i will performe it , but of necessitie i must then goe with him ; i answered him , that he should be rewarded above his hopes , and making haste to dresse me , i went with him alone to my brothers chamber , in my way i was to goe through all the court , then full of people , who were accustomed to runne to see , and honour me , but perceiving how fortune now had changed her countenance , they made as though they had not seen me ; comming into my brothers chamber , i found him with so great a constancie , that he was not changed at all from his usuall disposition , and tranquility of mind , and seeing me , he imbraced me , and with a countenance rather joyfull then dejected , said , my queen , i beseech you forbear those teares , in this condition that i am , your grief is the only thing that can afflict me , for my innocence and true intentions doe prohibit me to feare any of the accusations of my enemyes , but if unjustly they shall attempt against my life , they who shall performe it , will be more cruell unto themselves , then me , who have courage enough to undergoe and despise the stroak of so unjust a death , neither is it that so much which i respect , for my life hath hitherto been accompained with so much sorrow and affliction , that not knowing any of the pleasures of this world i shall not have the griefe to abandon them , the saddest apprehension which i have is , that wanting a cause to make me justly to dye , i shall languish in the solitude of tedious imprisonment , where yet i shall despise the tyranny of my enemies , seeing you will so much oblige me as to assist me with your presence ; these words in stead of ceasing my tears did so increase them , that out of my eies i thought i should have powred all the moisture of my life ; i answered him in sobs , that my life and fortunes were woven into his , that it was in the power of god alone to hinder me from assisting him in any condition that i could , that should the king take me thence , and not suffer me to continue with him i would kill my selfe in his presence ; passing the day in this discourse , and seeking together the occasion that made the king proceede in so cruell and unjust a course against him , and not able to conceive it , the houre came about for the opening of the castle gate , where an indiscreet young fellow who was servant to bussi , being known and staid by the guard , was demanded by them , whither he was going , he being amased with the strangenes of the suddain interrogatory , made answer that he was going to seek his master ; this being told unto the king , it was suspected that he was within the lovure , where comming that after noone from saint germans my brother had caused him to enter in with the rest of the troupe to confer with him on the affaires of his army which was going unto flanders , not thinking then he should so suddainly depart from court as unexpectedly afterwards it came to passe . that evening , on the occasion aforesaid , archant the captaine of the guard received commandement from the king to looke him out , and to seize on him and simier ; who making this inquisition to his griefe , because he was an intimate friend of bussies , and by alliance called him sonne , as bussi called him father , he came up into simiers chamber where he seized on him , and doubting that bussi there had hid himselfe , he made a light search being glad that he did not finde him , but bussi who lay then on the bed , and perceived that he should be left alone , fearing that the same commission should be given to another with whom he should not be in so much safety , he desired rather to be under archants custody , and being of a merry and spiritfull disposition , in whose brest no danger could work the base effects of feare , as archant was going out of the doore to lead simier away , he put out his head betwixt the curtains and cryed out , why , hoe there ! what will you go without me father , doe not you thinke my conduct more honourable then such a rakestraws , as is simiers ; archant turned to him , and said , ah my sonne , i would to god it had cost me one of my armes that you were not here ; he replyed , ●ush , my affaires goe well , playing all the way as he went with simier , and laughing at him for the trembling feare wherein he saw him : archant shut them up both into one chamber , and set a guard over them , and went from thence to take monsieur de la castre , whom he carried to the bastille . while these things were in the execution , monsieur de losse a good old man who had bin governour to the king my husband in his nonage , and who tendered me as his own childe , having now the custody of my brother , knowing how unjustly he was dealt withall , and detesting the bad counsaile by which the king was governed , having a desire to oblige us both , resolved to save my brother , and the better to discover his intention to me , commanded the scotch guard to waite without doores on the staires head , detaining onely two with him , in whose secrecy he much trusted , and taking me by the hand he said , there is not a true frenchman , whose heart bleedeth not to see that which we behold , i have been too long a servant to the king your father ▪ to refuse to offer up my life a sacrifice for his children , i believe that i shall have the guard of monsieur your brother , in whatsoever place they will keep him ; assure your selfe that with the hazard of my life i will preserve his , but to the end that this resolution may not be perceived , let us talke no more together , but be certain of it . this promise gave me a little comfort , & rouzing up my spirit , i told my brother , that we ought not to be kept in this manner , like people taken by the inquisition , without knowing what we had done , that thus they use felons and the vilest of malefactors when they had taken them prisoners . i intreated monsieur de losse , since the king would not permit that the queen my mother should come unto us , that he would be pleased to let us know by any of his servants the cause of our restraint : monsieur de combaut who was cheife of the counsaile of these young people was sent unto us , who with a gravity that was naturall to him , told us that he was sent thither to know what was that , which we desired the king should understand ; we made answer , that we desired to speak with any one from the king to know the occasion of our confinement which we our selves could not conceive : he gravely replyed , that we must not demand of gods and kings the reason of their actions , that they did all things for a good and a just cause ; we made answer again , that we were not persons to be held as those whom they put in the the inquisition , concerning whom we must divine what they had done ; we could draw nothing else from him , but that he would imploy himselfe for us , and that he would doe us all the best offices which he could : my brother began to laugh out right , but i who was turned all into griefe to see my brother in danger , whom i cherished above my own life , had much adoe to forbeare from speaking to him , as he deserved . while he was making this report unto the king , my mother being in her chamber , opprest with manifold afflictions , and even sick with sorrow , as a wise person did foresee that this excesse made either without reason or subject would bring a swift and dreadfull devastation on the kingdome , if my brother had not the better disposition ; and sent for all the old counsellers , monsieur the chancellour , the princes , lords , and marshals of france , who were all wonderfully offended and scandalized for the bad councell which was given to the king , saying all to the qu. my mother , that she ought to oppose it , and represent unto the king the wrong which he had done , that they could not hinder the error from being undone which already was committed , but they ought to repeale it after the best manner they could . the queen my mother with all the lords of his councell repaired presently to the king , and did demonstrate to him of what importance were these effects . the king having his eyes unsealed from the pernicious counsell of these young people , did well approve what his old lords and counsellers had presented to him , and prayed the queen my mother to repeale it , and to perswade my brother to forget all that was passed , adding that he was offended with those young people for it , and desired that by her means a reconcilement might be made betwixt bussi and quelus . this being determined , the guard was taken off my brother ; and the queen my mother comming to his chamber told him , that he was to thanke almighty god for the mercy vouchsafed him in his deliverance from so great a danger , that she had seen the houre wherein she could not so much as hope for his life ; that since he understood by this that the king was of such a heady humour that he tooke offence not onely at effects , but at empty imaginations , and running uncontrolledly in his opinion , without staying at any advice , would execute whatsoever his fancy did prompt him to , therefore to put him in no further grievances , she desired him to put on a resolution to conform himselfe in all things to his will , and that he would present himselfe unto him without any show of discontent at the unjust proceedings which had passed against his person ; we made answer to her , that we had much to give thanks to god for his great mercy in securing us from the injustice that was prepared for us , and that for this , next unto god we owed to her alone our second obligations , but the quality of my brother did not permit , that they should imprison him without a cause , and take him then from thence , without any formality of justification , or satisfaction . the queen replied that what already had been done god himself could not cause to be undone , but they would recall the disorder that was made at his surprisall by making his deliverance with all the honour and satisfaction that he could desire , that also it were requisite that he againe should content the king in all things , speaking to him with such affection and respect that the king should remaine well pleased with it , and also that he would be a means that such a reconcilement should be made betwixt bussi and quelus that no more between them an occasion should be found for discontent or quarrell , avouching that the principall motive which produced all this counsel , and bad effects , was a fear that they had of the combat which old bussi ( a worthy father of so brave a son ) had demanded , beseeching the king that he would permit him to be his son bussies second , and in the like manner , that monsieur de que●us might have his father to second him , that they foure might end the quarrell , without troubling the court , or indangering so many people . my brother promised that bussi ( seeing he had no hope to redresse himself ) should , to come out of prison , performe any thing that she commanded ; the queen my mother , going downe unto the king , found him very willing that this deliverance should be made with honour , and to this purpose he came into the chamber of the queen my mother , with all the princes , the lords and others of his counsell , and sent monsieur de villequier to tell us he did attend our comming . passing through the halls and chambers , as we were going to his majestie , we found them all full of people , who beheld us with teares falling from their eyes , praysing god to see us out of danger . comming into the chamber of the queen my mother , we found the king with the company before rehearsed , who seeing my brother , said unto him , that he would desire him not to thinke strange , nor be offended at what he had done , being compelled to it by the zeale which he had to the quiet and safety of the state , that he now beleeved that he had no intention to disturbe his kingdom or himselfe ; my brother made answere , that he had vowed so much service to his majestie , that he would thinke well of whatsoever he was pleased to have done , but he most humbly besought him to consider , that the devotion and fidelity which he had testified to his majestie , did not deserve that rough intreaty , howsoever he accused nothing but his own unhappinesse , and was satisfied enough , if the king acknowledged his innocence . the king answered yes , there was no question of it to be made ; and intreated him to relie on his love , as much as heretofore . on this , the queen my mother joyned them hand in hand , and made them imbrace each other . immediately the king commanded that bussi should come forth , and be reconciled to quelus , and that they should set simier and monsieur de la chastre at libertie . bussi comming into the chamber , with that brave presence which was naturall to him , the king told him that he would have an attonement made between him and quelus , and that their quarrell should no more be mentioned , and commanded him to imbrace quelus : bussi made answere , sir , if it be your pleasure that i should kisse him , i am well disposed to it , and accommodating his gestures to his words , he did accost him with the pantaloone , and in a lovers complement did imbrace him , at which all the company , though possessed , and almost astonished with the former passages , could hardly refrain from laughter : the more advised judged that it was too slight a satisfaction which my brother received , and not to be parralel'd with so great an injury . this being done , the king and queen my mother comming to me , told me it was needfull also , that i should give them my hand , that my brother should not entertaine the remembrance of any thing which might make him start from the obedience which he owed to the king. i made answere that my brother was so wise , and had so much devotion to his service , that he had no need to be perswaded to it , either by me , or by any other , and that he never had , nor should receive any counsell from me , but what should be conformable to their will , and his duty . it being then three a clock in the afternone , and none having dined , the queen my mother desired that wee might dine altogether , and afterwards commanded my brother and my self to change our habits , which were suitable to the sad condition wherein we lately were , and to make our selves ready to be at supper with the king , and afterward at the dancing . she was obeyed in those things which could be put off , and left behinde ; but for the countenance , which is the lively image of the soul , the passion of our just discontent was read in perfect characters , and ingraven with all the force and violence of indignation and disdaine ▪ as we had true cause to finde it in all the acts of this tragy comedy ; which being ended , monsieur de seurre , whom the queen my mother had given to my brother to lie in his chamber , and in whose discourse she often took delight , did chance to stand before her : this was a man of a disposition bluntly sharpe , and who with a carelesse grace and affectation , would assume unto himself the liberty of speaking any thing that came into his head , relishing somthing of the humour of the cynick philosopher . my mother observing him , said unto him , now monsieur de seurre ; and what say you of all this ? he replyed , it is too much in earnest , and too little in jest ; and turning to me , he spake softly , that my mother might not understand him , i doe not beleeve that this is the last act of the play , the man ( speaking of my brother ) would deceive me much , if he should stay here still . this in this manner being passed , the malady being healed without , and not within , the young people who possessed the king , conceiving of my brothers nature and disposition by their owne , and their unexperienced judgements not permitting them to discerne of what force and vertue was his countreys love unto a prince so rarely qualified as was my brother , they perswaded the king , joyning their cause to his , that my brother would never forget the publick affront which he received , but would be alwayes watching an occasion to revenge it . the king , quite forgetting the former errour which these young people caused him to commit ▪ received this second impression , and commanded the captaine of the guards to looke carefully to the gates , that my brother might not goe forth , and that every night they should discharge the loure of all my brothers servants , leaving only him behinde , who usually lay in his chamber , or in his waredrope . my brother seeing himself at the mercy of these young heads , who without either respect or judgement made the king dispose of him as they pleased , fearing least worse should come unto him , and having a fresh example of what without any ground or reason lately had befallen him , having three dayes entertained the apprehension of this danger , was resolved on the fourth , to remove from court , and to retire to his owne house , nor return any more to court , but with what speed he could , to dispatch his affaires for flanders ; he disclosed to me this resolution , and perceiving it was his best security , and that neither the king nor state should receive any prejudice by it , i did approve it , and contriving the means , because he could not get out of the gates of the lou●e , which were so curiously guarded , that stedfastly , and with great heed they looked in the face of all that passed in and out ; i concluded , there was no other way for him , but to get out at my chamber window , which looked down into a deep ditch , and was two stories high ; he intreated me to provide for this purpose , a strong cable , and of a sufficient length , which suddainly i procured , causing a boy that was faithfull to me to carry out that day the cord of a bed , which was broken , in pretence to have it repaired , and shut againe , and within some few houres after , to bring it back , and with it , the cord that was necessary for us . the houre of supper being come which was on a fasting night , when the king supped not , my mother did sup alone in her little hall , and i with her ; my brother although he was exceeding patient and discreet in all his actions being rouzed up by the remembrance of the affront which he received , and of the danger which threatned him , impatient to be gone , came unto me as i rose from table , and whispering in my eare desired me to make haste , and repaire unto my own chamber , where he would attend me : monsieur de matignon who was not yet marshall , a dangerous and fine norman who loved not my brother , being either adverised of it by some one who peradventure could not hold his peace , or conjecturing it by the manner which my brother spake unto me , said unto the q. my mother , as she was going to her chamber , that without doubt my brother would be gone , that to morrow he would not be there , that he knew it very well , and that she should doe well to give order to the contrary : i did even heare the words he spake , standing very neer my mother , regarding and curiously observing all that passed , as those doe in the like estate , who being neer their utmost danger , or on the point of their delivery , are floting betwixt feare and hope : i perceived that my mother was much troubled at the news which gave me the greater apprehension to beleeve that we were discovered ; entring into her closet , she tooke me aside and said ; have you heard what matignon hath told me ? i made answer , i did not understand it madame , but i perceive it is some businesse that doth afflict you ; yes , she replyed , and that very much , for you know that i have answered the king that your brother should not goe , and matignon now is come to tell me , that he knows he will not be here to morrow . finding then my selfe in these two extreams , either to faile in my fidelity to my brother , and put his life in hazard , or to sweare against the truth , a thing which i would not doe to escape a thousand deaths , i was in so great a perplexity that had not god assisted me , my fashion sufficiently had witnessed without my words , the fear i had that we were discovered , but as god assisteth good intentions , and his divine bounty joyned in this work of my brothers safety , i so composed my lookes and words , that she perceived not any thing but that which i would have her , and that i offended not my soule or conscience by any false oath . i demanded of her , if too well she did not understand the hate which monsieur matignon did beare unto my brother , that he was a spitefull disturber of all our quiet , and who did grieve to see us live in concord , that when my brother did goe i would answer it with my life ; that i was confident , he having never concealed any thing from me , that he would have communicated this designe unto me if he had an intention thereunto ; this i said , assuring my selfe that my brother being safe they durst not doe me wrong , and choosing rather to ingage my life then to offend my soule by any false oath , or to put my brothers life in jeopardy ; she seeking not after any other sence of my words , replied ; be well advised what you say , you shall serve as caution for him , and answer his absence with your life ; to which i smiling did make answer , that it was that which i desired ; and bidding her good night , i forthwith repaired to my chamber , where putting off my cloaths with all diligence , hasting unto bed , to be the sooner ridde of the ladyes and gentlewomen that attended on me , i was left onely with the women of my chamber , when presently my brother came in , and simier and cange with him , and having commanded them to look first into the ditch , to see if any one were there , we fastned the cord to the post of the window ; we were ayded onely with my three women that lay in my chamber , and with the boy that brought the cord ; my brother , although it was a very great height , without any apprehension of feare descended first , and laughing at the danger went swinging and playing down ; after him discended simier in such a pittifull feare that he could scarce hold the rope for trembling ; and last of all cange the groom of his chamber . god so happily did guide my brother from being discovered that he came to saint geneviefue where bussi did attend him , who by the consent of the abby had made a hole in the town wall , at which my brother did goe forth , and finding there two horses ready , he retired to anger 's without any misfortune . as cange last of all came downe , there arose a man from the bottome of the ditch who began to run towards the lodgings neer the tenis court which is the way to the corps de guard ; i who in all this adventure apprehended not any thing which concerned my self in particular , but onely the safety or danger of my brother , stood in a maze , strook through and through with feare , beleeving that man to be some one , who following the advise of monsieur de matignon was placed there on purpose to observe us , and thinking that my brother had been surprized i fell into a despaire , which cannot be represented but by an essay of things like to it : being in these perplexities , my women more curious then my self , for my safety and their own took the cord and put it into the fire , to the end that if the misfortune were so great that the man who rose out of the ditch , had been set there to observe us , it might not be discovered ; this cord being very long made so great a flame that it blazed out of the chimney , and was perceived by those of the guard , who that night did watch : in a great fright and with loud importunity they came and knocked at my door desiring that suddenly it might be opened , then i thought that my brother at that present had been taken , and that we both had been undone , having notwithstanding anchored my hope on god who preserved my judgement intire ( a grace which his divine majesty was ever pleased in all my danger to vouchsafe unto me ) and perceiving that the cord was but halfe burned out , i spake unto my women to goe gently to the doore to demand what they would have , and to speake softly to them , as if i were asleepe , which they did , and they of the guard told them that a great fire came out of the tunnell of my chimney and made in the darke of night so bright a flame , that the danger of it did call them thither to extinguish it : my women made answer to them , it was nothing , and that they were able to quench it well enough themselves , and charged them to take heed that they did not waken me , on which they returned back . this alarm being passed , some two houres after , behold monsieur de losse came to call me to the king & queen my mother , to give them an account of my brothers departure , being advertised of it by the abbot of saint genevifue , who to avoid all checks , and by my brothers own consent , when he saw himselfe farre enough from the danger of being intrapped , came to informe the king of it , telling him that he was surprized in his own house , and being shut up therein till a breach in the wall was made for my brothers escape , he could come no sooner to acquaint his majestie with it ; he found me in my bed , for it was yet night , and i suddenly arising , and putting on my night-gown , one of my women indiscreetly affrighted at it , tooke hold of my gowne , weeping and crying out , that i should never return unto them . monsieur de losse beating her back , said , if this woman had done this before any but my selfe , who am your devoted servant , these words of hers might procure great trouble to you , but give thanks to god , and feare not any thing , for monsieur your brother is safe . this assurance of his was to me a needfull , and no lesse welcome encouragement , to arme me to endure all the threats and choller of the king , whom i found sitting on the queen my mothers bed , in so great a passion , that i beleeve i should have found the effects of it , if the feare of my brothers absence , and my mothers presence had not detained him . they both said unto me , that i had obliged my selfe unto them , that my brother should not goe , and had promised to answere for him ; i replyed , that it was true , i had ; but in this , that he had deceived me , as well as them , howsoever i durst assure them on the forfeit of my life , that his departure would bring no alteration in his service to his majestie ; and that he was only gone to his owne house , to give order in what was necessary for his voyage into flanders . this assurance did a little qualifie the king , who gave me leave to return unto my chamber ; not long after , there came news from my brother , which gave the king reassurances of his affection and obedience ; this caused the complaint to cease , but not the discontent , shewing in apparence to be willing to assist him , but traversing under hand the preparations of his army into flanders . the argument of the third book . her departure from court , and travells with the queen her mother to the king of navarre her husband . the sawcy zeale of du pin. the united happinesse of their majesties conjugall affections during their five yeeres abode in gascogny . the king of navarre too great with fosseusa . foosseusa became too great by the king , and being burdened by the queen with it , after an obstinate deniall , she not long after , in safe child-bed was delivered of her burden , and had shee received the queens saving counsell , she had been delivered with it of the burden of her feares and shame . new tumults of arms , and war against the huguenots , which was silenced by a peace , concluded by the wisedome of the duke of alenson , and this queen his sister . her preparations into the court of france , which being furthered by the spiteful assistance of the king of france her brother , began to languish into delays , by the perswasions , and the reformed love of the king of navarre her husbnnd . the memorialls of queen margaret . the third booke . the time passing away it selfe in this manner , i every houre sollicited the king to grant me leave to goe unto the king my husband , who perceiving that he no longer could denie me , unwilling that i should depart from him unsatisfied , and infinitely besides desiring to divert me from the friendship of my brother , he oblieged me to stay by all manner of benfits and perswasions , and gave me according to the promise which the queen my mother had made at the peace of sens , the assignation of my dowry in lands , and besides that , the nomination and disposure of certaine offices and places of preferment ; and adding to the pension which the daughters of france were accustomed to receive , he allowed me an exhibition from his owne coffers , and taking the pains to come and visite me every morning , he continually represented , how profitable would his friendship prove unto me , alleaging that my brothers love would in the end procure my ruine , and that his would possesse me with a life as safe as happy , with a thousand other reasons tending to the same purpose , in which he could never shake the fidelity which i had vowed to my brother , and could draw nothing from me but onely this , that my greatest desire was to see my brother in his favour , that it seemed to me that he deserved not to be removed from it , being confident that he would be most worthy of it by all humilitie of obedience , and devoted service : for my selfe , i acknowledged , i was obliged to him for so much honour and benefits received , that he might well assure himself , that i would not faile him in whatsoever commandments he should enjoyne me to perform , and that i would travell in nothing more , then to preserve the king my husband in his loyaltie . my brother being then upon his expedition into flanders , the queen my mother desired to goe to alenson , to see him before his departure . i besought the king that he would be pleased i should accompany her , to take my farewell of my brother ; to this , but to his griefe , he gave permission . being returned from alenson , having all things ready for my departure , i did again beseech the king , that he would give me leave to goe , to which he condiscended ; the queen my mother , who had a voyage also into gascogny , for the service of the king ( that countrey having need either of his , or her presence ) resolved that i should not depart without her ; and the court removing from paris , the king brought us to his dolinville , where having entertained us certaine dayes , we tooke our leave of him , and a little after , we came into guyenne , and travelled through all that province , before we arrived at the government of the king my husband . he came to meet my mother as farre as la reolle , a towne which those of the religion did hold for the mistrust which did yet possesse them , the peace of that countrey being not fully established : he was bravely attended with all the lords and gentlemen of the religion of gascogny , and with some catholicks . the queen my mother determined to make but a short stay , but there intervened so many accidents on the catholicks side , and on the huguenots , that she was constrained to make there her abode full 18. moneths , and being angry and weary of it , she would oftentimes alledge , that it was done on purpose by them to enjoy the presence of her gentlewomen ; the king my husband being strongly inamoured on dayella , and monsieur de thurenus on la vergna , which was yet no hindrance unto me from receiving all desired love , and great honour from the king my husband , who from the beginning recounted to me all the projects and devices which were contrived in the time of his residence at court , to work his dissention betwixt us , which he acknowledged were made on purpose to dissolve the friendship betwixt my brother and himself , and to ruine us all three , and undissemblingly expressed what a full content he did receive , that we were now together . wee remained in this happy condition , during the time of my mothers abode in gascogny , who after she had established the peace , changed the kings lievtenant at the intreaty of the king my husband , removing monsieur the marques of villars , and putting in the place of him monsieur the marshall of biron . my mother passing into languedock , we conducted her as farre as castlenaudarti , where taking our farewell of her , we returned to the town of pau in bearne , which having not the exercise of the catholick religion , they onely permitted me to have masse said in a little chappell , which was but three or foure foot in length , and being very narrow , was full , when but seven or eight of us were in it . at the houre when masse was to be said , the draw bridge of the castle was lifted up , because the catholicks of the country who had not the exercise of their religion should not heare it , for they were infinitely desirous to be present at the holy sacrifice , from which for many years they were deprived , and being touched with a holy and devout desire , the inhabitants of that place found a meanes on the day of pentecost to come into the castle , before the bridge was drawn up , hiding themselves in the chappel , where they were not discovered till masse was almost ended , when the bridge being let down for so●e of my people to come into the chappell , certain huguenots did espy them , and complained of them to le pin , who was secretary to the king my husband , this fellow infinitely did possesse his master , and had great authority in his court , and managed all the affayres for those of the religion : imediately he sent some of the guard , who drawing them thence , and beating them in my presence , did throw them into prison where a long time they stayed , and payed great fines ; i was the more sensible of this indignity , because i expected no such matter : i complained to the king my husband , and besought him that these poore catholicks might be released , who deserved not that chastisement , and being a long time restrained from the exercise of their religion did now assemble themselves on my comming ( the better to celebrate the day of so great a feast ) to heare masse in my chappell ; le pin without being called , did intrude himselfe , and without giving so much respect to his master , as to give him leave to answer , took the word out of his mouth , and told me that i should not trouble the head of the king my husband with that matter , for say i what i would , it never the sooner should be done , adding that they well deserved the punishment they endured , and for my words they should speed neither the better nor the worse , that i should content my selfe that masse was permitted to be said for me , and for those my people whom i took with me . these words did much offend me , from a man of so mean a quality ; i besought the king my husband if i were so happy to have any part in his affection , that he would let me understand that he was sensible of the indignity which i received from that sawcy fellow , and that he would compell him to give me satisfaction for it . the king my husband perceiving how just my anger and discontent were , caused him to goe out of my presence ; telling me that he was very sorry for the indiscretion of le pin , and that he should give me what satisfaction i desired ; that concerning the catholick prisoners he would advise with his counsellors of the parliament of pau , who should doe that which might comply with my request . having said this unto me , he went into his closet , where he found du pin , who after he had spoken with him , changed all again ; so that fearing i would request him to dishonour le pin out of his service , he shunned my presence , and dissembling with me deferred what he promised . in the end seeing i grew resolute , that he should abandon either le pin or my selfe , which of us he pleased , all those that were present , and who all hated le pin , said unto him , that he ought not to discontent me for so poore a fellow , that had so arrogantly offended me , that if it should be brought to the eare and knowledge of the king , and queen my mother , they would take it very ill that he still did entertaine him . these words did constrain him to put him away , but he ceased not to doe me evill offices , and to make me false apparences , being perswaded to it , as he hath told me since , by monsieur de pibrac who played double with us , who told me that i ought not to suffer my self to be out-braved by so mean a fellow as le pin , and that whatsoever came of it , very necessary it were , that i should put him thence ; and saying to the king my husband that there was no reason nor appearance that he should be deprived of the service of a man that was so usefull to him : monsieur de pibrac did this to incite me on the receiving of so many and great affronts to return into france , where he was attached in his estate by the president , and one of the counsellors of the councell of the king : and to make my condition yet worse , dayella being gone , the king my husband courted rebours who was a malitious wench that loved me not , and who did me all the bad offices which in her own behalf she could . in these afflictions having ever my recourse to god , in the end he had pitty of my tears and permitted that we should depart from the little geneva of pau , where as it fell out well for me , rebourse stayed sick behinde , from whom the king my husband having removed his eyes , removed also his affection , and began to imbark himself with fosseusa who indeed was then a delicate girle , being very young and very beautifull . as we were in our way to monta●ban , we passed by a little village named eause , and were no sooner arrived there , but the king my husband fell very sick of a violent and malignant fever accompanyed with an extream paine in his head , which lasted for the space of seventeen dayes , during which time he took no rest neither by day nor night , and continually we were removing him from one bed to another . i rendred my self so servicable to him , that during his extreamities i never put off my cloaths nor departed from him , insomuch that he began to take delight in my service , and to commend it to all the world , and especially to my consin monsieur — who performing the office of a good kinsman re-established me as deer as ever in the favour of the king my husband , a happinesse which lasted for the space of foure or five yeeres while i continued in gascogny with him , making our aboad for the most part at nerac , where our court appeared so full of lustre , that we envied not that of france ; there was madame the princesse 〈◊〉 navarre , the king my husbands sister , who hath since been maried to monsieur the duke of bar● with my selfe and a great number of other ladies and young gentlewomen , and the king my husband was attended with a brave troupe of lords and gentlemen so richly qualified , that i have not seen more gallant personages in the court of france , neither was there any thing in them that was reprovable , but only that they were huguenots , but in this diversity of religion there was heard at all no noise of controversie , or contention of words . the king my husband and madame ▪ the princesse his sister had recourse in their devotion to the sermon , and i with my traine to the masse , which was said in a little chappell in the parke , from which when i came forth , we all reunited our selves to walke either in a very faire garden whose allyes on each side were set with lawrell and cypresse trees , or in the park where were walkes of three miles in length , which i had caused to be made by the rivers side , and the residue of our time we passed in all variety of honest pleasures , dancing being usually after dinner , and after supper . the king courted fosseusa , who depending altogether on me , maintained her selfe with virtue and so much honour , that had she preserved it , she had not faln into that misfortune which reflected afterwards so much on her , and on my selfe : but fortune envious of a life so happy , which was maintained by peace and union , in which had we continued , we might securely have contemned her malice , stirred up a new subject of warre betwixt the king my husband and the catholicks , and wrought the king my husband , and monsieur the marshall of biron , who at the huguenots request had charge of the kings lievtenant in guyenne , to so great an enmity , that doe i what i could to keep the king my husband and him at peace , i could not prevaile , but they grew into a great defiance , and hatred one of the other , each of them complaining to the king. the king my husband demanded that monsieur the marshall of biron should be removed from the government of guyenne , and monsieur the marshall taxed my husband and those of the pretended reformed religion to have enterprised many things against the treaty of the peace . the beginning of this disunion did daily increase it selfe to my great griefe , being unable to redresse it , and monsieur the marshall of biron perswaded the king to come himself into guyenne , alledging that his presence would settle things in a better order , of which the huguenots being advertised beleeved that the king came onely to demantle and to seize upon their towns which made them resolve to have recourse to armes : this was that which so much before i feared , and being now imbarked to run the fortune of the king my husband and by consequence seeing my selfe to be on a side contrary to that of my religion ; i spake to the king my husband , and to all those of his counsell to prevent it , shewing how little advantageous to them this warre was like to prove , where they had so great a chiefetaine to oppose them , as was monsieur the marshall of biron , a great captaine , and strongly incensed against them , who would not make a flourish and dally with them , as others before had done , but should he command the power of the king , and imploy them with a resolution to drive them out of the kingdome , they were not able to withstand him . but the feare which they had of the kings comming into guyenne , and their hopes of many enterprises on the greatest part of the townes in gascogny and languedock prevailed so much , that although the king did doe me the honour to put great trust and confidence in me , and the chiefe of the religion did impute much to my understanding , yet i could not perswade them to that , which a little after to their expence they found too true . the torrent uncontroul'd must run a while , which shortly after will asswage his course , when they shall come to the experience of that which i foretold them ; but long before they proceeded to these termes , seeing how the affaires disposed themselves , i often besought the king and queen my mother to provide a remedy , by giving some content to the king my husband , but they made no reckoning of it , and it seemeth they were glad that things were brought to such a passe , being perswaded by the marshall biron , that he had found a means to reduce the huguenots as low as he desired . this advice of mine being neglected , the grievances by degrees advanced themselves so farre , that in the end they had their recourse to armes . they of the pretended reformed religion were much discontented , because they failed in their forces which they thought to have assembled , the army of the king my husband being in number farre inferiour to that of the marshall biron , especially all their enterprises having miscarried , unlesse that onely on cabors , which they tooke with petards , with the losse of many souldiers , by reason that monsieur de vezins was there , who fought with them for the space of two or three dayes , and who , with them , street after street , and house after house did dispute it out unto the last ; where the king my husband made apparent both his wisdom , and his valour , not as a prince of his quality , but as a brave and couragious captain . the taking of this towne did rather indammage , then advantage them . the marshall of biron finding his opportunity , took to the field , seizing on , and plundering all the little townes which held for the huguenots , and putting all to the edge of the sword . on the beginning of this warre , seeing the honour which the king my husband did expresse unto me , commanded me not to abandon him ; i resolved with my self to run his fortune , not without an extream griefe to finde the motive of the warre was such , that i could not wish the advantage of the one side , or the other , without desiring it to my owne dammage ; for if the huguenots had the better , that would be the ruine of the catholick religion , the preservation whereof i preferred to my owne life , and if the catholicks should win upon the huguenots , i saw the ruine of the king my husband ; neverthelesse my duty commanding me to stay with him ; and retained by his love , and the confidence which he reposed in me ▪ i wrote unto the king and queen my mother of the estate wherein i saw that countrey , to have them advise of those affaires , which i found they did too much neglect : i besought them , that if in consideration of me , they would not so much obliege me as to extinguish those flames , in the midst whereof i saw my self exposed , that at least they would be pleased to command monsieur the marshall of biron , that the towne wherein i made my abode , should be held in neutrality , and that within three miles of it there no hostilitie should be practised , and that i should obtaine as much of the king my husband , for those of his religion . the king did grant me this , provided that the king my husband should not be in nerac , but if he were , that then the neutrality should no longer be in force . this condition was observed on both sides , with as much respect as could be desired , but it could not withhold the king from comming often to nerac , where madame his sister and my selfe were resident ; it being his nature to delight himselfe in the company of ladies , and he was at that time extreamely inamoured on fosseusa , whom he served ever since he forsooke rebours , and from whom i received no bad office , and for this cause the king my husband did live with me in as much privacy and familiarity , as heretofore , seeing that i desired nothing more then his content in all things ; these considerations having brought him one day to nerac , he stayed there three dayes after being unable to depart from a company so delightfull to him . the marshall of biron , who watched for such an opportunitie , being acquainted with it , made as though he brought his army that way , to joyn with monsieur de cornusson the senescall of tholouse , on his passage over the river , who brought more forces to him , and in stead of marching toward the river , he turned upon nerac , and about nine of the clock in the morning , he presented himself with all his army in battell array , within a canons shot of the towne ; the king my husband ( who received advertisement the night before of the comming of cornusson , desiring to hinder them from joyning their armies into one body ) determined to fight with them apart , and was gone that morning on break of day to incounter with them on the passage over the river ; but being deceived in his intelligence , for monsieur de cornusson passed over the river the night before , he returned to nerac , and as he entred in at one gate , he understood that the marshall of biron stood in battell array before the other ; it was that day very stormy weather , and there fell so much raine , that the harquebuses could doe no service . neverthelesse the king my husband cast some of his troupes amongst the vines , to keepe the marshall of biron from approaching neerer , having not the meanes , by reason of the extreame raine which continued all that day to doe any other feare of warre . the marshall of biron stood all the while in battell array before our eyes , and disbanding onely three or foure of his company , who demanded in way of turnament to try their lances for the love of the ladies , he kept his army intire , covering his artillery till he was ready to discharge , and on a sudden , making his troupes give way , and cleave asunder , he thundered against the towne with seven or eight volleys of canon shot , whereof one of the bullets latched on the castle , and having made this shot , he marched thence , sending a trumpet to me to excuse himself , and to assure me , that had i been alone , he would not for all the world have attempted it , but i knew , he said , that it was articled in the neutrality concluded by the king , that if the king my husband should be at nerac , the neutrality should then be void , and that he had commandment from the king , to make warre upon the king my husband , in whatsoever place he found him . in all other actions , monsieur the marshall of biron had rendred great respect , and expressed himselfe a friend unto me ; for my letters being fallen in the time of the warre into his hands , he sent them safe , and fast sealed to me , and whosoever spake on my behalfe , received from him honour and good entreaty . i made reply unto his trumpet , that i knew indeed that monsieur the marshall had done no more then what pertained to the warre , and to the kings commandment ; but a man of his wisedome might well have satisfied both the one and the other , without offending his friends , that he might well have given me leave for those three dayes to take pleasure in the contentment i received to see the king my husband at nerac , that he could not take him in my presence , but he must seize on me also , that i was highly offended at what he had done , and would complaine unto the king. the warre after this continued a certaine time , those of the religion having always the worse , which did much assist me to prepare my husband , and dispose him to a peace . i wrote often to the king and the queen my mother concerning it , but they would not understand me , trusting to the good fortune which as yet accompanied monsieur the marshall of biron . in the same time that this warre began , the towne of cambray ( which since my departure out of france , was brought under the obedience of my brother , by the means of monsieur de ainsi , of whom i have spoken heretofore ) was besieged by the spanish forces , of which my brother was advertised , being then at his house at plossis les tours , and was newly returned from flanders , where he had received the townes of montz , valenciennes , and some others , which were under the government of the count of lalain , who complyed with my brother , causing him to be acknowledged for their soveraigne in all the countreys of his authoritie . my brother defiring to releeve it , had made a sudden presse for souldiers , intending with all speed to march downe with his army to raise the siege ; and because it could not so soon be ready , he put monsieur balany into the towne , to sustaine the seige , expecting the comming of the army to relieve the towne : as he was on these preparations , and began to draw his forces together , the warre with the huguenots did interpose it selfe , which caused him to disband his troupes , to inroll themselves in the army of the king , which was marching into gascogny . this tooke from my brother all the hope to releeve cambray , which he could not loose , but he must loose with it not only all the rest of the countrey , which he had conquered , but what most grieved him , monsieur de balany also , and all those good souldiers which he had put into cambray . this displeasure sate deepe within him , and being a prince of great judgement , and who never fayled of expedients in his necessities , he perceived that the only remedy he had , was to pacifie france , and having a courage that found nothing difficult , he undertooke to conclude a peace , and suddenly dispatched a gentleman to the king to perswade him to it , and to beseech him to give him the charge to mediate the peace : this he did , fearing that those to whom it should have been committed , would be so tedious in the execution of their charge , that he should loose the means and opportunitie to releeve cambray , from whence monsieur balany , who had already endured the fury of the siege , sent my brother word , that he would give him sixe moneths leisure to bring down his succours , but if at that time the seige were not raysed ; the necessitie and want of victualls would be such , that he should not have the meanes to restraine the inhabitants from surrendring the towne . god so blessed my brother in the designe he had to perswade the king unto the peace , that he gave consent unto it , and was glad that my brother offered himselfe to bring it to effect , hoping by this means to divert him from his enterprise in flanders , to which he never was affected : he gave my brother the commission to treate it , and conclude it , exhorting my brother for his assistance in it , to send for the lords of villeroy , and bellieure : this commission was wrought so happily by my brother , that comming into gascogny ( howsoever he stayed seven moneths in the effecting of it , which time seemed to him as long againe , because of the labouring desire which he had to hasten to the succour of cambray , although the content which he received that i was with him , did much abate the eagernesse of that care ) yet he made a peace to the content of the king and all the catholicks , leaving the king my husband and the huguenots no lesse satisfied , having proceeded in it with so much wisedome , that he was beloved , and praysed of all , having also in this voyage wonne the love of that great captaine , the marshall of biron , who did there vow himself his servant , to receive the charge of his army , which was going into flanders , whom ( to please the king my husband ) my brother removed from his government of gascogny , and put in his place monsieur the marshall of matignon ; but before my brother did depart , he did desire that accordance might be made betwixt the king my husband , and monsieur the marshall of biron , who at the first sight made me satisfaction by an honest excuse , of that which passed at nerac . i was enjoyned to out-brave him for it with all the sharpest and most disdainful language that i could ; but i used the passionate command of my brother with such discretion , as was requisite to his affaires , knowing that the day might come wherein he might much rely on the assistance of so brave a souldier . my brother returning into france , attended with monsieur the marshall of biron , rereived no lesse honour and just glory for pacifying so great a trouble to the content of all , then in the many victories he atchieved by armes , and made his army more great and powerfull ; but what happinesse and glory is not attended with envie ? the king taking no pleasure in it , and in the sixe or seven moneths time , while my brother and my self were both together a treating of the peace in gascogny , having had the leisure to finde an object for his anger , conceived that i had made that warre , and driven the king my husband to it ( who well can witnesse the contrary ) that my brother might enjoy the honour of making the peace , which if it had depended on me , it had been done with more speed , and lesse paines , for his affaires in flanders and cambray , received great disadvantage by this delay . but alas envie and hate doe blinde our eyes , and make us not to see things , as indeed they are . the king building on this false foundation a mortall hatred against my brother , and reviving in himself the remembrance of what was passed , how when he was in poland , and since his return from thence , i ever had preferred my brothers contentment and affaires above his owne , joyning altogether at once , did vow my ruine and my brothers ; in which fortune favoured his resolution , causing in the seven moneths space that my brother was in gascogny , the unhappinesse to be such , that he fell in love with fosseusa , to whom the king my husband was a servant ever since he forsooke rebours : this being discovered , the king my husband was offended with me , beleeving that i did good offices for my brother , to withdraw the affection of fosseusa from him ; this i no sooner understood , but i besought so much my brother in my behalf , presenting to him what miserie might ensue to me by it , that he who affected my contentment above his owne , in this did force his passion , and spake no more unto her . having on this side found redresse , fortune , who when once shee beginneth to pursue , retireth never at the first counter-blow , prepared a new attempt more dangerous then the former , causing fosseusa , who extreamly loved the king my husband , and who till then permitted him no other privacies , then what the honesty of a familiar love might well enjoy , to take from him all jealous thoughts which he had of my brother , and to make him understand that she did love him alone , did so abandon her self to content him in all things , that the mischiefe grew so great , that she was with childe , and perceiving her self in this estate , she changed all the manner of her proceedings with me , and in stead of her accustomed method , of being free and open , and of doing me all the good offices she could , to indeere me the more to the king my husband , she began now to conceale her self from me , and to render me as many bad offices , as heretofore she had done me good ones : she possessed so the king my husband , that in a little time , i found a great alteration ; he estranged , he conceal'd himself from me , and took not that delight and pleasure in my company , as he had done for those foure or five happy yeers while we were in gascogny , and when fosseusa governed her selfe with honour . the peace being concluded , my brother returning into france , as i have said , to levie his army , the king my husband , and my selfe returned to nerac , where as soone as we were arrived , fosseusa , either to finde a coverture for her great belly , or to unburden her self of what she had , did put it into the kings head , to goe to the hot waters that are in bearn . i besought the king my husband to excuse me , if i accompanied him not , for he knew that since the indignitie i received at pau , i had made a vow that i would never returne till there they had free exercise of the catholick religion , with great importunity he pressed me to goe , and was very angry at the excuses which i made ; in the end he told me , that his girle ( for so he called fosseusa ) had occasion to take those waters for the evill of her stomacke ; i made answere that i was well content that she should goe without me , and that it would make the world thinke evill of her , there being no reason for it : in the end i so prevailed , that he was content to goe with her , taking two of her companions , which were rebours and villesavin , with their governesse . they departed thence , and i stayed behinde at baviere : i had every day intelligence from rebours , who was she whom the king heretofore had loved , and who was a corrupt and double-hearted wench , and desired nothing more then to turne fosseusa out of favour , hoping to possesse againe her place in the affection of the king my husband , that fosseusa did me all the bad offices in the world , speaking of me reproachfull and disdainfull words , and perswading her selfe , if she had a sonne , and could get cleere of me , that she should be married to the king my husband , who returning from baveire , was resolved to goe to pau , and to take me with him , whether i would or no : these advertisements did much afflict me ; neverthelesse having my confidence in the mercy of god , and the goodnesse of the king my husband , i passed the time of my abode at baveire , in expecting him , and in powring out as many teares , as they dranke drops of water where they were , although the catholick nobility of that country , with whom i was accompanied , tooke all the paines they could to make me forget my afflictions . at the end of five weeeks , the king my husband returning with fosseusa , and her other companions , understood by some of the lords who were with me , what sorrows i endured , for feare of going unto the pau , which was the cause he no more strongly importuned me , but onely told me , he had a desire that i should goe , but seeing my teares and words did joyntly witnesse unto him , that i had rather goe unto my grave , he changed his resolution , and returned to nerac ; where seeing all spake of fosseusaes bignesse , and that it was not onely all the talke at court , but in the countrey also , i took upon me to silence the report , and calling her into my closet , spake thus unto her : although some time is passed since you have estranged your self from me , and i have been induced to beleeve that you have done me bad offices to the king my husband , yet the love which i have borne unto you , and which i have vowed to persons of honor , to whom you appertaine , doth enjoyne me to offer you all succour that may releeve you in the mishap whereinto you are fallen : i must intreat you that you would not be perverse , nor by refusing my love , to ruine both my honour and your owne ; i have so much interest in your reputation , that it is as deere to me as to your self , and beleeve me , i will performe the office of a mother to you : under the pretence of pestilence , which you see to be raging in this countrey , and especially in this towne , i have the opportunity to remove to mas de agenois , which is a private and retired mansion of the king my husbands : i will take with me no other traine , then whom you desire . in the meane time the king my husband shall spend his time in hunting , and shal not stir from thence until you are delivered , and by this means , we may make the rumour cease which concerneth my self as much as you : she in stead of giving me thanks , with an extreame arrogance replyed , that she would make those know they lyed , that reported it , and speaking as lowd to me , as i spake soft to her , in a great choler she flung away , and sent the king my husband to me , who was very angry for what i had spoken to fosseusa , saying that they were liars all , and that he would prove them so that taxed her : a long time he thus dissembled it with me , untill certaine moneths being expired , the houre of her delivery was come . her pangs taking her in the morning about the break of day , being then in bed , in that chamber ▪ where all the virgins lay , that attended on me , she sent for my physitian to come unto her , and desired him to make haste to acquaint the king my husband with it , which he did ; we lay in one chamber , but in severall beds , as our usuall manner was , as the physitian told him this , he found himselfe in a great perplexity , not knowing what to doe , fearing on the one side that it should be discovered , and on the other side , that she should be ill at ended , for he loved her intirely . in the end he resolved to acquaint me with it , knowing that although she highly had trespassed against me , yet he should finde me ready to doe him any service he commanded ; he opened my curtaine , and said unto me , sweet heart i have concealed a thing from you , which is necessary that i now discover ; i beseech you to excuse me , and to remember no more what i have told you on that subject ; only oblige me now so farre , as presently to rise , and make haste unto fosseusaes succour , who is very ill , i assure my self , that knowing in what estate she is , you will not call any thing to minde which heretofore hath passed ; you know how well i love her ; in this i beseech you to obliege me to you : i replyed to him , that i honoured him too much , to take offence at any thing which did proceed from him , and intreated him that he would be pleased to hunt that day , and take all his people with him , that it might not be discovered . i caused her presently to be removed from the chamber of the maides , and lodged her in a retired roome , and brought with me my phisitian , and some trusty women to attend her , where very safely she was delivered . it pleased god to send her a daughter , which since is dead ▪ being delivered , we brought her back to the chamber of the maides , where though we carried it with all privacy and discretion , we could not hinder the report from being spread over all the castle . the king my husband being returned from hunting , made haste to see her . she desired him that i might come unto her , as my manner was , to visite all my young women when they were not well , hoping by this meanes to stop the busie rumour that ranne of her . the king my husband came forthwith into my chamber , and found me lying on my bed , being very weary with my early rising , and with the paines i took to assist fosseusa in her childing throwes , and desired me that i would rise , and goe unto her : i made answere , that when she had need of my helpe , i was not absent , but seeing there was nothing to be done , if i should goe , i should discover rather then conceale the businesse , and that every finger did point at me already . at this word he grew very angry , and what most did grieve me , me thought that what i had done that morning did not deserve that recompence . while thus passed the occurrences of our affaires , the king , who was not ignorant of any thing that was done in the houses of the great ones of his kingdome , and who was precisely curious to know the deportments of our court , did cause the queen my mother to write unto me , that she had a great desire to see me , that it was too much for five or sixe yeeres to be removed from her , that it was now time to take a journey unto court , and that it should much conduce to the affaires of the king my husband , and my owne : the king himself did afterwards write unto me to the same effect , and caused fifteen hundred crowns to be delivered to me that no inconvenience might delay me , and the queene my mother sent me word , that she would come her selfe into xantoigne , and if the king my husband would accompany me thither , she had some businesse there to communicate unto him , and to give him the assurance of the kings good will. all these faire apparences could not deceive me in the fruits which were to be expected from the court , having had already too much experience of it , but i resolved to receive some profit by these offers , to advance my own occasions , and the affaires of the king my husband , hoping also it would prove a means to divert him from fosseusaes love , whom i determined to take along with me , and that the king my husband seeing her no more , might possibly imbarke himself with some one else that might not prove so crosse and spitefull to me . i had much to doe to perswade the king my husband to give consent unto this journey , because it grieved him to loose the company of fosseusa , and because the fame of her late mischance being every where noised abroad , he joyntly began to suffer in his reputation with her . he made me better cheere then ordinary , and laboured very much to take from me the desire of going into france . but having already made promise by my letters to the king and queen my mother , and more especially having received the sum abovesaid for the voyage , the misfortune which drew me thence , took away with it againe the desire which i had to goe , because the king my husband did begin to expresse more friendship and affection to mee . finis . imprimatur , tho. wykes . the vievv of fraunce dallington, robert, 1561-1637. 1604 approx. 323 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 87 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19775 stc 6202 estc s109214 99844864 99844864 9712 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19775) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9712) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1170:07) the vievv of fraunce dallington, robert, 1561-1637. michell, francis, sir, b. 1556. [166] p., folded table printed by symon stafford, london : 1604. by robert dallington. edited by sir francis michell. signatures: [a]² b-x⁴ y² (-a2). the table is a letterpress genealogical chart between quires h and i. running title reads: the view of france. variant: collates [a]² b⁴ ² b-x⁴ y² . a2 is a dedication, first quire b contains preface and verses. condemned by dallington as unauthorized in the preface to stc 6203. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets 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creation partnership web site . eng france -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2004-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vievv of fraunce . honi soit qvi mal y pense london printed by symon stafford , 1604. the vievv of france . caesar in his commentaries , deuideth the people of gaule , into belgi , celtae , and aquitani , parted the one from the other by the two riuers of seine and garond : the aquitani from the celtae by the garond : the belgi from the celtae by the seine , and these betweene the two riuers . according to which diuision , philip de commines boundeth france with two seas , the ocean and mediterranean ; with two mountaynes , the alpes and pireneis , and with one riuer , the rheine . if i should follow the direction of these two most approued authorities , i must be forced to discourse of such princes , as are interessed in this large compasse , as namely , the spanish king , the states of the low countries , the dukes of sauoy and lorraine , the pope himselfe , the little city of geneua , and others : but i onely purpose to take a view of that which is directly vnder the crowne of france at this day , and thereof to giue a superficiall relation . france then is seated vnder a very temperate and wholesome clymate , en tout le monde il n'y a region mieux situèe que celle de la france , car nous y tenons de region chaude et aussi de la froid : there is no countrey in the world better scituate then that of france : for it participateth of the clymate both hote and cold . it is in length from bologne to marseilles , two hundred leagues ( after the rate of three english miles a league ) and in breadth from mount s. bernard , to s. iohn de luze , as much ; for it is holden by some authours to be of figure , quadrate : which notwithstanding bodin denyeth , avowing it to be in forme of a lozenge , with whom la noüe consenteth , measuring it thus : from calais ( for now calais is french ) to narbone , north and south , is two hundred leagues : from rochell to lions , west and east , is one hundred and twenty leagues : from mets to bayonne northeast and southwest , two hundred leagues ; and from morley in bretagny , to antibe in prouence , northwest and southeast , as much . true it is , that many places within this compasse are holden , but not of the king , as auignon , and what else the pope hath : toul , verdun , and mets , of the empire : cambray , of the house of austrich , in like case of protection , as constance in swisserland , vtrich in the lowe countries , and vienna in austria : and as lucca and genoüa in italy , protected by the king of spayne . so doe lorraine also and sauoy hold of the empire . as contrarily , there be places out of this circuit , which notwithstanding hold of this crowne in right , and owe him fealty and homage ; as the spanyard for the counties of flanders and artois , which he hath euer since the time of frauncis the first , denied to render . the diuers prouinces of the countrey are very many : the chiefe are these ; picardy , normandy , i le of france , beausse , bretagne , aniowe , maine , poictowe , lymosin , xantonge , champaigne , berry , sologne , auuergne , niuernois , lyonnois , charrolois , bourbonois , daulpheine , prouence , languedocke , tourraine , and burgundy . all which are particularly set downe in mappes , as also in the booke , called the french guide , where he vndertaketh to resemble eche countrie to some other thing , as bretaigne , to a horse shooe ; picardy , to a neats toung ; and such like : which are but idle and disproportioned comparisons , as one may well obserue , that seeth these countries in the card. but the thing of best note in each of these , is their singular commodities and fruits , wherewith they are blessed for the sustenance of the inhabiter : insomuch that as they say of lombardy , that it is the garden of italy : so may we truly say of france , that it is the garden of europe . picardy , normandy and languedocke , goodly countries of corne , as any in christendome , all the inland countries , full of wine , fruits & graine : in some , great store of wood ; in others , of flaxe ; in others , mines of salt , in others , of iron : insomuch as one sayth , toutes choses necessaires à la vie humaine y regorgent en telle abondance , que seulement du bled , du vin , du sel , et du pastel , qui se transporte es païs estrangers , il y entre en contr'eschange annuellement , plus de douze millions de liures : all things necessary for mans life ouerflow there in such abundance , that in counterchange only of the corne , wine , salt & woad , transported into forreine countries , there is yeerely brought into france twelue hundred thousand pounds sterling . and another no lesse approued , and as well practised in the state of france , sayth , les sources du sel , du vin , et du bled , sont inespuisables : the springs of salt , wine and corne , are not to bee drawne dry . in which place , he complayneth , that the kings of france were wont in times past to helpe their neede with sales of wood , which are now of late yeeres so spoyled , as france shall shortly be forced to haue their lard frō other coūtries , as also wood to build and burne : a complaynt which i haue often heard in england . other prouinces haue also their especiall commodities , wherein they excell their neighbours : as in lymosin , the best beeues ; about orleans , the best wines ; in auuergne , the best swyne ; in berry , the best muttons , where there is such store , as thereof they haue a prouerbe , when they would taxe a fellow for his notable lying , that tells of a greater number then the truth , they say , il n'y a tant de moutons en berry : as one would say , fye , there be not so many sheepe in berry . they partake with vs also in sea commodities : as vpon the coast of picardy , where the shore is sandy , they haue store of flat fish : vpon the coast of normandy & guyen , where it is rocky , fish of the rocke ( as the french call them ) and vpon the coast of bretaigne , where it is muddy , store of round fish , as lamprey , conger , haddock ; so likewise in diuers seasons , diuers other sorts , as mackerels in the end of the spring , and maquerelles ( bawds ) at all times , herrings in the beginning of autumne , as we haue in england , &c. bodin will needs take vpon him , being no more pertinent to his matter , then it is heere , to shew the reason why in old time among the most delicate & toothsome trencher-men of the ancient romanes , they alwayes feasted with fish : because ( sayth hee ) it is neyther so mezzeld as porke ; nor scabd as mutton ; nor ranke as goat ; nor dropsy as lambe ; nor impostumate as beefe ; nor subiect to the falling sicknesse , as quayles and turky-cocks ; nor to inflammations , as capons ; nor to lice as pigeons : and yet the friand french-man , as well as we , neuer eats it , but on maigre dayes ( fasting dayes ) and then also by compulsion of the lawes . but by his leaue , i suppose , they in old time did it vpon a vaine-glorious prodigalitie , not for any licorousnes ; for sardanapalus neuer made his great banquets of fish , but when he was farthest from sea : and aesope the tragicke , that spent 15000. crownes at a feast , bestowed it all in birdes tongues , as of linnets , nightingales , and such others as had beene taught to sing , that the price might be the greater . giue me for all this the good old bishop of toledo his capon , who vpon a fasting day would needs make the companie at table beleeue , that by the force of certaine wordes of consecration , he had transsubstantiate this fat fowle into fish , and that there onely remained the outward forme , as poggio the florentine reports of him . this country must needs be wel stored with fish ; for besides the benefit of the sea , the lakes and ponds belonging only to the clergie , which at the most haue but one third of france , are reported to be 135. thousand . the riuers also of france are so many , as boterus reporteth of the queene mother , she should say heere were more then in all christendome ; but we hold her for no good cosmographer ; shee had her other qualities , which shall not be forgotten in their fit place . true it is , that the riuers here are many , and very faire , and so fitly seruing one the other , & al the whole , as it seemeth , na●ure , in the framing of our bodies , did not shew more wonderfull prouidence , in disposing veines and arteries throughout the bodie , for their apt conueyance of the blood and spirit , from the liuer and heart , to each part thereof , then shee hath shewed in the placing of these waters , for the transporting of all her commodities to all her seuerall prouinces . of all those , these are the principall ; the seine , vpon which standeth the citie of paris , rouen , and many other . it hath his head a little aboue chatillon in the northwest of lingonois , and receyueth nine riuers of name ; whereof the yonne , the marne , & the oyse are nauigable , that is , doe carrie boats with sayle . the some , whereupon standeth the citie of amyens , abbeuile , and many other : it hath his head aboue s. quentin , diuideth picardie from artois , and receyueth eight lesser riuers . the loire hath standing vpon it the cities of orleans , nantes , and many other : his head is in auuergne , it parteth the middle of france , his course is almost two hundred leagues , it receyueth 72. riuers , whereof the chiefe are allier , cher , mayne , creuse , vienne , all nauigable . the garond , vpon which standeth bourdeaux , thoulouse , and other cities : it hath his head in the pyreney mountaines , it diuideth languedocke from gascoine , it receyueth sixteene riuers , whereof iarne , lot , bayze , dordonne , and lisle are chiefest . and lastly , the rhosne , vpon which standeth the citie of lions , auignon , and diuers others : it hath his head in the mountaines alpes , deuideth sauoy from lyonnois , and dolpheine from languedocke , it receyueth thirteene riuers , whereof the soane , the doue , ledra , and durance are the chiefest . all the other riuers carrie their streames into the ocean , some at saint vallery , seine at newhauen , loyre beneath nantes , and garond at blay : onely the riuer of rhosne payeth his tribute to the mediterranean at arles . the seine is counted the richest , the rhosne the swiftest , the garond the greatest , the loyre the sweetest , for the difference which boterus makes of them , where he omits the garond , and makes the soane a principall riuer , is generally reiected . when we rightly consider the happie fruitfulnesse of this soyle , and the exceeding benefit of these riuers , i know not what wee should say is wanting , vnlesse yee will say , animus , qui his vtatur , deest , wit to vse them : for in deede the french hath these eight and thirtie yeeres abused them with their ciuill and intestine warres . doe but conceyt in your imagination the faire townes of italy heere seated , and in them , the english nation planted : and in my opinion , ye haue the right idea of platoes happy state : o vtinam ! o si ! but i must remember one inconuenience and discommodity it hath . i haue heard some poore countrey-man say , he loues not to haue his house too neere a lawyer . it should seeme they bee ill neighbours ; and it may be that themistocles roued at some such matter , when hee caused the sergeant to cry in publike place , that besides all the good properties which his farme had , that hee set to sale , qu'il auoit bon voisin : that he had a good neighbour . this is the mischiefe , that faire france hath about her so many bad neyghbours , as lorraine , sauoy , and spayne , of whose good affection to this countrey , wee may say with the poet , vnum cognoris , omnes noris : knowe one , and knowe them all : neyther of them wish her better then other , as hath well appeared in the late ciuill warres , wherein eche thought to haue had his share , howsoeuer ( now ) they loue no grapes . the ports and passages into france , where custome is payd to the king , were in times past more then they be now : the names of them at this present , are these : in picardy , calais , bologne , s. vallery . in normandy , diepe , le haure de grace , honnefleux , caen , cherbrouge . in bretaigne , s. malo , s. brieu , brest , quimpercorentine , vannes , nants . in poictowe , lusson , les sables d'olonne . in rochellois , rochelle . in xantogne , zoubisse . in guyenne , bourdeux , blay , bayonne . in languedocke , narbonne , agde , beucaire , maugueil . in prouence , arles , marseilles , fransts . in lionnois , lions . in burgogne , ausonne , langres . in champagne , chaumont , chalons , trois . in the territory metzin , metz , toul , verdun . in all , thirty seuen : of all these , lions is reputed to be the most aduantageous to the kings finances , as being the key for all silks , clothes of gold and siluer , and other marchandise whatsoeuer , which come or goe from italy , swisserland , and all those southeast countreyes , into france , which are brought to this towne by the two faire riuers of rhosne and soan : the one comming from sauoy , the other from burgundy , and heere meeting : where , by the way , me thinks , i may fitly compare these two waters , to two great princes of these two great countries , comming to be maried at this great city , which within the walles is within ten toyses as large as paris . in which allusion , i make the rhosne ( which in the french toung is of the masculine gender ) the sauoyard prince ; and the soane , which is likewise in this language , the feminine , the princesse of burgundy ; which conceit is the better warranted , because le rhosne is a very swift and furious riuer , which well agreeth with the nature and condition of the man ; and la sona , a still and sweet water , which rightly symbolizeth with the quality of a woman . i would our poet , that made a marriage betweene the medun and thames at rochester , had the handling of this matter ; for it becomes a poeme better then a relation . for profit , next to lions , are bourdeaux , rochell , marseilles , nantes & newhauen : but for capability of shipping , i haue heard that brest excelleth ; and for strength , calais , especially as it is now lately fortified by the spanyard , which was not let long since to bee called , la plus belle capitainezie du monde , au moins de la chrestiente : the goodlyest gouernment in the world , at least in christendome . there are requisite in all ports , to make them perfit , these foure things : 1. magnarum & multarum nauiū capabilitas . 2. nauibus tutissima statio . 3. ad hostilem vim coercendam habilitas . 4. mercatorum frequentatio : 1. roome to receiue many and great ships . 2. safe riding . 3. facility of repelling forraine force . 4. concourse of marchants . the most of these french ports haue all foure properties , except onely the last , which in the time of these ciuill broyles , haue discontinued : and except that we will also graunt , that calais fayles in the first . the cities in france ( if ye will count none cities , but where is a bishops sea , are onely one hundred & foure . there be so many archbishops and bishops in all , as shall in more fit place be shewed : but after the french rekoning , calling euery ville , a city , which is not eyther a burgade , or a village , we shall finde that their number is infinite , and indeed vncertaine , as is also the number of the townes in generall . some say , there bee one million and seuen hundred thousand : but they are of all wise men reprooued . others say , sixe hundred thousand ; but this is also too great to be true . the cabinet rateth them at one hundred thirty two thousand of parish churches , hamlets and villages of all sorts . bodin sayth , there be twenty seuen thousand and foure hundred , counting only euery city for a parish : which will very neere agree with that of the cabinet ; and therefore i embrace it as the truest . by the reckoning before set downe of two hundred leagues square ( which france almost yeeldeth ) we must compute , that here is in all forty thousand leagues in square , and in euery league , fiue thousand arpens of ground , which in all amounteth to two hundred millions of arpens : which summe being deuided by the number of the parishes , sheweth , that one with another , eche village hath one thousand , fiue hundred and fifteene arpens , which measure is bigger then our acre . wee may , if wee will , abstract a third , because bodin will not admit france to be square , but as a lozenge : for in matter of such generality as this , men doe alwayes set downe suppositions , not certaynties . of all these cities and great townes , i will omit to speake in particular ( though a stranger must very precisely obserue whatsoeuer he sees in his trauayle ) affying in la noue his censure , for their maner of fortification . sion veut ( sayth hee ) regarder par toute la france , ie cuyde qu'on n'y trouuera , horsmis quelques chasteux , aucune ville qui soit à demy parfaite , s●lon les regles des ingenieures : if a man will looke throughout all france , i thinke that ( some castles excepted ) hee shall not finde any towne halfe perfectly fortifyed , according to the rules of ingeners . onely i must adde , that since his time , which is now aboue twenty yeeres , many townes also haue bettered their maner of fortifying : amongst which , none more ( by report ) then that of rochell : and lately , that of amiens , of which wee might last yeere , while the spanyard held it , say ( as is sayd of decelea , in the territory of athens ) which alcibiades counselled the lacedemonians , to take and fortify , namely , that it did consumet et mettre a bas la puissance de la france , autant et plus que nulle autre chose : consume and bring low the power of france , as much as any thing else whatsoeuer : and that it kept and scowred all the passages from paris to rouen , like that other from athens to eleusina . but as the losse of this towne wounded the whole body of france , so the regayning of it , was not onely the healing of the hurt receyued ( wherin it was better then the pelias hasta ) but also the raysing of it to these happy tearmes , wherein it now stands . this towne would giue mee good occasion to speake of the last yeeres siege , the cardinalles comming , and the cittyes yeelding , with many other accidents very memorable and worthy the recounting ; wherein i had rather spend an howres time in talking , then any paper in writing ; for that , to pen it , asketh the iudgement of a soldier , of which honour i am most vnworthy : neyther will i also spend time in the discoursing of other cities , which we haue seene heere in france , as of their situation , building , wealth and fortification , saue onely of paris , because the french say , this is a world , no city . after that , i will breefly relate of the castles in france , and of some reasons why it is preiudiciall to the quiet of a state , to haue many of them , except they all belong to the prince , who ought to haue of them in his frontier places , and lymitrophes ( as they call them ) and vpon cities which are strong to keepe thē in awe , not else ; and as that of s. katherines , which you sawe at rouen , now rased : and then i will end the first branch of this relation , namely , of the topography of this countrey . the city of paris , seated in a very fruitful and pleasant part of the i le of france , vpon the riuer of sein , is by the same deuided into three parts : that on the north towards s. denis , is called the burge : that on the south toward the fauxbourges of s. germaines , is called the vniuersity , and that in the little i le , which the riuer there makes , by deuiding it selfe , is called the ville . this part , no doubt , is the most ancient ; for saith my authour , lutece est vne ville des parisiens , assisse en vne isle de seine : lutecia is a city of the parisians , seated in an i le of the seine . we may distinguish it thus : into transequana , cifequana , and interamnis : the part beyond the seine : that on this side the seine , and that in the i le encompast with the riuer . it is reputed not onely the capitall city of france , but also the greatest in all europe . it is about the walls , some ten english miles : these are not very thicke , the want whereof is recompenced with the depth of the ditch , and goodnes of the rampart , which is thicke and defensible , saue on the south side , which , no doubt , is the weakest part of the towne , on which side it is reported , that the l. willoughby offred the king in foure dayes to enter , at such time as he besieged it . wherevnto the king condescended not by the counsell of the olde marshall biron , who told him , it was no policy to take the bird naked , when he may haue her feathers and all . on the other side , especially towards the east , it is very well fortified with bulwarke and ditch , fayre and moderne , les rampars furent faictes es portes s. antoine , s. michel , et s. iaques et ailleurs , 1544. the ramparts of the gates s. anthony , s. michel , and s. iames , and elsewhere , were made 1544. this bastile of s. anthony , was built ( some say ) by the english ; and indeed it is somewhat like those peeces which they haue built elsewhere in france , as namely , that at rouen : howbeit , i read in vigner his cronicle , that it was builded by a preuost of paris , in the time of edward the third of england , at what time our kings began their first clayme , and had as yet nothing to doe in this city . some other monuments i purpose to speake of , with their founders , by the example of plutarch , who in his discourse of athens , particularizeth in this maner : pantheon hecatompedon , built by ictinus and callicraditas , the chappell of eleusine , by coraebus : the lanterne , by xenocles : the theater , or the odeon , by pericles : the port pyraeum , by muesicles , and the pallaedium of pallas , by phidias . so in this towne , the chastelet was built by iulian the apostata : the vniuersity was founded by charlemagne , anno , 800. who also erected those of bologna and padoa . the church of nostre dame ( our lady ) was founded anno , 1257. where are these verses following engrauen , to shew the greatnesse of it : si tu veux sçauoir comme est ample de nostre dame le grand temple : il a dans aeuure pour le seur dixsept toyser de hauteur : sur lae largeur de vingt et quattre , et soixante et cinq sans rebattre , a de long : aux , tours haut monteés trent quattre sont bien comptées , le tout fonde sur pillotis , anssi vray , que ie te le dis : if you would know the greatnesse of the great church of our lady , the roofe thereof is 17. fathom high , it is 24. fathom broad , 65. fathom long , the two steeples are 34. fathom high aboue the church , and al founded vpon piles . the hostel de la ville ( the towne-house ) was finished by francis 1. anno. 1533. with this inscription ouer the gate , s.p.e.p. that is , senatui , populo , equitibusque parisiensibus piè de se meritis , franciscus primus francorum rex potentissimus , has aedes a fundamentis extruendas mandauit , accurauit , condendisque publicè consiliis et administrandae reip. dicauit , anno vt supra : for his wel-deseruing senate , people & burghers of paris , francis the 1. most puissant king of france , commanded this house to be built from the foundation , and finished it , & dedicated it to the calling of the common coūcell , and gouerning the citie , in the yere aforesaid . this is , as ye would say , the guild hall of the towne . the hostel dieu in paris , was augmented and finished in 1535. by antoine de prat , chancelor in this city , his pourtreict with francis 1. is vpon the dore as ye enter . this is ( as we call it at london ) the hospitall . the palai●e de paris was built by philip le bel , 1283. purposing it should haue bin his mansion house ; but since , it hath bene disposed into diuers courts , for the execution of iustice , iust like westminster hall , which likewise at first was purposed for the kings palace . here you haue such a shew of wares in fashion , but not in worth , as ye haue at the exchange . heere is a chappell of the s. esprit , built by s. lewes , 1242. here are all the seuen chambers of the court of parliament ( which was first instituted by charles martel , father to king pepin , anno 720. ) but of them all , the great chamber of paris is most magnificently beautified and adorned by lewes the twelfth . at the entry , is a lion cowchant , with his tayle betweene his legges , to signify , that all persons , how high soeuer , are subiect to that court. the chamber also of comptes , built by this lewes , is a very fayre roome ; at the entry whereof are fiue portreicts with their mots . the first is temperance , with a diall and spectacle : her word , mihi spreta voluptas : i despise pleasure . secondly , prudence , with a looking glasse , and a siue : her word , consilijs rerum specutor : i prye into the counsell of things . iustice , with a ballance and a sword : her mot , sua cuique ministro : i giue to euery man his owne . fortitude , with a tower in one arme , and a serpent in the other : her word , me dolor atque metus fugiunt , both payne and feare auoyde me . and lastly , lewes the king , with a scepter in one hand , and holding iustice by the other , and this written for his word , quatuor has comites foueo , coelestia dona , innocuae pacis prospera sceptra gerens : my happie scepter in calme peace doth flourish , while i these heauen-bred sisters 4. do nourish . to speake particularly of all other the buildings and courts of this palace , as the chamber of the treasurer , the table of marble , the courtes of aides , and such like , were to be too tedious . the buildings of this citie are of stone , very fayre , high , and vniforme , throughout the towne , onely vpon the port n. dame , our ladies bridge , which is , as it were , their cheapeside : their building is of brickbat , all alike notwithstanding ; the fayrest fabricke in the towne ( and worthily ) is the kings castle or palace of the louure at the west : it is in forme quadrangulare , the south and west quarters are new and princelike , the other two very antique and prisonlike . they were puld downe by francis. 1. and begun to be rebuilt , but finished by henry the second , with this inscription , henricus 2. rex christianissimus , vetustate collapsum aedificium refigere coepit . the most christian king henry the 2. began to repaire this time-ruined edifice . from this palace , the king is building a galery , which runnes along the riuer east and west , and his purpose is , it shall passe ouer the towne ditch with an arch , and so cōtinue to the twilleries , which is at least sixe hūdred paces , and so both these buildings shall bee vnited into one : which , if euer it be done , will bee the greatest and goodliest palace of europe : this gallery is very curiously wrought with flowers de luce , curious knots , branches , and such like deuice , cut in stone ; and in euery place this word of the kings , duo protegit vnus . which i suppose , implyeth , one god maintaynes the two kingdomes of france and nauarre . the building of the twilleries , begun by the q. mother ( which is also a stately work ) is now in the finishing : for this queene mother began many things , but finished none ( except mischiefes ) witnesse this present house of the twilleries , and that other at s. maur some two leagues from paris , whither , ye remember , we went to kisse the young prince of condies hand , which then tolde vs was morgaged to her creanciers ( creditors ) for 25. thousand crownes , and now stands vnperfited . the next house in state , both for the beautie of the building , and deuice in the gardens , is that of monsieur gondy , an italian , whose father came into france with katherine de medices , and was here by her aduanced . there be other very many and very stately buildings , as that of mons. sansuë , mons. de monpensier , de neuers , and infinite others , whereof especially towardes the east end this towne is full , in so much as ye may say of the french noblesse , as is elsewhere said of the agrigentines , they build , as if they should liue euer , and feede , as if they should dye to morrow . but among all these , there is none ( sayth this author ) that exceed more then the lawyers , les gens de iustice ( et sur tout les tresoriers ) ont augmente aux seigneurs l' ardeur de bastir : the lawyers , and especially the officers of the kings money , haue enflamed in the nobilitie the desire of building . i haue heard a tale of a president of parliament , whose friends comming on a time to see him at his new house , began exceedingly to commend it , as indeed it deserued , as well for the rarenesse of the workmanship , as the goodnesse of the stone , timber , marble , and such like . no ( quoth he ) ye mistake the stuffe whereof it is made : this house is onely built , de testes des fols : of fooles heads . i thinke many of our newe buildings in england , are made of the same stuffe . ye must note , it is not yet one hundred yeeres since this stately kind of building ( or i should rather say , beautifull ; for still the most stately is the most ancient ) came first in request . la noüe sayth , il n'y a gueres plus de soixants ans que l'architecture a este restablié en france et au parauant on se logoit asses grossierement : it is not much more then threescore yeeres since architecture was reestablished in france , and before that time , men were housed but homely . hee there seemes to commend it , as a great grace to his countrey : marry , saith he , si on co●te aussi combien telles magnificensez ont enuoyé de gens au bissae , on dira que la marchandise est bien chere : if we reckon withall how many such magnificence hath sent to the we may say , t is very deare marchādize . i am for my part , of frier iohn of antomaure his mind , who seeing in a great palace such stately halls , such goodly galleries , such fayre chambers , such well contriued offices : and on the other side , the kitchin so leane , the chimneyes so cold , and the cellars so dry , vn beau chasteu dit-il a faire de belles promenades , et me c●rez mes dens a ieun a la napolitaine : a faire castle ( said he ) to walke faire turnes in , and picke my teeth fasting after the neapolitane fashion . the vniuersities , wherein in times past were wont to bee ( by report ) aboue thirty thousand of all sorts , are now by reason of the warres , reduced to a fourth part , and many of these children , such as our petty schooles in the countries are furnished withall . the streets both in the city , vniuersity , and suburbs , are very faire , straight , and long very many of them ; the shops thick , but nothing so full of wares , nor so rich as they of london , in comparison whereof , these seeme rather pedlers then otherwise : but for number , i suppose , there be three for two of those . the faulxbourges are round about the city , ruined and vtterly desolate , except those of saynt germaynes , which was very fayrely builded , and was very neere as great as the faire towne of cambridge . the benefit of this towne is very great , which it hath by the riuer , as by which all the commodities of the countrey are conueyed : wherevpon monsieur d' argenton reports of it , c'est la ville , que iamais ie veisse ●nuirone● de milleux païs et plantureux : of all the townes that euer i sawe , it is enuironed with the best and fertilest countrey : and he there reports , that for twenty moneths that he was prisoner , he saw such an infinite company of boates passe and repasse , as but that he was an eye-witnesse , he would haue thought incredible , which he also after proues by the mayntenance of the three armies of the three dukes of burgundy , guyenne , and bretaigne , which consisted of an hundred thousand men , against the cittie of paris , wherein they had besieged lewes the eleuenth , and yet neyther the campe nor towne had any want of victualls . faut bien dire qu'en ceste isle de france , est bien assise cette ville de paris , de pouuoir fournir deux si puissans hosts : car iamais nous n'auions faute de viures , et dedans paris à grand penie s'apperceuoient ils qu'ily eust iamais bien enchery que le pain , sealement d'un denier : it must needs be graunted , that this towne of paris is excellently seated in the i le of france , to be able to furnish two so great armies : for we neuer wanted victuals ; and they within paris hardly found any thing the dearer , but onely bread , a denier vpon a loafe . the sea floweth no neerer this city , then pont de larche , some 25. leagues off . some say , this towne was builded in the times of amasias , king of iuda , by some reliques of the troian warre , and that it was called lutece ( a luto ) because the soyle in this place is very fatte , which is of such nature , as ye cannot wel get it out , it doth so staine : whereof they haue a by-word , il gaste comme la fange de paris : it stayneth like the durt of paris . other say , it was called paris of ( parresia ) a greeke word , which signifieth ( saith this authour ) hardiesse ou ferocite , valour or fiercenesse , alleadging this verse , et se parrisios dixerunt nomine franci , quod sonat audaces , &c. and the franks called themselues parrisians , which signifieth valiant . and by this etymologie would inferre , that the french is a warlike nation . but he is much mistaken in the word ; for it signifieth onely a boldnes or liberty of speach : which whether they better deserue , or to be accounted valiant , you shall see , when i come to speake of the frenchmans humour and nature in generall . as for the nature of the people of this towne , their histories taxe it of infinite mutinies and seditions , matchable to the two most rebellious townes of europe , liege and gant ; and yet this last is praysed in one thing , qu à la personne de leur prince ils ne touchent iamais : that they neuer harme their princes person : whereof the barricades make paris vnworthy . and du haillan sayth of them , whē they stood fast to lewes the eleuenth against the three dukes abouenamed : iamais les parrisiens ne tindrent vn bon parti , n'y ne firent rien qui vallut , que ceste fois-la : the parrisians neuer held good side , nor neuer shewed any honesty but then onely . but i can reade no such matter in commines ; for i well remember , that euen then diuers of the chiefe of the towne had practized secretly with the enemy , and were vpon tearmes of concluding , when by the kings wisdome they were preuented . the armes of this city were giuen them , anno. 1190. by philip le bel , who creating them a preuost and escheuins ( like office as our maior and aldermen ) leur donnoit les armoiries , de guelues a vne nauire d'argent , le chef d'azure semé de fleurs de lys d'or : gaue them for armes , gules , a ship argent , and a cheefe seeded with flower de lys or. ye shall heare the french brag , that their city hath bene besieged a hundred times by the enemy , and yet was neuer taken since caesars time . the reason whereof one of their best writers giues , because ( sayth he ) it is very weake , and therefore alwayes compoundeth . i compare paris with london , thus : this is the greater , the fairer built , and the better scituate : ours is the richer , the more populous , the more ancient : for i hold antiquitie to be a great honour as well to great cities , as to great families . besides the cities and ports of france , well fortified , there be also infinite numbers of castles and cittadels ( which the people alwaies call , nids de tyrans , the nests of tyrants , and the prince he calles them chastivillains . ) of the castels the number is therefore most great , and as vncertaine , by reason that euery noble mans house of any age , is built in defensible maner , as you haue diuers times alreadie obserued . an example of one for many hundreds , ye may take that of roch-fort belonging to the seigneur de la tremouuille , which in these ciuill wars endured a siege & 5000. canon shot , & yet was not takē . it is iudged by the wisest , that in great kingdomes , such as france , no places should be fortified but the frontiers : after the example of nature , who armeth the heads and heeles of beasts , but neuer the bowels nor middle part . for indeede the strength of a countrey consists not in walled townes , but in the vnited hearts of the people , as brutus proueth in liuie , and dionysius halicarnasseus : to which purpose the poet also saith , where there is concord among citizens , pulchrè munitam esse vrbem arbit●or : i thinke that towne excellently fortified . but where discord reigneth , centuplex murus vrbi non ●ufficit : an hundreth fold wall is not sufficient . whereof it commeth , that histories report of the tartarians , aethiopians , and arabians , that they haue no fortified places : and it is sayd of preste iehan the great king in affricke , that he hath but one in all his empire : and we in england , except frontier places , haue none but his maiesties . the reasons against them are these : it makes the inhabitants cowards : and therefore licurgus forbad the walling and fortifying of lacedemon . secondly , lest the enemy being entred , the countrey should stay and possesse himselfe , of some of these places , whereas otherwise , he onely forrageth and harrieth the countrey , and away againe . therefore iohn maria della rouere , duke of vrbin , rased downe all his castles ( finding himselfe too weake to resist his enemie ) and retired to venice , assuring himself , that duke valentionis could not stay there long , where there was no place to be kept : which iudgement of his , the euent well prou'd . for this cause also , they of genoa , after the battell of pauia , where the french king was taken prisoner , hauing got the french garison out of the lauterne , ruined it to the very foundation . so did they of siracuse cause the cittadell of arradine ; the only refuge of the tyrant dionisius . lastly , they giue occasions to the possessors , to rebell and vsurpe , whereof , both all histories , and among these our owne ( where , if i be not mistaken , in king stephens time were rased eleuen hundred castles ) and these fortie yeeres troubles in france do testifie . there be some reasons for the hauing of these fortified places , which i doe not conceiue so good as these , except onely i should graunt them their capitall citie to bee fortified , and none else . for bodin thinkes it great madnesse in a prince , to suffer his people to haue strong townes , ( especially as here in france , where they will haue no garison , but of their owne citizens : the effect whereof was well seene in the losse of amiens ) except the king haue therein a cittadell to bridle them . against which , many cities in this countrey pretend priuiledges , as that of amiens , and some haue bought the cittadell of the king , to the intent to demolish it , as they of lions ; such eye-sores they bee heere in france . in such a countrey as italy , where there bee diuers princes , fortified townes are more needfull , where notwithstanding ye shall note , that no great signore is euer made captayne of the cittadell , nor hath any league with the gouernour , whome they there call the podesta , and therefore euery yere also these offices are changed throughout the state of venice , which at this day , is the most perfect optimacy in the world ; and the rather , because though the state be aristocraticall , yet the execution of the gouernment is mixt , offices being conferred , both vpon the one sort and other of the citizens , which makes that perfit harmony , whereof the diuine philosopher so much speaketh . you must vnderstand , that heere in france , all inhabitants of cities , are lyable to the common charges of the fortification of their city , reparations of bridges , fountaines , highwayes , and such like . and because the richer sort should not leuy the money , and then keepe it to themselues , or employ as the list , they must giue information to the chaunceller , of the necessity of the leuy , and procure letters patents for the same , by authority whereof they gather the money , and vse it , yeelding after to the kings procureur their account . and for their watch and ward , it goes by course , as in the citie of embden , and diuers other in those low countries . as for castles , the seigneur , or captaine may not force vassall ( faire leguet , to watch and ward ) except in frontier places , vpon forfayting of their estates . after this generall suruey of the countrey it selfe , we must obserue something of the gouernment , wherein i will not trouble you , with fetching their first pedegree from beyond the moone , as many of their histories labour , nor by disputing the matter , whether it bee true or no , that they came from troy , into the marishes of maeotis , whence , after some small abode , they were chased by the romane emperour , into bauaria , and after into frankland , in germany . it shall suffice , that from hence , this people came into france , wherein all writers agree : for after the declination of the romane empire , when the ostrog●thes conquered italy , the visig●thes , spayne ; and the vandalles affricke : then did the burgondiens , and franconiens diuide this countrey betweene them , conquering it vpon the olde niquilines , the gaules , who from caesars time , till then , had not tasted the force of a forrayne power . the gouernement was vnder dukes , till the yeere 420. when as pharamond caused himselfe to be entituled king. in this race it remained till 751. when pepin suppressed his mr. chilpericke and vsurped . his line lasted till 988. when hugh capet gaue the checke to the succession of charlemagnes line ( who was pepins sonne ) and inuested himselfe with the diademe . from him it hath lineally descended by heires males to the house of valois , and for want of issue male in them , is now come to the house of burbon . in this space of time , you must obserue the three ages of france ▪ her child-hood , till pepin : her manhood , till capet : her olde age , till now . for in the first age , the kings were like children , content to be taught by others in matters of religion , ( as then ye may note , that clouis receiued the faith , and was baptized ) as also in matter of policy , they were content that others should beare the whole sway , and rule them also , such were the maieurs de palais , whereof pepin was one that vsurped . in their manhood they did like men , conquer kingdomes , relieue distressed christians , ouercome saracenes & infidels , defend the church against all assayles , as ye may perceiue by the history of charles the great , and his successors . and lastly now , in her old age she grew wise , erected courts for iustice , made lawes and ordinances , to gouerne her inhabitants , wherein no countrey in europe hath excelled her : for so sayth my author , il n'y a contré au monde ou la iustice soit mieux establit ▪ qu'n la nostre ▪ there is no countrey in the world , where iustice is better established , then ours : which is true ( but with this addition of a later writer , ) s'ilny en auoit tant et trop : et s'ils estoient iustement exercez : if the officers thereof were not too too many , & if their places were rightl● executed . this was the reason why many wise men of the world did imagine , that this feuer of the league , which was entred at peronne , some 20. yeres since , against france , would haue shakē the state , from a monarchy , to an aristocracy , considering , that in age nothing is more dangerous ; and besides , it was now her climactetical yere of gouernmēt ( for this is the 63. king ) though this be but a curious and ill grounded conceit , as also that other of the pourtreicts of the kings , in the palace at paris , where , because all the voyde places be fulfilled , they would needes coniecture , forsooth , or rather conclude , that there should be no moe kings . but this is but an idle dreame , and presupposition : for in the cathedrall church of sienna in italy , all the roomes for the popes , are filled vp long ago , euer since the time of martin the 5. and yet notwithstanding , that sea of rome stil hath a pope . but du haillan saith , that as vertue was the cause that this state rose frō the ground of her base beginning , to this height ; so fortune hath beene the cause that she is not falne frō that high pitch , to her first lownesse : for he can see no reason of her standing , considering these ciuill warres , the difference of religion , the ambition of houses , the conspiracies and reuoltes of the people , the true causes of falling : therefore hee concludes , la bonne fortune nous a plus serui , que nostre vertu : good fortune hath helped vs , more then our owne vertue . but without so much talking of the good genius and bon-heur , good hap of france , hee should haue asscribed the first cause to god , and the next to her maiestie : but this french is euer a thankelesse people . i must not force this relation with many notes , of things here happening in former ages ; it is both impertinent , and tedious , onely i would wish you note , that in 482. the christian faith was here receiued , and in the yeere 800. the romane empire hither translated . concerning the countrey of france , the state is a monarchy , the gouernement is mixt : for the authority of maieurs , escheuins , consuls , iureurs , &c. is democraticall : the paires , the counsels , the parliaments , the chambers of counts , the generalities , &c. are aristocraticall . the calling of assemblies , giuing of offices , sending embassages , concluding of treaties , pardoning of offences , ennobling of families , legitimation of bastards , coyning of moneys , and diuers other , to the number of 24. are meerely regall , called of the french , droicts royaux . and sure it is , that no prince in europe is a more perfect monarch then he : for besides all these priuiledges named , as we say of the parliament of paris , that it hath the prerogatiue to bee appealed vnto , from all other courts , which they call the ( dernier ressort , the last appeale ) so is it likewise true , that the king himselfe hath the meere and absolute authoritie ouer this . for though no edict or proclamation , no warre or peace which he makes , bee good , without the consent and arrest as ( they call it ) of this court : yet true it is , that when he , sending to them for their confirmation and ratifying thereof , if at first they refuse , & send deleguez , deputies , to his maiestie to informe him of their reasons , and humble sute to reuoke the same , he returnes them vpon paine of his displeasure and depriuation of their offices , to confirme it . sic volo sic iubeo , such is my pleasure , and absolute commandement . as touching the lawes of france , we must know , that most of thē are grounded on the ciuil law of the emperor : but so , as this state euer protesteth against thē , so far as they be good and equall : insomuch as in former times it was ordeined , that he which alledged any law of iustinian , should lose his head . of the lawes here in force , some are fundamentall , as they call them , and immortall , such as , nor king , nor assembly can abrogate : others are temporall , quemadmodum ex his legibus , quae non in tempus sed perpetuae vtilitatis causa in aeternum latae sunt , nullam abrogari fateor , nisi quam aut vsus coarguit , aut st●tus aliquis reip . inutilem facit : sic quas tempora aliqua ●●siderant leges , mortales ( vt ita dicam ) & ipsis temporibus mutabiles esse video : i confesse , none of those lawes which are not temporary , but established as eternall for the vniuersall good , are euer abrogated ( such onely excepted as either vse findes hurtfull , or some state of the commonwealth makes vnprofitable ) so i see , that those lawes that are applied to particular times & occasions , are mortall ( as i may call them ) and change times with change . and therefore one saith , quae in pace latae sunt , plerumque bellum abrogat , quae in bello , pax : vt in nauis administratione , alia in secunda , alia in aduersa tempestate vsi sunt : warre commonly abolisheth lawes made in peace : and peace lawes made in warre : euen as mariners in guiding a ship vse one course in faire weather , another in foule . of the first sort i will onely remember you of two examples : the law salique , and that of appennages . as for the first , they would needes make the world beleeue that it is of great antiquitie , wherewith they very wrongfully tromped the heires of edward the third , of their enioying this crowne of france , which to them is rightly descended by his mother , and whose claime is still good , were the english sword well whetted to cut the labels of this law. of which haillan himselfe confesseth , that before the time of philip le long , 1321. iamais auparauant on n'en auoit o●y parler , la faisant ( en ce temps la ) approuuer partous les seigneurs du royaume , les ●ns par promesser , les autres par force et par menaces : the law salique was neuer heard tell of before this kings time , who caused it to bee ratified by all the nobles of his kingdome , some by faire promises , and others by force and threates . hereupon they haue their prouerbe , le royaume de france ne peut tomber de lance en quenouille . the kingdome of france cannot fall from the lance to the distaffe . some say , it is called salique , of the saliens , a people anciently inhabiting about the ryuer of rhein : but the likelyest is , that it comes of the two words , wherwith i● begins ( s● aliqua ) and which are often repeated therein , as in many of our processes vpon some word therein vsed they take their names , as a scire facias , a nisi prius , a latitat . touching that of appennages , which is also a law of great consequent for the crowne ( for by this th● domayne cannot bee aliened , and by the other , th● crowne cannot fall into the hands of strangers . ) you must note , that this law imports , that the yōger sonnes of the king cannot haue partage with the elder , which till the time of charelemagne ( when this was made ) they might , they must onely haue appennage sans propri●te . by which charter of appennage is giuen all profits arising of the said apannes , as domaine , the hundreth , rents , rights of seigneurie , parties casuelles , lots , sales , hommages , right of vassallage , forrests , ponds , ryuers , iurisdictions , patronages of churches , prouisions , and nomination of chappels , goods of main-mort , fifts of lands sold , and all other profites and commodities whatsoeuer , to returne to the crowne , for want of heire male : but the leuying of taxes and aydes , the minting of money , and all other things of regality reserued . some are so curious to deriue this word from the greekes , of apan , totum , and agnon , sanctum : because , forsooth , the french returning from the holy land by greece , saw there the like course vsed , which they brought home with them . others say , it comes of pain , bread , because it was for their sustenance : much like the lawe of the olde romanes , for the maintenance of their daughters , to whome they allowed a yeerely pension out of their lands . but others say , it is deriued from the almaigne word ( abannage ) which signifies a portion excluded from the rest , that , because they haue this particular allowance , they can make no claime to any other of the princes states . this appennage hath often beene so great , as it hath bred many inconueniences ; as that of the duchie of burgondie , by charles the fift , to his brother philip , which did often after , much preiudice the crowne of france . and that of the duchie of normandie , by lewes the eleuenth , to his brother , which was after changed for guyenne , and that againe for champagne , and againe at last for berry , whereabout were great troubles , for many yeeres in france , as by the historie appeares . oftentimes also the yonger brothers are content to take yeerely pensions , and quite their said duchies or counties holden in appennage . concerning the other sort of lawes , in this realme they are infinite , which argueth ( a consequente ) that they be ill kept : for gens humana ruit per vetitum nefas : and ( ab antecedente ) that the people of this countrey haue beene ill enclined : for euill maners cause good lawes . these french lawes are too full of preambles , processes , interims , and prouisoes , as by all their ordinances & edicts appeareth , nihil mihi frigidius videtur , quam lex cum prologo : iubeat lex , non suadeat : there is nothing ( me thinks ) colder , then a law with a prologue . let a lawe commaund , and not perswade . of all these lawes i will onely name you this one , que la minorite du roy soit assisteé d' vn conceit esleu par les estats de france , auquel les princes du sang doiuent tenir le premier lieu , et les estrangers esolus : that the minoritie of the king shal be assisted with a councel , chosen by the states of france , wherein the princes of the blood ought to holde the first place , and strangers to be excluded : which was enacted at toures , by charles 8. anno . 1484. i tell you of this , as of the true source and spring of all these late ciuil warres , because the cadets of lorraine by insinuation with the young kings , frances the second , and charles the ninth , vnder the fauour of the q. mother , tooke vpon them to manage all publike matters at their owne pleasure , and thrust out the first princes of the bloud of the house of burbon . whereupon nauarre and condie , the princes of this family , assisted by many of the frēch noblesse , embarqued themselues in the action of reforming such an abuse , and displacing the guysard out of this authoritie , tooke it vpon themselues , to whome it rightly belonged . of these ciuill broyles , i meane by way of digression somewhat to speake , to giue you better taste thereof , as also to see in what miserable tearmes , this present king found the state , of whome , by order of this relation , i am next to remember : la france a souffert s●pt guerres , et a veusix edicts de pacification , en leursguerres ciuiles : france , in these ciuill broyles , hath suffred seuen warres , and seene sixe edicts of pacification . the first was in sixty three , at paris : the second , in sixty seuen , at longemeau : the third in seuenty , at paris : the fourth in seuenty sixe , at ienuile ( when first began the league at peronne : ) the fift , at poicters in seuenty seuen : the sixt in eighty one . not one of these proclamations which was not brokē , & new flames of warre kindled ; the imputation whereof , the french writers lay most vpon the q. mother ; by whom she is compared to fredegunde & brunhalt , two damnable queenes of france , and the firebrands of their time . she came from the family of the medices in florence , in which city ye may note , that in three seuerall yeres ( but not much distant ) were borne three seuerall monsters : alexander medices , that spoyled florence of her liberty , the fairest city in italy : this woman , that ruined france , the fairest kingdome of europe : and machiauell , that poysoned europe , the fayrest part of the world . she bare too great loue to her old friends of lorraine , and too little to her young sonnes of valois : her hate was too hote to the reformed religiō , and her care too cold to reforme the state : she had too much wit for a woman , and too little honesty for a queene : for where one is without the other , a little is too much . next her , are charged , the cadets of lorraine , in three ages , the grandfather , the father & child , and al of their houses : for he that will rightly compare the times , shall find , that the drift of the count s. paul in lewes the 11. time , was al one with this of the guises in these late troubles ; namely , for that the warres only maintayned them in their greatnesse , and forced the king to stand in need of them , whereas the peace might be much preiudiciall to them , and bring them to their accounts , for many matters ill carried in their charges . hereupon the count set on his king , to enbarke himselfe in a warre , against so great an enemy , as the duke of burgogne : and these euen forced their master , to war vpon his owne subiects , against so good a cause as true religion . and as he desired nothing lesse , then that the duke should condescend to his maiestie , and so make a peace : so did these only wish , that they of the religion might still stand stiffe in their profession . likely also it is , that at the first , they did not so much as dreame of obtayning the crowne , as hauing foure princes , of the house of valois , al yong , besides the house of burbon , standing in their way : but when these , one after another , died , and the times grew so fauourable , through their popular carriage ( the onely signe of an ambitious mind ) as that all the eyes of france were bent vpō them , then they raysed their thoughts , as high , as the highest place , and the rather , because the religion of the next prince of the bloud ( who should bee serued before them ) was so contrary to the general liking of the french state. their only cause , they said , was religion : but true it is , that haillan saith , that religion is only the cloke and pretext , selon les esprits des païs , ou selon les menees et practiques des grands , qui donnent cette opinion aux peuples : according to the humors of the country , or the driftes and practises of the grandies , who possesse the people with that opinion . and in another place , diuisions sont comme fatales à la france , et entre les causes qui l' ont trouble toutes les fois qu'il à este la diuision de grands , a este la premiere et la principale et tousiours couuerte du nom du bien publique , et de la religion : diuisions haue beene ( as it were ) fatall to france , and of all the causes of her trouble at any time , the diuision among the grandies hath euer beene the first and principall , and alwayes cloaked with the name of the publike good and religion . the onely patterne and mirrour , whome the last duke of guise folowed in these his dangerous deseignes for the obtaining of the crowne , was pepin , who to depose his master , and to preferre himselfe , found no way more compendious , then to professe himselfe the protectour of the church , and rooter out of heresies . for which good seruice , the romish church inuested him with the crowne of france , and hee gaue them many territories in italy ; both , large caruers of that which was not their owne . but the vsurpation was most vniust , as also the attempt it selfe , howsoeuer they shadow it with the colour of religion . for nulla iusta causa videri potest , contra remp. arma capiendi : no cause of taking armes against the state can seeme truely iust . it is a pitifull spectacle , to see a happie state brought to ruine by the diuision of her great ones : but when it is wrought by such of the nobilitie as are newly infranchised , and ennobled with all preferments , who were but lately strangers , it is much more lamentable and also insupportable . the three great states of england , spaine , and france , can instance herein , and giue you examples of piers gauestone , aluaro de luna , and this house of lorraine . these are they , of whom all the late writers complaine . les françois esloient lois ( speaking of former times ) vrays françois , n'auoyent point succéle laict de lorraine , qui donne les humeurs de toutes les sortes de trahisons : the french were then true french , they had not yet sucked the milke of lorrayne , which breedes humors fit for all sorts of treasons . and as it is sayd of lalain a gallant gentleman in commines his time , estoit d'une race , dont pens'en est trouue , qui n'ayent esté vaillans , & quasi touts morts en seruant leurs seigneurs en la guerre : he was of a race , whereof few can be found that haue not bene valiant , and almost all of them slaine in the warres in their princes seruice . so may we say of these , that it hath bin a valiant race , and most of them haue dyed in the warres , but with this difference , that it hath still beene against the good of their countrey , howsoeuer they couered their treasons with the vaile of bien publique : publique good : as one saith of the duke of guyenne and bretagne , mais en fin le bien publique estoit conuerti en bien particulier : but in the end , the publique good was turned to priuate profit . the chiefest supporter of these guisards , and that still gaue oyle to the fire of this rebellion , was the king of spaine , who , ( the comparison of the state of france with the game of primero saith ) that he stood by and looked on , following that machiauellian maxime , or lesson , which he had learned of the other philippe of macedon , to suffer them to ruyne one another , as did the cities of greece , and then himselfe to take the aduantage , and winne all ; for it is no question if guise had wonne the game , but this would haue had the rest . he had this aduantage also , while they were together by the eares , to be in quiet himselfe : for so saith the principle in the mathematickes , ce qui faict mouuoir altruy , est necessairement tousiours en repos : that which giues motion to other things , must needes it selfe be in rest . the third cause i impute ( especially of the later troubles ) to the timorous nature and pusillanimity of henry the 3. ce qui donne volunté et moyens aux hommes de grands esprits de conspirer contre leurs princes , et d' attenter à l' vsurpation de la coronne , est l'imbecillite et la nea●tise d'iceux princes : that which giues both will and meanes to men of great spirits , to conspire against their princes , & attempt the vsurping of their crowns , is the weakenesse and worthlessenesse of the princes themselues . for in his time , the crowne of france was like the daughter and heire of burgogne : and the poore king , like the crafty duke , made euery wooer and suter that she had , beleeue that he should speede : the king , for feare lest by these corriuals hee should be brought lower ; the duke , in hope by intertaining them all , to haue their aydes to raise himselfe higher . marry , neither of them would gladly , while they liued , that this faire daughter should be married . it is a dangerous thing in a state , when the king dare not punish the ambitious desseignes of his subiect : voyla le mal-heur d'vn siecle miserable & iniuste , de cognoistre l' iniustice , & ne l'oser dire ; n'y en faire la punition : voila comment les princes souuent cognoissent le mal & iugeans au contraire , donnent l' absolution , estans à cela contraincts par le temps : aux que●●s le plus souuent par leur iniustice ils donnent cette licence , & apres en reçoyuent les premiers , le mal : behold the mischiefe of a miserable and vniust time ; to discerne the offence , and not to dare take notice thereof , nor punish it . behold how princes doe often knowe the mischiefe , yet giuing sentence quite otherwise , ( being enforced by the necessity of the time ) absolue them , whom they themselues first emboldened by their owne vniust proceedings , and are after , the first to smart for it . this emboldened the guise to driue his king out of paris , whence ( they say ) to saue his life , he fled in his doublet and hose , and one boote off for haste : so that now was verified the prophesie of fran. 1. le roy françois ne fallit point , quand il predit que ceux de guise mettroyent ses enfans en purpoint , et son pauure peuple en che mise : king francis prophecide aright , that guizes race would strip his race into their hose and doublet light , and 's people to their shirts vncase . in this attempt he so farre engaged himselfe , and so irreconcileably incurred the kings hate , as he must either be roy ou ruyné , caesar aut nullus , corona aut cadauer . wherein he was much mistaken , to thinke againe to winne his good opinion , and by this meanes to expect a better houre . a man must neuer trust a reconciled enemy , especially his king , against whom when yee drawe the sword , ye must throw the scabberd into the riuer . he felt the smart of this , not long after at bloies , where , in the assembly , like caesar in the senate , he was dispatched . in solons time there were first the cilonians & the banditi , and after one of these was extinct , there arose a diuision of three heads : they of the plaines would haue an optimacy ; they of the mountaines , a democracy , and they of the seacoast , a mixt state. so in the duke of guises time , there was a diuision of catholikes and protestants : but after his death , the monster grew to haue foure heads . the royaux : the huguenots : the ligueurs : the confrers du petit cordon : these last were a fraternity , who had cōspired to bring in the spaniard , their chiefe head were the seize of paris , ( a councell of 16. the most seditious burgers of the towne ) who strangled m. brisson a president of the parliament , the rarest man of his time , and two other lawyers , the one an aduocate , the other a procuror : of these the duke de mayenne hanged foure for their labour . ech of these had diuerse driftes : the royaux were for the king , and then for the extirpation of the religion . the huguenots were likewise for the king , and then for the libertie of their conscience . the leaguers , for the ruine of the king , and house of burbon , and then for the reducing of the land to an aristocracy , which they meant to share among themselues : the confrerie were against the king , for his title ; against the protestants , for their religion ; against the leaguers , for their partage : and like traitours falsly hearted , or frenchmen truly spaniolized , complotted only how to bring in their patron & benefactor the king of spaine . see here the many-headed hidra that rauaged al ouer france . see here that france , where neither her king could saue his life frō the impoisoned knife of a bloudy harted frier , nor the people their goods , frō the pillage of a bloudy hāded soldier . see here the times , when the 3. fayre daughters of themis ; eunomia , epieikia , and eirene ; law , equity , and peace , are banished their natiue country . see here a country in an extacie , distracted in her selfe , and transported out of herselfe , ready to fall into a falling sicknesse , like the soule of a distempred man , where neyther nous , the king , is obeyed ; nor logos , the law , obserued ; nor epithumia , the people , gouerned , by reason that thumos , which possesseth the heart ( & therefore i interpret the gensilarmes of france ) through an ambitious thought to rule , or a deuillish desire to reuenge , hath robd the one of his authority , the other of her force , and giuen the third the reynes of liberty to doe what they list . mon dieu gens sans discourse : o gens aueugle : nation sans consell et sans prudence ! o people voyde of iudgement : o blinded people : o nation without counsell , and without wisedome ! see here a people , among whom it was a slander to doe well , and glorie to excell others in cruelty : therefore saith a poet of theirs , si les mauuais françois sont bien recompensez , si les plus gens de bien sont le moyns aduancez : soyons vn peu meschant , on guerdonne l' offence , qui n' a point faict de mal , n'a point de recompence . if the worst frenchmen now are best of all rewarded , if the most honest men are now the least regarded ▪ let 's turne traytors a while , this time rewards offēces : who hath no mischief wrought , can get no recōpēces . see here a tragedy , where were no lookers on , but all actors , where , for the most part , the poorer sort were plagued : delirant reges , plectuntur achiui : for dotages of kings the people alwayes wrings . as for the great ones , they had a course many of thē to saue their owne stakes , and get also by the bargaine . sayth another , pour estre bien venuz et faire nos affaires , en ce temps fascheux plein d' horribles miseres : agnòste mon amy , sçais tu que nons ferons ? surprenons quelque place , et puis noustraitterous : if we will thriue , and rise , and be much made of too , in this most wretched age , and this confused state , ( agnostus my deer frend ) know'st thou what we must do ? let vs surprize some towne , & then capitulate . as yee haue heard of monsr . de la chastre , an arch-leaguer , who would not make his peace , nor render his townes to the king , except hee might haue the gouernment of orleans , and fifteene thousand crownes , which hee presently enioyeth . like capitulations were made with other of that faction . phaebidas , generall of the spartane forces , surprised vpon the thebanes the castle of cadmus , without commission from the state : which castle the lacedemonians would not render , but fortified the place , and kept there a strong garrison : and yet they discharged the generall of his office for this onely fact , and fined him at ten thousand crownes : a strange course , to punish good seruice : but this of france more strāge , to reward ill seruice . it is , i confesse , good policie to condemne the traytor , and yet loue the treason : but to condemne the treason , and reward the traytor , i neuer but here heard of . but such was the necessitie of the times : sic fuit in fatis , so did the fates ordeine . but these gayners were those that betted by ; for the chiefe gamesters had their heeles blowne vp : the duke of guise stabbed at bloies ; the cardinall strangled in the castle : the duke of parma , poysoned at arras : the duke ioyense , slayne at coutras : the duke de mayenne ruyned at iuery : the duke de mercaeure , come in this march , who lately marched afore his troupes in bretaigne , a capalto , with an erected countenance , now walketh vp and downe paris , like dionisius in corinth , capo chino , hanging the head . this was iust such an hexarchie , as charles duke of burgogne wished in france , who ▪ had hee liued till now , had seene what hee wished . when mons. durfé charged him , that he loued not france , but sought by all meanes possible to disturbe the state thereof : ●ush , sir , saith he , you are deceiued , l' ayme mieux le bien du royaume que vous ne pensez , car pour vn roy qu'il y a ie y en voudroy si● : i wish better to the kingdom then you imagine , for one king that there is nowe , i would there were halfe a dozen . all these , forsooth , agreed , that the common-wealth was sicke and out of temper , & ech one pretended with his phisicke to cure her . the d. of guise , to ease the paine which was at the hart , ment ( as he doth , that giues the best remedy for the tooth-ake , to pull them all out ) to strike off the head : to which purpose , at the barucadoes of paris , hee had the king fast in the castle of the louure , but yet most vnwisely , hauing the bird in the cage , let him flye away . the cardinall , that should by his calling haue ministred the most gentle and lenitiue kind of phisicke , and if it had beene possible , haue cured france with good counsell , & prescribing a good diet , ministred nothing , but corrasiues , and bitter pilles of disdaine among the nobles . the duke of parma , like a doctor of good practise , brings with him a whole shop ful of phisicke , inough to purge all france , hee applieth his receipt of the low-countrey souldiers , to ease her of her malady : but the weake stomacke of this countrey could not brooke so strong an ingrediens , and therefore shee vomited them out againe , before they had done the deed . the duke ioyeuse like a desperate young doctor , that would get credit in his trade , vpon his first patient , by putting all to the hazard , without vsing any preparatiues , or obseruation of criticke dayes , giues the potion , before monsieur matignon could come at him , who came with other good phisicke to assist him in this practise : but at that time , they say , that mars , a maleuolent planet , was retrograde in aries , or entring into taurus : and so it should seeme : for one of the king of nauarres troupes , called monsr . taurin ( as they say ) gaue him a pistolade in the head . ioyeuse was not so precipitate , to breake the impostume before it was ripe , but the duke de mayenne was as much a dreamer to forslow the occasion : for whē his brother guise was stabbed , and all the great cities reuolted to him ( ioe , then was she sicke at the hart ) he should then haue plyed , to haue applyed his medicines : but then had he his phisicke to seeke : and after , when the party was pretily recouered , & began to refuse phisick , ( hauing a little relished the wholesome diet of good counsell ) then comes he in such haste , that hee brake his bottels by the way , and so was a loser by the bargayne . as for monsieur de mercaeure , hee playd the good kitchin doctor , of whome rablais speaketh , who gaue his patient the necke and bones to tyre vpon , and kept the wings himselfe : for he left them all france , tyred and tewed , as bare as a birdes bone , and kept bretaigne , one of the fattest wings of the countrey , to himselfe , purposing to haue entituled himselfe duke thereof . but these were all pretended phisicians : the poore king henry the third ment wel indeed , but wanted skill , who found by experience , after hee had slaine the guise , and left the rest of his house ( that were then in action ) how dangerous a thing it is , in matter of execution to doe it to the halfe , and that in ministring phisicke , a violent potion is not so dangerous , as one that is too weake , which onely stirreth the humors , and is not able to expell them . among so many phisicians , we must needes haue one woman to looke to the patient : this was the queene mother , of whom and her sonne charles 9. that consented to the massacre of paris , we may say with the poet : crudelis mater magis an puer improbus ille ? improbus ille puer , crudelis tu quoque mater : which hath poore france more ruinde and vndone , the cruell mother , or her wicked sonne ? a wicked sonne was he , a cruell mother she . this queene , who , with the two other queenes , with whom she is before compared , may be called the alecto , tesiphone , and megera , the three furies of france , in stead of being a nurse , and cherisher of her infants and family , which shee should haue bene by all law of reason , became a stepdame , as shee was by nature , being an italian : who for more ( as it is thought ) then honest loue to the guisard doctors , desired still to haue her people kept lowe and sickely , that they might be aduanced by their practise . these were they that left france in such pitifull taking , vnder a false pretext of reformation of the state ; as we might well say of it , as is said of the abandoned french constable in lewes 11. his time , il ne sçauoit à quel saint se vouěr , se tenoit comme pour perdu : he knew not to what saint to vow himselfe , but held himselfe for a lost man : or as their prouerbe is here , il ne sçauoit de quel bois faire ses flesches : he knewe not of what wood to make his arrowes . but leauing france for a while , in this grieuous sicknesse ( till the hercules that now reignes , conquered this monstrous hidra , and like a skilfull esculapius , recouered her of this pestilent feuer ) ye may obserue this one epiphonema heere necessarily imployed , namely , that diuision in an estate , is the most compendious way to her downefall : discordia res magnae dilabuntur : by discord great matters melt away to nothing : as hath well appeared by this great state of france . here is also a good lesson for other to beware by : tum tua res agitur , paries cum proximus ardet : the burning of your neighbours towers concernes you neere , next turne is yours . and as rablaies saith , vn fol enseigne bien vn sage : a foole may teach a wise man wit. and if you would haue yet more instances of the miserable effects of factions , read guicciardine , and you shall bee plentifully furnished : as with the colonni , and vrsini in rome ; the bianchi and neri in florence ; the adorni and fregosi in genoa : and so almost through euery particular citie : and in generall ouer all italy , the guelphi and ghibellini . here was also one here in france , about no greater cause then a matter of loue , betweene orleans , and burgogne . and we had one in england , about no smaller a matter then the crowne ( impatientes consortis erant , maiestas & amor : ) both maiestie and loue , do no corriuals loue . betweene the houses of lancaster and yorke , wherein commines sayth , were betweene three and fourescore of the bloud slayne . how true that is , i remember not , but as i take it , there were fought ten battels betweene them , one hundred barons & knights slayne , ten princes , dukes and earles , and an hundred thousand naturall english. animus meminisse horret : my mind doth tremble yet but to remember it . that diuision was the onely cause , why we not onely lost all we had in france , but also the meanes to recouer all which wee ought to haue had : for in those times france her selfe also was miserably distracted , & brought to so lowe an ebbe , as one sayth , dieu fit ce bien en ce temps-lae , que les gueres & diuisions d' angleterre esloyent encores en nature les vns contre les autres : so may they now thanke god and our late queene , the nurse of peace , and refuge of the afflicted , who ( as is sayd of the great earle of warwicke , that he thought it as great an honour to make a king , as to be a king ) to cancell with the speares poynt the forged law of the saliens , tooke not such oportunity , but raysed the afflicted lownesse of the desolate king of diepe , to the peaceable possession of the great realme of france . but it is a thing euer obserued in great states and kingdomes , that they neuer rise to any greatnesse , except in their rising they meet with many lets , and are sometimes euen brought to such lowe tearmes , as they are thought past all hope ; as athens , by the persians ; and rome by the gaules : the like is to be said of great princes ; as of edward the fourth of england , and this henry the fourth of france , of whome wee may truely report , as plutarch doeth of camillus , si camillus n' eust esté perdu , rome ne se fust pas retrouuée : if camillus had not bene lost , rome had not bene found againe . possidonius calles marcellus the ( sword ) and fabius the ( buckler ) of rome : but we may call this king both the one and the other to france : to one , to cut off all disturbers of the state ; the other , to defend his subiects in the libertie of their conscience , and enioying of peace . this office he now executes in his quiet reigne ; that other he vsed in time of the ciuill warres , when as alwayes they of the kings part sent for his aide to the suppression of the leaguers , though after that done , they cared not for him . so saith plutarch of themistocles , les atheniens n'y honoroyent , n'y ne l' estimoyent point en temps de paix , mais quand il leur suruenoiel quelque orage de guerre , & qu'ils se voyoient en danger , ils recoureyent à luy : ne plus ne moins qu' on fait à l'ombre d'vn platane , quand il suruient vne soudaine pluye , & puis apres quandle beau temps est venu , on l' esbranche & luy coupe l' on ses rameaux : the athenians neither honoured , nor esteemed him in time of peace : but when they were ouertaken with any storme of warre , and that they sawe themselues in danger , then they had recourse to him ; as men vse to runne in a suddaine shower to the shelter of a plane tree , and as soone as it is faire weather againe , they breake and cutte off his branches . this king then , of whom now by course i am to relate , is about 48. yeeres of age , his stature small , his haire almost all white , or rather grisled , his colour fresh and youthfull , his nature stirring and full of life , like a true french man. one of his owne people describeth him thus , de son naturel il est si extremement vif et actif qu' à quoy qu'-il s' adonne , il s' y met tout entier ne faisant tamais gueres qu' vne seule chose à la fois . deioindre vne longue deliberation auec vn faict presse cela luy est malaise . le faire et le deliberet se rencontrent en mesme temps . mais aux conseils qui ont traict de temps à la verité , il a besoigne d' estre soulage . vne promptitude admirable d' esprit . aux affaires de la iustice , des finances , aux negotiations estrangeres , aux depesches , à la policie d' estat il croit les autres , il ne s' en mesle point : he is of such an extremely liuely , and actiue disposition , that to whatsoeuer he applyes himselfe , to that hee entirely employes all his powers , seldome doing aboue one thing at once . to ioyne a tedious deliberation with an earnest and pressing affayre , he cannot endure : hee executes and deliberates both together . but in councels that require tract of time , to say the truth , hee hath neede of helpe . he hath an admirable sharpnesse of wit. in affayres of iustice , of his reuenues , forrayne negotiations , dispatches , and gouernment of the state , hee credites others , and meddles little himselfe . he sayth there farther , that though by his phisiognomy , his fashion & maner of behauiour , ye would iudge him leger and inconstant , yet is no man more firmely constant then he . he confesseth it were hard for him , not to be sparing , considering the profuse and lauish spoyle that his predecessor made before him : yet to salue the matter , he makes this difference , that the other gaue much to few , this giues a little to many . if you remember when we saw him play at dice , here in orleans , with his noblesse , he would euer tell his money very precisely , before he gaue it backe againe . i will not spare in this discourse ( which is onely for your selfe priuate ) to speake the trueth , though of a king : we are here in a country , where ye daily heare his owne subiects speake of him more liberally . and besides , his maiestie hath generally this commendation , which is very laudable in a prince , he can endure that any man should tell him the truth , though of himselfe . which i will interpret to wisedome , though perhaps some will impute it to a facility of nature . concerning this thriftie vertue then of sparing , we must note that he is a very good mesuager . il fait d' argent auec ses dens : he makes money with his teeth , saith the frenchman , meaning his sparing of great and superfluous expence at his table . and for his giftes , wee may call him by an antiphrasis , as plutarch sayth they vsed to call antigonus in scorne ( doson ) that is , qui donnera : pour ce qu' il promettoit tousiours & iamais ne donoit : one that will giue : because he alwayes promised , but neuer performed . for my part , i thinke he giues s. p. q. r. not senatui populoque romano : that is , to all sorts of people but si peu que rien , so little , as scarse any at all . they say , that the chamber of accounts , is to examine the kings gifts : and if they find any vnmeasurable , to shorten them : to which purpose , there is written in great letters in the same court , trop donnè soit repeté : let gifts too great be reuoked . it should seeme hee saues them this labour . such a parsimonious sparer was lewes 11. of whom in the said chamber of accounts ( as bodin saith ) it is recorded , that he wore a greazy hatte , and clothes of the coursest stuffe ; and there likewise yee shall find a reckoning of 20. sols ▪ that is , ii . s. sterling , for a new payre of sleeues to his olde dublet : an another of 15. deniers , that is , three halfe-pence , for grease to liquor his bootes . this was he , that made his taylor his herald of armes , his barber his ambassador , and his surgeon his chancellor , of whome commines reporteth many vertues , & as many faults , and yet it should seeme , that commines his seruant would not tell all ; for so sayth another of the french historians , discoursing impartially of this lewes , nous auous librement dit ce que commines n' a osc et volu dire , et ce que les autres n' ont sceu : we haue freely spoken what commines durst not , nor would not speake , and what others knew not . though he himselfe protesteth , that he left none of his trumperies , and double dealings , vnreuealed , non pour en vser mais pour en gardez : not to practise , but to preuent thē : as we desire to know the poyson , in the apothecaries shop , from his other good drugges , not to vse , to the hurt of others , but to shunne , for the safety of our selues . and howsoeuer haillan taxe him of impartialitie , true it is , that the q. mother did not like him , of all others : for ( said she ) hee hath made as many heretikes in policy , as euer luther made in religion , by discouering the secrets of state : which should be kept as secret , as the caball of the iewes , or verses of the druides . but neither the sparing of this prince , that now raigneth ( of whose vertues i will presently speake ) nor the faults of lewes the 11. make them the onely two kings of this realme , taxable aboue the rest : for one of their writers sayth in general , that france hath fatally beene subiect to this , malheur ( desaster ) to haue kings , imbecilles et estroppiez de l' entendement , ( weake and lame in iudgement . ) he reckoneth vp many , as charles the great , a paillard ( a wencher : ) pepin a vsurper , lewes the first lasche et mol , ( faint-harted , and effeminate ) and after these three other charleses , the bald● , the grosse , & the simple , which no doubt , if they had deserued better epithites , should haue had them : insomuch as one concludeth of the good kings of france , as suetonius did of the princes of his time , se pouuoyend bien touts grauez en vn anneau : they might al be grauen in one ring . but i had rather conclude with bodin , there is no prince without his fault . howbeit those few that are in this prince , are recompenced with many very heroicall and princely vertues , both of body & mind . for those of the mind , let me only cōmend the excellency of wit , and suddennesse of answere , whereof wee may take acknowledgemēt in these three , which i wil here recount , answerable in my opiniō , to any of those apophthegms of the olde kings , or philosophers , which history hath commēded to vs. at his being here at orleans , this iune last past , the maior and burgeses of the towne came to his maiestie , to desire they might bee eased of certayne extraordinary taxes and impositions , wherewith in the time of the league , they had been burdened by mons. de la chastre , their gouernour . saith he , m. de la chastre vous a liguez , qu'il vous desligue : m. de la chastre hath tide you , let him vntye you . at his being at the siege of amiens , amongst others of the noblesse , which he summoned to that seruice , he sent also for the count soissons , a prince of the bloud , & one of the rarest gentlemen of france , to whom the king giues ( as is said ) 5000. crowns pensiō . the count , at that time discontented , returned the king answere , that he was a poore gent. & wanted meanes to come to that seruice , as became one of his birth & place , being a prince of the bloud , & peere of france : he therfore most humbly craued pardon , and that hee would pray for his maiesties prosperous successe , which was all he could doe . well , saith the king , dautaut que les prieres ne seruent point sans ieusne , il faut qu' il ieusne de la pension de ses 5000. escus : seeing prayer is not acceptable without fasting , my couzin shall hereafter fast from his pension of fiue thousand crownes . after the death of the duke of guise , when almost all france had reuolted from the late king , & like a poore ( roy d' iuidot ) as the french prouerbe is , he was chased of them of the league , from all places of france , to toures , and was there , as it were besieged of charles duke of mayenne : after that this king present came thither with his small forces , to the distressed kings succour , the king of france , whose name was also henry , would needes perswade henry king of nauarre , with those small forces , which they both had , to march out of the towne , and encounter the dukes forces , who were double the number . sirs ( saith hee ) ne hazardons point vn double henry contre vn carolus : let vs not play a double henry , against a carolus : ( that , is a peece of gold , of 14 shillings , and this , a peece of brasse onely of 10. deniers . ) for his valour and princelike courage , it is such , to say truly , as neuer any of his predecessors , kings of france , were matchable to him , who , for the space of almost thirty yeeres , hath , as one would say , neuer beene vnarmed , without his foote in the stirrop , and his lance in the rest , hath beene himselfe in person , the formost in all perils , and last out of the field : a prince not long in the resoluing , but once resolued , quicke to performe , and himselfe alwayes , one in the executiō ; though perhaps some wil taxe this hazarding of his owne person , as a matter of imputation , and better befitting a young prince of nauarre , then a great king of france . for as i read , epamin●ndas was fined for hauing beene too forward , & seruing without good armour , after a great victory , which he had vpon the lacedemonians . this forwardnesse indeed is most honourable , and prayse worthy in all nobilitie , and commaunders whatsoeuer , excepting onely the chiefe . iphicrates an athenian captayne , sayd , the vant●urrers , resembled the hands , the gensdarmes , the feet , the batallion on foot , the brest , and the generall , the head : which ( saith hee ) must best be armed , and carefullest bee garded . and therefore , the answere of callicratidas is disliked , who , when it was tolde him , that in the battell hee was ready to giue the enemy , he should haue great care of his own person , for that the sacrifices had foreshewd some danger : sparte dit il ne depend pas d' vn homme seul : sparta depends not vpon one man alone . this plutarch reproued in pelopidas . and homer in his descriptions , makes alwayes achilles , aiax , and the best and chiefest commaunders , best armed : stetit sub aiacis clipeo septemplice tectus : the shield of aiax seuen-fold did shrowd him safe , and make him bold . and the lawes of greece punished that souldier , that threw away his buckler . but i will end this discourse with the answere of timotheus , to chares , a generall , talking of his many woundes of the body , and hackes in his shield ; and i ( quoth he ) quite contrary , am ashamed of this , that when i besieged samos , i came so neere the walles , that an arrowe from the towne lighted hard by me : for that ie m' estois trop aduance en ieune homme , & hazarde plus temerairement , qu'il ne conuenoit à chef d'vne si grosse armée : i went too farre , like a forward yong fellow , and hazzarded my selfe more rashly , then became the generall of so great an army . for the chiefe commaunder is the moity of the whole force . when one told antigonus , that the enemy had more shipping then he , at the i le of andros : et moy dit-●l ponz combien de vaisseux conte tu ? i pray you , for how many ships count you me ? if then one generall be in stead of many ships at sea ; and many troopes at land , it behoueth he be carefull to keepe those forces well ( that is , him selfe ) if he will doe his countrey good seruice . you must note therefore , that there is no man so great by birth , or noble , whom it well becommeth not to be as valiant and forward as the best , euen though hee were a king : and indeed the greater hee is , the more his honour is engaged to be valiant ; prouided alwayes , that hee bee not the chiefe commaunder of the army . as the king of boheme dyed in the field , on the french kings side , fighting against the english in france , with more honour , then the french king francis the first , at pauie in italy , where , by his too great forwardnesse , hee was taken prisoner . therefore it is that one saith , vn bon & saye general doit mourir de vieilesse : a good and discreet generall should dye of age . but to returne to the king. hee is naturally very affable and familiar , and more ( we strangers thinke ) then fits the maiesty of a great king of france . but it is the fashion of this countrey of france ( as bodin sayth ) though he seeme much to misse-like it , and preferreth the fashion of england , suedon and poland , where the princes haue more maiesty and reuerence among their subiects : for as plutarch sayth , c'est bien difficile de maintenir vne seuere grauité pour garder sa reputation , en se laissan● familierement hauter à tout le monde : t is a hard matter for a man to keepe a seuere grauity for the vpholding of his reputation , if he familiarize himselfe with euery body . wherevpon he there sheweth , how retyredly pericles liued from the common view of the vulgar sort . so we likewise reade of the kings of borny , aethiope , tartary , the grand signor himselfe , and the great duke of moscouy , that they seldome come abroad in publike to be seene of the people . we may therefore say of the frenches liberty , as artabanus , lieutenant general to xerxes , said to themistocles , quant à vou● autres grecs , on dit que vous estimez la liberte et l'egalite sur toutes autres choses : mais quant à nous entre plusieurs autres belles constumes et ordonnances que nous ●uous , celle-la nous semble , la plus belle de reuerer et adorre nostre roy , comme limage de dieu de nature , qui mantient toutes choses en leur estre , & leur entier : t is sayd , that you greeks aboue all things esteeme liberty & equality : but among many other our excellent customes & ordinances , wee iudge this to be the best , to reuerence and adore our king , as the image of the god of nature , that maintaynes all things in their being and perfection . and we may wel inferre as haillan doth , familiaritas parit contemptum , and contemptus , coniurationem : le mesprise est la cause de coniurations contre le prince : familiarity breeds contempt , and contempt , treason . you saw here in orleans , when the italian commedians were to play before him , how himselfe came whifling with a small wand to scowre the coast , and make place for the rascall players ( for indeed these were the worst company , and such as in their owne countrey are out of request ) you haue not seene in the innes of court , a hall better made : a thing , me thought , most derogatory to the maiesty of a king of france . and lately at paris ( as they tell vs ) when the spanish hostages were to be entertayned , he did vsher it in the great chamber , as he had done here before ; and espying the chayre not to stand well vnder the state , mended it handsomly himselfe , and then set him downe to giue them audience . it followeth , i speake of his descent and pedigree ; wherein you shall see hee is lineally descended of the house of burbon , from robert , earle of clermont , yonger sonne to lewes , surnamed the saint , from whome ( for default of heires males in the house of valois , descending of philip le hardi , the elder brother ) hee is now rightly entituled to the crowne of france . the lineall descent of this house of burbon , whose word is esperance ( hope ) is this : saint lewes had two sonnes , namely , philip le hardy , king of france . robert , earle of cleremont , married to beatrice , daughter to archibald of burbon . lewes , count of cleremont , & first duke of burbon , married to mary , countesse of heynalt . iaques , duke of burbon , maried to iane de s. paul. iohn , duke of burbon , count of march , maried to katherin , countesse of vandosme . lewes of burbon , count of vendosme , maried to iane of lauall . iohn of burbon , count of vendosme , and isabel his wife . francis of bur. count of vendosme , to mary of luxembroughe , countesse of s. paul. charles of burbon , to francis of alencon . anthony of burb. king of nauarre . henry 4. k. of france & nauarre , 3. base children . caesar d. de vandosme . henryette a daughter . alexander , count de foix. katherine , princesse of nauarre , now presently to be married to the prince of lorraine . francis du. of anguiē . charles card of burbon . iohn , du. of ang. marguerite maried to the d. of nener . lewes of bur. prince of conde . henry , p. of conde . henry prince of conde , heire apparent to the crowne of france . francis , p. of conty . charles , count of soissons . now yee see from what ancestors he is come : yee must also obserue what issue is come of him . in the vnfortunate and inhumane massacre at paris , wherein the olde admirall , the greatest souldier in france , and many thousand of other of the religion were murdered , the same time was this king married to marguerite de valois , daughter to henry the second , and sister to the last king : with her these many yeres past , he hath not liued , neither hath by her any issue . i haue heard , the reason of their liuing apart , is her incontinencie . by madame monceau his mistrisse , whome of late he hath made dutchesse of beaufort , hee hath three children liuing : but by reason of their illegitimation and incapabilitie to succeede , the apparency of inheritance as yet bideth in the young prince of condie , a towardly gentleman , of much hope , and very well fauoured , of the age of 11. yeeres , whome ye saw at s. maur. concerning the coronation of the kings of france , i read , that in the first race , they vsed no other solemnitie , but onely to lift him vp vpon a shield , and cary him about the campe ; crying , viue le roy : god saue the king : for thus du haillan out of gregory de tours reporteth of the crowning of clo●is , the first that was christned . since in the yeere 1179. philip augustus ordained the coronation to be alwayes at rhemes in champaigne : for before that time , they were crowned ( but not here ) as lewes the grosse at orleans 1009. pepin at soissons , and charlemagne at s. denis . and since then also , vpon occasion , they change sometimes the place , as ye see in this king for example , who was crowned at chartres . the ornaments heretofore vsed at this solemnization , are these : a great crowne of gold , wherewith he is crowned : a lesse crowne , which he beares that day at dinner , made by philip augustus . the camisoles , sandales , tunicke , dalmaticke , and mantel of blue satten , made by henry 2 , who also garnished of new , the olde crownes , the scepter , the sword , the spurres . all which were ordinarily kept in the church of s. denis : whence in these late ciuill warres , they were taken by the league , and money made of them . la ligue vn monstreinsatiable , vn gouffre qui deuoure tout , vn feu qui consume tout , vn torrent qui ruine tout , a vollé , brise , cesse , fondu , tous ces ornements royaux : the league , a monster that eates all , a gulfe that deuoures all , a fire that consumes all , a torrent that ruines all , hath stollen , bruzed , broken , melted all these royall ornaments . the king of france present hath made newe ornaments for the coronation , which you saw at s. denis . the princes and peeres of france haue these offices in that solemnitie . the archbishop of rhemes doth annoint him king. the bishop of laon beares the ampulle . the bishop of beauuais beares the mantell royall . the bishop of noyon , the girdell . the bishop of chaalons , the ring . the duke of burgondie , the crowne . the duke of guyenne , the first banner . the duke of normandie , the second . the count of tholouse the spurres . the count of champaigne , the banner royall or standard . the count of flanders , the sword royall . thus crowned , hee holdeth the sword in his hand , and turning himselfe foure times , east , west , north , and south , protesteth to defend the church , and maintaine iustice against all persons of the world : for which hee hath the title of most christian king , and first sonne of the church : and is in right to haue precedence next the emperour , before all princes christian ; though the spanish embassadour of late , hath thrust for the place , and somtimes had it , as namely , at the councel of trent : which wrong afterward , the pope and colledge of cardinals confessed , and disauowed the fact . the spaniard also once since at the emperours court tooke the place , and in polonia likewise they lately striued , where it was ordeined ( as our law is at the ordinaries in london ) that hee which came first , should sit first . the turke , when hee writes to him this title , le plus grand , et le maieur des plus grands princes chrestiens , the greatest and chiefest of the greatest christian princes . and whereas haillan , but with no great ground out of histories , would needes inf●rre , that all other christian princes hold of the empire , he alleageth for a singular preeminence and prerogatiue , that this king holdeth nothing either of the empire , or church of rome , but that he is next and immediatly vnder god , supreme , both ouer the ciuill and ecclesiasticke bodie of france : because ( saith he ) he can impose taxes and payments vpon the church , without asking the pope leaue ; he cannot onely present , but also conferre benefices ; he hath in right the election of the pope , as charlemagne had , though lewes debonnaire , his sonne , renounced againe this authoritie : for , vn l'oy ne peut quitter son dr●ict : a king cannot giue away his right . but charles the great had not this power , as he was king of france , but as he was emperour : i thinke therefore he doth the empire wrong ( to whom doubtlesse this right still belongeth ) to bestow it vpon france . for when the empire was translated out of france into germanie , which was in the yeere 880. then were also all rightes and priuiledges , thereto belonging , of necessity to leaue this countrey , together with the empire , to which they are inseparably annexed . as for the pope , ouer whom the french writers will needes giue their king a priuiledge of election , he desires them ( for ought i can learne ) to haue an oare in their boat rather . concerning the armes of france , they haue diuers times , as it appeares by historie , beene altered . for the first armes were three toades . after that , changed to three cressants , then to three crownes , and lastly , in the time when france embraced the christian faith , there were sent them from heauen ( say their fabulous writers ) les fleurs ae lys d'or enchamp d' azure . the floures de luce or , in a field azure , with these armes of france , the king nowe present quartereth his armes of nauarre , which , whether it be a wheele or a chaine with a carbuncle in the midst as some say , or what els i knowe not , i cannot yet bee satisfied of any frenchman that i haue asked . i should now by course speake of the french court , wherein , hauing yet spent no time , i haue little to say . i make no question , but at our returne into these parts , you will sufficiently instruct your selfe therein , as with the diuers offices , the number of the noblesse that ordinarily follow it , and their seuerall humours and fashions , which is a thing very fit for you to obserue . i can onely remember you of that , which your selfe haue read in the booke of the late troubles , ( which you may well call an historicall declamation , or declamatory history ) where it is said , iamais la cour de nos roys , qui estoit autres-fois , le seminaire des vertus de la noblesse françoise , ne regorgea en plus de desordres des luxes & d' exces , que sous le regne du henry 3 : neuer did the court of our kings , which was heretofore the seede-plot of vertues for the french noblesse , more abound in all disorders of wantonnesse and excesse , then vnder the raigne of henry the third . but that was a censure of the court , in the dayes of a prince giuen ouer to pleasures , and excessiue spending , insomuch as i haue here heard say , that the only solemnizing of the marriage of duke ●oyeuse ( his mignion ) cost him two hundred thousand crownes . but it is likely , that now the humour of the king being otherwise , the fashion also of the court is changed : for , regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis : looke in what mould the king is form'd , to that his subiects are conform'd . whereof you may haue two very fit examples here in france ; of lewes , the 11. and frances the 1. without seeking further . king lewes would haue his sonne charles learne no latine , forsooth , but onely this sentence , qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare , he that knowes not how to dissemble , knowes not how to raigne . hereupon all the court began to despise learning , and to say , that latine was for a priest , not for a gentleman : and that it was learning ynough for a nobleman , if hee could write his owne name , yea , and i haue heard of an admirall of france , that could not do that neither . the second example is , of frances the first , who cut his hayre short , because of a hurt hee had in his head : and presently all the court and noblesse followed that fashion , cutting ( sayth bodin ) their long lockes , qu' estoit l' ancienne marque de beaute , et de la noblesse ▪ which was the ancient badge of beauty , and nobilitie . which olde fashion , i doubt not but they had from the lacedemonians , whose youth were all of them commaunded to weare long locks , because ( saith their law-maker ) les cheueux renaent ceux qui sont beaux encore plus beaux , et c●ux qui sont laids plus espouuentables et plus hideux à voir : long hayre makes such as are louely , more louely , & such as are hard-fauoured , more dreadfull and hideous to behold . the carriage of a prince , though it bee a naturall defect , and disgraceful , is oftentimes imitated of the courtiers by affectation . philip of macedon , and ferdinand of naples , held their heads awry vpon the one shoulder , and both their courts followed , tel maistre , tel vallet : like master , like man. you see , in that thing wherein you would most be instructed , i am least able to satisfie you , by reason we haue not seene the court at all , saue onely two dayes , while it staid here at orleans . howbeit , out of that which i there saw , which i haue heard of others , and read in authors , i will aduenture to relate , concerning the officers of this court ; for as for other great offices , as of constable , admirall , marshal , grand m. of the eauës and forrests , grand m. of the artillery , and others , i shall speake of them , when i come to relate of the kings forces ingenerall , to which place these offices especially appertayne . the first office then of court , is that of the grand maistre , great master , which in elder times was called comte de palais , earle of the palace , and after changed into the name of grand seneschal , and now lastly into grand maistre . the count soissons , youngest son to lewes of burbon , prince of condie , doth now enioy this place . it was not long since , in the house memorency : but the french king , to fauor the d. of guise , vpon whom he bestowed the place , caused the other to quit it . it is his office , to iudge of matters of difference , betweene other offices of court. he had also the charge to giue the word to the gard , to keepe the keyes of the kings priuate lodging & to determine in disputes amōg princes , that followed the court , for their lodgings . in assēblies he sitteth right before the k. a stayre lower , as you read in the dern . trobl . grand boutellier , or eschançon , great butler or taster , was in former times , a great office in the kings house , they had place in the courts of iustice , as peeres . this office was long in the house of the countes of senlis ▪ it is now vanished , and onely there remaines that of the grand panetier . this office is ancient : he hath besides the kings house , superintendence ouer all bakers in the city and suburbs of paris . they which were wont to be called panetiers , eschançons , and vallets trenchans : pantlers , tasters and caruers , are now called gentils-hommes seruiteurs de la cour : gentlemen wayters of the court. the office of grand chambellan , great chamberlayn , was long in the house of tankeruile ▪ he lay at the kings feet , when the queene was not there . his priuiledges are now nothing so many as in times past . those which were then called chambellans , chamberlaines , are now gentils-hommes de la chambre , gentlemen of the chamber . the office of grand escuier , great esquier , is not very ancient , though now it be very honourable , and is the same that m. of the horse is in the court of england : for it is taken out of the constables office , to whom it properly appertained , & thereof he had his name , conestable , quasi comes stabuli , count of the stable . it was first instituted in the time of charles 7. in the k. entrance into the city , he carries the sword sheathed before him , the cloth of estate carried ouer the king by the maior and sheriffes , belongs to his fee. no man may be the kings spur-maker , mareschall , and such like officer , but he must haue it of him , as also all other inferiour offices belonging to the stables . he had in times past , the commaund ouer stages of post-horses : but now the contreroller , generall of the sayd posts , hath it . this office is now exercised by monsieur de thermes , seigneur de bellegarde , a gallant gentleman , and one of the finest courtiers of france . the office of maistre d' hostel du roy , master or steward of the kings house , hath charge ouer the expence of the kings house : for a marke of his authoritie , hee carries a truncheon tipt at both ends with siluer and gilt , and marcheth before the sewer , when the kings dinner comes to the table . no sergeant can arrest any of the kings house , without their leaue . they serue quarterly : they were wont to bee but foure , but now i haue heard it credibly said , they bee 80. in name , but all of these doe not execute the office. the grand preuost de france et del hostel du roy , great prouost of france , and of the kings house , so called , since charles the ninth : for before , hee was called , roy des ribauds , king of the raskals : his office is to stickle among the seruants , pages , lacqueis , and filles de ioye ( punkes or pleasant sinners ) which follow the court , and to punish all offences in these people . i should haue named before these last , as a place more honourable , the office of grand fauconnier , and grand venneur , great faulconer , and great hunt , who haue authoritie ouer all officers of chase . they of the kings chamber , are either gentils-hommes de la chambre , gentlemen of the chamber , of whom i spake before , or vallets de la chambre , groomes of the chamber , which are but base groomes and roturiers , yeomen . les cent gentils-hommes de sa garde , the hundred gentlemen of his gard ( though there bee two hundred of them ) they hold and vse a weapon , called le bec de corbin : they match two and two before him : they are part french , and part scots : the scot carries a white cassocke , powdred with siluer plates , and the kings deuise vpon it : the french weare the kings colours . there is also a gard of swisse , attired in particoloured cloth , drawne out with silke , after their countrey fashion : these follow the court alwayes on foot , the other on horse . where , by the way yee may obserue , that the reason of the entertainement of scots in the kings gard , is ( as one saith ) because they were anciens ennemys des anglois , ancient enemies to the english : and euer since the house of austrich matched with that of burgogne , the king hath had also his gard of swisses , ennemys hereditaires de la maison d' austriche , hereditarie enemies of the house of austria . there belongs to the court also the mareschaux des logis , marshals of lodgings , and fourriers , haruingers : they haue like offices as the haruengers in the english court : there bee also diuers others which are here needlesse to be spoken of , and wherwith your purpose is to bee better acquainted hereafter . i will therefore proceede to speake of the order of france , which was instituted by henrie the third , anno 1579. and is called , l'ordre du s. esprit , the order of the holy ghost . the reason of this institution , was , comme vne autentique declaration , qu'il ne pouuoit ny aymer , ny faire bien aux heretique● , obligeant par vn serment solemnel tous les cheualliers , à des conditions qui ne platsent qu'aux ames toutes catholiques : as an authenticall declaration , that hee could neither loue , nor fauour the huguenots , binding by a solemne oath all the knights , to conditions suteable onely to mindes intirely catholiques . whereby yee may note , that none of the nobilitie of the religion are of this order , neither was this king himselfe of it , till 94. when being crowned at chartres , he tooke it vpon him . among many other statutes of this order , this is one , that none are capable thereof , except he can proue his nobilitie , by three descents , from the fathers side . you haue many in france , that are called cheualliers des ordres dur●y : knights of the kings orders : that is , both of the order of saint esprit , and saint michael also . the order of saint michael was instituted by lewes the 11. in the yere 1469. the statutes whereof are comprised in 98. articles ; amongst which this is one , that there should neuer be aboue thirty sixe of the order . but saith la nouë , this article was so ill obserued , that at one time there haue bin 300. whereof 100. shortly after , by reason of the great charges , and trayne they kept , were forced ( as he there saith ) serrer le colier dans leurs coffres : to lock vp their collers in their cofers . in the yeere 60. were 18. created of this order . a thing not before heard of , that so many should be made at once : which the constable disliking , said , que l' ordre estoit mis en disordre : the order was disordred . against which , bodin also inueigheth , and against the number of barons made in france , without either desert , or liuing . and another complaineth , that the honourable orders of france are exposes a l'ambition , qui estoyent destinez au merite : exposed to ambition , which were dedicated onely to deserts . you must note ▪ that of s. michaels order , there were 2. sortes , du grand ordre , et du petit : the great and the small order : those wore a coller of massie gold ; these onely a ribbon of silke . before these was the order de l' estoille , of the starre ; or as others call it , de la vierge marie : of the virgine mary , instituted by iohn the french king , anno , 1365. which after , growing too common ( a fault generally noted in all countries , where orders are erected , that they bee bestowed vpon too many , and some vnworthy , except onely in the most noble order of the garter , which by the confession of all writers , maintayneth still his ancient glory ) the order of the starre , i say , growing too common , and therefore the princes , and nobler sort , disdayning to weare it , it was bestowed vpon the ( archers du guel ) who still weare it , the nobility hauing long since quitted it . but the most ancient order of france , is that of the genette , instituted by c. martell . the knights of this order , wore a ring , wherein was engrauen the forme of a genette . the cause of instituting this order , is not knowne : it endured till s ▪ lewes his time . besides these foure forenamed orders , which haue beene instituted by kings , i reade also of two others in france , which had their erection by princes of the bloud , and were onely taken by knights of their partie . the order of the porc-espic , rased by the duke of orleans , in enuy of the order of his enemy , the duke of burgogne . the order of the croissante , or halfe-moone , by the duke of aniowe , anno , 1464. with this mot ( los ) as who would say , los en croissant , prayse by encreasing . the knights of this order , had in the middest of the cressant , a truncheon , to signifie hee had beene in the warres : ( for else he might not bee of that order ) if twice , then two truncheons ; if thrice , three ; and so orderly . his habillement was a mantle of crymosin veluet , and a white veluet cap. it is not much impertinent , here also to obserue , what orders haue bene erected in other countries : whereof , the most noble & renowmed order of s. george of england , is the chiefest , & therefore first to be remembred . it was instituted in king edward the 3. time , before any of these of france , except onely that of the genet , which ( no doubt ) was some obscure order , as appeareth by the place where it was worne ; and by the little , or rather nothing , which the french writers speake thereof . the next is the order of the toison d' or , the golden fleece , erected by philip the second , duke of burgogne . the coller of this order hath a golden fleece hanging at the end , in memory ( some say ) of gedeons fleece : others ( which is most likely ) of the golden fleece of colchas , which iason with his gallants of greece ventured for . the feast of these knights , is kept vpon saint andrewes day . the habillements , a mantle of crymson veluet , and a cap of violet colour : it was instituted anno , 1430. there is also the order of the annunciade , erected by amadeus duke of sauoy : in the coller hereof is written in letters of gold , or stone , this word , ( fert , fert , fert ) thrice , in honour of amade le grand , his predecessor : signifying ( fortitudo eius rhodum tenuit : his valour kept rhodes ) for that hee helped the knights of ierusalem to win rhodes , vpon the turkes , which is since againe reconquered , and they driuen into the isle of malta : at the end of the coller , hangs the partreict of the virgine mary , and the angell saluting her . of the order of the knights of malta , yee shall see a whole booke written , when ye come to italy : as also of that of saint stephen , instituted by cosimo medici , first duke of the vnited forces of florence , and sienna . i will therefore omit to speake , either of the one , or other . as also of the order of the band or scarfe , instituted by alphonse , king of arragon , whereof i want sufficient matter to relate . i will end this discourse of orders of knighthood , with this one obseruation , that is , that in times past , there were ( as with vs ) knights , which notwithstanding , were not of the order . of these , were three sortes , cheualliers bannerets , cheualliers bachelers , and cheualliers escuyers : knights bannerets , knights batchelers , and knights esquires , or armor-bearers . the first had twise as much pension as the second , and they twise as much as the third . it followeth i speake of his forces , as well horse as foote , of which this countrey is very well furnished , and indeede vanteth ( and i thinke worthily ) to be the best and greatest gensdarmerie of any realme in christendome : but on the other side , their foote haue no reputation ; insomuch as the last yere before amyens , we should heare the spaniard within the towne , speake ouer the walles to our english souldiers in their trenches , after we had saued the kings canon , from which the french were shamefully beaten by them within sallying out vpon them : you are tall souldiers ( say they ) and we honour you much , not thinking any foote to come neere vs in reputation but you , and therefore , when you of the english come downe to the trenches , wee double our gard , and looke for blowes : but as for these base and vnworthie french , when they come , wee make accompt wee haue nothing to doe that day , but play at cardes , or sleepe vpon our rampart . of both these forces of horse and foote of france , you are to note this which followeth . it is reported of the great turke , that when hee conquereth any prouince or countrey , hee diuideth the lands vpon his horsemen to each his portion , with an exemption of paying either rent , taxe , or tallage whatsoeuer : onely they are bound to serue the grand signore , ( great turke ) with a proportion of horse at their owne charge , and in their owne person in his warres , except either age or sicknesse hinder , which are the two onely excuses admitted . these are called his timars : of like nature as are the calasyres of egypt . you shall finde this that iouius saith , confirmed by la nouë speaking of greece , ou ( saith he ) ils tirent leurs meilleurs hommes de guerre sur leurs terres conquises , qu' ils leur departent , à la charge de se tenir en squepage , pour venir seruir au mandement de grand seigneur : from whence hee draweth his best men of warre , dwelling vpon the conquered lands which hee diuideth among them , vpon condition that they shall alwayes be readie to serue at the commandement of the great turke . so did the kings of france in former times bestowe vpon gentlemen , diuers lands and possessions , freeing them likewise from taxes and aides , vpon condition to haue their personall seruice in time of neede . these lands were called ( feifs : ) instituted before charlemagne his time , but till then , they were giuen only for life ( as at this day are those of the turkes : ) but since , they bee hereditary . the word feif , hath his etymologie of ( foy ) faith : signifying lands giuen by the king to his nobilitie or men of desert , with haulte et basse iustice , with an acknowledgement of fealtie and homage , and seruice of the king in his warres at their owne charge . some feif was bound to finde a man at armes : some an archer , some the third , and some the fourth of a man at armes , according to the quantitie of land hee held . he that had land from the valew of fiue to sixe hundred liures rent ( that is from fiftie to sixtie pound sterling ) was bound to finde , vn homme de cheual en habillement d' hommes d' armes : a man on horsebacke , furnished for a man at armes : and from three to foure hundred , fera vn bon homme de cheual leger : a good light horse-man ; who , if it please the prince , and vpon occasion of seruice , shall quitte his horse and serue on foot , prouided that hee haue with him a vallet harquebutier . but they that had lesse then three or foure hundred , had a lesse proportion of charge . there be foure exceptions where a man is not bound to serue in person : if he bee sicke , if aged , if he beare some office , if hee keepe some frontier place or other castle of the kings ; for in this case hee may send another . publica militiae vassallus munera iustae , non renuat , dominique libens in castra vocatus , aut eat , aut alium pro se submittat iturum . arbitrio domini veì quem laudauerit ille , compenset , redimatque suum mercede laborem . they are bound , vpon forfeiture of their ( feif ) to serue three moneths within the land , and fortie dayes without , not counting the dayes of marching . you must obserue , that as the seigneurs holde their ( feif ) of the king in haute iustice , so other gentlemen hold of them in basse iustice , vpon charge to follow these seigneurs at all times to the warres . for le feif est la chose par l' acceptation de la quelle ceux qui le tiennent sont tenuz du serment de fidelité enuers leurs seigneurs . the feif is the thing , by the acceptation whereof , they that hold it , are bound in oath and fidelitie to their lordes : and therefore are called their vassals of ( wessos ) the old gaule word , which signifieth valiant : for to such were the fiefes giuen . as for ( serfs , slaues or villaines ) these are domestike , and serue vpon baser condition , for wages and victuals . there is also the ( subiect ) that is , the poore paisant that laboureth and tilleth the ( fiefs ) and therefore yee shall heare monsieur le gentleman speake of ses terres , ses hommes , and ses subiects : his lands , his men , and his subiects : and yet himselfe is vassall to the seigneur , that holdes in haute iustice . but ye may note , that no word of seruice whatsoeuer in this discourse , doth preiudice the libertie naturall of the vassall . the subiect , nor serf , villaine , are bound to goe to the warres , but onely the vassall . the mustering and gathering together of these forces , is called the ban , and arrier-ban , of the alman words ( here ) exercitus : an armie : and ( ban ) conuocatio : a calling together . this ban and arrierban consisted anciently of twelue , sometimes fifteene thousand gensdarmes : but after the corruption thereof , when the fiefs came to be in the hands of vnable and vnwoorthy men , the kings of france were forced of later times , to erect the gensdarmes des ordonnances : the gens-d'armes , or men at armes of his ordinances , in charles 7. time . for ye must consider , that there haue beene foure principall causes of the ouerthrowe of this ban and arrierban . the first was the gifts to the clergie , who it is reported haue the sixt part of these fiefs in their hands , and contribute nothing to the warres : for as one sayeth , ils ne veulent rien perdre , rien payer , rien contribuer pour leur garde , & neantmoins veulent estre gardez : they will lose nothing , pay nothing , contribute nothing toward their garding , & yet notwithstāding they will be garded . the next was the voyages to the holy land : for whē one had made a vow to go thither , to serue against the saracens , & infidels , he sold his fief , to furnish him for that purpose . the third was the warres with the english , wherein by force they lost them . the last cause is the sales of them to all sortes of people , without exception , as to the lawyer , the yeoman , and any other vnable person whatsoeuer , that will buy them : which till ch. 7. they might not do . yee see then , how necessary it was , this olde institution being corrupted and quite decayed , to erect a new : which they called les gensdarmes des ordonnances : because at their first erection , there were diuers lawes and ordinances made for them to obserue , which who so brake , was surely punished . they were at first only 1500. but after , they were increased to a hundred companies , and giuen to diuers princes of the bloud , and nobles of france , to conduct and commaund , with an honourable pension : in these companies should be 6000. ( for in some there is 100. in others but 50. ) howbeit , it is thought , in each company there wants some , for the benefit of the officers , and that in truth , there be not aboue foure thousand in all . for the maintenance of this gensdarmerie , there is a taxe yerely leuyed vpon the people throughout all france , called the taille . concerning both the number of the gensdarmes , and their proportion of allowance , by the taille , it is thus , as la nouë iudgeth : les gens de cheual du temps du henry 2. passoient six mille lances : mais elles ne sont maintenant que quattre mille . et il me semble que quattre regiments d' infanterie se doinent entretenir en temps de paix , reglez à six cens hommes chacun . et 15. mille escas per mois y suffiroit : the horsemen in the time of henry 2. exceeded the number of 6000. lances ; but they are now but 4000. and in mine opinion , it were fit to entertayne in time of peace , foure regiments of infantery , of 600. men apeece . as touching the infantery , francis the first was the first that instituted the legionaries , which were in all , 8. legions , and euery legion to containe sixe thousand , according to the rate of the ancient romanes . the first legion was of normandy . the next of bretagne . one in picardy . one in burgundy . in champagne and niuernois one . in dolpheny and prouence one . in lyonnois and auuergne one . and one in languedocke . these companies were shortly after ca●●ed : and againe , within eighteene yeres erected ; and are now againe of late yeeres dissolued , and in their place , the regiments now intertayned , which are fiue in number : the regiment of the gard , the regiment of picardy , the regiment of champagne , the regiment of piemont . and lastly , the regiment of gascoyne , commonly called the regiment of nauarre . in each of these is twelue hundred . these are all now in time of peace bestowed in garison townes and frontier places , except those of his gard. bodins opinion is , that foure legions of 5000. apeece , would suffice to be maintayned in this land : for ( saith he ) the romane empire , which was twēty times as great , had neuer but 11. legions in pay : but this is to be vnderstood of them which were in pay ordinary in italy , besides those legions which they had in other their coūtries , as in england , spaine , low countries , &c. for otherwise we read of those emperors , that had 31. legions ; & bodin himselfe confesseth , that augustus had at one time entertayned in pay forty legions , at 11. millions charge the yere . but this writer , though he be approued , as he well deserues ; yet i thinke , if he fayled in any of his discourse , it was in matter of warre , the profession whereof did ill agree with his long robe ; yee shall therefore take the iudgement of a discreete souldier of france , for your direction what force the french can make , or intertaine of others , which is this , si nostre roy sentoit qu'vn voisin luy v●lust veni● mugueter sa frontiere , ●'estime qu'il pourroit aisement composer v●e arm●s de soixante cōpagnies de gensdarmes , vingt cornettes de cheuaux legiers , et cing cōpagnies d'harquebusiers à cheual , le tout faisant dix mille cheuaux . a quoy vn pourroit adio●ster trois ou quattre mille reisters plus , cent enseignes d' infanterie françoise , & quarante de ses bons amys les swisses . et cecy n' empescheroit que les autres frontieres ne demurassent suffisament po●rueües d' hommes : if our king perceyued that any neighbour of his meant to inuade his frontiers , i thinke he might easily compose an army of sixty companies of men at armes , 20. corners of light horse , and fiue companies of harquebusiers on horsebacke , amounting all to 10000. horse . to which hee might adde three or foure thousand reysters , & one hundred ensignes of french foot , and fourty ensignes of his good confederates , the swissers , and yet mayntaine his other frontiers sufficiently manned . so that yee may conclude , that foure thousand men at armes , well complete , and with a proportion of light horse and foote answerable , sheweth the whole flower , beauty , and force of france . howsoeuer the author of the cabinet confidently auoweth , that there may easily bee mustred , and maintayned fourescore and odde thousand horse of one sort and other , that is , lance and light horse . but i feare mee , we may say of them , as plutarch sayth of the noblesse of athens , hauing vsurped vpon the democratie of that city : ils estoyent que quattre cens , et toutesfois se faisoient appeller les cinq mille : they were indeed but 400. and yet caused themselues to be stiled , the fiue thousand . so i feare me , hee reckoneth after the athenian rate , ten for one . the cabinets reason is this : there be in france fiftie thousand gentlemen that are able to beare armes : for ( sayth he ) rate this proportion at a gentlemā in eche league , by the measure of france ( where are forty thousand in square ) and it wanteth but a fift . howbeit , sayth hee , in some countries , ye shall haue thirty or forty , within the compasse of one league , besides their children . out of these , if the king would , hee might compose a gendarmery of 8000. men at armes , and 16000. archers : which bodie of 24000. gentlemen , would represent in the field 60000. horse . hee might also haue a cauallerie legiere , of foure or fiue thousand gentlemen . he might also furnish the ban and arierban , according to the olde fashion , with twelue or fifteene thousand gentlemen . and yet might hee haue besides all this , foure or fiue thousand for the state of his court , and gouernment of his prouinces . this is his computation . but you shall see it proued , when wee come to speake of the nobilitie of france , that it is exceedingly shortned in number , and decayed in estate , and therefore nothing able to come neere this number . as good a consequent it were to say , that because yee haue two or three millions of men in england , able to fight , that therefore our state can bring so many into the field : without considering the prouision of armes , and all other things necessary . but this cabinet was made by one of the religion , that was transported out of himselfe , by the heate of his zeale , and hate to the temporall liuings of the church : whose proiects and driftes are much like those of the supplication of beggars ( a booke made in king henry the eights dayes ) where he frameth in his fancy an vtopia and felicitie , not to be hoped in france , building castles in the ayre , and concluding , that if it would please the king to aliene the church temporall liuings , and vnite them to the domaine , nihil est dictu facilius : ( a thing easily sayd , but not easily done ) that ouer and besides the forces of fourescore thousand horse abouesaid , hee might also maintayne an infantery of the french gentlemen of twelue thousand . item , another of the populare , of forty eight thousand . and lastly , yet another infantery legionaire of 48. thousand . the supplication was answered by sir thomas moore his booke , called the pitifull complaint of the puling soules in purgatory : how well i knowe not , but of this i am sure , that if such a number of horse and foote should either bee maintayned vpon the church liuing , or vpon the poore people ( vpon whome all these charges of the gend'armes lyeth , here would bee many more puling soules , and pitifull complayntes in france , then are sir thomas moores purgatory . it then remaines , that we hold our selues to the iudgement of la nouë , afore set downe , who also confesseth , that in charles the sixt his time , there were in the fielde , twentie two thousand lances , but since the gendarmerie was instituted , were neuer but once at valenciennes aboue ten thousand . for as for that great number , whereof yee reade in m. d' argenton , that besieged lewes the eleuenth in paris , they were the forces of three great princes , and the better part burgognons . there is yet one thing you must note , why the french haue quit their lances , and serue al with the pistol , whereof yee shall read somewhat in la nouë , and heare more of others by discourse , but nothing of mee by writing : for i dare not deale , vltra crepidam , in a matter i vnderstand not fully . i must now remember you of the officers for the war in france : and because warre is made both by sea and by land , i must also reckon the sea officers : for as for the french kings forces at sea , i haue not yet learned that he hath any , and therefore can say nothing thereof . the first and principall , and which commandeth all in the kings absence , euen the peeres and princes of the blood whatsoeuer , is the constable : who , as hath before beene remembred , hath his name of comes stabuli , count of the stable . for in former times the kings chiefe officers were called counts , with an addition of their office , as comes palatii , comes praesidii , comes rerum priuatarum , comes sacrarum largitionum , comes castrorum , comes nauium , count of the palace , count of the gard , &c. and though hee hath not now the command of the kings horse , yet keepeth he still the name : this office was erected in lewes le gros his time . it was bestowed vpon the house of memorencie , in francis the first his time , and remayneth still in the same . the ancient deuice of the house of memorency , is this , dieu aide le premier chrestien , et premier baron de france : god ayd the first christian , & anciē●st baron of france . hee hath the keeping of the sword royall . and as the grand escuyer : great esquire , hath the sword in the scabberd d' azure , semé de fleurs de lys d' or : azure seeded with flowers de lyce , or added to his armes , so beareth the constable for an honour , the naked sword , the mareschals beare the hache , battel-axe : and the admirals the anchor . the constable and mareshals giue the othe to the king : he sitteth chiefe iudge at the table of marble , vpon all persons , sutes , actions , and complaints whatsoeuer touching the warres . when the king entreth a citie , in his greatest pompe , or vpon a deliuerie , he goeth before with the sword naked : & whē the king sitteth in assembly of the three states , he is placed at his right hand . he that killeth the constable , is guilty of high treason . the mareshals are named , as some say , of ( marc. ) cheual , a horse : & ( schal . ) maistre , master : qui commande aux cheuaux , commander of the horse . others , of marcha . i. limite ou frontiere , march or frontier : quasi prae●ectus limitum , as it were gouernour of the marches . till francis the first , there were but two in all france ; after , foure , and now ten : for as is said before , when any that held either some strong towne or place of importance , came in to the king , hee did alwayes capitulate , to haue some one of these offices , besides summes of money and gouernments also : such was the necessities of the times , saith haillan . these , vnder the constable haue the cōmand ouer all dukes , earles , barons , captaines , and gensdarmes : but may neither giue battail , make proclamation , or muster men , without his cōmandement . they haue vnder them lieutenants , which they call preuosts marshals , who haue the punishing of mutinous souldiers , such as quit their colours , rogues , and such like . there is the office of admirall , ce que les mareschaux sont en vne armée de terre , l' admiral est en vne nauale : & ces offices sont distinguez d'autant que le subiect est different & diuers : looke what the marshals are in a land-armie , the same is the admirall in a sea-armie : and these two offices are seuerall , because the subiect of their imployment is differing and vnlike . this office is the most ancient of all france : for caesar speaketh thereof , les admiraux de la prouence , de bretagne & narbonne sont louës pour la pratique & dexterité des guerres nauaìes : the admirals of prouence , bretaigne , and narbon are much commended for their practise and skill in sea-seruice . i maruaile therefore , why du haillan reporteth , that they were first made in charlemagnes dayes , and that one m. ritland was the first that was made . there are now foure admiralties , france , bretagne , guyenne , and prouence . this last is alwayes annexed to the gouernourship of that countrey : so that of guienne likewise , till the king that now is , came to the crowne , who before was gouernour and admirall of guyenne : but since he hath diuided the commandes . yee may obserue in histories , that all the while the french voyages were vpon the leuant seas , either to the holy-land , sicile , or naples , or whithersoeuer , the french alwayes had their vessels and commanders out of italy . la france empruntoit ses admiraux de genes , pise , de venise , & de luques : france borrowed their admirals from genoa , pisa , venice , and luca. these haue the tenth of all wracke , prize or prisoners , that are taken at sea. before the inuention of shot , there was an officer in france , called , grand maistre des arbalestiers , et cranequiners , great master of the crosse-bowes and ingines : ( for cranequin , is a generall word for all instrumēts of battery ) which office is now called the grand maistre de l' artillerie , great master of the artillerie , who at first also , immediatly after the inuention of shot , was called capitaine generall de l' artillerie , captaine generall of the artillerie . you haue also treasurers for the warres , which are either ordinarie , or extraordinarie : those pay the gensdarmes , and these the regiments of the infanterie . treasurers ordinarie are so many , as there bee places where they muster : of extraordinary , there be alwayes foure . the heraults of france are sixe , normandy , guyenne , valois , bretagne , burgogne , so called of the countreyes ( as with vs in england ) and mont-ioy , who is the chiefe of the rest . their ancient office was to bee present at all iusts , and tournements , to carrie warre or peace , to summon places , to defie enemie-princes , to giue armes to men new ennobled : but now they bee onely vsed at feastes , coronations , solemnities , funerals , and such like ; for they are no more vsed in the treatie and negotiation with forraine princes . i thinke the reason is , because the office hath of late yeeres beene bestowed vpon vnworthy and insufficient persons . it shall here be needlesse to name all other his officers of the warres , which are all one with those of other countreyes , as collonell , captaine , sergeant , lieftenant , ensigne , capporall , &c. i will onely remember in a word the french maner of mustering , march , charge , and seruice ingenerall , and then proceed to the next branch of this relation . we must obserue , that ( excepting the gens d' armes , and the regiments abouenamed ) when any souldiers are taken vp for the warres , they are not pressed , as with vs , but the captayne hauing his commission , gathereth them vp by sound of drumme , entertayning onely such as will ( which may be some cause of the badnesse , and basenesse of the french foote ) for being commonly the rascall sort , and such as haue no other meanes , there cannot settle in their abiect mindes , that true and honourable resolution requisite in a souldier . this commission must first be shewed to the gouernour , lieutenāt-generall , bailiffe , or seneshall of the prouince , vpon paine of death . neither is it good , except it bee signed by the king ▪ and one of the secretaries of estate , and sealed with the great seale . the souldiers leuyed , are at the charge of the prouince , where they be taken vp , till they depart the same . their march it should seeme , is somewhat more sharpe then ours ; for i remember i haue heard say , that vpon a time , the olde marshall biron should bid sir roger williams bring vp his companies faster , taxing the slow march of the english. sir ( sayth he ) with this march our forefathers conquered your countrey of france , and i meane not to alter it , a memorable answere of an honourable souldier , for the french charge , ye shall heare the spanyards opinion out of la nouë , l'infanterie françoise escaramouche brauement de loin et la cauellerie a vne furieuse boutée à l' affront , puis apres qu' elle s' accommode : the french infantery skirmisheth brauely afarre off , & the cauallery giues a furious onset at the first charge : but after that first heate , they will take egges for their money . and indeed this is that which all writers giue them , and which best agrees with their nature : for we may say of them , as is said of themistocles , he was so hote at the onset , que perdit le souffle au mileu de la carriere : that he lost his winde in the midst of the carriere . or say of them , as fabius of hannibal , his valour is comme vn fe● de paille , et vne flamme allumée en vne matiere de peu de durée : like a fire of straw , and a flame kindled in matter of small continuance . concerning the french discipline , caesar himselfe saith they had it first from vs , gallorum disciplina in britannia reperta , atque inde in galli●m translata esse dicitur , et nunc qui eam rem diligentiùs cognoscere volunt , plerunque illò discendi causa proficiscuntur : t is said , the discipline of the gaules was first inuented in britanny , & from thence translated into gallia ; & now such as desire to attaine the perfectiō thereof , commonly trauell thither to learne it . but they haue long since degenerated frō their old discipline of war : & they thēselues confesse , that since the beginning of these late ciuill wars , where soldiers , in all disordred & dissolute maner , haue bin giuē to pillage , & volleries , ( the euery ) that it is very much abbastardie , abastardized : whereof la nouë cōplayneth in his discourses , quant à la discipline militaire , i● faut confesser qu'elle est gisante aulict tourmentée d'vne griefue maladie ▪ as for the military discipline , we must cōfesse , that she keeps her bed , sicke of a very deadly disease . the noblesse fight always on hors , & thinke it a dishonor to serue on foot . but com. saith of the nobility of burgundy , in the wars with lewes the eleuenth , that they all quit their horses , car lors ils estoyent le plus honorez qui descendoyent , à fin que le peuple en fust plus asseure et combattist mieux , et tenoyent cela des anglois ▪ for they were then most honored , that lighted on foot , to the end the people might be the more encouraged , and fight more valiantly : and this they learned of the english. and it is no questiō , but if some of the french nobilitie would doe so , it would much confirme their foote , by the example of their valour and abiding , and recouer that reputation , which now their foote haue lost in the world . neither do i thinke this the least reason , why our ancestors haue wonne so many battelles vpon them , namely , for that wee euer haue had men of noble houses , to lead & serue on foot with our forces . a notable cause to confirme and assure the vnsteady headinesse of a multitude . and for the opinion that the world hath of our foot , ye shall obserue what the same writer elsewhere sayth , bonnes gens de pied , et meilleurs que leurs voisins , comme nous pourrions auiourd ' huy dire les anglois et les suisses : they be good foote , and better then their neighbours , as wee may say now adayes of the english and swissers . and in another place , where hee opineth of the maner of seruice , he sayth : mon aduis est , que la souueraine chose du monde es battaille sont les archers , et la fleurdes archers sont les anglois : my opinion is , that in battels , archers are the weight that turnes the ballance , and of archers , the english are the flower : where he likewise discourseth , how daungerous a thing it is to abide a battel , except your foote be much the better : which in my opinion was no little cause why the french king fought not with the cardinall this last yere 97. before amiens , because the enemies foote were holden in number eighteene thousand ( though i hardly thinke they were so many ) a number full as great as the french , and the souldier farre better , they being all french , except some three thousand english , and swissers , and theirs the choyse men of all his garrisons , & experienced soldiers in those low countries . for true it is , that the kings gensd'armes were two for one , and holden also much the better men , aswell because there was in a maner all the nobilitie & flower of france , as also that they had the aduantage in the maner of weapon , for that the french serueth with the pistoll , & the spanyard still holds him to his lance. but i make no question , that the consideration of the oddes on foote , was not the chiefe cause why we fought not that day : for we had a goodly fayre field , and playne as might be possible , as also large : a singular aduantage for him which is strongest in horse : so had we the winde and sunne in our backes , which are holden no small helpes . but this was the reason : the king thought it no policy to play all his rest at once , where he might haue lost more at one game , then hee had got in eight yeeres : hee had no reason , but to make the card that was now going , a bridge of gold ( as the prouerbe is ) considering , that by this meanes hee should gayne the towne of amiens , reassure other cities that then stoode wauering , and recouer his reputation in the world , which by the losse of that towne was much disputed . of this somewhat hath beene sayde before : i therefore leaue to speake further thereof , as also of the french forces , or seruice in warres , with the onely remembrance of a french mans reason , who thought himselfe no small wise man , that would needes proue that the french seruice , and souldier also , was better then the english : because ( sayth he ) wee haue more old captaynes in france , then you in england . much like the reason of rablais , who would needes proue , that drunkennesse was better for the body then phisike , because there were more old drunkards , then old phisicians . it now remayneth i speake of his expence , which chiefly consisteth in these two things before spoken of , namely , his court and his forces : wherein it is very hard to relate an exact proportion , considering not onely the varietie and difference of writers , but also the vncertainty of the numbers of pensionai●es , or prouisioned : and lastly , the change and alteration of their allowance , not continuing alwayes the same . howbeit , that which is most commonly reported , and seemeth neerest the truth , is this : the maintenance of fiue regiments of foote , at sixe crownes the moneth , commeth to foure hundred sixtie eight thousand crownes the yere , besides the pension of 5. collonels , at two thousand crownes a peece ; thirty captaynes at one thousand pension a man ; as many lieutenants at fiue hundred , and ensignes at three hundred the peece ; which is in all seuenty foure thousand : which added to the first summe , makes the whole charge of these regiments , yerely to amount to the summe of fiue hundred forty two thousand crownes . this proportion differeth not much from that of bodin , where he sayth , the king might maintayne in ordinary twenty thousand foote , at the rate of three millions , and fiue hundred thousand liures , which if you reduce to crownes , and to one number of sixe thousand foote , commeth to a lesse rate then that other , namely , to foure hūdred eight thousand , three hundred thirty three crownes : but i think , that former is neerer the truth . for the allowance of his gensd'armes , which are reckoned at sixe thousand , as is before said ( though in truth there be but foure ) for he payeth thus many , i follow the proportion of them that say , that 51750. crownes , is the ordinary allowance for one company of a hundred yerely : for where are sixe thousand men at armes in the field , are eighteene thousand horse in all . after this rate then of the hundred before set downe , the whole gensd'armery amounteth to 3105000. crownes . for the expence of his court , you shall heare it to be thus rated : the table of the king , and those of the gentlemen of the chamber , at 112000. crownes : for his menus plaisirs , petty pleasures , a thousand crownes a day in all 165000. ( but this was a proportion for the last king , who was a great giuer . ) for the grand and petite escuyrie , great and little stable , 190000. for the constable , 24000. for the grand maistre , great master , 20000. for the mareshals of france , 18000. apeece , when they were but foure ; for now it is a title onely , without either pension or commaund , saue only in the foure chiefe . for the admirall , 15000. for the grand veneur , great hunt , 16000. for the gouernours of his prouinces in all , 188000. for the gentlemen of his chamber , their pension 1200. crownes apeece , in all sixe hundred thousand . for the captaines of his gards , à cheual , on horse , two thousand apeece . for their lieutenants , eight hundred . for two thousand swisse of his gard , ten crownes a month , 24840. for all other domesticall officers , one hundred thousand . for heraults , sixe thousand . for mareshals of lodgings and fourriers , 4600. for preuost marshals of prouinces , a thousand a peece , in all twentie foure thousand . for twentie foure hundred archers to attend these preuosts in the execution of their office , seuen hundred and twentie thousand crownes . for his ambassadours in diuers countreyes , two hundred and fiftie thousand . for his officers of finances , treasurers , receiuers , controlers , and such other like offices through france , an infinite & incredible summe : as also for such numbers of horse and foote as the cabinet setteth downe , besides these gensdarmes and regiments , which yee heare prouided for , and in the kings pay . but yee must obserue , that of all these court charges and others here beforemencioned ( except those of his forces ) yee are not to make any ground as of a trueth : they being onely the supposed charges , set downe by this said authour , who for his errors in other matters , hath also lost his credit in this . howbeit , i thought good to remember them , that yee might thereby haue some vnderstanding of the difference of those offices , and how one exceedeth another , as well in pension and benefit , as in precedents and honour . to speake either particularly of the court expenses , or generally what they be certaine , i cannot , not hauing heard any thing thereof , but onely that it is supposed , the charge of the kings house , is fiue hundred crownes a day . but sure it is , that these late warres haue forced the crowne of france to be at infinite charge : for yee shall read in la nouë , that aboue twenty yeres since , nos roys ont dependu aux guerres ciuiles soinant dix millions d'or . our kings haue spent in the ciuill warres , sixtie millions of crownes . and it is said that monsieur gobelin , treasorer d' espurgne , treasorer of the exchequer , passed his accompts this last yeere , for twentie one millions d' or , of crownes : so deare was the recouering of amiens : for no question , there was his greatest expence , ( except the pay of financers wages . ) what then hath bene the expence in these eight and thirtie yeeres space of the ciuill warres , may easily bee coniectured to be infinit , considering withall the lauish prodigalitie , and immeasureable spending of the princes , especially of the last : who some let not to say , that hee left the state engaged by one meanes and other ; as namely , the sale of his aides , the alienation of his domaine , and money taken vp to vsurie , not much lesse then two hundred millions of crownes in debt . so that wee may say , this king findes france , after charles the ninth , and henry the third , as vespasian found the empire after nero , and caligula , whereof the one had giuen away fiue and fiftie millions , and the other had spent sixtie seuen in one yeere . whereupon he protesteth in open senate , quadringenties millies . i. 1000. mill . opus esse vt resp ▪ stare possit . but no maruaile , though the crowne of france grew farre into debt , considering that euen before these ciuill warres , when was no such necessitie of expence , henry the second ought more in 12. yeeres , saith bodin , then his predecessors had leuied vpon france in forty yeres before by all meanes . and the chancellour auoweth to the court of parliament , in francis the second his time , that the king could not quit his debts , which his grand-father and father left him in , in ten yeres : which debts , bodin in particular proueth , to bee about the summe of fortie three millions , which in the same place hee setteth down , namely , 2312610. de prests gratuits , ( of loanes or priuy seales , dont il ne payoiet point d' interest , 15926555. for which hee payed interest : and 775979. which he was yet owing in arrerages , of the vsance behinde to be paide . besides , to the duke of ferrara , and other debts for marriages , to the summe of 8514592. besides other debts to particular marchants , of 1564787. as also the summe of 14961778. for which his aides , domaine , and gabelle of salt was engaged . and lastly , 3000000. which he ought to the hostell de paris , to the chamber or towne-house of paris . but the beginning of all this is imputed to francis the first , who hauing in his coffers , one million , and seuen hundred thousand crownes in ready money , would notwithstanding take vp great imprests of money at great vsance , to enable himselfe to goe through with his warres in italy . a course very ill taken : and ( if we may compare great things with small ) much like to a couetous and greedie-minded man , who will venter vpon a purchase of his neighbours land , before he bee well prouided for such a purpose , but taketh vp money to loane , which so eateth into him , as he is at last forced not onely to sell his new purchase , but his ancient inheritance also . for by these great interests , a prince is brought to one of these two extremities , either vtterly to ouerthrow his domaine and finances , whereof the kings of france are good examples : or else to play bankrupt and pay no body , as now of late the king of spaine hath done , with the marchants of genoa , florence , ausburghe , and almost all the bankes in christendome : insomuch as the last yeere , when i was in italy , ye should heare them say in derision , that the king of spayne had made more ill faces vpon the exchange , in one day , then michael angelo , the famous paynter and caruer , had euer made good faces in all his life . king philip learned this kind of borrowing , of charles the fift , his father , who at one time was indebted fiftie millions , for which his domaynes , and reuenues of naples , and millaine were morgaged , and once also in twenty yeres discharged all his debts on this fashion . and surely so they may , and yet the creditors bee no losers ( so vnreasonable is the interest they take ) insomuch , as the king of spayne payeth thirty , or forty , at the least , in the hundred , for all the money hee hath of the genoueses , before his souldiers receiue it in the low countries . the french kings , not being able to crye quittance with their creanciers ( creditors ) in like maner , but running on further , and further , these fortie yeeres , as hauing great troubles , and by consequent great charges , and little or no benefit by their finances , and ayds ( by reason of the former alienation ) wherewith to defray thē : it must needes be thought , that now the crowne of france is infinitely indebted , but whether to the summe of two hundred millions or no ( though it be generally reported ) i dare not say . monsieur bretagne , in charles 9. anno , 1562. in his harangue ( oration ) for the third estate at the assembly of saint germaine , after many wayes disputed how to pay that kings debts , concludes this as the best : the temporall liuings of the church ( sayth hee ) are foure millions of rent , yeerely : this sold , would amount to one hundred and twentie millions . of these , forty eight millions may be put in sure hands , to interest , for the clergie , which would yeerely yeeld them their foure millions , à denier douze , at 8. and one third of eight in the hundred , as commonly they let in france . then would remaine for the king seuenty two millions : wherewith forty two millions hee might pay his debts , and redeeme his domaine and finances morgaged : and with the thirtie that remayne , he might fortifie his frontiers , entertayne his garrisons , encrease his ban and arrierban , and furnish himselfe with shipping . if in those dayes , so wise a counseller , as was any in the land , could not deuise possibly how to pay the kings debtes , without selling the church lands , you may imagine it will be a hard matter , to deuise how to discharge them now , that they bee growne fiue times so great , as then they were . for all his domayne is morgaged , as before is sayd , or at least the greater part , and ( as la nouë sayth ) that is engaged for 15. millions , which is worth 50. his rents of his aydes are also gone : for they are engaged to each generallity in france , as of paris , rouen , caen , &c. to the number of one & twenty of them , and each hath his portion therein : which would be too tedious to set downe in particular . his offices are all sold , and many thousand erected , ouer and besides the ordinarie , and money also made of them . his poore people are already with these ciuill warres so spoyled , and impouerished , as there is almost nothing to be had . i see not therefore , but we should say of this king , as the recueil de l' estat de france saith of the duke of sauoy , quant-à son argent , pour faire bonne chere en sa maison il y en a assez , mais pour faire me si grande guerre , non : as touching his money , hee hath enough to make good chea●e at home , but not to maintayne so great a warre . so hee , to make merry with his friends , in this merry time of peace , hath money enough : mais pour payer vne si grande summe , non : but not to pay so great a summe of debtes . it now remayneth to speake of his entrade , or reuenue : for a prince cannot haue peace without war , no● warre without men , nor men without money , nor money without meanes : nor are there any meanes but these , viz. first , domaine . secondly , conquests . thirdly , dons des amys . fourthly , pension des allies . fiftly , traffique . sixtly , imposts sur les marchandisez apportes ou emportes . seuenthly , imposts des subiects : first , domayne . secondly , conquests . thirdly , giftes of his friends . fourthly , pension of his confederates . fiftly , traffike . sixtly , impositions vpon marchandise , brought in , or carried out . seuenthly , impositions vpon his subiects . and yet one other , which the kings of france haue lately inuented to helpe , when all other fayled , which is , eightly , the sales of offices , more dangerous and preiudiciall to the state , then any other . of these 8. meanes i wil giue you particular obseruations , and then conclude , what is generally holden to be the whole reuenue of the crowne of france , by all these meanes . first , the domayne is , as it were , the dowre which the state brings to the king her husband , for her tuition , defence , and maintenance : and therefore one saith , n' est au roy ains à la coronne : belongs not to the king , but to the crowne . there are 2. sorts of domaines , first , the rent which the king holds in his hands , of the feifes giuen for seruice : secondly , that which is vnited and incorporate to the crowne . the rights of the domaine are these : rents , fifts , payments at alienations , tributes , peages , toll , of whatsoeuer enters or comes out of cities , woods , forrests , and diuers other . this is the most ancient and most lawfull ground and foundation of finances : for yee shall obserue in liuy , that at the first there were in the territorie of rome , onely eighteene thousand acres of land , whereof one third was for the church and sacrifices , another for the resp. and the rest for particular men . this is also confirmed by dionisius halicarnasseus , who liued with master varro , the true register of the romane antiquities , as bodin cals him . a citizen of rome had but two acres , but after the expulsion of tarquinius , they had 7. apiece . this diuision among the romanes , was deriued from the egyptians , who did diuide their whole land into three parts : one for the church , another for the king , and the third for the calasyres . that is domaine , which belongeth to the crowne : first , either by possession , time out of mind : or secondly , by reunion , for want of heires males , as the appennages when they returne : thirdly , or by confusion , for want of such as can make iust claime , much like our concealed lands in england : or lastly , by confiscation of offenders inheritances . of this last sort wee reade , that in the time of saint lewes , there were confisked to the domaine , the counties of dreax , bray , fortyonne , and monstreuil , languedocke , guyenne , aniowe , maine , turraine , auuergne : and after , in the time of philip , the duchy of alençon , the counties of perche , perigort , poutieu , la marche angoulesme , & marquisate of saluzzes . but bodin saith , most of this came to the crowne by force : la sieur de la serre : he saith , it came by way of exchange or purchase . but the author of the comentaries , of the estate of the religion , and policie of france , is of the first opinion . thus great was the domayne in former times , that of it selfe , without oppressing the people with impositions , it was sufficient to maintayne the state and greatnesse of the kings of france , but it is now vtterly wasted . on sçait bien que le domaine qui seul entretenoit la splendeur et le lustre de l' estat royal , n' est tel qu'il estoit de temps du regne des roys loys , 11. ch. 8. et . lo. 12. la continuation des guerres l' a faict engager en plusieurs mains , entelle sorte qu' il faudroit plus de quinze on seze millions des liures pour rachepter ce qui en vaut plus de c●nquante millions : t is well knowne , that the domayne , which alone maintained heretofore the beauty and lustre of the royall estate , is not now such , as it was in the raignes of king lewes 11. charles 8. and lewes 12. the continuance of our warrs , hath caused it to be engaged in many hands , in such sort , that there is neede of more then fifteene or 16. thousand pound sterling , to redeeme that which is worth aboue 5. millions of poundes . and bodin saith , that almost all the counties , baronies , and seigneuries of the domaine , are aliened for the ninth or tenth part of that they be worth . yee must obserue , that the lands of the domaine are not alienable , but in two cases . 1. pour l' apennage des freres . 2. pour les guerres . 1. for the apēnage of the kings brother . 2. for the warres : & these must be cōfirmed by the arrest of the parliament . for in all other cases , all lawyers and historiens of france agree , that it is inalienable , and many arrests haue beene made of late yeeres to confirme it . i haue read , that the charta magna of england saith , the kings when they are crowned , take an othe , not to aliene it : so doe they heere in france . and there is no prescription of time , to make such sales or alienations good , but that they may bee recouered and repurchased , whensoeuer the crowne is able . to this purpose plutarch sayth well , men cannot prescribe against god , nor particulars against the respublique . 2. concerning the second meanes of raysing mony by conquests , the present state of france can yeeld no example , it hath bene long on the losing hand : but ye shall read , that the turke dayly , when hee conquereth a prouince or countrey , giues the lands to such as shal serue him in the warres , whom he sendeth thither as it were colonies , to enioy eche one his portion of some foure and twenty acres of our measure , or as other reckon , thirty . he giues them also wheat to seed their land , vpon condition to pay him halfe the fruits of the seuenth yeere , and halfe of the twelfth : and when the party dies , his goods goe to the turke : so that the parties casuelles , casualties ( as they heere call them ) is a great reuenue to him . so the spanyard hath sent of his people into peru , there to inhabit ( much like this course the turke takes ) and from thence yerely receyueth to the value of two millions , that is , the fift of such gold and siluer , and other commodities , as are there found . 3. for the third meanes , it is now out of season : it was vsed in that good olde world , when on se mouchoit sur le manche : men wiped their nose on their sleeue , ( as the french man sayes : ) for now princes are so farre from giuing , as they hardly pay that they owe. of these gifts yee shall reade in polibius , florus , and others : as of the king of aegypt , who sent to the citie of rome , when it was distressed by hanniball , the summe of 400000. crownes . and hieron of sicili sent them a crowne of gold , of three hundred poundes weight . they of rhodes had an olde ruinous colosse fell downe , which stood hard by the key , and in the fall brake three or foure shippes : to repayre which losse , the king of egypt sent them 1800000. crownes in gold , besides a great quantity of siluer , and three thousand muyds of wheate : hieron sent them 60000. crownes . so did ptolemey send great gifts to them of ierusalem : and ye shall reade of sixe kingdoms giuen to the romanes , by testament : and the dutchy of guelderland giuen to the duke of burgogne , not much aboue an hundred yeeres since . 4 the fourth meanes also of pension , which princes haue vpon some consideration of their allies , helpeth the french kings cosers nothing at all : for they rather giue then take : as for example , to diuers cantons of the swisses , to whome at first they payd not aboue one hundred and twentie thousand liures yeerely : but for these fifty yeeres , they neuer pay lesse the yere , then two millions . for sayth commines , lewes 11. entred league with the swisses , and they into his pension : to whom he yeerely gaue fortie thousand flourins , whereof twentie to the cities , and twentie to particular men , vpon condition to haue a certayne proportion of their forces to serue him in his warres vpon all occasions . an aduantagious alliance for the swisse in my opinion , who by this meanes enrich themselues , cleare their countrey of many idle and bad members , and lastly , breede good souldiers , to serue themselues vpon need , at another mans cost . the turke hath also a pension of the emperour of germany , for certaine lands he holdeth in hungarie : which he notwithstanding vanteth to be a tribute . many examples might bee alleadged of this kinde , as of philip of macedone , that by pensions got all greece partial on his side : and the kings of persia by pension , got euer the forces of asia diuerted . 5 the fift , which is of trafficke , auaileth nothing the french kings : for they holde it heere a base and sordid kind of profession for a gentleman , much more for a king , to trade by marchandize . and by the lawes of england , france and germany , hee loseth the qualitie of a nobleman , that doth trafficke . the law clodia forbad a romane senatour to trade , or haue shippe of burthen , quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus est : the senatours esteemed any kinde of trade or trafficke vnworthy of their ranke . and the emperours law forbad all gentlemen and churchmen to vse it . notwithstanding these lawes , and the disparagement that it brings to nobilitie ( for saith tully , mercatores sunt sordidum genus hominum , marchants are a base kinde of people ) yet so sweete is the sauour of gaine , that many haue vsed this as no small meanes to encrease their finances . the great duke of tuscaine present , gaines infinitely this way , and the more by his most vnlawfull and tyrannous monopolies : for hee commonly buyeth vp all the graine of his owne countrie , at his owne price : yea , and that which commeth from other places also , and then sendeth out a bando or proclamation , that no man shall sell any corne throughout his state , till his owne be solde , forcing also all bakers and other people to buy thereof . this maner of engrossing alphonsus of arragon also vsed , by the testimonie of bodin . the kings of portugall also , and the seignoria of venice , haue bene great traders by marchandise , but it hath beene in an honester fashion , at sea , and not to the grinding of their poore subiects . the nobilitie also of italy , in all cities ( except naples ) holde it no dishonour to trafficke in grosse , as yee shall generally obserue when yee come into that countrie . 6 the sixt meanes of raising money vpon all wares and marchandise , that come in & goe out of the countrie , is the most ancient and best agreeing with reason , and vsed by all princes in the world . the late troubles haue made the benefit hereof very small to the crowne of france , for these many yeeres past . the particulars comprised vnder this branch , are these : le haut passage , ou domaine foraine , and la traicte foraine . customes inward , and outward : by these the prince is to haue impost , cinq pour cent , fiue in the hundred : so much iust had the romanes , teste cicerone in praetura siciliensi , as cicero witnesseth in his pretorship of sicilia . the turke takes , dix ●our cent , ten in the hundred of the stranger , and cinq , fiue , of the subiect : the french quite contrary . you must obserue , that that which here i call the domaine foraine , is generally called the aides : first , graunted by the estates to charles duke of normandie , when iohn his father was prisoner in england : which was the paiment of 12. deniers , the liure , sur toutes les merchandises et denrees qui seroyent venduës en ce royaume excepte sur le vin , lebled , le sel , et autres breuuages : mais depuis il s' est faict perpetuel et augmente , par l' imposition du vin vendu en gros par tout , & en normandie en detaille : vpō all marchādizes and wares which should be sold in this kingdome , except vpon wine , corne , salt , and all maner of drinke : but since it hath beene made perpetuall , and augmented by the imposition vpon wine solde euery where , and in normandie by retaile . this is like the gabel vpon all maner of foode , which the princes take of their subiects through italy , or the assise vpon bread and beere which the states haue in the low countryes ▪ a grieuance , whereof we smart not in england , as also we are free frō many other burthens , which the people of these countries are forced to beare : and yet yee shall heare our people ( therefore ignorant of their owne happinesse , which they enioy vnder the blessed gouernement of our gracious soueraigne , because they knew not the miseries of others ) murmure and grudge at the payment of a taxe or subsidie , as a matter insupportable , which , in comparison of the impositions laide vpon others , is a matter of nothing . touching the gabell of salt ( which is also comprised vnder this head ) some say it was first erected by philippe le long : others by philip de valois , 1328. true it is , that the ordinance of francis the first , 1541. sets downe an impost of twentie foure liures vpon euery muy : and in the yeere 1543. an ordinance was made for gabell , to be taken vpon all sea-fish salted . and in 1544. it was ordained , that all salt should bee sold and distributed into the magazines , or storehouses of euery seuerall generalitie . the benefit of this one commoditie , hath beene very commodious to the crowne , till the yere eightie one , whē the king was forced for want of money to let it out to others : whereby he lost , as is in my authour prooued , eight hundred thirtie sixe thousand crownes yeerely . here is also a kinde of taxe , called the equiuallent , that is , an imposition laide vpon some persons and places ( but not generally ) to haue libertie to buy and sell salt , and to be exempt from the magazines . the impost of wine is laide vpon all , without exception or exemption whatsoeuer , it is the twentieth part to the king : besides all other rights , as of billots , entring into cities , passages by land or ryuer , and such like : besides , a later imposition of fiue sols vpon euery muy , leuied by charles the ninth 1561. concerning the ( traicte foraine ) it is of like nature with the aides , saue that it is leuiable vpon more particular sorts of marchandise : besides , the aides is an impost vpon things spent in the land : and the traicte forraine , is of such commodities as are transported out : as of wheate , rie , barley , oates , wine , vineger , veriuice , cidre , beefes , muttons , veales , lambes , swine , horses , lard , bacon , tallow , oyle , cheese , fish of all sortes , drougs of all sorts , mettals of all sortes , silkes and clothes of all sorts , leather of all sorts ; and finally all other marchandise , as fruites , parchment , paper , glasse , wood , roopes , &c. 7 the seuenth ground or foundation of finances , is the imposition vpon the subiect : that is , not vpon the wares or commodities , but vpon the persons themselues , according to their abilitie , and it is much like the leuying of the taxe and subsidie in england , where euery one payeth rateably to the lands and goods he possesseth . and therefore haillan iudgeth well , to say , they bee neither personall , nor reall , but mixt , imposées au lieu du domicile , ayant esgard à tousles biens du taillable , en quelque part qu' ils soyent assis et posez : assessed in the place of their dwelling , according to all the goods of the partie assessed , in what part soeuer they lye or abide . these ( tailles ) were first raysed by saint lewes ( but by way of extraordinary subsidie . ) charles the 7. made them ordinary for the maintenance of his gendarmerie . and whereas at first they were neuer leuyed but by consent of the three states , and to endure but while the warre lasted , he made them perpetuall . therefore saith one , ce qu'estoit accordè par grace , est depuis venu patrimonial et hereditaire aux roys : that which was at first yeelded of fauour , is become since patrimoniall and hereditarie to our kings . ( but this is a common course , i thinke there is no countrey in europe but can giue instances therof . ) there is yet to be obserued , that these tailles are onely lyable vpon the plat païs ( the county ) all cities are exempt , as also all officers of the kings house , all counsellors , lawyers , and officers of courtes of parliament , all the nobilitie , the gensdarmes , the officers of warre , the graduates of vniuersities , &c. the ( taillon ) is another imposition , raised by henrie , 2. anno , 1549. which was to amend the wages of the gensdarmes , who by reason of the smalnesse of their pay , lay vpon the poore villages , and ate them vp ; for the ease whereof this imposition was deuised , which also lyeth vpon the poore countrey-man : whereby at first hee was somewhat eased : but now all is peruerted ; the poore is still oppressed , and yet he payeth still both taille and taillon . lastly , there is the sold , or pay of 50000. foote , which ye may remember were erected by lewes the eleuenth , in eight legions , sixe thousand to a legion , which with their officers , come about this number . to maintaine these legions , there was a taxe leuyed vpon all sortes of persons priuiledged in the ( taille ) but onely the nobles . ( there are also the decymes ( tenthes ) leuyed vpon the church . ) for the leuying of the taille , taillon , and sold de 50000. gens a pied , wages of 50000. foote . ye must note , that the king sends his letters patentes by commissioners , to the treasurers of each generalitie : these , according to the summe , rate each election , ( this is , as yee would say , a hundred in a shire , or a bailywike ) and then send to these elections , to haue the said summe gathered in their seuerall townes , and hamlets , according as they be rated . so doe they to the maieures , consuls , escheuins , and chiefe officers of euery city , that are lyable to any of these payments , who rating euery man according to his abilitie , giue these rolles to certayne collectors to gather it vp : these are bound to bring it quarterly to the receiuers . these carry it to the receiuers generall , in the same species that they receiued it : and from them to haue an acquittance , after the accounts haue beene perused by the controler generall . and these are all the meanes , by which princes rayse their finances , whereof yee see some , nothing to pertayne to the french king , but to others ; and some to him onely , not to others . 8 there yet remayneth one other meanes ( though extraordinary ) to a prince , to get money , which the necessities of the times , and the want of other meanes , haue forced the french kings of late yeeres to vse . this is the vent or sales of offices , a very dangerous & hurtfull marchandize , both for the prince and subiect . this lesson ( sayth bodin ) the french kings first learned of the popes , with whom it is still as familiar , as olde , to sell bishopricks , liuings , & ecclesiasticall promotions . a course , saith one de grāde consequence & tres-perilleuse , mais couuerte de necessité : of great and dangerous consequence , but cloked with necessity . it is indeed thrice dangerous , because sales of offices cause sales of iustice : for what these purchasers pay in grosse , they must needs get in retayle , forgetting what was sayd to sophocles , the gouernour of athens , il faut qu'vn gouerneur ait non seulement les mains nettes , mais les yeur aussi : a gouernour must not onely haue his hands cleane , but his eyes also . they cannot say , as pericles did on his death-bed , que nul athenien pour occasion de luy , n' auoit onc porte robbe noire : he had neuer made any athenian weare mourning robe . for these , by selling iustice , and robbing the poore of their right , giue the fatherlesse and oppressed widdowe iust cause to complayne , and of wearing that mourning robe that plutarch speakes of . saint lewes , among many other good lawes , and reuocation of diuers impositions extraordinary , made also an edict against the sale of offices . and it is reported of alexander seuerus ▪ that he should say when one offered a peece of money for a certayne office , non patiar mercatores potestatum : i will suffer none to traffique offices . therefore sayth the athenian orator to timar●hus , that the liues , not the purses of them that stoode for offices , were to be looked into . and yee shall reade in plutarch , that he which anciently stoode for an office in rome , was to shew himselfe certaine dayes before the election , in the forum or open streetes , apparelled in a thinne robe , that through the same , the people might see the wounds he had had in the warres for his countries seruice , and thereafter as he had deserued , to choose him . and lest any man should by briberie , corruption , or any such indirect and vnlawfull way , seeke to get any office or authoritie , these olde romans made many good and wholesome lawes , against such maner of proceedings ( which they called ambitus ) i. an ambicious seeking of preferment . this the lex petilia forbad : the lex calphurnia declared them that were detected of any such course , to be vncapable of that office for euer . and the lex tullia banished them that were conuinced ( ambitus ) for ten yeeres : so hatefull were such purchases in those dayes . and in the time of ferdinand , they had the like law in spaine , against the buying of any office , whether of warre or iustice : que vse quedam vender ny trocar , officios de alcaldid , ny algnaziladgo , ny regimiento , ny vientes quatria , ny fid executoria , ny iuraderia . thus you may obserue , how hurtfull soeuer it be to common-wealths , and how much so euer forbidden , yet that necessitie oftentimes forceth princes , to that which is most losse to themselues . la pauuretè quelques fois contraint le roy de casser bonnes loix pour subuenir à se● affaires : et depuis qu' vne fois on a faict ceste ouuerture il est presqu ' impossible d' y remedier : pouertie sometimes constraineth the king to breake good lawes , to helpe his affaires , and when once this hole is made in the lawes , it is almost impossible to keepe it . it is a strange thing to consider , and incredible to beleeue , what infinite masses of money haue bene made heere in france by these sales , where there is not that collector , cōtroller , treasurer , sergeant , or subalterne office whatsoeuer , but he hath bought it of the prince , and at no small rate : for i haue heard it credibly reported , and yee shall reade also in late writers , that these offices are bought in france at a dearer rate then our lands in england of twentie yeeres purchase . yee must obserue they haue them for terme of life , and after , to returne to the king who is againe to sell them . a man in his sicknes , or in danger of death , or vpon any neede whatsoeuer , may sell this his office , or resigne it to his sonne or friend whatsoeuer : which sale is good , if the party liue fortie daies after the sale or resignation is confirmed , otherwise not . now we are to consider , what entrade or reuenew , the french king yeerely maketh by any or all of the meanes abouesaid . the estate of the finances , domaine , and al in charles the sixt time , anno 1449. was but 1400000. liures . henry the second , leuoit sur son pe●ple par voye ordinaire quinz● millions des francs tous les ans : d●nt quelque partie a depuis esté engagée pour les dettes : non obstant lesquelles nostre roy en tirs autant auiourd huy ▪ raysed vpon his people by way of ordinarie reuenew , fifteene thousand pound sterling a yeere : whereof some part hath since bene aliened for the debts of the crowne , which notwithstanding the king rayseth as much now . but yee may obserue , that this summe is of late yeres growne much greater , ( by two thirds ) as is generally beleeued : for whereas in those dayes , some three or fourescore yeeres , since the ordinarie summe was fifteene millions of francs or liures , it is now so many of crownes . and monsieur riuault , treasurer to the duke of mayenne , shamed not some eight yeres since to say , that his master had improued the realme of france to a better rent , then any prince had done beforetimes : for saith he , au lieu qu' il ne vallait que dix huict ou vingt millions , il en vaut auiour d'huy cinquante : whereas it was woorth but eighteene or twentie thousand pound sterling , it is now woorth fiue millions sterling . and another saith , that onely by the sales of offices in twentie yeeres space , le roy en a tire cent trent et neuf millions : the king hath raysed one hundred thirtie and nine millions , which is after the rate of seuen millions the yeere . so that it is probably to be inferred , that the reuenewes are at lest fifteene millions of crownes ; wherein all late writers agree : neither must we thinke , that men are mistaken , by counting crownes for liures ( considering that bodin , and la nouë , and most elder writers speake onely of liures , not of crownes . ) for the maner of accompt of france , is by especiall ordinance commaunded to bee made by crownes , and that of liures to cease : so that whensoeuer yee reade in the stories of france , of any summe of thousands , millions , or such like , without naming either francs or crownes : you are to respect the times when it was written : for if it was aboue twentie yeeres past , they meane liures or francs : if of latter yeres then twentie , it is alwayes to be vnderstoode they speake of crownes : this rule will not faile you . hauing briefely spoken of his entrade , and sufficiently of the meanes by which he raiseth it , as especially by the last , which is not the least : namely , the sales of offices , which are now bestowed , not vpon them which can execute them best , but such as can giue the most ; of whome we may say , as commines of them of his time , presently after the battell of montlherry , tel perdoit ses offices et estats pour s' en estre fuy , et furent donnes à autres qui auoyent fuy dix lieües plus loing : some lost their offices and estates for running away , the which were bestowed vpon others , that ranne ten leagues further : so these offices were taken from them that pilled the people much , and bestowed vpon others that pill them ten times more . hauing , i say , spoken sufficiently of these , it remaineth i keepe the same course i haue done hitherto : that is , after the relation of the court , to reckon vp the officers of court , and after the discourse of his forces , to speake of his officers of warre : so here likewise after mention made of his finances and reuenewes , to remember his financers and officers , vsed for the collection , keeping and disposing of the same . of which officers , we may say , as the philosopher sayes of wiues , that they be mala necessaria : necessarie euils . and as he saith of them , the lesse of euils is the best : so say we of these , the fewer the better . but when wee reade , that the olde romanes had of these but one in a prouince , you shall obserue heere in some prouince not so fewe as one thousand . the chiefe of these is the treasurer d'espargne , of the exchequer , instituted in francis the first his time , in place of the receyuer generall . there is also another treasurer of the parties casuelles , casualties . the third sort are the treasurers generaux des finances , whom also they call treasurers of france ; ( for as for the treasurers ordinary and extraordinary of the warres , we haue already spoke of them in the relation of his forces , and of the treasurer de menus plaisirs , of his petty pleasures , when we spoke of his court. ) the number of these treasurers generall , as also of all other officers of finances , ye may partly conceaue by the number of generalities which are in france , and the seuerall offices of eche one of these . of these generalities are twenty & one in all france , paris , rouen , caen , nantes , toures , burges , poictiers , ag●n , tholouse , montpellier , aix , grenoble , lion , ryon , dyon , chaalons , amyens , orleans , soissons , lymoges , moulin . in eche of these generalities are diuers elections , that is , diuers places for the receipt of the finances : as in that of orleans are eleuen elections , in the rest some more , and some lesse , to the number of 170. in al. in euery generality are ten treasurers ; three receiuers generall of the finances ; three receyuers generall of the taillon ; one receiuer generall of the dismes ; two receyuers generall of the woods : and for euery receiuer , so many controlers generall : two treasurers generall of the extraordinary of the warre , for the payment of garrisons and souldiers in time of warre . besides all these generall officers , there are also in eche particular election , three receyuers of the taille , three of the aides , two of the taillon , & as many controlers , besides all other inferior officers . if then there be thus many in one election onely , ye may iudge the infinite number in all france , vpon which they lye , as thicke as the grassehoppers in aegypt . i must here also remember the chamber of accounts , the chiefe court of the finances : wherein are foure presidents , twelue masters , eighteene auditors , foure correctors , one procuror generall , one aduocate , one greffier , sixe huissiers , or sergeants , and other inferior officers , to the number ( as bodin sayth ) of two hundred , besides seruants ( and it is likely , the number is not lessened since his time . ) in conclusion , the officers here , and of other places , are so exceeding many , as a president of this court shewed the estates of france , in the assembly at blois , that of the escu , sixe shillings , which was payd by the subiect , there came but a teston , 1. shilling 8. pence to the kings cofers . many motions haue beene made , from time to time , for the redresse hereof , but the faction of financers is so strong , and the summe so huge , which the king owes them , that it is remedilesse . the court of aides also is as full of offices , as that other . these finances ( saith one ) ont esté brouillées , alterées , changées , et reduictes en art si obscure , que peu de gens y entendent , ou peuuent y entendre , s' ils ne sont nourrys en la caballe , de ceux qui l'ont obscurcie : haue bene so shuffled , altered , changed , and reduced into so obscure an arte , that very few either do , or can vnderstand it , except they haue bene brought vp in their cabale that haue obscured it . no maruell therefore , though there bee much difference among men , about the certayntie thereof , either for the truth of the summe , or number of the officers . howbeit , hauing now wound my selfe out of the laborsome laborinth thereof , directed by the clew of the best writers , and most iudicious informers , that as yet i could meete withall , i will proceede to relate of the rest , and first of the kings coyne , for that ye know these financers are neuer without money : and next that , i will remember the administration of iustice , and so by consequent speake of the courts , iudges , lawyers , and such like , who , of all people in the world , hunt after it with greatest greedinesse . the coynes of france , are either of gold , siluer , or brasse . in those of gold i must be better instructed my selfe , for i know not but the crowne , which is of three or foure sorts , whereof that of the sunne is the best , and the halfe crowne . those of siluer are these , the liure or franc , which is 2. shillings sterling : the quart d' escu , which is 1. shilling , 6. pence . the teston , which is halfe a soubs lesse : the peece of tenne soubs , which is 1. shilling sterling : the halfe quardescu , the halfe teston , and the peece of fiue soubs , that is sixe pence sterling . those of brasse , is the peece of sixe blanks , which is three pence : that of three blankes , three halfe pence . the soubs of 12. deniers : the liard of foure deniers , the double , of two : and lastly , the denier it selfe , whereof tenne make 1. peny sterling . this baser and smaller kinde of money , hath not beene vsed in france , but since the beginning of the ciuill warres . the teston is the best siluer . it is a general and a true complaint , that the coyne is much lesse in france , then it hath beene , and that there is the better halfe of french crownes gone out of the land within these twenty yeres : whereof is no maruell , considering that marchandise hath almost lien dead , the countrey vnfruitfull , because vntilled , and many troups of forrayne soldiers , especially of swisses and reisters , heere all the while payd . howsoeuer it decrease in france , true it is that bodin sayth , that it increaseth generally in all these west countries of the world ; as also that they haue lesse and lesse in the east parts : for so he reporteth out of strabo , that in former times the kings of egypt raysed yeerely vpon their people seuen millions and a halfe . and plutarch sayth , that scylla taxed asia minor at twelue millions of crownes , which is little more then the sixt part of that the turke holds , who notwithstanding at this present rayseth not aboue so much in all his dominions . but in these countries , as yee see by this realme of france , the reuenues still grow greater and greater : of this the abundance of money is no little cause : so is it also the cause , that the prices of all wares are growne , not that things are now more scarce , or people more plentifull , which some will needs perswade themselues to beleeue . and therefore one reasons well , that sayth , the reuenue of charles the sixt , which was but fourteene hundred thousand francks , was as sufficient to mayntayne the greatnesse of a french king , as that of charles the nynth , which was fifteene millions , considering the price of all things , and pension of officers enhaunced . and so by consequent , the ransome of the sultane of egypt , of fiue hundred thousand liures , which hee payd the turke , not much lesse then the three millions of crownes , which francis the first paide to charles the fift . it remaineth i speake of of the administration and execution of iustice , and of those places and persons where and by whome it is done : i will therefore begin with their assemblies , as the highest and greatest court of al , which well resembleth the parliament of england , the diet of the empire , or the counsell of the amphyrthions in greece . we may say of these assemblies of france , where matters are concluded by the multiplicitie of voyces , not by the poyze of reason , as was said of the romanes elections , where the consull propounded , and the people approoued by suffrage , or disprooued : or as the philosopher anacharsis said of solons common-wealth : es consultations et deliberations des grecs , les sages proposent les matieres , et les fols les decident : in the consultations and deliberations of the greekes , wise men propound the matters , and fooles decide them . there are three especiall causes of calling these assemblies . the first , quand la succession à la coronne estoit douteuse et controuersé , ou qu' il estoit necessaire de pouruoir à la regence , durant la captiuité ou minorité des roys , ou quand ils estoyent preclus de l' vsage de leux intendement : when the succession of the crowne was doubtful and in controuersie , or when it was to take order for the regencie during the kings captiuitie or minoritie , or when they had not the right vse of their wits . hereof ye haue examples , anno 1327. s. lewes an infant : and charles the sixt , anno 1380. lunaticke : and 1484. iohn prisoner . for all which occasions , assemblies were called , to determine who should haue the regencie of the realme in the meane while . the second cause is , quand il est question de reformer le royaume , corriger les abus des officers , et magistrats , ou appaiser les troubles et seditions : when there is question of reforming the kingdome , correcting the abuses of officers and magistrates , or appeasing troubles and seditions : hereof ye haue examples , 14.12 . when a peace was made between the infants of orleans & burgundy , whose houses had long warred one with another , and distracted all the nobilitie of france , to their parts taking . also anno , 1560. when frances the second called an assembly at orleans , for the different of religion : where the prince of condie was arrested , and condemned of treason , and where this young king died , before hee could see the execution . and anno , 1587. an assembly called at blois , for the reformation of the state , & punishment of diuers abuses in magistrates ( as the duke of guise pretended ) and for the deposing of the king , as some thought that he entended : others say , that he had here plotted to kill the king , and that the king had but the start of the duke one day : for if he had deferred the death of the guise till the next day , the lot had fallen vpon himselfe . there is a very iudicious late writer , who discoursing of this assembly at blois , where the three estates excepted against the kings ill gouernment , complayneth , that of late they are growne too insolent in their demaunds . ye shall reade in our histories of such a like parliament as this , in england , called by henry of derby , against richard the second . the third cause is , la necessitè du roy ou royaume , où l' on exhortoit aux subsides , subuentions , aides , et octrois : the want and necessity of the king or kingdome , in which case the estates are exhorted to giue subsidies , subuentions , aides , and gratuities . for in former times , the kings contenting themselues with their domaine , and impost of such wares , as came in , or went out of the land , ( the two most ancient , and most iust grounds of finances ) were not accustomed to leuy and impose vpon their subiects any taxe whatsoeuer , without the consent of the three states , thus assembled . they did not say , as of later yeeres lewes the eleuenth was wont , que la france estoit vn pré qui se tondoit trois fois l' anneé : that france was a meddowe , which hee mowed thrice a yeere . the next soueraigne court ( for so the french call it ) is the court of parliament , le vray temple de la iustice françoise : seige du roy et de ses paires : the true temple of french iustice : seate of the king and his peeres : and as haillan calles it , l'archbouttan des droicts : the buttresse of equitie . this court very much resembleth the star-chamber of england , the areopage of athens , the senate of rome , the consiglio de' dieij of venice . there are no lawes ( saith haillan ) by which this court is directed : it iudgeth secundum aequum et bonū , according to equitie and conscience , and mitigateth the rigour of the law : les nom des parlements sont appliquez aux compagnies de cours soueraignes , qui cognossoient en dernier ressort de matieres de iustice : the names of parliaments are giuen to the bodies of soueraigne courtes , which determine without appeale , in matters of iustice . of these courts of parliament , ye haue eight in france . that of paris , the most ancient & highest in preeminence , which at first was ambulatory ( as they call it ) & euer followed the k. court , whither soeuer it wēt : but since philip le bel , it hath beene sedentary in this citie . that of grenoble was erected , anno , 1453. that of tholouse , anno , 1302. that of bourdeaux , anno , 1443. that of dijon , in the yeere 1476. that of rouen , in the yeere 1501. that of aix , the same yeere . and lastly , that of bretaigne , in the yeere 1553. anciently all arch-bishops , and bishops might sit and giue voyces in this parliament of paris : but in 1463. it was decreed , that none but the bishop of paris , and abbot of saint denis might sit there , except he be of the bloud : for all these are priuiledged . the presidents and councellors of the court of parliament of paris , may not depart the towne , without leaue of the court , by the ordinance of lewes 12. in the yeere 1499. senatores semper adesse debent , quòd grauitatem res habet , cum frequens est ordo : the senators ought alwayes to be present , because things are carried with more maiestie , when that court is full . to this parliament , they appeale from all other subalterne courts throughout the realme , as they doe in venice to the consiglio grande . neither can the king conclude any warre , or peace , without the aduice and consent hereof : or at least ( as haillan sayth ) hee demaundeth it for fashion sake , sometimes when the matters are already concluded . the parliament of paris consists of seuen chambers : the grande chambre , and fiue others of enquests : and the tournelles , which is the chamber for the criminall causes , as the other sixe be for the ciuill . it is called the tournelles , because the iudges of the other chambers sit there by turnes , euery three moneths : the reason whereof bodin giues , that it might not alter the naturall inclination of the iudges , and make them more cruell , by being alwayes exercised in matter of condemnations , and executions . there bee of this court , of presidents , councellors , cheualliers of honour , procureurs , aduocates , clerkes , sergeants , and other officers of all sortes , not so few as two hundred . besides this court , there are also other courtes for the administration of iustice , in this citie , as the chatellet of paris , with a lieutenant ciuill , and another criminall , and the hostel de paris , with a preuost , and other inferiour officers , which is , as ye would say , the guild hall of the citie . so haue ye throughout the realme certayne places , ( as all cities in generall ) where there be chatellets ( like our places of assise ) and in them a lieutenant , ciuill and criminall , to iudge and determine all causes , reall , or personall , and here many lawyers and procurers ( as are our councellors at law , & atturnies ) who pleade before these lieutenants , and preuosts , and certaine councellors , which are the iudges in these courts , whereof the number is incredible in france . insomuch as ye may well say of them , as is said of sienna , there be more readers , then auditors : so here be more pleaders thē clients . this chiquanerie ( pettifogging ) & multiplicitie of pleaders , came first from the popes court , when his seate was at auignon ( as my author saith ) who in the same place calles these aduocates , les sourris de palais : the mice of the palace . these are they that rablais ( the true lucian of france ) calles doriphages . i. deuourers of bribes : whose badnesse he scoffingly taxeth , where he saith , that the diuell was not chayned , till such time as he did eate fasting one morning , the soule of one of the officers of these courts : whereupō he was so vexed with the collicke ( saith he ) finding a worse deuill then himselfe rumbling in his belly , as there was no stirre with the collericke marchant , till he was bound . the processes and sutes in these courts throughout france , are innumerable , wherein wee come nothing neere them ; and yet there is no want of these in england : for i haue heard of 340. nisi prius betweene parties tryed at one assise in norff. ( as many i thinke , as in halfe england besides . ) but these are only twice in the yeere , that causes are tried at assizes in our countrey , whereas heere they are tried euery day in the yere , that is not festiuall : so that it is not much vnlikely , that here are as many processes in seuen yeres , as haue beene in england since the conquest . an aduocate must vse no iniurious words , nor superfluous : he must plead briefly , and recite summarily : hee may bee compelled by the iudge to plead a poore mans cause without fee : hee must be a graduate , and haue taken the othe : he may not buy the lands in question of one of the parties : and besides many other inhibitions , he may not enter the pladoye sans faire collation : the pleading place , till he haue broken his fast : which in my opinion is needlesse , they are forward enough . there are besides these courts of chatellets in cities , the courts also of the builliages & seneschauses ; that is , of bayliwicks and sheriffalties , who , as haillan saith , keepe courts in eche prouince , and iudge in all matters ciuill and criminall . there is also the court of the eauës et forests , kept at the table of marble in the palaice , and infinit others , which to speake particularly of , would be very tedious , and not very necessary . i will here onely remember you of the two counsels , which i must confesse , not to haue their due place : for i should haue spoken of them next after the court of parliament , or if ye will , next after the assemblie . the chiefe of these , as being alwayes about the king , is the conseil priué , or des affaires : priuy councell , or councell of affaires : of these counsellors ( amōg which are his foure secretaries ) he calleth certaine euery morning at his rising , to whome he communicates apart his principal and most importing affaires , where are read all letters which come from other princes , and such like publike businesse , & after a conclusiō what is to be done , the dispatch thereof is committed to the secretaries . the other , is the grand conseil , or conseil d' estat : great councell , or councell of estate : which at first was , as it were , a mēber of the parliament , & cōsisted of the princes of the bloud , & nobility , hauing only to deale in the matters of the policy general of france , or of wars , or of the enacting & publishing of edicts . but the factiō of orleans & burgundy , caused it to be changed to a choyse nūber of counsellors , prouisioned of 1000. crownes pension a peece yerely . of this counsel the chancellor is chief , for neither the king himself , nor any prince of the bloud comes there . this is the court , of which the frenchman saith , euery time it is holden , it costs the k. 1000. crownes a day . and now , saith haillan , hee cannot keep thē so cheape , so infinite is the nūber of thē grown . where he also cōplaines , that this conseil d' estat , which was wont only to determine publike affaires , as the establishmēt of iustice , the reglemēt of finances , & redressing of cōmon grieuāces , is now so charged with priuate contentions , as the glory thereof is much diminished . ye shall now note in a word , the officers that execute and administer iustice through france , wherein i will not be precise to name all , but according to the superficiall course before taken , onely to remember the chiefest . the chancellor , anciently serued as a secretary , and so were called in the olde chartes of france , where he is likewise called the grand referendaire . the secretary doeth signe , and the chancellor doeth seale . some deriue this word of ( cancellare ) which haillan reprooueth : others of cancellus . cuias vpon the code sayth , they be the same that quaestores were in time of the empire at rome . therefore he is sometime called quaestor iustitiae , & legum custos : thesaurus famae publicae , & armarium legum : the iudge of iustice , and keeper of the lawes , the treasurer of publike fame , and store-house of the lawes . secretary is the next office , who at first were called clerkes . some old writers call them tôn aporretôn grammateast . suetonius calles them ab epistolis or emanuenses . they are eyther of the finances ( which haue their place among the officers of the finances , before remembred ) or of affaires , which we here speake of : of these are foure , which are called the principall , monsieur villeroy , monsieur geuure , monsieur de fresne , and monsieur de beaulieu . gouernours and lieutenants generall of cities and prouinces , are as it were viceroyes & regents of those places committed to them : & indeed the persons sustaining these charges , are much more noble then those of the secretaries , as being for the most part conferd vpon the princes of the bloud and peeres of france . the gouernours of cities were in olde time called dukes , and they of prouinces , counts . they were at first onely in frontier prouinces , but now since the troubles of france , they haue had the commaund ouer cities and countries , euen in the middest and bowels of the land : so that now , saith haillan , france is become frontiere de tous costez à elle mesme , a frontier to it selfe on euery side . there are but few cities , whereof anciently there were gouernours , as rochell , calais , peronne , bologne , mondidier , narbonne , bayonne , and two or three others : others that had keeping of some small castle or fort , was onely called the keeper , or captayne at most . but now , sayth haillan , lib. 4. euery paltry fellow that hath the keeping of a colombier , pigeon-house , must forsooth be called monsieur le gouerneur , my lord the gouernour ; and my mistresse his wife , madame la gouernarete , my lady the gouernesse . the gouernor of daulphenie hath greatest priuiledges : for he giueth all offices in his prouince ; in other places they can giue none , except they haue it by expresse words in their patent . the gouernor may not be absent aboue sixe moneths in a yere ; but the lieutenant must neuer be absent , without leaue of the prince , except the gouernour be present . there is yet an office , whereof i must remember you , which is one of the chiefest in france , either for honuor or profit , called grand maistre des eauës & forests . all matters concerning the kings chases , forests , woods and waters whatsoeuer , are determined by him , by the grand m. enquesteur , and by the reformateur , at the table of marble : vnder him are infinite sorts of officers , as les maistres particuliers de chaque forrest ▪ leurs lieutenāts : les gr●yers , les grayers , segrayers , maistres des gardes , maistres sergents , gardes des marteaux , procureurs , greffiers , arpenteurs , collecteurs des amendes , and diuers others : as the particular masters of each forrest , their lieutenants , ouerseers of the sale of woods , and the other officers here specified . but i will not loade this short relation , with reckoning vp all the diuers and infinite sortes of officers , wherewith france her selfe seemeth to be ouerloaden , as partly yee haue heard alreadie : and yee shall reade in bodin , how he complaines , not onely of the multiplicitie of offices in generall , but also , that euen the counsell of estate is surcharged with number : where you may likewise obserue , how he approues the priuie counsel of england erected some foure hundred and odde yeeres since , where are neuer , saith he , aboue twentie , by whose sage direction the land hath long flourished , en armes et loix : in armes and lawes . and for the execution of lawes , and administration of iustice , yee may remember what hath beene said before , that the lawes are good and iust , but they be not , iustement exercez , iustly executed . where haillan comparing the times , alors ( saith he ) on punissoit les grands : depuis on n' a puny que les petits , et les grands demeurent impunis , then great ones were punished , but since , onely petty fellowes , and the great ones goe scot-free . so that now , the lawes of france are become like spiders webbes , which onely catch the little flies , and the great ones breake thorowe , d●t veniam coruis , vexat censura columbas . th'ensnaring lawes let crowes goe free , while simple doues entangled bee . hauing now related of the topographie and policy of france , it remayneth i speake somewhat of the oeconomy , that is , of the people of france , comprised vnder the three estates , of the clergy , the nobility , and comminalty : of the seuerall humour , profession , and fashion of each of them , which is the third and last branch of this relation . the church gallicane , is holden the best priuiledged of all those of christendome , that haue not yet quit their subiection to the pope . it hath alwayes protested against the inquisition ; it is more free from payments to the pope , then the church of spaine , as also to the king : for here in france they onely pay the disme : but in spaine , the king hath his tertias , subsidio , pila , and escusado : in all , a moytie of the church liuing . indeede it is reported of this catholike king , that hee hath founded many abbies and religious houses : but what saith his subiect ? hee steales the sheepe , and giues the tratters for gods sake . in this church of france are twelue archbishopprickes , one hundred and foure bishopprickes , fiue hundred and fortie archpriories , one thousand foure hundred and fiftie abbies : twelue thousand three hundred and twentie priories , fiue hundred sixtie seuen nunneries , one hundred and thirtie thousand parish priests , seuen hundred conuents of friers , and two hundred fiftie nine cōmendams of the order of the knights of malta . there are , saith the ( cabinet du roy ) three millions of people that liue vpon the church of france : where hee particularly setteth downe in each diocesse , the number of all sortes of religious people , as also the number of their whores , bawds , bastards , and seruants of all sortes : and why not ? ( sayth hee ) as well as the magicians vndertake in their inuentory of the diabolique monarchy , to set downe the names and surnames of 76. princes , and seuen millions , foure hundred and fiue thousand , nine hundred , twenty and sixe diuels ? the church hath , for all this rabble , to liue vpon , these two things : first , her temporall reuenues , and secondly , her spirituall , which they call the baise-mani . of her temporall reuenues , diuers men iudge diuersly . the cabinet , who in all his computations makes of a mouse , an elephant , saith , that they are fourescore millions of crownes the yeere , besides the baise-mani , which is as much more , and besides an infinite prouision which they reserue , and is paid them ouer and except their rents , by their farmers and tenants ; as of wheat , foure millions , fiue hundred thousand septiers , quarters : of rye , two millions , three hundred thousand septiers , quarters : of oates , nine hundred thousand : of barly , eight hundred thousand : of pease and beanes , eight hundred sixty thousand : capons , one hundred sixty thousand : hennes , fiue hundred sixty thousand : partridge , fiue hundred thousand : beeues , twelue thousand : muttons , one million two hundred thousand : wine , one million two hundred thousand cuues : egges , seuen millions : butter , two hundred thirty thousand quintaux : cheese , fiue hundred thousand : hogges , one hundred thirty sixe thousand : pigges , three hundred forty thousand : tallowe , sixty thousand quintaux : hey , sixe hundred thousand loades : straw , eight hundred thousand : wood , two millions : with an infinite proportion of other necessaries , imaginary onely , and incredible . and yet he there avoweth al things , with as great confidence , as if himselfe had had the true abstr●ct from all the bookes of accounts in each monastery and benefice in this land . for how is it possible the church should haue two hundred millions of crownes yeerely rent , when as by the computation , here are but iust so many arpens of land in all france : which to rate one with another , at a crowne an arpen , comes to this account , which hee allowes the clergy , and then is there nothing left for the other two states , of the nobilitie and people ? but in as much as the better halfe of their reuenue is by the baise-mani , there remaineth the better halfe of the land to the other two states : which notwithstanding is a proportion small ynough . neere vnto this reckoning , commeth that which we reade in bodin , of alemant , a president of accounts in paris , whose iudgement must cary good authority in this case , as a thing belonging to his profession , and wherein he was best experienced : the church reuenues in land , are reckoned ordinarily , at twelue millions and three hundred thousand liures : but i dare iustifie ( saith hee ) that of twelue partes of the reuenues of france , the church possesse seuen . this opinion bodin seemes to allowe : but it is rather thought to be true , that the comment de l'estat saith , who of the two hundred millions of arpens , allowes the church forty seuen millions , which by particulars of their vineyards , meddowes , arable , pastures , and heathes , with their woods , is there set downe : which here to followe in particular , were too tedious . besides this temporall , they haue their baise-mani ( as is said ) that consisteth in churchings , christnings , marriages , burials , holy-bread , indulgences , vowes , pilgrimages , feasts , processions , prayers for cattell , for seasonable weather , for children , against all maner of diseases , and infinite such purposes ; for which the superstitious people will haue a masse said , which they pay the priest for , particularly : ouer and besides all this , there is scarce that arpen in all france , vpon which there is not some dirige , or de profundis , some libera me , domine , or some reckoning or other , liable . this sort of people are they , whose life is onely spent in speculation , and their speculation such ( as appeareth by their liues ) as that of guido caualc . whereof boccace speaketh , questé sue speculatiory erano solo ni cercare , se tro●arsi potesse che iddio non fusse : these his speculations were onely spent in seeking , whether he could finde that there was no god. these are they , of whome la nouë speaketh , when he sheweth the three causes of the miseries of france , which he findeth in the three states : irreligion in those that make profession of religion : oppression in the noblesse : and dissolution of maners in the comminaltie . for ( saith he ) impieté ruine les conscienses : iniustice renuerse les estats : dissolution gaste les familles : impiety ruineth mens consciences : iniustice ouerthroweth the common-wealth : and dissolution marreth particular families . concerning them of the reformed religion , whom here in contempt they call huguenots , yee may note , that the number is not small , considering that after the conference of po●ssie , aboue thirty yeres since , here were found 2150. churches of them , whereof not one hath escaped without some murthers , or massacres : and wee may imagine , that since that time , this number is much encreased . some say , they had the name of huguenots , of the words wherewith they began their oration , when they protested against the church of rome , which began thus , huc nos venimus , &c. hither we are come , &c. as they say , the wallons were called of these words , ou allons nous ? whither go we ? when they were driuen out of their owne country , asking one another whither they should go . but this is not so likely as that of them , who say , that in toures where they first began , there is one of the gates , called hugoes port , out of which they of the religion vsed to passe into the fields , to make their prayers in their priuate assemblies : whereupon they had first the name : for , that one hugo should be the first of that opinion , is generally reiected . i shall not need to say in this place , that this difference in religion , of these catholicks , and huguenots , is cleere from the slaunder which many lay vpon them , they being the occasion of all these late troubles in france : for it hath beene sufficiently already proued , that the ambition of the house of guise , and the parts-taking with them , and those other of burbon , is guilty thereof . as for religion , it hath onely beene the cloke , and shaddowe of their ambitious pretences , without the which , they could neuer haue insinuated themselues so farre into the hearts of the people , who are alwayes the gros de la bataille : the maine battell : and without whome the nobilitie may well quarrell , but they cannot fight . and therefore ye shall read in some of the same religion reformed , that there were huguenots , as well of estate , as of religion . these haue now free permission to professe , and places allotted for exercise , with all liberty of conscience possible , saue that in the chiefe cities of france they haue no churches allowed , neyther can be buried in christian buriall ( as they call it ) if any of them dye among the catholicks , with whome notwithstanding they now liue peaceably , throughout the countrey . they cannot haue the fauour that xantippus allowed his dogge , who ( as plutarch sayth ) for following his master from atticque to salamine , and there dying , was solemnly interred , and had a monument raised ouer the place . and me thinks , they haue heere small reason to let them liue together in a house , and not to suffer them to lye together in a church-yard . but as for warring any longer for religion , the frenchman vtterly disclaymes it , hee is at last growne wise , marry , he hath bought it somewhat deare : l' ●talten est sage a●uant la main , l' alemant sur le fa●ct , & le françois , apres le coup : the italian is wise beforehand ; the almayne , in the doing ; and the french , after the thing is done , saith one of their owne writers . ictus piscator saepit . concerning the nobility of france , elle est ( sayth la nouë ) tres valleureuse & courtoise : & n'y à estat en la chrestient● , ou elle soit en si grand nombre : they are exceeding valorous and courteous ; and there is no state in christendome , where they are in so great number . it hath bene argued before in this relation , that there be at least fifty thousand , able to beare armes : but that is thought with the most . monsieur du fay thinkes them about thirtie thousand : in which number , yee must conclude all degrees of gentlemen , from the highest to the lowest that beare armes : for so the french call their noblesse , whereas we in england make two distinct orders of the nobilitie and gentry ( as they call it ) nobiles sunt , si modo longam annorum seri●m numerare possunt , quafeudum onusque militiae eis adnexum , in sua familia resea●rit : those are noble , which can proue a long tract of time , wherein a fee and knights seruice thereto belonging , hath recided in their family . and another writer sayth , in gallia nobiles aestimantur ex genere & vita milit●ri : in france men are esteemed noble , by blood , and profession of armes . and sure , if there be difference in nobilitie , as there must needes bee , because the causes bee different ; for some are ennobled by their valour and martiall knowledge , and others by their offices and prudence in the manage of matters of estate : i see no reason , but that these last should be holden the more noble nobilitie , if i may so say : alwayes giuing the first place to them that are of noble houses by race . for of all these three sorts , the french writers speake , when they say : ily a difference des nobles : 1. les vns par race , 2. les autres par annoblissement : et deux sortes d' annoblissement : les vns sont annob●is par lettres deu●ment verefies en la cour de parlement , les autres par ●e moyen ●es offices dont ils sont pourueus . there is a difference of nobles : the first , by race : the second , by ennobling : and of ennobling there are two sorts : one , by patent duely prooued in the court of parliament : the other , by meanes of offices to which they are aduanced . and howsoeuer turquet hereof inferreth , that it is la vertu que fait la noblesse , car il y a de nobles vilains , et de vilains nobles : vertue which makes nobilitie , for , there are noble peasants , and peasantly nobles . yet sure it is , that the degenerating of one from the vertue of his ancestors , cannot preiudice the nobilitie , nor eclips the glory of his succeeder , who , as histories shew , many times excell all the former of their house . the highest degree of honour in france , is the pairrie , in which order haue beene , sometimes 7. sometimes 11. neuer aboue seuenteene , and most commonly 12. whereupon they are called the twelue peeres of france . these haue the precedence before al the rest of the nobilitie , and of these , they of the bloud , although they were latest called into the pairrie . of these peeres , there be sixe of the clergy : 1. archbishop & duke of rhemes . 2. bishop and duke of laon. 3. bishop and duke of langres . 4. bishop and comte of beauuais . 5. bishop and comte of noyon . 6. bishop and comte of chaalons . of temporall , 1. duke of burgundie . 2. duke of normandie . 3. duke of guyenne . 4. comte of tholouse . 5. comte of champagne . 6. comte of flanders . since these were first instituted , many other houses haue beene admitted into the pairrie , by the kings of france , and the olde worne out : as to them of burgundie and flanders , were added the dukes of bretagne , burbon , aniow , berry , orleans , the comtes of arthois , eureux , alençon , estampes , all of the blond in charles the fiftes time . since also , in the times of charles the ninth , and henry the third , haue new pairries beene erected , as neuers , vandosme , guise , monpensier , beaumont , albret , aumal , memorency , vzes , pentheur , mercoeur , ioieuse , espernon , rets , monbason , vantadoure , and others . yee must obserue , that the fiue ancientest pairries of the temporaltie , are returned to the crowne , the sixt which is of flanders , doth recognize it no longer , as now being spanish . some say , these paires ( quasi pares inter se ) as much as equal among thēselues , were first erected by charlemagne : others , by hugh capet , & others ( which is holden for the truest ) by lewes le ieune , 1179. to ayd and assist the k. in his council ( saith bodin . ) and therefore this session of the king with his paires , was called le parlement sans queuë : the parliament with addition : as the kings brothers and sisters are called monsieur , and madame sans queuë : whereas all other soueraigne courts are named with an addition , as le parlement de paris : le parl. de rouen , &c. yee may also obserue , that they of the laity haue the right hand of the king , and the clergie the left , in all assemblies or solemne sessions whatsoeuer . i thinke , this diuision of the pairrie , into these 2. sorts , was deriued from that ancient order of the gaules , of whome caesar speaketh , gallorum nobilium genera duo , druides , equites : of the nobilitie of gallia , are two sorts , the druides , and gentlemen : where he likewise discourseth of their diuers offices . this honour of paire of france , was at first giuen for life only , afterwards for them and their heires males , and lastly , to the women also , for default of males : who likewise are called to sit in councils and assemblies ( as are the queenes of france ) as at the assembly at blois , and at the arrest of counte de clermont , in the time of s. lewes , where the countesse of flanders is named present among the other peeres . yee must note , that peeres and princes of the blood , on t priuilege de n' estre point subiects à la cire verte , si non au cas du premier chef de leze maiesté : they be priuiledged from being subiect to any writ , or processe , but in case of high treason : and then also no processe can be commenced against them , before any other iudges whatsoeuer , que par le roy seant en sa court de parlement suffisamment garnie des paires de france : but by the king sitting in his court of parliament , sufficiently assisted by the peeres of france . all other iudges are incompetent . but to leaue the discourse of this highest honour in france , and to speake of the noblesse in generall , ye shall reade in historie , that at the end of the second race of kings , they began to take their surnames of their principall feifs : since when , of later yeeres , some haue contrarily put their surnames vpon their feifs , which hath so confounded the noblesse ( saith haillan ) as it is now hard to finde out the ancient and true nobilitie . these are they , among whome the prouerbe is still currant , vn homme de guerre ne deuoit sçauoir , si non escrire son nom : a man of war should haue no more learning , but to bee able to write his owne name : and therefore their profession is only armes & good horsemanship , wherein if they haue attained any perfection , they little esteeme other vertues , not caring what the philosopher saith , vne seule anchre n' est par suffisante pour tenir ferme vne grande nauire : one onely anchor is not sufficient to hold a great ship. nor considering that the olde gallants of the world were wont to ioyne the one with the other : and ancient painters were accustomed to paint the muses altogether in a troup , to signify , that in a nobleman they should not be parted . bodin sayth , it is reported of cato censorius , that hee was a valiant captayne , a sage senator , an vpright iudge , and a great scholler . the world reputes caesar to haue beene a politician , an historian , an orator , a warrior , excellent in all . the poet of greece sayth , that agamemnon was amphontros basileus tò agathos , cratotrostò aichmetes : that is , a good gouernor , and a tall soldier . and the italian poet sayth of his great captayne , non so se miglior duca o caualliero : resolue i cannot whether he , a better chiefe , or soldier be . iust the same with that other verse of homer . and our most worthy english , not poet ( though he well deserue the title ) but captayne and scholler , both excellent , and titles which better become the noblenesse of his heart and house , of whome the world hath the good name , and all soldiers the losse : he , i say , when hee would commend his arcadian gallant to the full , and yet in few words , sayth , that he durst and knew : which well symbolizeth with those former commendations of others , and compriseth all requisit vertues in a gentleman : for if he haue not valour to dare , and wisdome to know how and when , he wanteth one of the principall supporters of his honour . the former of these , is , as it were , hereditary to many noble houses , & continueth therein many descents ; but the other is not naturall ; it is gotten by studie and exercise , by reading bookes , and seeing of countries , and therein curiously obseruing what yee see . so then , if by this your trauell , you adde knowledge and vnderstanding to that other vertue , which is hereditary to your house , you shall resemble those your ancestors , by whome it hath beene raised to this greatnesse , and be most vnlike this french nobilitie ( that this may not seeme a digression ) of whome , for the most part , we may say , as plato said of cleophantus , il estoit bien bon homme d' armes , mais au demeuy an t il n' auoit rien de bon : hee was a very tall man at armes , but he had no good quality besides . and sure , it is a lamentable case , or at least , misbeseeming , in a goodly countrey , and full of nobilitie , that the state should be gouerned , and all matters managed by them of the robbalonga , aduocates and procureurs , and penne & inkehorne gentlemen , and the noblesse themselues for want of learning , not to haue imployment . i count him therefore a very lame gentleman , that cannot go to serue his countrey both in peace and warre . saith la nouë to a gallant in court , that was euer talking of warres , and making hidalgo-like rhodomontades , as being vnfit to talke of any matter of learning , or vndertake any office of gouernment : sir ( saith hee ) when the time of warre is come , it is like ye shall be imployed , meane while , hauing no qualitie fit for this time of peace , you shall doe well , to locke your selfe vp till the warres , that yee bee not rusty when you should be vsed . the occasion of this french humour , so much to esteeme armes , and nothing at all to regard learning , or it may be oftentimes to contemne both , is imputed to the carelesse indulgence of parents , by commines , ils nourissent leure enfants seulement à faire les sots , en habillements & en parolles : de nulle lettre ils n'ont cognoissance : they bring vp their children onely to play the fondlings both in apparell and words , but of learning they haue no knowledge at all . and therefore they cannot communicate with p. aemilius , in the commendation which plutarch giues him , il ne tenoit seulement de picqueurs & dompteurs des cheuaux , mais aussi des maistres de grammaire , de rhetorique , & dialectique , &c. he kept not onely riders and horse-breakers , but also teachers of grammer , rhetoricke and logicke , &c. and whereas the first instruction of the nobility , should be , as one sayth , la religion , la vertu , les lettres , les ars , religion , vertue , learning , and the artes : and then , l'escuyrie , l'escrime , la venerie , la fauconerie : horsemanship , fencing , hunting , hawking : they skip the first forme , and spend all their time in the practise of the last : they prize at a high rate the lesser , & let passe the more worthy . much like those strangers in rome , that carried young whelps and monkeys in their armes to play withall : what , saith caesar , doe these mens wiues beare them no children ? wisely taxing the folly of those , that leaue the better for the worse . hereof it commeth , that the french noblesse glorying in their armes , call themselues , le bras de la patrie , les gardiens des armes , & la terreur des ennemys : mais iamais ne s'appellent les professeurs de vertu , saith la nouë : the arme of their countrey , the gardians of armes , and terror of their enemies ; but they neuer stile themselues the professors of vertue . this estate of the nobility , sayth one , is le moindre en nombre des hommes , le moins riche de tous les trois estats : of all the three estates , the smallest in number of men , and poorest in liuing . which no question must needs be true , after so long a ciuill warre : and heerewith accordeth he that wrote the late troubles : sayth hee , la noblesse françoise est decheue de ses anciennes richesses , dont leurs maisons estoyent ornees sous les regus du lois 12. & françois 1. the french noblesse is fallen from their ancient wealth , wherewith they were adorned in the times of lewes 12. and francis the first . to this purpose sayth la nouë , ie oserois affermer , que si tous ceux qui portent ce titre estoyent en dix parts on trouueroit que les huict sont incommodez par alienations de leurs biens , engagements , ou autres debts : i durst affirme , that if all they that beare this title , were deuided into ten partes , eyght of them are impayred by sales , morgages , or other debts . the same authour yeeldeth fiue reasons of the pouerty of the noblesse of france . 1. les guerres ciuiles . 2. depenses superflues en habits . 3. depenses en meubles . 4. depenses in bastiments . 5. depenses de bouche & grosse traine : first , the ciuill warres . secondly , superfluous expences in aparrel . thirdly , houshold stuffe . fourthly , building . fiftly , diet and followers . and in another place , taxing the extreme prodigality , and superfluity of the french in their aparrell , building , and diet , hee sayth , si les guerres nous ont apperte 4. onces de pauureté , nos follies nous en ont acquis douze : if the warres haue brought vs foure ounces of pouerty , our owne follies haue gotten vs twelue . i will not herein be mine owne iudge ( sayth he ) but let vs doe as players at tennise , be iudged by all the lookers on , and they will confesse , that by these excessiue expences , bon nombre de la noblesse vont au pas , les autres au trot , et plusieurs en poste , droict aux precipices de pauureté : a great number of the noblesse go a foot-pace , others trot , and many runne poste to the downefals of pouertie . you had an example hereof in this your late voyage downe the riuer of loire , at the castle of bury , a very goodly house , as any ye haue yet seene in france , where ye heard it credibly reported , that monsieur d'alluye , the owner of that place , had consumed aboue twentie thousand crownes reuenue the yeere , onely in dyet and apparrell , who now is forced to make his owne house his prison , and stand watchfully vpon his gard , for feare of sergeants , as we well perceiued by his ielouzy of vs , when we came to see his house , vntil he was assured that we were strangers , and came for no such purpose . these three at this present , are reputed the richest in all france , the d. monpensier in lands , the d. a' espernon in offices , and the chancellor in money . i should in this relation of the french nobilitie , doe them great wrong , to beleeue and report for truth , what the cabinet du roy , one of their owne countrey , saith of them , who according to the seuerall prouinces , giueth them seuerall epithites . the noblesse of berry ( saith he ) are paillards , leachers : they of tourraine , are voleurs , theeues : they of guyenne , coyners : they of tholouse , traytors : they of narbonne , couetous : they of prouence , atheists ▪ they of lionnois , treacherous : they of rheimes , superstitious : they of normandy , insolent : they of picardie , proud : and so forth of the rest . i will do them more right , and conclude of them , that for priuiledge , and noblenesse of race , they may compare with any nobilitie of christendome . for proofe of the first , le prince ne prendrien sur luy , que le seruice de l' espee . the king hath nothing of his noblesse , but sword-seruice . and for the second , saith another authour : la noblesse françoise est composee de si illustres maisons , qu' il s'en trouue , vne douzaine qui viennent de droict ligne de roys , qui ont posse de paisiblement royaumes : the french noblesse is composed of so famous houses , that there are a douzin of them descended by right line from kings , that haue peaceably possessed kingdomes . hauing briefely spoken of the two first estates of france , the clergie and nobilitie : it lastly remaineth i speake of the people in general , and namely , of their freenesse of speech , maner of diet , kindes of building , sortes of exercise , fashion of apparell , diuersitie of language , suddainnesse of apprehending , rashnesse in executing , impatience in deliberation , and diuers other natures and humours proper to the frenchmen ; wherein yee shall not looke for a methodicall and large discourse , but a briefe and compendious remembrance of such things , as i haue read and obserued in this nation . it is incredible to beleeue , and odious to heare , how the frenchman will talke , and impudently vtter what hee foolishly conceiueth , not onely of all forraine states and princes of the world , but euen of their owne state and king himselfe ; of whome hee will not spare to speake whatsoeuer hee heareth , and sometimes also more then the trueth ; which insufferable vice of theirs , i heere put in the first place , because i holde it of all others the most disloyall and vnlawfull . hereof the wisest sort of them much complaine , & wish reformation : but it is a thing so familiar and naturall with them , as — expellas furca licet vsque recurret . le duc d' espernō ( saith one author ) se plaignoit de debordemens de ce siecle , et de l' infame licence des françois à detracter de leur prince : duke ● espernon complained of the disorders of the time , and of the infamous libertie of the french , in detracting from their prince . this infamous and dissolute libertie of theirs , deserueth to bee censured and chastised by some seuere cato , or to be punished as those insolent ●ouldiers of aemilius , of whome plutarch maketh mention . boccace in his description of frier onion his man , reckoneth vp nine of his principall qualities , whereof the first is due to the frenchman , as appeareth by this which hath already beene said , maldicente , disabediente , negligente , trascurato , smemorato , scostumato : sogliardo , bugiardo , tardo : first , rayling : secondly , disobedient : thirdly , negligent : fourthly , rechlesse : fiftly , forgetful : sixtly , vnmanerly : seuenthly , slouenly : eightly , lying : and ninthly , slow : and i beleeue , by that time ye haue read this whole discourse , yee will bate him but the last ace of them all . for , that propertie of slownesse , i must needes confesse , no way is due to the french. he hath besides this libertie of speaking , a propertie incident to such like natures : namely , an inquisitiue listning and hearkning after newes , which is an olde fashion of theirs , & hath continued with them many hundred yeres . est autē hoc gallicae consuetudinis , vt & viatores etiam inuitos consistere cogant , & quod quisque eorum de quaque re audierit aut cognouerit quaerāt : & mercatores in opidis vulgus circumsistat , quibus ex regionibus veniāt quasq res ibi cognouerint pronunciare cogant : et his rumoribus atque aeuditionibus permoti , desummis saepe rebus consilia ineunt : quorum eos è vestigio poenitere est necesse : it is vsuall with all the gaules , both to constraine trauellers ( though vnwilling ) to stay , and to enquire of each of them , what hee hath heard or vnderstood of euery matter : and with the populace in townes , to flocke about marchants , and compell them to tell from what parts they come , and what newes they heard there : and led by these rumours and heare-sayes , they determine many times of most weighty affaires , of which determinations they must needes eftsoones repent them . this vice of his , caesar taxeth in another place , where he saith , temeritas , quae maximè illi hominum generi conuenit , vt leuem auditionem habeant pro re comperta : it is a rashnesse familiar with that sort of people , to take a light heare-say , for an assured truth . concerning the french diet , it is , to keepe no diet : for they feede at all times , there being among them very few , which besides their ordinary of dinner and supper , do not gouster , as they call it , and make collations , three or foure times the day , a thing as vsuall with the women as men , whome ye shall see in open streetes before their dores , eate and drinke together . no maruell therefore , though the italian cals them the onely gourmands : and no lesse reason haue we to note their disordinate feeding , then commines had to taxe our nation of drinking , who saith of vs , that he entred into a tauerne in amiens , to obserue the english mans fashion , ou ja auoient estè faictes cent et vnze escots , et n' estoit pas encore neuf heures du matin : where had beene already made cxi . seuerall shots , and yet it was not then 9. a clocke in the morning : for it was no great wonder to haue so many shots ( as we call them ) or reckonings in a morning , where there were fiue thousand english soldiers in the towne , who were newly come from the campe , where they endured much want , and entertayned with all kindnesse into the towne , vpon a finall peace made betweene our king edward the fourth , and theirs , lewes the eleuenth . but wee may pay commines with his owne coyne , and reply , that a frenchman of all other ( except the dutch ) hath least cause to taxe vs of drinking : for we may see by many of their noses , what pottage they loue ; and they haue among them , a prouerbe of their priests ( whom it worse beseemeth then a soldier ) when they will note a matter of difficulty , il y a plus de difficulté , qu' a tirer vn prestre de village de la tauerne : t is a harder matter , then to draw a countrey priest from the tauerne . a frenchman therefore of all others , hath least reason to finde fault with drinkers , quis tulerit grauhos de seditione querentes ? o who can keepe his patience , when poore herringman scornes fishermen ? the french fashion ( as you see dayly ) is to larde all meats , whose prouision ordinary is not so plentifull as ours , nor his table so well furnished : howbeit , in banquets they farre exceed vs ; for he is as friand ( licourish ) as the trencher-men of media , or aesope the tragedian , who spent fifteene thousand crownes at one feast , in the toungs of birds onely . he liueth not like the italian , with roots chiefly and herbes : nor like the lacedemonian , qui porte le poit rasé , iusques au cuir , se baigne en eau froid , mange du pain bis , hume du brouët noir : that weares his haire shauen close to his skin , bathes himselfe in cold water , eats browne bread , and suppes blacke broth . nor like the scythian , who sayth , mihi pulpamentum fames , cubile solum , vestis ●●rarum cutis : hunger is my best cheere ; the ground , my bed ; beasts skinnes , my clothing . but rather of alcibiades , of whome plutarch reporteth , estoit trop delicat en son viure , dissolu en amours de folles femmes , desordoné en banquets , trop superflu & effeminé en habits : he was ouer-delicate in his diet , dissolute in loue of wanton women , excessiue in banquets , and ouer-superfluous and effeminate in apparell . as for the poore paisant , he fareth very hardly , and feedeth most vpon bread and fruits , but yet hee may comfort himselfe with this , that though his fare be nothing so good , as the ploughmans , and poore artificers in england , yet is it much better then that of the villan● in italy . of the french building , i haue spoken before in the relation of paris , both that it is lately growne to bee more magnificent , then it was in former times , and that many thereby haue much weakened their estate . you may therefore obserue , that as i there sayd , the city of paris was better built then that of london : so are in generall , all the cities and villages in france , fairer then ours in england , comparing the one with the other : which the fairer they were , the more miserable spectacle doe they yeeld to vs now , to see them in many places defaced and ruined . as for the maner of building heere , how beautifull soeuer it bee to the eye , the offices and roomes , mee thinks , are not so well contriued as ours , to the vse . one thing there is , by which they are much beautified , namely , the blewish kinde of tyle , which heere they haue in great quantity , the which is very hard , and therefore durable ; and very thinne and light , and therefore not so burthensome to a house , as is our tyle in england . concerning the frenchmans apparell , if ye wel obserue that of the citizen , both men and women , it is very seemly and decent : that of the paisant , very poore , all whose apparell for the most part , is of lynnen : as for that of the noblesse , ye shall heare what la nouë saith , les despenses de la noblesse en leurs habits sont excessiues , & fort riches : the noblesse in their expence in apparell , are excessiue and very rich . and yet , mee thinkes , nothing so rich and costly as ours ; the only excesse whereof , is the greatest preiudice and hindrance to the common wealth , and publike benefite of our countrey . this authour reprooueth two things in the french apparrell . first , that euery gallant forsooth , must haue many suits at once , and change often in the yeere : and therefore ( sayth hee ) if in the court they spie one in a sute of the last yeres making , they scoffingly say , nous le cognoissons bien , il ne nous mordra pas , c'est vn fruit suranné : we know him well enough , he wil not hurt vs , hee 's an apple of the last yeere . the second thing he dislikes , is this , that de deux ans en deux ans les façons changent : euery two yere the fashion changeth . and heereof it commeth , that when ye see all other nations paynted in the proper habit of their countrey , the french man is alwayes pictured with a paire of sheeres in his hand , to signify , that hee hath no peculiar habit of his own , nor contenteth himselfe long with the habit of any other , but according to his cappriccious humour , deuiseth daily new fashions . this variety of fashions a man may well note in the fripperies of paris , whereof sayth la nouë , if one would make a purtreict in a table , rien ne se pourrit voir plus plaisant : it would bee the most sportfull thing that may bee . i am now by order to speake of his exercises , wherein , me thinks , the frenchman is very immoderate , especially in those which are somewhat violent ; for ye may remember , ye haue seene them play sets at tennise in the heat of summer , & height of the day , when others were scarce able to stirre out of dores . this immoderate play in this vnseasonable time , together with their intemperate drinking and feeding , is the onely cause , that heere ye see them generally itchy & scabbed , some of them in so foule a sort , as they are vnfit for any honest table . among all the exercises of france , i preferre none before the palle-maille , both because it is a gentleman-like sport , not violent , and yeelds good occasion and opportunity of discourse , as they walke from the one marke to the other . i maruell , among many more apish and foolish toyes , which wee haue brought out of france , that wee haue not brought this sport also into england . concerning their shooting with the crossebowe , it is vsed , but not very commonly . once in a yere , there is in each city a shooting with the peece at a popingay of wood , set vpon some high steeple ( as also they doe in many places of germany . ) he that hitteth it downe , is called the king for that yere , and is free from all taxe : besides , he is allowed twenty crownes towards the making of a collation for the rest of the shooters . and if it happen , that three yeres together he carry the prize , he is free from all taxe and imposition whatsoeuer , all his life after . this custome , no question , is very laudable , whose end tendeth much to a publike benefit : for by this practise and emulation , he groweth more ready and perfit in the vse of his peece , and so more able and fit to do his countrey seruice . and i suppose , if in times past wee had had like prizes for the long bow ( the ancient glory of our english seruice ) we had not so soone quit the exercise thereof , nor degenerate so farre from ancient custome . so doe i thinke , that in these dayes , wherein the peece is onely prized , if wee had this fashion of france and germany in england , to reward him in euery place that should best deserue therein , that our countrey-man would grow more perfit & expert in the vse thereof , at whose vnaptnesse and aukwardnesse in their first trayning , before they come to haue serued some time , i haue often maruayled . he hath also his sports of bowling , carding , dicing , and other vnlawful , and vnvseful games , whereof i will omit to speake , being too common both with them and vs. as for the exercise of tennis play , which i aboue remembred , it is more here vsed , then in all christendome besides ; whereof may witnesse the infinite number of tennis courts throughout the land , insomuch as yee cannot finde that little burgade , or towne in france , that hath not one or moe of them . here are , as you see , threescore in orleans , and i know not how many hundred there be in paris : but of this i am sure , that if there were in other places the like proportion , ye should haue two tennis courts , for euery one church through france . me thinks it is also strange , how apt they be here to play well , that ye would thinke they were borne with rackets in their hands , euen the children themselues manage them so well , and some of their women also , as we obserued at blois . there is this one great abuse in this exercise , that the magistrates do suffer euery poore citizen , and artificer to play thereat , who spendeth that on the holyday , at tennis , which hee got the whole weeke , for the keeping of his poore family . a thing more hurtfull then our ale-houses in england , though the one and the other be bad ynough . and of this i dare assure you , that of this sort of poore people , there be more tennis players in france , then ale-drinkers , or malt-wormes ( as they call them ) with vs. you obserue here , that their balles are of cloth , which fashion they haue held this seuen yeeres : before which time they were of lether , like ours . much more might be said of this exercise , but i will not reade you a lecture in the schoole of tennis , whom i confesse the better scholler . neither should i speake of dancing ( for my dancing dayes are done ) to you that are a master in the arte : ( like phormio the rhetoritian , to hannibal , of the warres ) saue onely , that i presume , yee will giue mee leaue , for methodes sake , hauing vndertaken to speake of the french exercises , not to omit that of dauncing , wherein they most delight , and is most generally vsed of all others . and i am perswaded , were it not for this , that they of the reformed religion , may not dance , being an exercise against which their strait-laced ministers much inueigh , that there had long since many of the catholikes turned to their side : so much are they all in generall addicted hereunto . for yee shall not onely see the damoiselles ( gentlewomen ) and them of the better sort , but euery poore chapperonnieze ( draggletayle ) euen to the coblers daughter , that can dance with good measure , & arte , all your quarantes , leualties , bransles , & other dances whatsoeuer : notsomuch but the chambriere ( chamber-maid ) and poore citizens wife , dance vsually in the citie streets , in a round , like our countrey lasses on their towne greene , about the may-pole , making musick of their own voices , without any instrumēt . and rather then faile , the old women themselues , both gentle & base , who haue moe toes then teeth , and these that are left , leaping in their heads , like iacks in virginals , will beare their part . this argueth ( i will not say a lightnes & immodesty in behauiour ) but a stirring spirit , & liuelynesse in the french nature : whereof also the musicke and songs they haue , is no small argument : for there is not almost a tune in all france , which is not ionicke , or lydian , of fiue or seuen tunes : a note forbidden youth by plato , and aristotle , because , sayth bodin , it hath grande force et puissance d' amollir et lascher les caeurs des hommes : great force and power to soften and effeminate mens minds . the tune doricke , which is more graue musicke , and was commaunded for the singing of psalmes in the primitiue church , their inconstant and stirring humor cannot brooke by any meanes . it remaineth , i speake of their language , of whome the italian hath a prouerbe : i francesi nen parlane , ceme scriuene , nen cantane , ceme netane , nen pensane , ceme dicene : the french neither pronounce as they write , nor sing as they pricke , nor thinke as they speake . in which first point , they differ from the latine , italian , spanish , greeke , who fully pronounce euery letter in the word : whereas the french , to make his speech more smooth , and ceulante ( as hee termes it ) leaues out very many of his consonants , whereby it now is growne almost as sweete a tongue to the eare , as the italian or greeke : which two , by reason of the many vowels , are questionlesse the most delicate languages of the world . it is written of augustus the emperour , that he obserued no orthography , but wrote alwayes as he spake , which fashion begins now to be vsed by late writers : as ye may obserue in many of their late impressions : a thing vtterly condemned by them of best iudgement : for saith one , while they diuide the custome of writing from the nature of the word , ils ont tout renuer seé l' escripture : they haue vtterly ouerthrowne their orthography . that which scaliger , by the report of stephanus , saith of the greeke tongue , that it is , redundans , redundant : the same may wee say of the french , that it is babillard , full of tittle tattle , nothing so graue or ponderous , as the spanish , nor so stately as the italian . and hereof i thinke it commeth , that they say commonly , the french is a tongue d'amours , amourous : the spanish , de la guerre , warlike : and the italian , de la court , courtly . much agreeing with this , is that of haillan , where speaking of the battell of agincourt , he saith , les anglois nous ont souuent vaincuz en batailles , mais nous les auons vaincuz en nos traictez de paix : tant be●●es et subtiles sont nos paroles , et pleines de mig●ardises : the english haue often ouercome vs in battels , but wee haue ouercome them in our treaties of peace , so faire and subtil are our words , and so full of entising delicacy . whereby it should seeme , it is a winning and perswading language . but this is onely the opinion of themselues , who are dotingly more in loue with their owne tongue , then with any other : which is the reason , that yee haue now almost all histories , greeke , and latine , translated into french , yea , and the artes also : insomuch as now the gentleman readeth these things in his owne language onely : a course in my opinion most preiudicial to all good learning . there is one reason , me thinks , aboue all other , why the frenchman affects to haue his tongue delicate and smooth , namely , for that rather then hee will lose the nigardise thereof , contrary to all rules of grammar , and all other tongues , he obserueth no gender , where it may hinder the sweetnesse of the pronunciation ( an italian fault this , to take the masculine for the feminine : the more beast he . ) it remaineth ( this french tongue being no mother tongue of it self ) that we obserue of what other tongues it borroweth . caesar saith , galli literis graecis v●ebantur : the gaules vsed greeke caracters : which character , as we read in histories , hath beene changed by three diuers men , wastaldus , doracius , hichius : where the same writer saith , that bede , our countryman , inuented a particular alphabet for the normans . howsoeuer the letter be changed , true it is , that they haue heere many words deriued from the greeke , and agree very much also therewith in the phrase and maner of speaking . and therefore , as lu. regius sayth well of our english , that it is compounded of the french & almaine : so iudgeth he rightly of the french , that it is the daughter of the latine and greeke : for , as for that which it hath common with the italian , both in word and phrase ( which is very much ) the italian , no questiō , had it from hence , this french being the more ancient language : and this nation hauing left in italy , with the memory of many great victories , the vse also of many of their words , as by all historie appeareth , without which , at this day the italian could not serue himself of his owne . true it is , that now of late , the french , especially in the court , haue gotten many of theirs in vse , for a grace forsooth , not of necessity ; wherein they much resemble vs of england , who ( they say ) send diuers skinnes into other countries , which those people vse to their necessity , and make toyes and bables of the tayles , which they returne backe againe to vs , at as great a rate , as they bought the whole . concerning the difference betweene the language vsed at this day , and that of former times , ye are to obserue , that all things in this world haue their beginnings , growings , perfection , corruption and alteration : as maners of liuing , formes of gouernment , abrogation of lawes , change of militarie seruice , new-fanglenesse of habit , new fashion of building , diuersities of armour , new inuentions of instruments , &c. and of all these , none more subiect to change , then language , nor no language in the world more then this of the french. for as polibius sayeth of the romanes , that when they should conclude a peace , after the second punicke warre with them of carthage , that they could not reade the articles of the first , so much was the character : and as liuie saith of the song which the sabin priestes vsed in their sacrifice , that they were so olde latine , they could not be vnderstoode : and as wee may say of our english , that it very much differeth from that of chaucers time : so saith lu. regius of the french tongue , that within these fiftie yeeres , it is almost growen a new language , and which still like the french apparell euery yeere altered . if you aske me what authours of the french i most approoue ? i durst commend co●mines , bodin , plessie , bertas , for historie , policie , diuinitie and moralitie , with the best : and great pitie it is , that the historie of the first is written in no better french. but if you demand the best authours , for the language it selfe , i thinke , as tuscaine hath a duute and a petrarch , greece an isocrates and a demosthenes , rome a cicero and a caesar , we a sydney and a chaucer : so , france hath a bertas and a romsart , in this kinde most recommendable . for the place of best language , yee must euer obserue , that the farther from sea , the better speakers , as athens in graecia , florence in italy , saxonie in almany , perses in asia , castile in spaine , and orleans here , and many other places . it now remaineth i speake of the french nature and humour : which by the change of his speech , apparrell , building , by his credulity to any tale which is told , & by his impatience & haste in matter of deliberatiō , whereof i shall not omit presently to speake , ye may iudge to be very idle , wauering and inconstant . saith one , gallorum vt pronunciatio celerrima , ita quoque ingenia mobili● sunt : as the frenchmens pronunciation is very fast , so are their wits very wauering . and yee shall reade in caesars cōmentaries very often , how hee taxeth them of this legerity and suddennesse : his de rebus caesar certior factus , et infirmitatem gallorum veritus ( quòd sun● in consiliis capiendis mobiles , et nouis plerunque rebus student ) nihil his cōmittendum existimauit : caesar being enformed of these matters , and fearing the vnstablenesse of the gaules ( as being sudden and wauering in their resolutions , and generally desirous of innouation ) he thought fit not to trust them . and in another place , cum intelligeret caesar omnes fere gallos nouis rebus studere , & ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque incitari , &c. caesar vnderstanding , that almost all the gaules were naturally hungry of change , and vnconstantly , and suddenly stirred to warre , &c. and againe , vt sunt gallorum subita et repentina consilia : as the resolution of the gaules are sudden , and vnlooked for , &c. to conclude , if yee will rightly knowe the nature & humor of the ancient gaules , ye must read the sixt of these commentaries , and you shal obserue how strange it is , that though all other things in the world are subiect to change , yet the same naturel of lightnesse and inconstancy still remaines in the french. this is aptly shewed by haillan , in his description of lewes the eleuenth : auoit ●l vne chose ? soudain ill auoit affection d' vne autre : estaut vehement , actif et impatient : if hee had one thing , hee straight casts his affection to another , being violent , busy-headed and impatient . to this accordeth another of their owne writers , la condition de la france est telle , que s' il n' y a debat par dehors contre les grands , il faut qu' ell ' eust auec ses domesticques , et que son esprit ne peut estre en repos : such is the condition of france , that if shee haue no warres abroad against powerfull neighbours , shee must haue broyles at home among her owne subiects , and her working spirits can neuer remaine long quiet . and therefore tacitus calles them , leuissima hominum genera : the most fickle kinde of men ; sudden to begin and more sudden to ende , apter to apprehend the action , then comprehend the cause , ready to lay hold , not able to hold fast : as by the making and reuoking of so many edicts , against the reformed religion in so fewe yeeres , by the winning and losing of naples and millaine in so short time , and by many other their actions appeareth . for yee must obserue of the french , that he entreth a countrie like thunder , and vanisheth out againe like smoke : hee resembleth the waspe , who after the first stroke , loseth her sting , and can hurt no more . he sheweth this his lightnesse and inconstancie , not onely in matters of seruice and warre , ( whereof i haue before made mention ) but also euen in other his actions and carriages : but in nothing more , then in his familiaritie , with whome a stranger cannot so soone bee off his horse , but he will be acquainted ; nor so soone in his chamber , but the other like an ape will bee on his shoulder : and as suddenly and without cause yee shall lose him also . a childish humour , to bee wonne with as little as an apple , and lost with lesse then a nut : quite contrarie to the nature of the italian , of whome yee shall in your trauell shortly obserue , that he is of too sullen and retired a fashion , & a loup-garou ( as the french man calles him ) wherein i would haue you obserue the vertue of the english man ( for vertue is a mediocrity betweene two extremes ) who is neyther so childishly and apishly familiar , as the french ; nor so scornefully and cynically solitary as the other . so are we in matter of duell and priuate quarrell , in a meane , me thinks , betweene these two nations : for we are neither so deuillishly mindfull of reuenge , as to tarry seuen or ten yeres for an opportunity vpon our enemy , as doeth the italian : nor so inconsideratly hasty , as we must needs eyther fight to day , or be friends to morrow , as doth the french. hereat rablais scoffingly glanceth , where he telleth a tale of a gascoigne , that hauing lost his money , would needs in the heat of his choller fight with any man that bore head : and for want of an enemy fell asleepe . by that time he was waking , comes mee another rhodomonte , and vpon like cause of losse , would haue this fellow by the eares : but then the edge of this other was off . in conclusion ( sayth rablais ) they went both to the tauerne , and there for want of money which they had lost at dice , drunke themselues friends vpon their swords , without farther mediation , or troubling of others to take vp the quarrell . of the french carriage and manage of a quarrell , how childish and ridiculous it is , ye haue already seene two or three examples , wherein the parties haue neyther shewed iudgement , to know their owne right , nor valor to reuenge their wrong : whereas the english gentleman , with mature deliberation disputeth how farre his honour is ingaged , by the iniury offered , and iudiciously determineth his maner of satisfaction , according to the quality of the offence : which done , hee presently embarqueth himselfe into the action , according to the prescription of the olde rule , postquam consulueris , maturè opus est facto : wise resolutions should be speedily executed . i will heere remember you of one other instance more , wherein our countreymen keepe the golden meane , betweene the two extremes of defect and excesse , and wherein these two nations of italy and france are culpable , and heere worthily to be taxed . we may say of the italian , who maketh his house his wiues prison , as plutarch sayth of the persians , sont de nature estrangement & cruellement ialouzes des femmes , non seulement de celles qu'ils ont espousées , mais aussi de leurs esclaues : & de leurs concubines , lesquelles ils gardent si estroittement que personne ne les void iamais dehors , ains demeurent tousiours renfermées en leurs maisons : they are by nature strangely and cruelly iealous of their women , not onely of their wiues , but also of their slaues and concubines , whom they gard so straitly , that they are neuer seene abroad , but remayne alwayes locked vp in their houses : whereas the french liberty on the other side is too much : for here a man hath many occasions offred vpon any small entrance , to come acquainted ; and vpon euery least acquaintance , to enter , where he may come to her house , accōpany her arme in arme in the streets , court her in all places , & at all seasons , without imputation . wherein , me thinks , the french maried man doth as plutarch reports of pericles , take away the walles & fences of his orchards & gardens , to th' end euery man might freely enter and gather fruit at his pleasure . no maruell then , the bridle being left in their owne hands , though sometimes they be saddled , & their husbands know not . you may obserue therefore , that in this matter of wedlocke also , the english vse is better then either the italian or french. it is also naturall to the french , to be a great scoffer ; for men of light and vnsteadie braines , haue commonly sudden and sharpe conceites . hereto also their language well agreeth , as being currant and full of prouerbes ; to which purpose i will remember you of two answeres , not long since made by two frenchmen , with one of which you are well acquainted , wherein also you may obserue , how little esteeme they hold of the romane religion in heart , though they make profession thereof in shew . the one of these being very sicke , & , as was thought , in danger of death , his ghostly father comes to him with his corpus domini , and tels him , that hearing of the extremitie wherein he was , he had brought him his sauiour , to comfort him before his departure . the sicke gentleman withdrawing the curtaine , and seeing there the fat lubberly frier with the oast in his hand , answereth , i know it is our sauiour ; he comes to me as he went to ierusalem , c ' est vn asne qui le porte : he is carried by an asse . the other gentleman vpon like danger of sicknesse , hauing the frier come to him to instruct him in the faith , and after , to giue him the oast , and then the extreme vnction ( it was on a friday ) tolde him that hee must beleeue , that this corpus domini which he brought , was the very reall flesh , blood and bone of our sauiour . which after the sicke man had freely confessed , the frier offered it him to receyue for his comfort . nay , quoth the other , vous m'excuseré , car ie ne mange point de chair le vendredi : you shall excuse me , for i eate no flesh on fridayes . so that yee see the french will rather lose his god , then his good iest . the french humour also ( sayth one ) est incompatible auec patience & modestie : cannot away with patience & modesty . and therefore another sayth of him , that he is as shamefast and modest , comme vn page de la cour : as a page of the court. or as hiperbolus , who , plutarch saith , for his boldnesse and saucy impudency , was the only subiect in his time for all satyricks and commedians to worke vpon . he is also such a one , as theophrastus calles , duscherès , i. immundus , vncleanly , qui lepra & vtiligine laborans , vnguesque habens prelongos inter homines versatur , ac dicit gentilitios esse hos morbos , nam & patrem & auum fuisse eis obnoxios : who being leprous and scabby , and wearing long vnpared nayles , thrusts himselfe into company , and sayes , those diseases come to him by kind ; for both his father and his grandfather were subiect vnto them . hee is adolèsches , i. loquax , talkatiue , qui prae quauis hirundine garrulus videri malit , quàm tacere , adeo se irrideri fert patientem : who had rather seeme more chattering then a swallow , then hold his peace ; so willing is hee to make himselfe ridiculous . with which people ( it is strange ) ye shall talke all day , & yet at night not remember whereof hee hath talked ; such multiplicity of words he hath , and so idle is the matter whereof he treateth . hee is acairos , i. intempestiuus , vnseasonably troublesome , qui ad amicum occupatum accedens , vult re incommunicata cum illo deliberare : who comming to his friend full of businesse , will giue him counsell , before he haue imparted the matter vnto him : and therfore they themselues haue here a prouerbe , prendre quelqu ' vn de gallico : to surprise one after the french fashion , when they take one of a suddaine , comming vnlooked for and vnsent for . of which kind of people , theophrastus bids vs beware , where he saith : id genus homines demissis maenibus gran●ique gradu fugias oportet , quisquis febre carere voles ▪ difficile est enim cum ijs durare , qui neque otij , neque negotij tempora distinguere nor●nt : if you will not bee troubled with a fit of ague , you must run as fast as your legs can carie you from such kind of men : for it is very troublesome liuing with fellowes , that cannot distinguish the seasons of leysure and affaires . he is microphilotimos . i. ineptè circa res paruas superbus : proud of trifles , qui , si bouem sacrificarit , solet anteriorem capitis eius partem magnis redimitam sertis prae●oribus in ipso introit● figere , vt intelligant qui ingrediuntur , bouem ab ipso mactatum . et si minam argenti soluere debeat , laborat vt solue● in aspero : who , if he haue sacrificed an oxe , vseth to nayle vp the head and hornes at his gate , that all that come to him , may take notice that he hath kild an oxe . and if he bee to pay fortie shillings , will be sure to pay it in new-coynd money . this is hee that comes to the tennis court , throwes his p●rse full of coyne at the line , which giueth a sound , as if there were no lesse then thirtie or fourtie crownes , when as sometimes by mischance , we haue discouered that it was nothing , but paper , and a fewe sols , and doubles of brasse , that made it so swell , in all , scarce eighteene pence sterling . he is alazôn . i. ostentator , a craker : qui ad eos accedens qui generosos equos vendunt , velle se emere simulat : et innundinis ad tentoria eorum qui merces vaenum exponunt , appropinquans , vestem sibi ostendi iubet duüm talentorum : demùm , ( cum de precio conuenit ) puerum , quòd se sine auro sequatur , grauiter obiurgat : who comming to such as haue great horses to sell , makes them beleeue hee will buy some : and at great faires , drawing to their shops that sell apparell , cals to see a sute of an hundred pound : and when they are agreed of the price , fals out with his boy , for following him without his purse . such a one was the gallant , of whome yee tolde me this other day , who in the middest of his discourse with you and other gentlemen , suddenly turnes backe to his lackie , fetch me , saith he , my horologe , clocke , it lies in my lodging in such or such a place , neere such or such a iewell . the lalero returnes with a non est inuentus . my french gallant streight bethinkes himselfe that it is in his pocket ( which hee knew well enough before ) which presently he puls out , not so much to shew how the time passeth , ( whereof he takes little care ) as the curiousnesse of the worke , and the beautie of the case , whereof hee is not a little brag & enamoured . to speake thus particularly of all his seuerall humours and customes , would bee very prolixe , and not much necessarie : i wil only referre you to the fourth of tullies rhetorickes , where he speaketh of a bragging rhodomonte , and to the first booke of horace satyres , speaking of an endles & needles prater , a fastidious & irkesome companion , where you shall see the french naturel , very liuely & admirably well described . i will onely speake of his impatience and precipitation in deliberations of warre or peace , and such other affayres of greatest importance , and so end . to this effect bodin saith of him , le naturel du françois est si soudain & actif , qu'il quitte ce qu'on demande , annuyé des allées & venuës , & de longueurs propres à l' espagnol : the french is of so sudden & busy a disposition , that he quickly yeelds to that a man demands , being soone tired with messages to & fro , and other delayes peculiar to the spanyard . and in another place , on desire en l' espagnol vne promptitude plus grande qu'il n'a : & au françois les actions & passions plus moderées . the spanyard had need of a more ready dispatch then he hath , & the french of more moderatiō in his actions and passions . and whereas commines saith of vs , that we be not si subtiles en tra●ctez et appointements comme les françois : so crafty in our treaties & agreemēts , as the french. i thinke , sauing the credit of so great an author , he might better haue said , si estourdez & precipitez : so headstrong and precipitate . but where he saith , that he that will treat & determine matters with vs , must haue vn peu de patience , a little patiēce : i yeeld vnto him , he hath good reason so to say ; for his countrymen , the french , can endure no delay ; they must propound and cōclude all in one day . whether of these be more prais-worthy plutarch thus decideth : agatharcus bragged of his ready and quick hand , & that he painted faster then any other : which zeuxes vnderstāding , and i , quoth he , quite contrary , doe glory in this , that i am long in the doing : for ordinarily such suddennesse and facility can not giue eyther a lasting firmnesse , or a perfect beauty to the worke . therefore saith one very well , that should bee long in deliberation , that must be resolued but once . to this agreeth the saying of pericles to tolmides , we must tarry the time , which is the wisest counseller we can haue . by this haste of theirs , they lost more , saith bodin , by one treatie at cambrey , anno 1559. to the spaniard , then he had before got of the french in fortie yeeres by warre . and i see no reason , but this present peace which the french hath made , is as aduātageous to the spanish state , as was that other , considering it is as great a gaine to saue that we are like to lose , as to get that from another , which is not our owne . for as it is truely said of the spanish king , that hee hath not got vpon the french ( money by victories , but victories by money : ) and as plutarch saith of philip of macedon , it was not philip , but his golde and siluer , that tooke the townes of greece : so may we say of his treaties which hee hath had with france , whereunto hee hath of force beene driuen , euen as ennius saith of fabius : our state , which witlesse force made wayne , his wise delayes made waxe agayne . for that this nation will rather yeeld the enemie what he demandeth , then bee troubled with long deliberation : a thing so contrarie to his nature , as nothing more . you may obserue by the course of later histories , that the spaniards purpose was to deale with france , as alcibiades said , the athenians would deale by them of patrae : they will eate you out by litle and little . to which purpose , in all these late ciuill warres , king philip played the fire-brand , like the priests of mars , who , when two armies were met , threw fire betweene them for a signall of battell , to set them together , and then retired themselues from the danger . he set the popes on also to kindle this fire , who were but barkers , and could not bite ; their leaden buls did but butt ; they could not hurt ; abler to curse then to kill : whose force is like that of a whet-stone , which though it sharpnesse lacke , yet yron sharpe can make . but when hee saw that little england ( which is to spaine , as alcibiades said , the i le aegina was to athens , vne paille en l'ail , a mote in his eye ) did trump in his way , and crosse his dessignes : and when as hee considered , that ( as henry the second of france , was the only cause of hindering his father charles the fift , from vsurping vpon all germanie , for which cause hee is called in their publike writings , the protector of the empire , and deliuerer of the princes : ) so her maiestie , by defending the oppressed , and withstanding his forces , deserueth the title of protectrix of france , and deliuerer of the estates : hee was then content to motion a peace , and like a false friend , when he could doe no more hurt , to shake hands . herevpon he did capitulate to render cal●is , durlens , ardres , blauet , and other places conquered or surprised vpon the french. a course , no question , wisely taken by the spaniard , considering the termes wherein hee stoode ; the want of money hee had , the credit hee had lost in all bankes , the decrepit age wherein he was , and lastly , the sudden and incredible good fortunes of the french king and state , after so many yeres of miserie and losse . as for the french , what could he haue done , more dishonourable to himselfe , or profitable to his enemies , or preiudiciall to his late allies ? what lesse agreeing with the time , with his cause , with his oath , then to yeeld to this peace ? but it hath bene an old tricke of the french , to obserue neither promise , nor oath , as clouis the first saith , haill . lib. 1. wee may say of their purpose , as plutarch of lisanders : children are deceiued with chance ▪ bones , and m●n with oathes . in this schoole of fraude , pope iulius 2. was well read , who professed to his priuate friends , that all the treaties which he made with the princes of france , germanie , and spaine , was but to deceiue the one of them by the other . but let the french take heede there come not a day of payment for this , who are so hastie to abandon their friends , and make peace with their foes , onely vpon a foolish naturel of theirs , to desire change , and to enioy their present ease and pleasure , not foreseeing future daungers : like schoole-boyes , who care not , so they may play to day , though they be britcht to morrow . when the dukes of burgondie , berrie , and bretaine , were combined against lewes the 11. of france ( as were lately england , france , and states against spaine ) the counsell of francis zforce to the king , was , for the present , to agree to all things they desired , and after ( saith hee ) in short time , ye shall haue occasion when they are disleagued , to deale with them one by one . and we may well say of this king present , as the count charollois feared of the duke of berrie the french kings brother : that he was a likely man to be soone drawen to agree , & leaue vs in the mire : forgetting the olde sentence : it is the true signe of the approching ruine of a countrey , when those that should holde together , diuide themselues , and abandon one another . and howsoeuer for the present , the french bragge to be gayners by the bargayn , i am sure , their allies haue no part of the gasteau , cake . it is true therefore , that commines saith , there was neuer so plentifull a mariage feast , but some went without their dinners . wherein , me thinks , we haue great wrong , to beare a burden with them in their warres , and not to partake with them in the benefit of their peace . maximilian the first emperour said , hee made peace for no other end with lewes the twelfth , but to be reuenged of seuenteene wrongs he had done him . the king present , by the policie of this age , and law talionis , might say and doe the like to the spaniard , not for seuenteene wrongs , but for seuenteene yeeres wrongs hee hath receiued : which when hee shall haue done , it is but quittance , and the other shall be but iustly serued : for saith bodin , he which is falsly dealt with , hauing himselfe first played false , hath no cause to complaine . and surely , the french must againe shortly bee doing , with him or some other , or at least one with another at home : he will soone be as wearie of peace , as he is now of warre . la nation françoise est insolent en pain , impatiente de demurer long temps en la maison : the french nation is insolent in peace , & impatient of tarrying long at home . ¶ thus haue you a superficiall suruey of this country and people of france ; of whom we may conclude with la nouë . plus de la moitié de la noblesse est perié , le peuple diminué , les finances espuisées les debts accreuës , la discipline renuersée , la pieté languisant , les moeurs desbordées , la iustice corrumpuë , les hommes diuises : more then halfe the noblesse is perished , the people diminished , the treasure exhausted , the debts increased , good order ouerthrowen , religion languished , maners debaucked , iustice corrupted , and the men diuided . i make no doubt , but to these slender obseruations , you wil after adde better of your own collection , vsing this onely as the patterne of a method , how to discourse of the cosmography , policie and oeconomy of such other countries wherein you shall trauaile . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19775-e80 caesar com. lib. 1. p. commines . limits . p. commines . cabinet du roy ▪ bodin . lib. 6. la noüe . prouinces . la guide . cōmodities . la noüe . bod. li. 6. bod. contra malatest . bod. contra mal. iustin. poggio . cabinet du roy. boterus relations . riuers . boterus relations . terentius . plutarch . in them. hauēs and ports . la guide . spencer . commines cap. 50. lipsius . cities . bodin . li. 5 cabinet . bodin . li. 6 la noüe . plutarch . in alc. paris . caesar com. li. 7. m. biron . antiq. par. vigner . hist. bib . plut. peri. haillan . li. 1. antiq. par. haillan . lib. 1. la no●e . la noüe . rablais commi● . c. 15. commi● . li. 15. annales de france . idem . guil a●moritanus hail . li. 1. hail . li. 3. antiq. par. bodin . lib. 5. castles idem . l. 6. iunius brutus . tit. liuius l. 1. dion . hallicar . l. 5. plaut . plutarch . in licurg guicciard . l. 4. bodin . l. 5. plut. timoleon . bodin . l. 6 pla. de rep . lib. 4. hail . li. 3. ordon . ch . 6. gouernment . strabo . carion . haill . li. 1 de l'estat . la nouë haill . l. 3. haill . l. 1. ibid. haillan . lib. 3. lawes . haillan . lib. 4. plato lib. 4 de leg . l. valerius haillan . lib 3. ch. m. ord . haill . li. 3 plut. nu. pom. commines sen. epist. dern . troub . a digression to the ciuill warres . der. troub . haill . 1. commines haill . 1. annal. fran. plut. cori. hollinshed turquet histo. de spag . haill . 1. commines . idem . cap. 20. du fay. haill . 1. commines haill . 3. poet. fran. du fay. plut. solon bodin . l. 6. hisp. cuius dam oratio paraen . horat. plut. pel● . plat. cor. commines . rabl . l. 2. vergil . eglog . commines horat. rabl . guicciard . lib. 4. machiauel hist. flor . commines holinshed . virgil. commines cap. 27. plut. cam. the king. plu. them. du fay. plut. pau. aemil. bod. li. 6. commines haill . commines q. mother of commi . h●ill . l. 2. suetonius . bod. l. 6. plut. ep. plut. pel. homer . vigner . hib . hist. bodin . li. 4 plut. peri. plu. them. terene● . haillan . terence . regem familiarem ●arras . his pedigree . you may obserue in this waste space of paper , that in the yeere 1328. philip , who was sonne to charles , count of valois , came to the crowne , by the name of philip the sixth of valois : since when , all the kings of this elder house are called ( de valois ) not that it is the sur-name of their family , which most writers , and euen the french themselues haue thought , haillan , lib. 3. d' estat . his childrē . his coronation . haill . l. 3 haill . l. 3. hail , li. 3. his title . bod. li. 4. ha●●l . l. 4. his armes hail . li. 1. his court. dern troubl . claudian . bod. li. 4. plut. lycurg . officers of court. grand mr. of france : great master . hail . li. 3. der troub . lib. 4. grand panetier : great pantler . gentils-hommes seruiteurs de la cour gentlemen waiters of the court. gentils-hommes de la chambre : gentlemen of the kings chamber grand escuyer : great esquier , or master of the horse hail . li. 3. maistre d' hostel : master or steward of the kings house . grand preuost de france , &c. great prouest of france &c. haill . l. 3. grand fauconnier et grand venneur . great faulconer , and great hunt. gentils hommes de sa gard gentlemen of the kings gard. comment . de l' estat . commines cap. 119. his order . dern . trou . of the s. esprit : or holy ghost . of saint michael antiq. par. la nouë . coment . de l' est. bodin . l. 5. haill . l. 3. of the starre . haill . l. 3. of the genette . id. li. 3. of the porcespi● of the croissante . of saint george . hall. li. 3. the goldē fleece . confer . des ordon . of the anunciation . of the knights of malta of saint stephen . of the band or scarfe . tillet . recueil . his forces . paul. iouius . bodin li. 5 la nouë . haill . 3. ordonn . ord. h. 2. 1547. tillet . recu●ill . hail . li. 3. confer . des ord. his gens-d'armes haill . l. 3 la nouë . antiq. pa. his infantery . bodin . l. 6. tacit. l. 1. la nou● . plut. alcib . cabinet du roy. la nouë . commines officers of warre . conestable . hail . li. 2. mareshall . co● . ordonn . haill . l. 4. ibid. admirall dern . trou . caesar. com lib. 2. dern . trou . grand master of the artillerie . treasurers for the wars . heraults . presse of souldiers marche . sir ro. wil. charge . la nouë . plut. the ▪ id. fab. discipline . caesar. com. l. 6. la nouë ▪ commine● id. rablais . his expēce bod. lib. 5. cabin●t du roy. but i doubt of this authours report , &c. la nouë . his dets . bodin . l. 6. bodin . l. 3. com. de l' estat . bodin . l. 6. bodin . li. 3 com. de l' estat . la nouë . recueil . his reuenue . bodin . l. 6. the domaine . haill . l. 3. liuy li. 1. dion . hali. lib. 2. plinie . diod li. 2. comment . de l' estat . dern . troubl . haill . l. 3. plut. cato cens. conquest . parties casuelles in france , is onely sale of offices . liuy . l. 38 polib . l. 4. commines . pension bodin . li. 5 plut. lysander . trafficke . bodin . li. 6 ●iuy li. 21. cice. offic . impost vpon marchandise . bodin . li. 5 haill . l. 3. dern . trou . imposition vpon the subiect . hail . l. 3. haill . li. 3. idem . li. 3 sale of offices bodin . l. 6. dern . troub . plut ▪ peri. haill . l. 3 spartian . demosthenes . plu. cori● . bodin . li. 5 cicer. pr● muraen . turquet . hist sp. bodin . l. 6. la nouë . muheustro et mana●t dern . troub . commines . officers of his finances . treasurer d' espargne . treas . de parties casuelles . treas . generaux . treas . de menus pl. generalities . elections receiuers . controlers . chamber of accounts . bodin . l. 5. court of aides . haill . l. 4 his coyne . strabo . plut. scyl . bodin . li. 6 administration of iustice. assemblies . p●ut . solon dern . troubl . ibid. mr. du fay. hollins●ead . der. troub la nouë parliaments . com. de l' estat ▪ haill . li. 4. comm. c. 4 haill . li. 3. ● . cic. 3. de legib . hail . l. 3. bodin . l. 4. courts of chatellets haill . l. 3. ordon . henry the second . 1548. courts of bayliwicks and sheriffalties . haill . li. 3 court of eauës & forrests priuy councell . grand conseil . officers for th' execution of iustice : ouer and besides the lieutenāts , preuost-marshals , presidents , coūsellers , aduocats , & .c aboue-named . chancellor . haill . li. 4. mon. ragueau . secretary procopius . gouernor and lieutenant . haill . li. 3. haill . li. 4. master of the eauës and forests . bodin . l. 3. haill . li. 2. plut. solen i●ue●a● . his clergie hisp cui●s●am . bodin . li ▪ 5 cabinet ●u roy. the temporall liuings of the church . bodin , li. 5. the spirituall liuings . boccaci● . nouella . 9 giornat 6 la nouë the reformed religion . comment . de l' est. plut. the m●st . comment . de l' est. his noblesse . du fa● . const. nea● cuias de feud . turq. hist. spag . peeres of france . haill . li. 3. tille● . bodin . l. 3. caesar. comment . l. 6. dern . trou . priuiledged . haill . li. 3. sig. du planche . haill . li. 3. vnlettred la nouë . plutarch . bodin . homer . dante . sir philip sydney . plut. themist . la nouë . commines . plut. aemilius . turquet . du fay. dern . troubl . la nouë . cab. du roy mons. du fay. com. de l' estat . his people . their liberty of speach . horac● . dern . troubl . plut. aemilius . their hearkening after ▪ newes . caesar. comment . l. 4. id. l. 7. their maner of diet. commines iuuenal . plut. lycurg . plut. alcib . their building . their apparell . la nouë . id. la nouë . their exercises . palle-maille . shooting in the peece , tennis play. dancing . musicke bod. l. 4. rep . their language suetonius . ludo. regius . rob. steph hail● . li. 3. caes. com. l ▪ 6 ▪ lud. regius . lu. regius . their nature and humour . 1. in deliberations . bezade fra , lingua caes. com. lib. 4. com. li. 3. ib. haill . li. 3. 2. in matter of warre . com. cap. 44. dern . troub . guicciard lib. 5. 3. in intertayning of friendship 4. in managing a quarrell . salust . 5. in gouerning his wife . plut. themist . id. pericl . 6. in aptnesse to scoffe . bolde . la nouë . plut. alcib . vncleanly theoph. character talkatiue troublesome . id. ibid. vainely proude . boasting of things nothing worth . rhet. ad herren . satyr . l. 1. sa . 9. hastie to conclude a peace . bodin . l. 5 id. ibid. commines seneca . plut. peri. bodin . l. 5. of this peace of fra. and sp. in 98. plut. p. aemil. ennius . plut. alcib . bodin l. 4. plut. peri. plut. pelop . commines cap. 24. id. bod. lib. 4. la nouë id. an epitome of all the lives of the kings of france from pharamond the first, to the now most christian king levvis the thirteenth. with a relation of the famous battailes of the two kings of england, who were the first victorious princes that conquered france. translated out of the french coppy by r.b. esq. 1639 approx. 321 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 207 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01158 stc 11273 estc s108602 99844260 99844260 9053 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01158) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9053) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1450:11) an epitome of all the lives of the kings of france from pharamond the first, to the now most christian king levvis the thirteenth. with a relation of the famous battailes of the two kings of england, who were the first victorious princes that conquered france. translated out of the french coppy by r.b. esq. commynes, philippe de, ca. 1447-1511, attributed name. brathwaite, richard, 1588?-1673, attributed name. basset, robert, attributed name. [14], 344, [8] p. : ports. printed by i. okes, and are to be sold by iames becket, at his shop within the inner temple gate, london : 1639. attributed by the translator to philippe de commynes, though the period covered continues after his death. sometimes also attributed to robert basset. "to the generous reader" signed: r.b., i.e. richard brathwait? robert basset?. probably compiled from a number of authors; see black, m.w. richard brathwait, 1928, p. 145. with an additional title page, engraved: the epitome of all the lives of the french kings from pharamond ye first to the now regning lewis the 13 contaynening [sic] all there chefest actions. with four final contents leaves. running title reads: the history of all the french kings. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -kings and rulers -early works to 1800. france -history -early works to 1800. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-04 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the epitome of all the lives of the french kings from pharamond y e first to the now regning lewis the 13 contaynening all there chefest actions london printed by i. okes and are to be sould by i. becket at the inner templegate an epitome of all the lives of the kings of france . from pharamond the first , to the now most christian king levvis the thirteenth . with a relation of the famous battailes of the two kings of england , who were the first victorious princes that conquered france . translated out of the french coppy by r. b. esq. london : printed by i. okes , and are to be sold by iames becket , at his shop within the inner temple gate 1639. to the generous reader , the translator presents his labours , &c. courteous reader , history hath been from all antiquity as noble as notable , and as full of pleasure as profit . poetry i must confesse to be the elder sister of the two , and the first reducer of mankinde to humanity and civility : but what the elder hath delivered unto us fabulously , the other hath done faithfully . great is the vtility which redounds to all men by history ( of what function or quality soever : ) first , to princes , it is a modell , by which to paterne their lives and actions : and by reading the heroicall deeds of others , to make their presidents , as well by imitating their vertues , as avoyding their vices . to states-men how to establish politicke lawes , and gravely to manage the affaires of a flourishing common-weale . it instructs soveraignes , how to governe with justice , mixt with lenity , and subjects to obey with duty , tempered with loyalty . historiographers have in all times and ages , and amongst all nations and languages bin held in great reputation and reverence . amongst the hebrewes philo-judeus , and josephus bengorion , who flourisht in the time of hierusalems last subversion , and depopulation , &c. amongst the grecians herodotus , thucidides , &c. amongst the romans or latins , titus livius , cornelius tacitus , salust , iustine , &c. amongst the french , philip comines : the author of the french inventory , the composer of this epitome of chronicle , &c. of the scotch , hector boetius , georgius buconanus , &c. and of our english ( to omit many ) holynshed , fabian , speed , mr. samuel daniel , &c. but concerning the present argument now in agitation , i have reade of one spintherus tarentinus , a man ( for his knowne vvisedome ) by the unanimous voyce of greece , adding an eight to the seven sages , who when he was to deliver his opinion of epaminondas , prime captaine of absolute power , and command without limit ; after he had studied io honour him with his best expression , he uttered of him onely these few words : hee was a man who knew much , and spake little . the like i may say of the author of this present vvorke , who writ it first in the french language : who though hee were frequent in all the french annalls , having read all their voluminous remembrances at large , yet was so farre from troubling the purse , or tyring the patience of the reader , that in his succinctnesse of stile , & contractednesse of circumstance , he hath strived to spare both : imitating the old adage , frustra fit per plura , quod fieri potest per pauciora : and my selfe who am the unworthiest of many in this kingdom , for the translation of this worke , have undertaken to make the french history , which i found accidentally , to speake english : where , in the ensuing booke thou shalt finde such mixture of discourses , both observeable , delightfull , and worthy to bee had in memory , containing al the kings that ever were of france , which in number are sixty foure , with their conditions , natures , chiefest acts , and deaths , as also of theseverall places of their jnterment , with many of their accute and witty sayings : all which , noble and courteous reader , i present unto thee , with a table of all the kings names at the latter end of the book : and if thou pleasest to accept of my endeavours , and but cast a benigne smile and a gentle censure , i shall take it a double courtesie , and labour to amend what hath beene done amisse . but least in commending the brevity used in his discourse , i might ( on the contrary ) erre in the prolixity of my epistle , i thus ( though abruptly ) as commit thee , so commend thee to thy gentle interpretation : thine , r. b. an epitome of all the lives of the kings of france , from pharamond their first , to the now reigning lewis the 13. pharamond the first king of france . anno 429. portrait the french nation inhabiting the lower germany long time before the reigne of the valentinians , emperours of rome , whether they were originaries there , or forraigners , they according to the report of aymoynus , ado , and other historians , had for an intervall of time ceased to be governed by kings , being contented to be ruled by dukes , untill such time that they had a desire to returne to their manner and custome , being incited thereto by the example of other nations ; in so much that upon a mature deliberation , they concluded their election upon pharamond for their king , by reason that over and above the vertues resplendent in him , he was the last sonne of their latest duke marcomire , who was duke of franconia , or east france , whom stilico had confined as an exulant in tuscany , from the yeare of our lord 395. the time of his election hath not beene precisely recorded by any historians ; the moderne authors also agree not upon the certainty and number of the yeares of his reigne : for some german chronicles accompt but 7 , others 9 , onuphrius 14 , but almost all the french annalists following sigebert , agree upon 10. or 12. yeares , which they begin at the yeare of grace , 419 , or 420. the french-men then estated him in the castle of dispargun , which was , according to gregory , in tongry or turingia , on that side the rhine , where hee made his residence , or rather in germany , without an intent of enlarging his command any farther , studying onely to institute and found the kingdome with good policy , and the lawes called ripuary and salique , by reason the french inhabiting for the most part upon the river of sals , ( which disgorgeth it selfe into the mein , a great and famous river of germany ) were called salians , and their principall city selgestadt , which peradventure might seeme to derive its nomination from salagast , who was a chiefe founder thereof . pharamond lastly comming to the period of his life , left the succession to his son clodion , anno domini 430. his character of life is drawne in these lineaments ; he made good lawes , and conformed the french to the obedience of civill government ; revived the salique lawes , and was the founder of the french monarchy : his name waramond or pharamond , imported a true mouth , truth being a noble vertue in a prince . the church was then happy in those lights of religion , jerome , chrysostome , ambrose , and augustine , shining through the clouds of oppression , wherewith those times were darkned and obscured : and the papacy was then but weake in power , afterward growing strong by the emperors absence , warring against the barbarians , and by succouring afflicted christians . cloion , or clodion , the second king of france , anno 432. portrait cloion , or clodion , according to sidonius , apollinaris , and gregory of tours , succeeded his father pharamond in the regall estate in the yeare 432. of our redemption . he was surnamed the hairy , because hee commanded the french men to weare long haire in token of liberty , to the end they might be knowne and distinguished from romans : or ( as some moderne writers will have it ) to this end , that none should weare long haire , but those of the royall blood . in the beginning of his reigne , perceiving the romans to bee employed altogether against the vandals in africke , and a notable dissention betweene aetius and boniface , went from his castle of dispargun , and fastened upon cambray , and all that countrey which lyes betweene the rivers of escaut and the somme , where to this day are the cities of monts , valenciennes , cambray , and the forrest heretofore nominated * carbonaire . afterwards having made a great discomfiture of the romans , who made head against him , hee came as farre as the bourough of st. helens , which is in the land of artois . he also subjugated those of thuringia , the saxons , and other populations of almaine , as funccius is of opinion . o ther 's also adde , that the city of mayence was by him taken in : the hunnibalt of trithemius holds , that he divided his kingdome into two parts , nominating that upon the coast of the rhine austrasie , and the part upon the west , nenstria or westria . the chronicles of flanders say , that he led his army against those of therovenne , otherwise called morinians , whom he made subjects : they perceiving their auxiliars the cinabres and ruthenians , and their captaine generall gondmar overthrowne , who had a daughter whom this clodion caused to be married to a nephew of his who was called flandebert , from whom they will have the countrey of flanders to derive its first nomination , although it is more evident that it was not so called before the time of charlemaigne . he deceased in the 20. yeare of his reigne , anno domini 450 , according to ado and aymoinus , leaving ( as jaques meier and richard of wassebourgh doe relate ) ranchaine , or ranachaire and alberic ( alias ) auberon , his sonnes . wearing of long haire ( as was said ) was ordained by this king to bee the ornament of princes , whereby clodamire slaine in battaile , was knowne from the vulgar souldiers , and shaving off the haire was a ceremony used at degrading of kings ; and queene clotilde suffered her sonnes heads to be cut off , rather than their haire , preferring honour to life , and accounting the disgrace which her children should receive by shaving , making them incapable of the royall dignity , worse than death ; for life , after the decease of honour , is but a continuall lingring death . hippone was now besieged by genserick , king of the vandals . saint augustine being 76. yeeres old , having seene and suffered in the miseries of the church , then generally afflicted by the barbarians , wearied with being a spectator of those tragedies , withdrew to heaven , and dyed , leaving the christian world a mourner for his departure . merovaeus , the third king of france . anno domini 450. portrait merovaeus , maire of the palace of clodion ( according to jaques meier and richard of wassebourgh , the authors afore-said , which merovaeus neverthelesse the abbot of ursperg thinkes , and other french historians are of opinion to have beene a bastard-sonne , or a neare kinsman of clodion , was by the reason of his valour and experience in warre , chosen king of the french , anno domini 450. secluding the sonnes of clodion from the inheritance of the kingdome . many are of opinion that he was the first that tooke upon him to march boldly all over the countries of the gaules , because by force of armes hee opened the way into those parts , where none of his predecessors had had any peaceable habitation or abode . and for this cause hee being acknowledged by the ancient french to be the first king to have passed so farre , the gauls or frenchmen were called merovinians . others are of opinion that it was , for that he was the first of the line that reigned over the french untill pepin , it being that the sonnes of clodion were supplanted , who betooke themselves for assistance to their mother in the kingdome of thuringia : where being growne to age , by the ayde of other nations recovered almany , cambresis , tournay , henault , and couloine , of which parts they tearmed themselves kings , and maintained it against the merovinians , untill the time of clovis . in the meane time attilla , king of the hunnes , having spoiled a great part of europe , laboured to joyne with the visigoths and french to ruine the romans , which was a cause that aetius a roman gentleman , who had the command of all the roman forces of the west , had this warre in charge , who gave unto merovaeus the right wing of the battaile against attila who lost the field : this battaile was fought in the catalaunicke plaine , which some esteeme to have beene that at chaalons in champaigne , others at solongne by orleans , who seeme better of opinion than those who would have it neare tholouse : because it is certaine that attila never penetrated so farre into the countrey of the visigoths , where the shock was so bloody and cruell , that there remained one hundred and fourescore thousand men slaine in the place . merovaeus yeelded to fate in the tenth yeare of his reigne , according to sigebert and other historians , anno domini 459. this king was fortunate in his warres , for after the death of aetia , executed by the emperour valentinians command , being so faithfull a servant , that it was said that the emperour had cut off his right hand with his left : by valour , potency , and opportunity hee advanced the monarchy of france , growing more exact and compleate in strength , hee being the third stone in that royall building called gaule , which new-begun estate was raised to a greater perfection by many other royall builders , descended from his race , and called merovingieres , in memory of this merovee , who , as titus vespasian said , non perdidi diem , so hee accounted that day lost wherein hee did no good . this worthy king was much lamented of all men , they gave him the solemne rites at his funerall , which appertained to a king in those dayes , which was teares and sorrow for forty dayes after . the church was now much troubled by the nestorian and eutichean heresies , which weeds were by two councells assembled at ephesus and chalcedon , plucked up out of the garden of christendome , and the true christian religion was now defended by cyrillus and theoderet , two stout champions for the church , who imployed their whole strength and power for the maintenance thereof , so that the remembrance of their pious and noble actions will continue in all ages to their eternall praise and commendation . chilperic or hilperic the fourth king of france , anno 459. portrait chilperic succeeded in the kingdome by the favour of the memory of his father , anno domini 459. notwithstanding that he seemed borne fitter to lead an army , than governe a kingdome in justice and peace , by reason of his insolence and lubricity , for which the great and powerfull men of his kingdome enforced him , having already reigned three yeeres , to flye into the kingdome of thuringia , there to expect the issue of his fortune . but before his departure , his friend vidomare , ( or as others report guiemans ) gave him his word and promise , breaking a peece of gold betweene them , the king keeping the one halfe , and he the other , advising the king that hee should boldly returne when he should receive the other halfe from him . hereupon the french chose in his place gilles or gillon governour of soissons under the romans , who reigned as king 8. yeares , in the end whereof chilperic was re-appealed by vidomare , who had so dexterously carried himselfe , that gilles himselfe wrought his owne ruine & hatred which the french conceived against him . chilperic hereupon endeavouring the recovery of his kingdome , gained a great battaile against his enemy agrippina , which the french surnamed coloyne . but in his returne hee sought an ill requitall to so good a friend and host the king basin of thuringia , because hee tooke away with him basins wife and queene , carrying her with him into france , and of her begat clovis . trithemius the abbot saith , that the dutchies and counties were erected and instituted by chilperic in france , who distributed them to those of his blood . but it is more apparent , that the french comming into gaule , retained onely the generall policy which the romans had there planted , with the nominations of the dutchies and counties , which denominate no more than provinces generall or subalterne . the bretons of gaule armorick under him tooke their beginning anno domini 460. as also the roman empire ceased in the west , anno dom. 477. chilperic breathed his last in the 24. veare of his reigne , about the yeare 484. the first part of chilphericks life and reigne was much disgraced by his vicious government , and his owne actions , oppressing his subjects , and for his lusts satisfaction , abusing their wives and daughters : but afterward , being awak'd by affliction , and touch'd with the sense of his former wrongs , he changed his course of life , and tooke pleasure onely in goodnesse , by his conversion gaining the affection of the french. thus affliction doth instruct not destroy a minde capable of reason ; for as winter stormes kill not the tree , but keepe downe the wanton sappe , which ascending in the spring , makes it more fruitfull : so by adversity and misfortune the minde is somewhat opprest , but by vertue it is reviv'd , and brings forth fruite of new conversion , and being dead unto former vices , lives onely to goodnesse , as this king , who in the last part of his life conquer'd his desires , and tryumph'd in that noble victory . clovis 5. king of france , and the first christian king of that nation . anno 485. portrait this lovis , or lewis , came to the crowne , anno dom. 485. at the age of 15. he surmounted through his magnanimity , the glory of his predecessors : and wee must ascribe the true entry of the french into gaule to him , according to the affirmation of gregory of tours , aymoynus , ado , and the modernes . for by the overthrow by him given to siagrius , count of soissons , sonne of gilles the roman , he reduced the county to the subjection and lawes of the french , and so abolished that small power and command which the romans at that time had formerly , in those parts of gaule , 537. yeares after it had beene subjected to the roman empire by iulius caesar. after that he espoused clotilda , daughter of chilperic , one of the kings of burgundy , and being in the tenth yeare of his reigne , he compelled the thuringians to receive and acknowledge his lawes . hee obtained the day at tolbiac against the almaines , reducing their kingdome into a province and dukedome : at his returne he became a christian in the 15. yeare of his reigne , and altered his coate of armes . neare unto dijon hee overthrew gondenbault his wives uncle , and in the 25 yeare of his reigne , hee slew with his owne hands in a battaile alaric king of the visigoths , who was an arian , and drove them out of gaule , and by that meanes hee submitted to his kingdome the countrey of angolesme , bourdelois , perigort , quercy , rovergue , albi , auvergne , and tholouze , nothing remaining unconquered of gaule , but provence , and a part of languedoc . afterwards being honoured with a patriciall dignity by the emperour anastasius , he removed himselfe to paris , where he established the regall seat of his kingdome . others affirme , that in defiance and despite of all his greatest friends and kinsemen , who at that time commanded a great part of france , siezing their estates and lordships , prevented a disturbation of his estate like to ensue . he reigned 30. yeares , and lyes inhumed and st. peter , and st. paul , now called st. genovesue , yeelding his last breath anno domin . 513. leaving foure children , childebert , king of paris , clodomire of orleance , clotharius of soyssons , theodoricke a bastard , sonne of his k. of metts , and two daughters ; besides that sonne which was slaine in the wars . the kingdome that was in its infancy of growth was twice mangled and dismembred . in the time of this warre , there came a messenger , that brought the king tydings how that one of his sonnes was dead : upon the receipt of which newes he presently tooke the crowne from off his head , and fell into a heavy and melancholly passion , insomuch , that for the time he was quite bereaved of his naturall sence ; which the messenger seeing , added this to his former tale , that his sonne dyed victoriously ; hearing of which words , he revived , and tooke up the crowne , and set it againe upon his head , and so rested satisfied . when richar duke of cambray , a man of bad conditions and lewd life , was by the king taken prisoner , and put to death , being betraied by the treachery of his barons , they imagining , as seneca saith , that prosperum ac faelix scoelus , virtus vocatur : that fortunate treachery , should be esteemed vertuous piety : and being not content with certaine richly guilt corcelets of copper , which the king had formerly sent them to procure the effecting of the aforesaid treason , they complained unto him , that they were but badly recompenced . he answered , the gift of your lives is a sufficient reward for traytors , who deserve torments rather than preferments for betraying their lord & master . your lives which i suffer you to enjoy , is no small benefit and favour . for kings , though they seeme to allow treason , cannot love the traytor . the traitors thus upbraided with their wicked nesse , and condemned by their conscience , slunke away from his presence . childebert , the sixt king of france . anno 514. portrait childebert , the eldest sonne of clovis , succeeded in the kingdome of paris , which was the regall seate of the monarchy of france , anno domini 514. upon his undertaking the government , he was by his brothers instigated , and his mother clotilda to the revenge of the death of his father and mother , who were by gondebault murthered : whereupon making warres upon the burgundians , their king sigismund was taken in a battaile , and together with his queene and progeny was throwne into a well at orleans . after that , they retreated against gondemar , brother to sigismund , where clodomire was slaine in the pursuite . by the meanes whereof , and the warres following upon the whole countrey of france , gondemar tooke possession of burgundy : whilst theodorick afterwards was against hermonfroy for the estating himselfe in the kingdome of thuringia , by the ayde and assistance of his brother clotharius ; childebert seized upon the county of auvergne , but having intelligence of the returne of his brother theodorick , whom he supposed to have beene dead , he went into spaine , against almerick , king of the visigoths , on a quarrell for the ill usage of his sister clotilda , which alarick hee slew neare to toledo , and tooke that city : and upon his returne he reduced gascogny to his obedience , chasing the visigoths backe againe into spaine , by this meanes making the frenchmen sole possessors of both the gaules , excepting one part of provence , which for a time remained in the hands and power of the ostrogoths of italy . childebert upon his returne from spaine , went with clotharius to beate gondemar out of his kingdome , which was divided betweene them , as also that of orleans was , after the slaughter of the children of their brother clodamire , except claudius that made an escape . about that time theodobald , king of the ostrogoths of italy , yeelded up all the possessions they had in provence , into the power of the french , to the end that they should joyne forces with him against belisarius , captaine generall of the army of the emperour justinian in italy , in the interim that childebert and theodobert through ambition were in an ill course against clotharius ; but these being reconciled by the nobility of the countrey , childebert and clotharius went into spaine , and surprised saragoca . afterwards upon a plot of cranne , a nephew of his , hee made warre upon clotharius , who being too eager and earnest to scoure the field , and cleare him of his enemies , hee dyed , in the 45. yeare of his reigne , anno domini 558 , and according to sigebert & aymoynus , 49. hee lyeth inhumed at st. germans des prez . this king was much troubled by his brethren , with whom he had a divided power , and ruled as the chiefe king ; but soveraignty admits no partners , for royall power , like an entire streame , fed by the spring , whence it descended , will not mingle with other titles , but doth maintaine an absolute and undenyed prerogative . his troublesome reigne concluded with his fatall death , for he was slaine by a wilde bull , which he hunted , the manner of his death being an embleme of his life ; for in his life hee persu'd wilde imaginations and vaine desires , untill this sad mischance layd him to rest in a grave , to shew the vanity of humane designes , which are so soone strooke dead , such is the glory of this world. there is no vertue in this life , except it be to love the thing that is to be beloved ; and to love that , is prudence ; and not to be moved or troubled for any matter of molestation , that is fortitude ; nor for any matter of flattery and delight , that is temperance ; nor for pride , that is justice . clotharius 1. the seventh king of france . anno 559. portrait clotharius , the third legitimate sonne of king clovis , having reigned 45. yeares at soissons , ( which is now called the belgick gaule ) upon the decease of his brother childebert , who dyed without issue males , was proclaimed the 7. king of france : which his sonne cranne perceiving , as being now destitute of the support of his uncle childebert , by whose assistance he managed strong warres against this his owne father , came and cryed him mercy . but hee made so mall use of his fathers grace and goodnesse , that hee committed againe a new fellony and rebellion against him : and when his latter proceedings began to bee worse and worse in successe than before , hee fled to conobre , or ( as others say ) canabo , prince and count of the bretons , who entertained him , and undertooke to secure him from his father . whereupon his father clotharius with his army invaded that countrey , where they joyned battaile , wherein the bretons lost the field , their prince being slaine in the place , and cranne taken prisoner , whom his father caused to be shut up in a house , and together with his wife and children to bee all burnt to death . but clotharius being the last of the sonnes of king clovis , dyed that same day twelve-month that he justly had caused his sonne cranne and his to be burnt , in the 51 yeares of his being a king. anno dom. 563. leaving behind him foure sonnes , who againe divided the french monarchy into the former tetrarchyes ; insomuch , that that of paris befell to the eldest , named cherebert , or charibert : soissons to chilperic ; orleans with the kingdome of burgundy to gontran ; and austrasy to sigebert , with the provinces on this side the rhyne : but before the partage or division aforesaid , they fell all upon chilperic , in open armes , for the surrender of their father treasures , which hee had already taken possession of , and by them the city of paris . whereupon it seemes that hee tooke it to heart , and ever after maliced his brothers , especially sigisbert , who had beene the motive ( as paulus diaconus saith ) that the hunns made warre against him . this king at the time of his death said , vnach , anach , how great is the king of heaven , that hath made subject unto death the greatest kings and princes of the world ! which speech discovered , that his too much affection to the world , made the approach of death , comming to take off his upper garment of mortality , more terrible , whereas , mors aequo pulsat pede pauperum tabernas , regumque turres , & sceptra ligonibus aequat . death impartially knocks at poore cottages , and the court gate ; and equally he bringeth downe vnto the grave , the king and clowne . to satisfie pope eugenius , and for feare of excommunication , for killing gawler of quetot his servant , hearing divine service in his chappell , hee exempted the lords of quetot from homage and service due to the king , thereby to expiate his bloody offence . but although his life was very bad and vicious , and blotted with many impieties , yet in sicknes his soule recover'd some health , by a free acknowledging his sinne , saying , that his onely hope and confidence was in gods mercy . cherebert 8. king of france . anno 564. portrait after the decease of clotharius , cherebert his sonne was king of paris , anno dom. 564. hee betooke himselfe to all the kindes and sorts of dishonest pleasures that his fancy suggested him . gregory of tours takes no notice of his reigne , because he governed not long : neverthelesse , this mention he makes of him , that he was excommunicated by s. german bishop of paris , for that hee had repudiated his lawfull wife iugoberge that he might take another , his brothers chilperic and gontran , being no waies different in conditions . but sigisbert was an honourable and a vertuous prince . cherebert dyed ( according to the report of sigebert , and the chronicles of france ) in the ninth yeare of his reigne , without issue or any notable memory worthy a king : which was a cause of great controversie betweene his brothers concerning the succession ; which in the end proved a warre , which ( according to paulus aemilius ) was of a long continuance : neverthelesse , although gregory of tours , and aimoynus have very confusedly spoken of that warre , without designing or remarking the time that it begunne , nor what time cherebert dyed : yet gregory allowes that there was a sharing of the kingdome . according to whose relations , tours , poitiers , and aniou , fell to sigisbert ; but what partsbefell to the others is not mentioned expressely but onely this , that chilperic obtained a part of normandy with rouen : gontran , berry , perigueux , and gascony . but each of them kept his part in the city of paris , and promised each to other , that after their departure thence , no one of them after that would enter into it againe , without the consent of the other two . this cherebert dyed at blaye , neare burdeaux , an. dom. 573. and was buried at st. romanus of blaye . gontran , sigisbert , and chilperic were , during their lives , in contention , untill such time as their brother sigisbert was slaine by two souldiers , who were put upon that action by fredegunde , the wife of chilperic , who was besieged in tournuy by sigisbert , who not long before was acknowledged as king at paris . this king was enchanted with the cuppe of pleasure , whereof hee dranke deep , & thereby committed many violent acts : for nulla capitalior pestis , quàm corporis voluptas hominibus à natura data est ; unlawfull sinfull pleasure is the cause of all plagues . and therefore diogenes told alexander , that hee had alwaies pleasure enough , while alexander had never enough pleasure ; and therefore he did not desire the insatiate pleasures of a king , and a king could not enjoy his pleasures . but this pleasure doth bewitch all the world , especially the sensible and rationall man , onely the spirituall mind can flye a higher pitch , & account all the delights of this world , but like the golden trappings of the asse , that is made brave to carry greater burthens . chilperic , the ninth king of france . anno 577. portrait chilperick having reigned nine yeares at soissons , and seeing himselfe raised from a meane to a higher degree of his fortune , by the death of his brother sigisbert , departed from tournay to paris : where having beene received as lawfull king , anno domini 577. dispatched his sonne merovaeus with an army for the reducing of the countries and cities scituated upon the river loire ; but he instead of that service , went directly to rouen , where by the advice of the arch-bishop praetextatus , he married brunehault , the widow of the foresaid sigisbert . whereupon his father was enraged , and after having dispersed the forces of the said slaine sigisbert , which came and assaulted him neare soissons , he shut up merovaeus in a monastery at mans , and afterwards sent his other sonne into guienne , for the recovery of whatsoever had beene in sigisberts possession : from whence he was repelled by patrice mumole , king gontrans lieutenant . in the meane time merovaeus , who was somewhat nettled , and had betaken himselfe to brunehault , is constrained to flye into austrasie ; from whence being also expelled , was put to death , and praetextatus confined to perpetuall exile . after this chilperick enforced waroch , count of lower bretagne , to acknowledge vassallage unto him , an. dom. 584. on the other side , childebert , who laboured to recover marsiles which his brother gontran detained from him , made peace with his uncle chilperic , who on his behalfe , with all his forces fell upon guienne , tooke lymosin , perigueux , and agenois ; and as he was very desirous to follow his fortune upon bourges , he was stayed by the army of gontran , with whom he made peace . not long after chilperic perceiving too amorous passages of his wife fredegund with landry , mayre of his palace , to take away the occasion of his resentment , they caused him that night to bee murthered , as hee returned from hunting , in the moneth of september , in the 23. yeare of his reigne , leaving one sonne , named clotharius , foure moneths old . whilst the daughter of chilperic was in her journey to be marryed to the second sonne of the visigoths , she was stripped , ransacked , and robbed of her treasure and jewells , and sent backe againe . an. dom. 586. helyeth interred at st. german de prez . the occasion of his murther was the discovering of fredegunds affection to landry , for thinking to give his wife a morning-salutation , hee came booted into her chamber before hee went to hunting , and finding her kembing her haire , which lay spread over her face , drew neare without speaking , and with his riding-wand in jest touch'd the hinder part of herhead ; she taking the king for landry , who had free accesse for secret visits , said ; in my judgment landry , a good knight should alwayes strike before , and not behind : whereupon perceiving that it was the king , who by those words had discovered her minde , while the king was gone a hunting , plotting the death of fredegund and landry , they contrived his death , and by murtherers by them hired , the king accompanied onely with his page , was killed as he return'd from the chace . clotharius 2. the tenth king of france . anno 586. portrait this clotharius , the second of that name , at the age of foure moneths , an. dom. 586 , succeeded his father under the tuition of his uncle gontran , who confirmed landry mayre of the palace , and constituted him his lieutenant generall of the kingdome , and retained paris to himselfe , with all the dependances of the kingdome of cherebert , the late king. gontran dyed in the 33. yeare of his reigne , anno dom. 595 , having before instituted for his heire by will childebert , king of austrasia , his nephew , who lost the battaile at soifsons against fredegund , for the guardianship of his cousin clotharius : as also foure yeares after , or thereabout , childebert being deceased , brunechilde , who had the tuition of theodobert and theodoric her yong sonnes , lost the battaile against her neare muret. fredegund in the end dying , the two kings of austrasia and orleans being vexed at the ambushments of clotharius , gave him battaile neare unto sens and estampes , and left him no more than twelve counties of his whole kingdome . theodoric as victorious and tryumphant enters paris . after that theodoric having his hands full of his other brother , and before that he would undertake any warre against him , accorded with this his brother clotharius , that hee would give him the dukedome of denthelin , and other parts which hee had taken from him , on condition that he would be a neuter betweene them . but hee having intelligence of the death of theodobert , who was slaine neare cologne in the 17. yeare of his reigne , enters immediately upon those promised countries . theodoric being very desirous that he should let goe his hold , was impoisoned by brunehault . clotharius remaining now sole peaceable possessor of the whole monarchy of france , put all the children of theodoric to death , except merovaeus , who was his youngest sonne . afterwards he punished brunehault according to her deserts and demerits ; and he instituted his sonne dagobert king of austrasia , against whom this man was much incensed for the death of his brother rodoald : but hee was reconciled into favour by the marriage of cometrude , sister of his last wife . clotharius having largely revenged himselfe upon the saxons , who had revolted and wounded dagobert , daring that that were without the reach of his sword , deceased the 45. yeare of his age , and of his reigne 37. an. d. 632. leaving dagobert by his first wife , and aribert by the second . brunehault before mention'd , having caused many murders and mischiefes , was by her owne souldiers yeelded up to clotayre , and by the chiefest persons of his dominions , condemned to bee tyed to the tayle of a wilde mare , and drawne through a stony rough countrey , being thereby torne in peeces , and dying many deaths in one death ; yet st. gregory in certaine letters commends her piety and wisedome , for many temples were by her builded and endowed , while in the temple of her soule shee sets up altars to murder and whoredome . dagobert the 11. king of france . anno 632. portrait dagobert being possessed of the crowne anno dom. 632. notwithstanding the oppositions of brunulph , vncle and governour of aribert , he assigned him the countries of aquitan and guienne for his maintenance , whereunto he gave the stile and title of a kingdome , and bounded it with the river loire , and the pyrenian mountaines . after that he laboured to polish his kingdome , administring justice to every man. in the ninth yeare of his reigne , which was the third yeare after the decease of his father , he captivated himselfe to vices , and voluptuousnesse , in such sort , that hee grew infamous , although hee seemed much devoted to the abby of st. denis , which he caused to be built , and enriched it with the pillaging of other churches . in the interim , king aribert deceased the seventh yeare of his reigne , leaving a sonne called chilperic , who survived him but few dayes , of whose death dagobert was strongly suspected . hee immediately united the kingdome of aquitan to the monarchy of france , and dismembred the dukedome of almania into divers parts , as munster affirmes . hee released the saxons of a yearely tribute of five hundred cowes , which they payed to those of austrasia , upon condition that they should keepe the sclavonians out of the dominions of france . after this hee crowned his sonne sigisbert king of austrasia . but because that in the 12 yeare of his reigne , clovis , or lewis was borne by his wife nentilde , he confirmed the kingdom of austracy upon sigisbert , and designed the occidentall part of his kingdome , called neustria , together with that of burgundy , to his sonne clovis . at that time radulphe duke , and governour of thuringia , for king dagobert would needes oppose himselfe against ansigise maire of the palace of austracy , and make himselfe king ; but in vaine . afterwards dagobert combated victoriously the rebellious gascognes , and intending as much to the bretons iudicael did him homage for his kingdome . lastly , he deceased with a flux the 19. or , as others affirme , the 29 of ianuary , anno dom. 647. sixteene yeares after the decease of his father . hee lyes inhumedat st. denis : with this king dyed the splendour of the kings of france , and the power of the maires of the palace beganne to take a dangerous and pernicious roote . the character of this king may bee thus drawne : he was better furnished with vertue than his education promised : he strained the kingdome by iustice , and brought it to moderation , and obedience ; the state thereof beingtoo much slackned by his fathers lenity , and as he had tun'd the government to yeeld a vertuous harmony , he grew into the opinion of his subjects , by his affection to piety , which he made to shine most cleare and evident , by building and enriching many temples , especially st. denis , honour'd since by being the constant sepulchre where the kings of france lye buried . he banished also the iewes out of his territories . but these resplendant vertues were darkened and disgraced by the foule sinne of adultery , whereby he grew infamous to his subjects and strangers , and was so confirmed in this vice , that anand bishop of paris perswading his conversion , was therefore banished . but his reason was awaked by pepius constant reprehension , to whom banishment being threatned , yet he persisted , and by a brave importunity , neglecting his owne danger , obtained of the king to bee mercifull unto himselfe , and forsake his sinne ; such was the minde of this vertuous prince to hearken to the words of a wise man which were spoken in season , that ever after he was wary both of his words & actions ; leavingan example of loyalty in a servant , and of reasons victory in a prince . clovis , ( aliâs ) lewis 2. the 12. king of france , anno 645. portrait this clovis or lewis , although he were the younger brother of sigisbert , whom some hold to have beene borne of a concubine , tooke the possession upon him of the kingdomes both of france and burgundy , under the government of his mother nentilde , and of prince aega , mayre of the palace , who shortly after dyed : in whose place was substituted ercembault , kinsman to the late dagobert by the mothers side . in the meane time pepin , mayre of the palace of austrasie , dyed , into whose office and place his sonne grimoald would enter . but perceiving himselfe to be opposed by a certaine otho , who formerly had had the government of sigebert in his minority made a quarrell betweene him and leuther , duke of almaine , who slew him . after , taking upon him the dignity of mayre of the palace , hee matched his sister begga to the duke ansigise , sonne of st. arnulph , by whom hee had pepin heristel . nentilde deceased anno dom. 651. as also her favorite flaveate did , who was by nation a frenchman , constable of burgundy , and wilebald governour of burgundy trans-jurane ; by the reason whereof ercembault governed solely the kingdome , until the king came to age . afterwards in the yeare 657 , sigebert perswading himselfe that he should have no issue , adopted childebert , sonne of grimoald , mayre of his palace as his sonne : but after having a son borne to him , whom he named dagobert , at his decease hee left him to succeede under the charge of grimoald , who caused the infant dagobert to be transported into scotland by dudo , bishop of poictiers , there to be made a monke , and caused his owne sonne childebert to be crowned king of austrasie ; which caused the king clovis , accompanied with his mayre ercembault , to give him battaile , in which they were both taken , and carryed to paris , where they dyed . by reason whereof clovis instituted his second sonne childeric king of austrasie , and appointed walfroy for mayre of his palace . after that there being a great famine , clovis tooke all the plate and treasure out of the church of st. denis , and gave it to the poore , and in recompence thereof hee exempted that abby from the subjection of the bishop of paris . he departed this life to a better , an. dom. 665 , in the 21. yeare of his age , or as others , 23 , and lyeth at st. denis , expecting a glorious resurrection . this king and many other his successors , retained nothing of soveraignty , but the name and habilements of kings , having resign'd their regall power to their mayres . for after they had committed all their authority to these vice-kings , they themselves did never appeare in publick , but on the first day of may , and then in their chariots , stuck with flowers , and drawne with 4. oxen. no suiters were admited to the kings presence , who in his chamber surfetted on all kind of pleasure , while the subjects complained onely to the mayre , and by him had their wrongs redressed ; for the whole government , which belonged unto the kings , was now ordered by mayres : yet this king was happy in his consort and queene bandour , of whose piety and devotion to religion , the abby of shelces , called st. bandour , and other religious buildings were lasting monuments . clotharius 3. the 13. king of france . anno 666. portrait this clotharius the third , the eldest sonne of clovis , succeeded in the regall power , anno dom. 666 , ( his brother childeric or childebert and theodoric being very young ) clotharius permitted the sway of government to his mother bathilde , and his mayre of palace ercembault , or ereich , whom some are of opinion to have beene entituled duke of france , and after the death of this , hee entertained one ebroin in his place , ( or as the almaine chronicles say ) eberwin , a german borne , a man cruell , malicious , and wicked , who was preferred unto him by the french. he was the first , that , abusing the imbecillity and infancy of his master , raised the power and authority of his owne dignity to such a heighth it never had before , slighting and misprizing the majesty and greatnesse of kings : insomuch that afterwards nothing , of what importance soever , must passe without the approbation of those mayres , all the principality ( as it were ) being solely in their breasts and power , swaying yea , and limiting the expences of their kings , as they list themselves : making warres , peace , alliances , ordinances and customes of the kingdome at their pleasure . some chronicles say , that the kings living at their ease and pleasures , shewed themselves but once a yeare in publicke upon the first day of may in a generall assembly , which was held every yeare for the publick affaires of the kingdome , in a place called the field of mars , where they rode in a chariot drawne by foure oxen , accompanied with the chiefe of the baronry , as well hearing the complaints of their subjects , as giving audience to embassadors of forraigne princes ; all which they received at the second hand from their mayres . this clotharius was surprized by a feaver , where of he dyed , having reigned foure yeares , without leaving any issue , anno dom. 670. theodoric undertakes the government of the kingdome , but through the turmoyles betweene him and ebroin mayre of the palace , the subjects enforced him to a monasticke life at st. denis , and ebroin at leuxeul in the franche contè . clotharius lyes at st. denis in france . the composition of his minde was cruell , which the subjects felt in heavy taxations , by him imposed , saying that plenty and peace made them forgetfull of their duty . and of him and his successors it may be said , that they left nothing memorable , but that they left no memory . hee may be reckoned among those kings that were living pictures of soveraignty , shewed every yeare to the people , and so put up againe into his chamber : but if vertue be active , and consists in doing good , how could kings thinke that they might rule by their deputies ? you never knew that flock of sheepe did thrive , when the shepheard committed them to the care of an hireling , or a boy and a dogge , for then the poore sheepe are torne by bryars : so are the poore subjects by oppressions , when rex dormit securus , when the king sleepes , and suffers his mayres to governe him and his realme . therefore it is said , that no man is good in regard of the nobility of his birth , but for the excellency of his vertue : for true nobility dependeth of vertue , and all other things are of fortune . but this was the defect of these times that made soveraigne power have aweake aspect , and not to looke so fine and cleare as it would have done , for this king and many others were then but like pictures in arras : yet for all his cruelty , they bestowed upon him those funerall rites which appertained to soveraignty , and inhumed him amongst the former kings . childeric 2. the 14. king of france . anno 670. portrait this childeric , king of austrasy , and brother to clotharius , being called to the crowne by the frenchmen , tooke ulfoalde for his mayre , but they found themselves as much troubled with him as they had beene with theodoric and ebroin , whom they had made monkes , and confined into monasteries . this childeric , who was a man of no great wit , and dissolute , confined ( saith sigebert ) leger bishop of authun , a man of a holy life , to the monastery of luxeul : neverthelesse the supplement of idatius affirmes that he was so gracious with him , that he was in a manner as mayre of the palace . he caused a gentleman to be ignominiously whipped , who was of franconia , called bodille , by which fact he excited such a scandall against himselfe , and a generall hatred of most part of the nobility of his realme , that they all rebelled against him , after the example of ingolbert ( aliâs ) wigobert , and amalbert ; giving such an occasion to bodille , that he sought all occasions of revenge for the notorious disgrace hee had received from him : who on a day espying him comming from hunting , caused him to be murthered by the assistance of his compliees , who also shewed no more mercy to his queene and wife blivilde , although shee were great with child ; which was a cause that ulfoalde fled into austrasie , and that the lords of france , by the advice of leger bishop of authun , tooke leudesil , the sonne of the late ercembault , for mayre of the palace , who ( as it seemes to aymoynus and ado ) taking theodoric out of the monastery , estated him in the regall throne . childeric and his wife were funebrially interred in the church of st. german des prez lez paris , anno domini 676 , and seven yeares after that by the generall consent of the frenchmen hee was called out of austrasie to governe the kingdome of france . hee left no issue ; sigebert and paulus aemilius seeme to confound the history , being of opinion that childeric reigned after clotharius 12. yeares , and theodoric 17. yeares after him : but others hold that the reigne of theodoric continued 19 , in the which they number the yeares of his being a monke , childerick being substituted in his place . this king was another of the same stampe with the former , by nature enclined to tyranny and cruelty , disgracing his well-begun reigne with a bad conclusion : for kings mounted on the top of honour , and beholding their subjects with contempt , thrust forward by flattery or ambition , doe easily become tyrants . and as this kings life did not shew handsome , so his death plotted and effected by bodille , did instruct kings not to dishonour or contemne their nobility , being their right arme. and also it shewed , that a disgracefull punishment inflicted on a gentleman , doth touch the quicke of the soule with a deepe apprehension , for being of a freer tender nature , they scorne as much to receive an injury , as doe any , and therefore they account it justice to revenge , though they dye in the confirmation of the act : this appeares by bodille , who concealed her anger , untill like lightning it struck the king before it was seene ; for he must be silent , full of darke thoughts , and carry his light inward , that will vindicate an injury ; and write mihi & vindictae litavi , this is a sacrifice to revenge . theodoric 2. 15. king of france . anno 680. theodoric ( alias ) thierry , the second of that name , having beene called out of the monastery by ebroin , who in the time that things were in a combustion and confusion through the death of childeric , went and assaulted leudesie , from whom hee recovered the royall finances . afterwards pursuing him , he , contrary to his promise , caused him to be put to death , and causing himselfe to bee re-estated in that dignity of which formerly hee had beene deprived , persecuted all those that had any way opposed him , filling all france with murtherous cruelties : insomuch , that he put to death leger , bishop of authun , and his brother guerin . whilst the austrasians substituted pepin , heristed , maire of the palace of austrasie , in the place of vlsoald , and appoynted for his coadjutor martin , his cousen german , sonne of clodulphe , second sonne of s. arnulph . where of ebroin being advertised , went to give them battaile at a place called locofic , where pepin was enforced to betake himselfe into austrasie for safety , and martin to laon : from whence ebroin , upon his word given him in way of promise , fetcht him out , and caused him to be put to death . immediately hereupon hermonfroy slew ebroin , and for refuge betooke himselfe to pepin . by the reason whereof , theodoric took to bee maire of the palace one named waraton , a man well advised , who having beene supplanted and undermined by his sonne gislemare , who dyed shortly after , entered into the state , although hee kept it not long , but dying left it in the hands and power of bertaire , who in such a high nature disgusted the lords and nobility of france , that they withdrew their affection from him , and there went ( namely andr amne and reole ) to consult with pepin for a warre upon theodoric the king , and bertaire , who was neare taxieres in vermandois defeated , and the said bertaire slaine by some that pursued him . whereupon theodoric made a peace with pepin , and gave him the office of maire of his palace , as he already had that of austrasie . pepin being desirous to compose the matters of austracy in order , instituted norbert as his lievtenant in france , in his absence . afterwards he made his eldest sonne drogon duke of campagne : pepin began to governe in france , anno domini 687. theodoric deceased 688. having reigned nineteene yeares , beeing a wonderfull patient king , and one that would not be moved with any small disaster that should have happened unto him , either through the divine power , or humane resistance . hee left behinde him three sonnes , clovis , clotharius , and childebert . this king being onely a picture of soveraignty , without any active motion , ne vixisse inutilis olim , videatur , left issue to shew that he had lived . he sate like a patient man , and beheld the tragedies playd by the mayres , as they had beene a game of tables , untill pepin wonne the set and soveraignty of france . this king was of a slow disposition , not contemning , but neglecting the world ; for if he had onely slighted earthly glory , he would have violated curius , who when the samnites brought him great store of treasure , as he was sitting by the fire side , hee said , non aurum haberi praeclarum sibi videri dixit ; sedeis , qui haberent aurum , imperare : he accounted it no glory to have store of gold , but to governe those that had store of gold . this was a magnanimity of minde , but a dejected minde in a prince , suffering a subject to over-toppe him , did not expresse the courage of a caesar , or an alexander , that desir'd to bee monarchs of the whole world . clovis 3. the 16. king of france . anno 689. portrait after the decease of theodorick , clovis , his eldest sonne , began his reigne in his minority , anno domini 689 , having pepin for mayre of his palace , who was surnamed heristel , sonne of ansigise , under whom france , that heretofore seemed to bee divided , and ( as it were ) dismembred , seemed now to be as an entire body , as formerly it had beene , and began to recover its pristine lustre and honour , which it had in a manner lost by the precedent divisions , and intestine dissentions ; which also had given an occasion to the aquitans and gascognes to range apart under the government of one proper and peculiar prince , whom they styled duke ; an occasion that roderic of toledo tooke to make mention of one called loup who was about that time . clovis reigned ( according to the contivator of gregory of tours , ado , and sigebert ) onely foure yeares , although aimoynus , through the default of writers , acknowledgeth but two yeares . and it seemes that in his time the saxons and swedes , who upon the occasion of the precedent warres by the succession of times , had withdrawne themselves out of the obedience to the french , were by pepin summoned to their duty . and because they made him know that they would not performe any such thing but upon compulsion , hee passed over the rhine with an army against them , wherewith hee gave them such downe-right knocks , that he beate them into a subjection according to his desire . by the meanes whereof france for some space of time continued in peace , recovering by little and little its authority and renowne amongst other nations and strangers . wherefore clovis had no leasure to enjoy a long content , because hee dyed , although young , ( as it is said ) leaving the succession to his brother childebert , an. dom. 692. the place of his death or interrment is not mentioned in any authors . this king reigned but foure yeares , and therefore his character may bee drawne by the embleme of the sunne rising , with a faire and cleare aspect , but presently over-cast with thick clouds , having this motto , orior & morior . as the sunne which fairely rose , is hid with clouds that doe enclose the cleare beames , while that it doth shew a sorrow , weeping teares of dew : so this king rose to a crowne , and setting soone in death , went down leaving the spheare of majesty : his motto this ; i rose to dye . childebert 2. the 17. king of france . anno 692. portrait after the death of clovis , his brother childebert succeeded him , and reigned according to all authours , 17. or 18. yeares , except ado , who alloweth him but 13. neverthelesse it seemeth that it was in his time that pepin made warre upon ratbod , duke of frizeland , who was as yet a pagan and an idolater ; so that he being overthrowne , pepin would not grant him any conditions of peace , unlesse he would permit a monke called wilebros , ( aliâs ) clement , a learned and vertuous man , might freely give instructions to the frizons in the christian religion ; which for the most part was generally approved and liked by the people : but the nobles and chiefe men remained and continued in their ancient errour together with their prince . moreover , that pepin was a man accomplished , and of singular parts , yet contrary to the lawes of marriage , he was so much taken with the fond love of a gentlewoman called alpaide , that hee utterly loathed his wife plectrude . by reason whereof lambert , bishop of utrecht , or ( as some report ) liege , a man of a holy life , boldly undertooke to lay open his sinne unto him , although he had restored him to his see episcopall , whereof ebroin had deprived him . whereupon alpaide was so much enraged , that shee instigated her brother dodon to kill him : but he and his associates received a reward due for such a demerite and murther . pepin on the other part hearing that norbert his lieutenant of maireship of france was deceased , substituted his second sonne grimoald in the place , and caused him to marry theudesinde , daughter of ratbod , duke of frizeland . about five yeares after , drogon , the sonne of pepin , duke of champagne , dyed , ( as ado noteth ) anno dom. 708 , but according to sigebert , 699 , whose estates were by pepin given to his sonne thibault : after that , seeing the swedes to rebell against childebert , under the conduct of villarius he sent anepos bishop against them with a powerfull army , which overthrew them , saith ado. childebert deceased an. dom. 710 , having reigned 17. yeares , leaving issue , dagobert , clowis , and daniel . that which is chiefly observable in this king , was his dotage on alpaide , a faire & beautifull gentlewoman , whom he loved beyond all respect of himselfe , letting his fame bleed to death , wounded with a bad report for his incontinent life . for that king that is addicted to the love of a woman , hath all his senses so charmed , that he understands nothing but his pleasure , and is quite given over to follow his owne wicked desires . for , est infoelicius quàm meretrice nihil . a whore may well compared be unto a garden of misery : he that doth both touch and taste her fruite , doth unto death make haste . and hee that endeavours to make a king see his owne vice , does alwaies perish in the attempt , & resembles virgils poore gnat which the shepheard killed with clapping his hand against his face , while he strove to wake him . so bishop lambert , that would have wak'd the king , was by alpaides plot and the kings consent murdered . dagobert 2. the 18. king of france . anno 710. portrait dagobert , the eldest sonne of childebert , began his reigne anno dom. 710 , according to trithemius , ado , and aventine ; not as sigebert would have it , 716. there is not any memorable thing by pepin done in his time , found or read recommendable to posterity , but onely the death of grimoald , maire of the palace of france , which was anno dom. 714. in april , who was miserably slaine by a souldier , a frizelander , in the church of st. lambert , belonging to the see of liege , whither he went to visite his father pepin then lying sicke in his bed , whereof he dyed the same yeare , about the midst of december , having executed both the maireships with great honour for the space of 27. yeares and a halfe , after he had surrogated thibault to his sonne grimoald to be maire . he resigned the mayery of austrasie to a naturall sonne of his called charles , whom he had by his concubine alpaide , already perceiving in him the signes of a great generosity , which enabled him for such a charge , although hee were but yet very young . which gave an occasion to plectrude , the lawfull wife of pepin , cunningly to surprize him , and to imprison him in the city of cologne , as well for the novercall jealousie shee had of him , as for having meanes also to ruine the estate of austrasie , as also of france , being in the hands of her younger sonne thibault , assuring herselfe that the managing of businesses would passe well enough under his name : but the frenchmen not willing to be governed by a woman , being grieved also that the office of the maire should be hereditary , which formerly had beene by election , made an insurrection against thibault , whom they forced to flye into the forrest cocie . after that they chose ranfroy for mayre : the same yeare 714. dagobert dyed , having reigned 5. yeares . this king was disswaded from the love of alpaide , by lambert bishop of vtrect , whom this cruell dame in revenge caused to be slaine by her brother dodon , strucke after the acting this murder , with a disease of wormes , the stench whereof he being not able to endure , threw himselfe headlong into the river of menze . see here a punishment to affright the sinfull soule ; a king that had before lived in a most voluptuous manner , that made a whore the center of all his thoughts , thinking all happinesse to be contained within that circumference , having lost his reason , and being wholly governed by a petty-coat , what a sad and fatall end did he meete withall ! for pleasure comes with a faire alluring face , tempting to taste of her circes cup , but when shee turnes her backe , she hath a ragged ugly shape , which offends the sight , and brings the mind to sad repentance . this king had highly sinned , and now wormes began to be bold with him , and eate his living flesh , so that corruption did not follow after death , but contrary to nature hee rotted and corrupted while he lived , untill the worme of conscience tormented his soule ; a miserable death attending a bad life . clotharius the 4 , 19 king of france . anno 719. portrait clotharius the fourth , sonne of theodoric , who was the fifteenth king of france , was brother to the kings , clovis the third , and childebert the second , and uncle to dagobert the second ; and by the plots of charles martel , upon the decease of dagobert , was made king. for , hee perceiving that the greatest part of the french had constituted king , a certaine daniel , a man of the royall blood , whom they had drawne out of the monastery , and nominated him chilperic the second ; he , by force of armes having valiantly fought it out in the field , and victoriously overthrowne them , ( as hereafter shall be mentioned ) made himselfe master of all france , and from thenceforth charles martel against his will was made king : but he knowing that the french , that could not containe themselves without a king , and would not admit any to the title , but those of the royall blood , knowing also himselfe not so descended , he caused this clotharius to be crowned king , as the next of blood ; not that hee thought him worth such a dignity as that of a kingdome , but for a gaining of authority by this faire pretext , and for the transferring of the crowne of france by little and little to his children , which afterwards came to passe . for under the name of clotharius , charles martel did what he pleased , which so fortunately succeeded daily , that by this meanes he made a scaling-ladder for his sonne pepin to the crowne : so , that clotharius the fourth , was made but an imaginary or titulary king , who did not any thing worthy of memory , because hee reigned not above two yeares or little longer : and in the time of his reigne , all france was in great factions and divisions , by the reason of so many pretendants to the office of maire of the palace : also that charles martel had after him the entire government of the whole kingdome , and command of all ; insomuch , that he was called , prince of the french-men , great master and governonr of france : and clotharius had but the bare title of king : which is a cause that paulus aemilius , and other historians have not inserted him into the catalogue of the kings of france . the aforesaid clotharius deceased about the yeare 719 , and lyeth inhumed at nancy . this king , having not the power of a king was like a picture of majesty , for some years exposed to the publick view , but afterwards death drew a curtaine between him and the world , and then he was soone forgotten , whereas vertue doth give a second life to princes , while their name is preserved fresh in memory : for sola virtus expers sepulchri . vertue alone can never dye , but liveth still in memory . and therfore that excellent monument , better than any marble stone cut into forme by carvers art , is the statue of the mind , not that of the body : for statuae huiusmodi relinquendae , quae virtutis sint monumenta magis , quàm staturae corporis . that king doth need no tombe cut out by art , whose fame doth live in every subjects heart . daniel ( alias ) chilperic 20. king of france . anno 719. portrait daniel , whom some affirme to have beene the sonne of childebert , and brother to dagobert ; and others , that he was onely of the blood royall , was taken out of the monastery to bee made king ; and his former name was changed into chilperic , anno domini 715. in the beginning of his reigne he entered into a confederacy with ratbode duke of frizeland . in the meane time charles martel escaped the imprisonment of his step-mother plectrude : and as hee made all possible meanes and waies for the recovery of his right , before that hee could effect any thing , he was by ratbode defeated , neare the meuse , before that rainfroy , and chilperic could come to charge him . neverthelesse , anno domini 716. after , as the frenchmen went with a convoy of an infinite treasure of monyes from the parts neare cologne , which plectrude had given them . charles martel set upon them with such a fury , that he enforced them to forsake it neare unto albis . by the meanes whereof , taking heart for this his first fortunate enterprize , he overthrew rainfroy , and chilperic , anno domini 717. the 21 of march , neare unto vinciate , who came with an intent of an ample revenge , charles by this victory assuring himselfe of the french , desirous to reduce the rest of the kingdome of austracy , entered by force into cologne , and forced plectrude to surrender unto him all his fathers treasures . and for the greater validity of his cause , puts one forward ( whom some esteeme to have beene the uncle of the last king dagobert , called clotharius , or lotharius ) forcing him to take upon him the title and name of king : with him afterwards hee went to encounter chilperic , and rainfroy , who by the meanes of eude duke of aquitan , or gaseogne , were destitute of their forces , being by him defeated , and overthrowne in champagne , insomuch , that for safety chilperic retired to the said duke with all his treasures : anno domini 719. clotharius , the titulary king , departed this life , whereupon charles martel sent to demand king chilperic of eude , that he might bee sent unto him : by whom he was afterwards acknowledged as a king , and entertained eude , into his amity and love . chilperic also a yeare after deceased , anno dom. 720. having reigned five yeares and a halfe in a troublesome and turbulent stare , which was scarce settled in all the time of his reigne : charles martel , with clotharius , ( or lotharius , who had tooke the name and title of king ) raising many perturbations in his kingdome : but death at length drew his dayes to a period , after his great and manifold troubles , and lyeth interred at noyon . theodoric 21. king of france . anno. 720. portrait theodoric was by charles martel substituted to chilperic , anno domini 720. and reigned onely titulary , as others had done before him , for the space of eighteene yeares . charles martel left aniou to rainfroy , upon condition , that hee should resigne the office of mayre , and after that went to terrifie and chastise the saxons , who had rebelled : at which time ratbod duke of frizeland dyed a. d. 727. he brought the almaines into such a servitude to the french , that before that time they never performed . afterwards , having enforced plectrude to come to an agreement , he marched into aquitan , against eude , where in the way hee , by a generall parliament , made himselfe to bee stiled prince of the french. whereupon eude , more enraged than vanquished , incited the saracens of spaine , by the meanes of muguoce , lord of lerdane his sonne in law their servant , whom charles encountred before tours , and gave them an overthrow by the assistance of the said eude , who was enforced to take his part by reason of the insolencyes committed by the saracens , who had now come downe into his countrey . in this expedition hee gained the sirname of martel , for the mortality he made of his enemies . after the ending of this warre , he went against the burgundians , to punish them for their rebellion , and also those of provence . after that , knowing the death of eude , he reduced gnienne and aquitaine into his obedience , dis-inheriting gaifer and walde the sonnes of eude ; who retiring themselves into gothland , and septimany ( alias ) languedoc , recovered by the assistance of the visigoths , a part of guienne , in the meane time that martel was in warres against pepin , the sonne of ratbod , whom he overthrew , and forced the frizons to become christians . after , having sent backe his vncle childebrand against the visigoths and saracens , who had possessed avignon , himselfe went to quell burgundy , now upon a revolt , and by the aide of luitprand , king of the lombards , he went to drive athin out of narbon , and out of all languedoc , and provence , all which he submitted to the crowne of france , and hee tooke away the earledome of marsiles from count morice , who had delivered avignon to the saracens . theodoric dyed about they yeare 740. it was a usuall custome for great warriers and souldiers in those times to get some titular addition to their name ; as alexander was called ille magnus ; so martel was so sirnamed , quasi mortalis , or martialis , because he was mortal in his expeditions , & full of martiall valour ; he was the first founder of the second race of the french kings , and therefore must needes be a man of great vertue , since the raisers of private families are either saints or divells , that get honour by vertue , or goe to hell for it , to leave it to their posterity . childeric 3. the 22. king of france . anno 740. portrait childeric succeeded his brother theodorick , anno domini 740. he was the last king of the race of the merovees , charles martel deceased at paris , october the 22. an. dom. 741 , leaving carloman and pepin surnamed the short , giles arch-bishop of rouen , ( and griffon , who was by another mother ) carloman and pepin tooke upon all their fathers possessions , and entituled themselves dukes and princes of the french. they called hunaud to accompt , who had made himselfe a proprietary lord of aquitaine . in the meane time griffon fastened upon laon , claiming it as his right ; from whence he was fetcht out , and imprisoned at ardennes . after carboman having compelled the almans ( who had revolted ) to his obedience , an. dom. 743 , went with his brother to combate odilon ( or ) vtilon , duke of bavaria , who was now in rebellion , and had stolen and married their sister : whom they having compelled to alter his title of king to duke , they were contented he should peaceably enjoy their sister as his wife . at their departure out of bavaria , an. dom. 744. they went against the saxons , whom they enforced to undergoe their accustomed yoake , giving their duke theodoric as an hostage , who upon his owne word was sent backe ; but the yeare following hee was againe taken in a relapse of a new revolt against the french. an. dom. 746. carloman became a monke of mount soracte in tuscany , and afterward at mount cassin . whereupon pepin reduced the whole monarchy into his sole power . afterwards hee pursued his brother griffon , who had retired himselfe into saxony , and from thence into bavaria , from whence pepin having fisht him , hee brought him into france , and gave him the dukedome of angely in normandy . after this pepin affecting to joyne to himselfe both the name and the royall authority , wrought with pope zachary by bouchard bishop of witsbourg , and by volrade his domesticke chaplaine so farre , that the states of france assembling at soyssons , following the declaration of pope zachary , degraded childeric and his wife gisale , and sent them to live a monasticke life in the countrey of bavaria , anno dom. 752. thus was the merovaean race deprived of its honour 293. yeares after the death of merovaeus . this king and his queene were enforced to be religious , and being depos'd , were sent to a monastery ; for it was a usuall custome sometime to confine the right heire to such houses , or when they would be tid of their kings , they did shave their heads , and made monks of them , wherein it may bee they did their soules good ; but compelled religion can never be sound . jerome living in a wildernesse beheld rome , and a king in a cave will thinke on a crowne , and therefore it may be said , when a king weares the fryers hood , he is either very bad or good . charles martell , duke and prince of the french. portrait one charles martel is placed here amongst the kings of france , not because in his life time hee tooke upon him the name and title of a king , but because indeed hee commanded all france ( after that hee had made an escape out of the imprisonment of plectrude his mother in law ) untill his death : having made himselfe to bee created in an assembly of three estates of the kingdome , prince and duke of the frenchmen , more haughty and illustrious than that of mayre of the palace , wherewith his predecessours were contented , and the kings that reigned in his time , had onely the bare name and title , without any power at all , as it hath beene already mentioned ; yea , and after his decease his successors qualified him as a king , as it appeares by his tombe in the church of denis in france , where his statue is crowned , and acoutred with robes of regality , and is written about it in latine words , charolus martellus rex . and justly hee may be so styled , because there was no king in his time , but who he pleased . pepin heristel was his father , ansigise his grandfather , s. arnulph his great grandfather , who being a widower was made bishop of mets , which s. arnulph was directly descended in the masculine line of clodion , the sonne of pharamond , the first king of france . this charles was so valiant and generous , that he obtained the surname of martel , for the exceeding great strength of his arme , and the memorable victory which he obtained against the saracens , neare unto the city of tours , of whom he slew in the place to the number of 375. thousand . he reduced the whole countrey of languedoc , otherwise called septimany , to the monarchy of france , which untill that time was not warranted . hee was very zealous in the defence of the christian religion : yea , and rome it selfe being distressed by the siege of luitprand , king of the lombards , and brought into great extremities , pope gregory sent by a bishop anastasius and sergius a priest , the keyes of the sepulchre of st. peter to prince martell , whereby he intimated unto him , that he put himselfe , the church and the city of rome into his protection and safeguard . wherefore he sent embassadors to the lombards , to intreate them for his sake to desist , and to permit a peace to the city of rome : which tooke such effect , that from that time afterward the popes in all distresses sought to france for reliefe upon all occasions , whereof they never were destitute . in the end the goths being vanquished , the saxons and frizons subdued , languedoc conquered , and provence recovered , and france enjoying the tranquillity of a happy peace . charles made a distribution of his estate to his children , and shortly after dyed the 22. of october , anno domini 741 , who was the first that was ever styled prince of france , and lyes at st. denis in france . this charles martell being king of france in power , though not in title , did make childeric called daniel , clotarius the fourth , theodoric the second , and childerick the third , successively kings of france . the realme and crowne of france being by childerick the third offered to charles martell , who refused the diademe , saying , that it was more glorious to reigne over kings , than to be a king , as appeareth by this epitaph on his monument . ille brabantinus dux primus in orbe triumphat , malleus in mundo specialis christicolarum , dux dominusque ducum , regum quoque rex fore spernit . non vult regnare , sed regibus imperat ipse . the duke of braban , whom fame doth renowne for the chiefe champion of all christendome , ruled both dukes and kings , and did disdaine to be a king , but over kings did reigne . he had foure sonnes , caroloman and giles of modest milde spirit , pepin and griffon rough and ambitious : he left to caroloman , austrasia ; to giles , being more hardy , france ; and giles given to devotion , hee made bishop of roan ; and griffon being of a turbulent dispotion , had no portion , but was enforced to depend on his brothers , whereby the ambition of many brothers reigning together was prevented . fame doth report that this monarchy nor any forraigne state did ever yeeld a worthier man , or any one so well accomplisht with so rare and goodly qualities , being greatly admired and generally beloved for his pious and renowned actions . for religion , wisdome , justice , valour , modesty in prosperity , resolution in adversity , temperance in authority , diligence , and good fortune , made him a most compleate prince , not wanting any endowments fit for so high a calling ; and the example of vertuous perfection , for vertue is the highest perfection of nature , beyond which humane frailty cannot reach . pepin the short , the 23. king of france , anno 752. portrait pepin the short , sonne of charles martell , was crowned king of france in the beginning of the yeare 752 , by boniface bishop of magence . the saxons rebelled the yeare following , but pepin made them very feelingly sensible of their default . an. dom. 754. pepin having beene againe annointed and crowned in the church of st. denis by pope stephen , successour to zachary , who came to demand ayde of him against astulph king of the lombards , passed over the alpes , and two severall times put the king astulph into such streights and extremities , that he was constrained to surrender to the pope duties belonging to st. peter , the segniory of ravenna , and all that hee could claime in romania : whereupon the emperour of constantinople , to whom those territories did belong , being much discontented , an. dom. 759 overthrew the rebellious saxons , and compelled them to pay tribute at every generall parliament of france 300. horse fit for service of warre . from thence hee went against waifer , duke and governour of aquitaine , and enforced him to come to a composition , which neverthelesse had no effectuall issue , untill hee had defeated him in divers battailes , and taken the greatest part of his principall cities . which waifer perceiving , and the taking of his mother , sisters , and nieces , was enforced to commit the rest of his fortunes to the hazard of a battaile neare perigord , where , with the day he lost his life also , and his principality likewise . moreover aquitaine received a governour ( who in those times was styled duke ) from the appointment of the king , and was reunited to the crowne of france . pepin retreating with his army , was arrested with a fit of sicknesse at the suite of death , whereby he paid nature what he was indebted , the 24. of september , in the 54. yeare of his age , anno domini 768 , leaving by his queene berthe , charles , and charlemaine , to whom by a partage they made betweene them , the occidentall part of france , together with burgundy , and aquitaine befell to charles , who established his seate at noyon : and to charlemaine the orientall , whereunder the provinces on this side the rhine were comprised , and held his court at soyssons . this king was the first of the second race , under whose vertuous government the happinesse of france was much improved , and in his sonnes reigne ; but vertue being no inheritance descending to posterity , the glory of the kingdome by the vices of succeeding kings declined , shewing that grace and goodnesse are the absolute free gifts of god. that which assured him of his subjects love , and made him become gracious in their estimation , was his honourable actions , followed by the love and obedience of his subjects , for the attractive love of vertue firmely obliges subjects to their prince , and doth by a secret violence draw their affections . his last act concluded in a royall death , being happy in his honours and hopefull children , one of his sonnes being afterward acknowledg'd the worthiest and most excellent prince that ever reigned : and himselfe by his vertue and valour gaining his subjects love , instructed princes that the subjects love is the strongest guard , and that vertue is the best preserver of majesty , giving a good and prosperous successe unto all their actions by whom she is embraced and dayly followed , never leaving them hopelesse in any danger which may seeme to threaten them , but rather encourage and comfort their troubled spirits with assurance of overcomming and withstanding whatsoever may prove obnoxious or hurtfull unto them , and lastly , it doth not onely enrich a man with all temporall blessings here in this life , but hereafter advance him to immortall honour . charlemayne , emperour of rome , and the 24. king of france . anno 768. portrait no sooner had charles made a partage with his brother charlemayne , but he was enforced to restraine lupus duke of gascoigne , and hunaut of aquitaine with including them in a fort called fressac , built neare to libourne . after that , marrying with the daughter or sister of didier , king of the lombards , he entertained trasilon duke of bavaria , into his amity . the yeare following , charlemaine deceased , leaving two sonnes , whom charles permitted not to govern in their fathers estate , but annexed it to his owne . after that hee made warre upon the saxons , and in the yeare 773. at the request of pope adrian , hee tooke didier in pavia , whom hee confined in banishment to liege , recovering all the possessions he had in italy . and the same yeare he returned against the saxons , where hee founded a fort by the name of francfort . againe , being gone into italy against adelgise , sonne of didier , who was revolted , hee returned immediately against the saxons , whom he forced to imbrace christianity . anno domini 776. the same yeare hee tooke from the sarazens in spaine , pampelonne , saragosa , and made many kings tributaries : in his returne from thence the gascognes slew most of the best men of france . hee subdued the bretons of the lower brittagne , who had revolted : and anno domini 787. he tooke the fidelity of adagise , duke of benevent , and of trasilon , duke of bavaria , whereupon he confiscated to his owne use , the whole countrey of bavaria , and enforced theodon , and his sonne to a monasticke life . hee overthrew likewise the sclavonians , and the vandals , who held the countrey of brandebourg , malgebourg , and pomerania , and also the huns , and avarois , who at that time possessed pannonia . hee was saluted emperor anno domini 801. upon chistmas day . and having received presents from the king of persia , hee was sought in marriage by the empresse of irene . after that , having combated the venetians by his sonne pepin , and defeated the normans ; and having founded the vniversities of paris , bologne and pavia ; an intending to unite the channell of the rhine with that of danubius , he was intercepted by death , anno domini 814 beeing threescore and twelve yeares of age , having reigned over the french sixe and forty yeares , and of italy three and forty , and of his empire foureteene , and lyes inhumed in aix la chapelle . this charles got some addition to his name , as alexander the great , being indeed great in the gifts of body and minde , arts , and armes . the ground-worke whereon he raised noble trophies to fame , was religion , to which he give due honour , and from thence deriving morall perfections , he grew an admired prince , naturally favouring the muses , learned in the greeke and latin languages . philosophy , the mathematicks , and other sciences , hee cal'd his pastimes and companions of his sword . something he wrot in poetry for recreation , but he especially delighted in history , the register of noble actions . the acts of charlemaine in the life of his brother caroloman , were many , and most renowned , and also when he was king alone , but when he was enstalled emperour , he crowned all those actions by his care of the church , and his godly preparing for death : for hee was much enclined to to the reading of such bookes as were for the bettering of his understanding , and which tended to the leading of a vertuous and godly life ; as may appeare by his spending three yeares in reading the bible and st. augustines bookes before he dyed . and the character of his life was : that his vertue was the paterne of princes , and his good fortune the subject of their wishes . lewis the debonaire , emperor of rome , and 25. king of france . anno 814. portrait lewis , who was left the sole son of charlemagne , was consecrated at rheimes by pope stephen , anno domini 814. in the beginning of his empire , he reduced the sclavonians , sorabes and gascoignes under his obedience who had revolted upon the death of charlemaine : he held a parliament at aix , where he caused his eldest sonne prince lotharius , to bee crowned emperour with him , and caused his other sonnes to bee crowned kings , giving unto pepin the kingdome of aquitaine , and to lewis the dutchy of bavaria . by reason whereof , his nephew bernard rebelled against him , who by a sentence of the emperours counsaile had his eyes pulled out , whereupon he dyed with griefe . from thence lewis went against the bretons , who had made an insurrection , and chaced lindeute , governour of austria , out of pannonia . and having anno domini 824 renewed his alliance with michael the emperour of constantinople ; and his wife hermingarde being dead , he marryed with judith , daughter of the count artolf , which iudith , because she advanced hers to the disadvantage of the emperours children , was a cause that they raised an army against their father ; who having confined her into a monastery of italy , she was put into a coffer at st. medards of soissons , from whence she was conveyed out by the french princes . lotharius seeing this , fled into italy : the troubles of france being appeased , the danes and normans ransacked the countrey of zeland , and frizland , and also the bretons rebelled . also the saracens much perplexed the emperor in the chasing them out of italy and provence , who finding himselfe neare his end , bequeathed unto his son charles the occidentall part of france , and by the death of pepin , a. d. 838. aquitaine was added ; & to lotharius he left the empire , with the rest of the kingdome of france ; & to lewis the kingdom of bavaria . lewis being discontented at this partage , would needes take almaine into his power : but having beene hindered two severall times by the emperours army , in the end the emperour dyed in an isle of the rhine the sixtieth yeare of his age , and the 27. of his empire and reigne . anno domini 840. this lewis was of a milde and gentle disposition , fitter to be a church-man , than a king ; wherby he grew contemptible to his subjects ; yet milde natures much provoked are violent in revenge ; for having taken bernard , he imprisoned him , then put out his eyes , and all the bishops & noblemen his adherents : hee indiscreetly gave his sonnes their portions , and thereby procured his own affliction , arming them with strength to rebell against their father ; and for affection to church-men he was by them censured for his cruelty to the bishops , to be confined to a monastery , while the clergy adhered to the rebellious children against the father ; whose late attempt was to chastise the insolency of of his sonne lewis ; but age and griefe concluded his happinesse , and the good old king having felt enough vexation in the unnaturall rebellion of his children , forsooke the world , and so found rest and happines . charles the bald emperor , and the 26. king of france , anno 840. portrait this charles the bald having attained to the kingdome , anno dom. 840 , made great warres against lotharius , untill hee gave him battaile at fontenay : during these debates the bretons revolted , and the normans came even unto paris to sacke the abby of st. german , insomuch that charles was enforced by money to hire them to a retreate . after this , charles went against neomenius king of bretagne , whom he routed and defeated twice afterwards . anno dom. 851. after , aquitaine fell into the hands of charles , who encloystered his nephews pepin and charles . hee againe overthrew the bretons ; the normans on the other side tooke the city of nantes , confounding all with blood and fire , not sparing the bishop who was then at masse . fifteene yeares after the battaile at fontnay , charles the bald made himselfe to be annointed king in the city of limoges . lotharius became a monke , leaving the government to his son lewis ; but that part of gaule beyond the mountaines , was divided betweene charles and lotharius his other sonnes . baldwin having espoused the daughter of charles the bald without his consent , in the end was acknowledged as sonne in law , to whom charles gave the county of flanders , and lost aquitaine , whereupon lewis caused himselfe to be crowned king of germany in the city of sens , while charles was entertained in warres against the normans : which he recovered anno domini 859 , forcing his brother to retreate into germany . anno dom. 863. they entered into a league . in the meane time there grew great troubles amongst the nobility of france , by the meanes whereof the bretons came as farre as poitiers , whence they were chaced by charles , and an. dom. 863. they were constrained to take their kingdome and dutchy by faith of homage to him . and anno dom. 869. hee was elected king of loraine by the death of his nephew lotharius . he was also crowned emperor anno dom. 875. by the death of his nephew lewis , which hee enjoyed not above two yeares ; in the end whereof being desirous to returne out of italy into france , he was poisoned by his physitian , the sixth of october , anno dom. 877. the reigne of this prince was confused , and unhappy , and of small fame , being a king of no merit , for from the confusion in his reigne the fall of this race did spring : but as timanthes , when he drew iphigenia ready to be sacrific'd , painted calchas with a sad countenance , ulysses sadder , and having spent all his art in expressing menelaus griefe , and not knowing how to make the fathers countenance more sorrowfull , cover'd his head with a vaile , leaving his passion to be conceived by imagination : so this kings picture deserves to bee hidden and obscured with the vaile of silence : for it is better not to write at all , than to write , though justly , disgracefully of deceased princes . lewis 3. emperour , and 27. king of france , anno 877. portrait after the decease of charles the bald , lewis surnamed the stut , was heire and successor of his father , declared himselfe not onely king of france anno dom. 877 , causing himselfe to be crowned in a full assembly of princes and prelates at rheimes , but also emperour of rome . aymoynus testifieth that hee was in some difference before his coronation with the primates of his kingdome , because he had distributed the estates and dignities of france without their advice : insomuch that he was enforced to give them content . in the meane time pope john the 8. conceiving a better hope of the french , than of the almaines , laboured what he could to reduce italy into the good liking of lewis the stut , by the reason whereof he became an enemy of those that tooke part with caroloman , nephew to the said lewis , and eldest sonne of lewis , king of eavaria , who tooke the pope prisoner , whence hee made an escape by the meanes of his adherents , and retired himselfe into france with the treasures of the church , after that he had excommunicated his adversaries , who neverthelesse desisted not to detaine the city of rome for the party of caroloman . in the meane time the pope was conducted from arles by duke boson to lions ; from whence he went to visite the king at troyes , and there the king caused himselfe by him to be crowned with the imperiall diadem . after that the pope was reconducted by boson into italy , whiles the emperour lewis went to visite lewis king of germany in loraine , where they concluded a treaty of peace , for the which the controversie touching the empire was deferred till another time , and it was agreed that the possession should rest as it did of that which each of them had in italy , untill such time that it was otherwise agreed upon . afterwards as the emperour was in his journey with his forces to goe visite bernard marques of gothland , or of languedock , which had given an occasion to the emperour to distrust his fidelity , hee was surprised at troyes with a malady , which moved him upon hope of recovery to returne to compaigne , where he deceased the tenth of april , an. dom. 879 , leaving his wife great with child , who shortly after was delivered of a son who was called charles , afterwards surnamed the simple , whose life is set downe as the occasion falls convenient ; wherein you shall read notes worthy your observation : in whose minority three things are observable , the efficacy of the law of state , preserving the unborne lawfull heires right : the minority of a king , subject to many miseries : and the liberty of great men in the weaknesse of a young prince . for lewis and caroloman being first chosen regents , after procured themselves under colour of the pupiles interest , to be crowned kings . lew is and caroloman , or carlon , the 28. king of france , an. 879. portrait this lewis and carlon or caroloman , sonnes of lewis the stut , and of ausgarde whom hee had taken to wife without the knowledge of his father , and after by his command divorced her , according to the almaine chronicles , were crowned kings of france , an. dom. 879. according to the appointment of lewis the stut at his death to the peeres of his realme . upon which occasion some abbots and great lords partializing against them , appealed lewis king of almany , to take charge of the affaires of france into his hands . to which purpose being arrived at verdun , he was pacified with the part of the kingdome of loraine , which was given him , upon which he and his late father had quarrelled with the kings of france . this fire being thus quenched , another controversie grew concerning the county of authun , betweene the counts theodoric , to whom it was given by the late deceased emperour , and boson , who layd a claime thereunto , to whom it was adjudged by hugh the abbot , upon condition that he should leave the abbies with their revenues which were in those parts , to theodoric . the state of france being thus troubled , boson grew more turbulent , causing himselfe to be crowned king of burgundy , as also did the normans , whom the kings overthrew upon saint andrews day , anno dom. 879 , slaying 5000. of them in the field . after in the yeare 880 , they made a partage of the kingdome of france , by which all the neustrick france befell to lewis , and aquitan with burgundy with the marches to caroloman . this being done , they went to surprise the normans , whom they cut in peeces in the carbonary forrest , to the number of 9000 , the yeare after he deceased . the normans not desisting from wasting and sacking the countrey of france , came up as farre as paris . carloman was enforced to buy a peace of them for 12. yeares , which he enjoyed not long , for in the yeare 884. he was slaine by a wild boare a hunting , having reigned five or sixe yeares ; or running after a gentlewoman , his horse carried him away , and crush'd him under a gate , or at the chace hee fell downe and broke his necke , for report differing in the manner of his death , agrees that it was violent and accidentall . lewis the lubber , and charles the grosse , the 29. k. of france , an. 885. portrait this lewis surnamed the lubber , or doe-little , sonne of carloman , succeeded in the kingdome an. dom. 885 , at the pursuite of hugh the abbot , ( who was so named , because as it is thought , he was the first of the lay-princes that usurped the revenues of the abbies ) so that all that part on this side seine , and that which was called neustry , remained in the obedience of lewis the doe little ; and the parts beyond the seine with burgundy , were under charles the grosse , emperour ; who came to take the protection of france against the normans , according as fulco , arch-bishop of rheimes , testifieth . therefore it is that they are placed in the ranke and catalogue of the kings . in those times the normans ranged about neustry , sacking and spoyling the greatest part of cities in those parts , namely , rouen , eureux , and bayeux : but they were so soundly curryed by the valour of hugh the abbot , that in a long time after they durst not set a foote there , which was a cause that the same yeare 887. they returned to thunder upon the other parts of france , not sparing the emperours countrey , where they surprised the castle of lovanne . from thence they came before paris under the conduct of their king sigesroy , hoping there also to make a prey as they had done elsewhere ; but it was so bravely defended by count eudes & the abbot goslin , that they were quite frustrate of their expectation and pretence . this lewis dyed immediately after , having borne the name of a king to his dying day , for the space of two yeares , according to the chronicle of st. benigne . moreover , charles became so stupefied in his senses and understanding , that when the princes of the empire knew that there was no hope of his recovery , and that the affaires of the empire might fall into some disasters , they gave him into the charge of his nephew arnulph , naturall sonne of the late caroloman , in whose custody he dyed soone after , on the 12. of january , anno dom. 888. this king was approved in the beginning of his reigne , and reverenced by his subjects , but afterwards having made a dishonourable peace with the normans , yeelding them neustria , now called normandy , hee lost his subjects affection , and then through griefe and jealousie conceived against his queene richarda , fell sicke , and through the distemper of his body and minde being unfit to governe , was deposed , rejected both from the realme and empire , banished from the court , and having neither house nor meanes , was starved , and dyed for want of reliefe in a poore village of suevia . thus one of the great monarchs of the world dyed without house , without bread , without honour , without mourning , & without memory , but that his end was prodigiously memorable . the reasons were his imperious pride in prosperity , and his despairing dejectednesse in adversity , foolish extreames becomming not a magnanimous mind ; therefore his affliction was hated of his subjects , not considering the true cause of his affliction . but the chiefe cause was his distrust in god in his extremities , for he should have acknowledgd that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as david said , o lord , although i am throwne downe , i have held my peace , thou hast it done . eudes or odo . the 20. king of france . anno 891. portrait evdes or odo , sonne of robert count of paris , and of france , tutor to the young charles , tooke the government of the affaires under the title of king , and by the consent of arnulph and the lords of france : hee was consecrated and annointed king , and crowned by walter arch-bishop of sens , who was a cause that baldwin , count of flanders , and fulco arch-bishop of rheimes , sent guy , duke of spoleto into italy , to take the affaires of france into his hands . odo being established , gave the county of paris and of france to count robert his brother , and instituted richard , count of authun , governour of the lower burgundy , for the defence thereof against the normans ; who having beene anno domini 888. repulsed from before paris by count robert , came before sens : from whence they were beaten by the said richard duke of burgundy , who was the first that left that dignity hereditary and patrimoniall to his successors . walter , nephew to eudes , making an insurrection against him , betooke himselfe into lygus , whence fetcht out , he was put to death . at the same time ebulo , abbot of st. germans , and count ranulph , together with his brother gotsbert , arose against eudes in aquitaine , whom he made to goe against them . in the meane time the greatest part of the lords of neustria were in pursuite of fulco , arch-bishop of rheimes , and of the counts heribert and pepin the young , charles the simple , whom they caused to be crowned king in the city of rheimes . whereupon eudes and he grew to great warres , so that charles the simple would have entered into a confederacy of a fleete of normans under the conduct of hastings for the recovery of his kingdome , but he was prevented by fulco , the archbishop of rheimes , because they were as yet pagans . fulco made peace betweene eudes and charles the simple , anno domini 897 , and by this reconciliation a part of the kingdome was given to charles , and the other permitted to eudes , who enjoyed it not long after , because he deceased without issue , the 13. of january , anno 898 , and at his death hee declared that of right the crowne after him ought to returne to charles the simple , to whom it of equity and right appertained . from the race of this eudes sprung hugh capet , for widechind of saxony favour'd by charle magne , sent his son robert or rupert into france , who had two sonnes , eudes and robert , father to hugh the great , father to hugh capet , afterward king of france . fame drew this character of eudes , that hee was a good wise man , yet he could not please the french by his regency , for the excesse of his vertue curbing the desire of such as sought to raise their fortunes by usurping power over the state and the kings weaknesse supported by eudes , drew envy on his actions seeking the good of the common-wealth , which hee neglected , but with approved resolution not abated l y private malice , went forward with the government of the realme , and at last resignes all his authority to the king , who like phaethon , unfit to rule the chariot of the sunne , by his bad government met those misfortunes , which eudes kept off while hee lived ; for wisdome and discretion is scutum invincibile , an invincible buckler , folly , envy , policy , treachery , slander , adversity , necessity , power and injustice , and all the devills invisible artillery cannot pierce nor wound him that is therewith arm'd . charles the simple , the 31. king of france , anno 898. portrait charles surnamed the simple , was estated in his fathers throne , anno dom. 898 , and by the reason of his imbecillity every one encroched upon him , by making whatsoever passessions they held , as hereditary to their posterity , what belonged of right to the crowne : in so much that great dignities , dutchies , earledomes , and government of provinces , which formerly were held but for terme of life in a titulary way , were now made hereditary . anno domini 912. he made a peace with rollon , upon condition that the countrey of neustry , bounded by the river epte on the one side , and by the ocean on the other , should remaine to rollon in title of a dutchy , to hold it in homage of the crowne of france , conditionally also , that he and his whole countrey should bee baptized in the christian faith. by reason whereof he was baptized robert , after the name of his kinsman court robert , from thence normandy had its denomination . in those times also there were great troubles in france , which were raised by robert brother to the former odo , who had caused himselfe to bee crowned king by herivee , arch-bishop of rheimes , whilst charles was in loraine ; for the recovery whereof charles led an army of lorainers against robert , whom he tooke at unawares neare to soyssons . notwithstanding this robert resisted him valiantly , but with the losse of his life : the battaile neverthelesse was lost by charles , who fled into loraine . whereupon the allies of robert called in duke rodulph of burgundy , whom they caused to be crowned king at soyssons for want of hugh le blanc , sonne of the late robert , who by reason of his youth durst not pretend the crowne . after this charles staid not long to be entrapped in the snares of hebert the count , who sent by his cousin bernard , count of senlis to take him : so that he was detained prisoner in the city of st. quintin , and afterwards was sent to the castle of thyerry upon the marne , and from thence to peronne , where he ended his life five yeares after his imprisonment , leaving lewis in the power of his mother theargine , who for his safety conveyed him into england . this king having resign'd his crowne to raoul his god-sonne , the first prince of the blood by his mother hermingrade , daughter to lewis , and wife of boson , king of burgundy , dyed with griefe , and of a languishing melancholy , to see that his treacherous vassage should so affront and oppose him , and use him in such a disgracefull manner . for there is no greater misery or vexation , than when the master through want and poverty is abused by the man , it doth even astonish the minde , and pierce the heart unto death ; for asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum . rodulph , or raoul of burgundy , the 32. king of france , anno 923. portrait rodulph having beene crowned king at soissons the 13. of june , anno dom. 923 , reigned 13. yeares ; hee went afterwards to warre with hugh le blanc against the normans , others against those of the faction of rollon , and also those that inhabited upon the river loire : from whence he was recalled to receive the oath of the lorainers , excepting that of duke gislebert and rotharius , arch-bishop of treues . afterwards having espoused berthe , the daughter of the duke of swede , and because having a hope to attaine the empire , he passed into italy , where hee overthrew berengarius , and drove him out of italy : and at his returne having made peace with the normans , hee went against william duke of aquitaine , whom hee enforced to acknowledge his estate to have dependance from the crowne . and upon the parting of estates of the kingdome , which was held at attigny , hee had gone into loraine , had hee not beene hindered by a fit of sicknesse , which retained him at rheimes . after that he went against the normans , but through the rebellion of the lorainers , who had surrendred the upper loraine into the power of the emperour henry , he was enforced to make peace with the normans , which continued not long , because having recommenced their wonted courses , he was constrained to purchase his peace with a great summe of monies , that hee might goe against the duke of aquitaine , who was now in rebellion , from whom hee tooke nevers . the bruite of the hungariáns comming into france , gave him to understand of the revolt of count heribert , who accompanying himselfe with hugh le blanc , went to take an alliance with henry the emperour in loraine , and in his returne released king charles out of prison , who went to meete william duke of normandy , to enter a league against rodulph . this beginning of warres being pacified betweene them , heribert caused charles againe to be imprisoned , who dyed shortly after at peronne . in those times there were great contentions amongst the paires of france concerning the provinces , which proceeded from the politick slights of the emperour , who sought to hold the partialities of france in an equality , for feare lest the tranquillity of france might not produce a trouble to his estate in loraine . rodulph deceased the twelfth or fifteenth day of january , anno domini 939. this roul was an usurper , and his reigne was troublesome and unfortunate , and for hee and others , that had beene servants to the crowne , being now kings and dukes , thought to make their dominions proper to themselves , and not depending on the crowne , which bred much confusion in france , italy , and germany . the church did now strive to advance the authority of the pope of rome , gaining a great opinion among christians in the empires declining estate , and growing so great a monarch , that he assumed primacy above kings and emperours , which they and their subjects refused to acknowledge . in these times a young maide attired like a boy , went with a learned man to athens , and returned from thence so good a scholler , being well read in many authors of exquisite learning and profound knowledge , and so expert likewise in the holy scriptures , that after the death of pope leo , shee was created pope john the eight ; but afterward being with childe by one of her groomes , she was as shee went in solemne procession , ( according to the custome and order observ'd amongst them ) delivered of a childe in the open streete : thus the empire , the realme , and the church were in those times much distemper'd and disgraced , pride and ignorance breeding many miseries and reproachfull accidents . lewis 4. the 33. king of france . anno 939. portrait lewis , son of charles the simple , was recalled out of england by the princes of france , and at the instance of hugh le blanc was crowned at laon by the arch-bishop of rheims , the 19. of july , an. dom. 939. from thence hee went to recover the city of langres from hugh le noire , brother to king rodulph , and having entertained the lords of burgundy before he came to paris , hee discarded hugh le blanc , and for his owne mother , that he might make use of her counsell : which caused hugh to allye himselfe to the emperour otho , by taking his sister in marriage , and to reconcile heribert . afterwards they went to follow the king even into burgundy , who in revenge fell upon loraine , which caused the emperour to depart out of almaine to oppose him , but they made a peace betweene themselves . this notwithstanding , the king could not obtaine peace of his adversaries , untill the dukes of normandy , aquitaine , and bretagne being encouraged by pope stephen , embraced him , and they wrought so , that the emperour accorded with the princes hugh & heribert , who awhile after that was taken by the king , and hanged , because he had imprisoned his father , which so much disturbed the repose of france , together with the death of william , dukes of normandy , who was murthered by the count of flanders , that warres being enkindled over all france , the king was taken prisoner by the normans , from being recovered by hugh le blanc , who delivered him to count thibaut , who detained him longer for the space of a yeare . the emperour othe seeing this , debated the cause of hugh le blanc , and began to maintaine the kings so long , untill carrying himselfe indifferent , hee came to reape the fruite of both their ruines without any danger at all . in conclusion , this last warre which had continued seven or eight yeares , being ended by an agreement betweene the king and duke hughes in the city of soyssons , the king dyed of a strange malady in the moneth of september , or according to others , the 12. of november , anno domini 954 , after he had reigned about 19. yeares , leaving by his wife gerberge lotharius and charles . this king , ( as it is formerly briefly mentioned ) to revenge the death of his father , whom hebert earle of vermandois , had kept a prisoner in the castle of peronne untill hee there dyed , caused one in the habite of an englishman , to come in haste to his court at landun , with letters which himselfe had written , though fained to be sent from the king of england . the messenger being entred , and the letters read softly to the king by his secretary , the king smiled , and said ; the englishmen are not so wise as i estreem'd them to be : for our cosin harmant , king of england , hath signified unto me by these letters , that in his countrey a labouring man inviting his master to dine at his house , caused him to be slaine , and now hee desires your counsell my lords , what punishment this fellow hath deserved : whereupon thibaut , earle of bloys , said ; that hee was worthy to be tortur'd , and then hang'd on a gibbet : which sentence all the lords there present , and also hebert earle of vermandois did confirme and allow : whereupon the kings officers there provided in a readinesse , apprehended the said hebert earle of vermandois , unto whom the king said , hebert , this wicked labourer is thy selfe , who didst put to death thy lord and master , king charles my father , for which thou hast condemned thy selfe to dye by thy owne judgment . whereupon hebert was hanged on a gibbet on the top of a mountaine neare lodun , which since his execution is called still mount hebert . this lewis , ( as was said ) being nine yeares in england , was therefore surnamed d'entremer , or from beyond the seas : hee was disloyall and unfortunate , for though he endured much affliction , and many unkind fortunes , yet hee was not mended in his life by his sufferings , nor had learned to embrace vertue , whose beauty appeares most faire and comely , when her eyes are fill'd with teares , making sorrow looke with a sweet and lovely countenance : it is that which in a prince is most glorious , causing him to fixe his minde onely upon that which may prove beneficiall to the church and state. but this was not the object wherein this monarch was delighted , so that he was deprived of that excellency which by vertue is attained . besides he did degenerate from the blood of charlemaine , for birth nor adversity did enlarge his narrow thoughts to take pleasure in noble actions : hee came came unto the government after a long absence , which made his returne more gratefull to the subjects , while his enemies thought to creepe into his affection by the tender of fained service , especially william duke of normandy : thus prosperity commands counterfeited offers of fidelity . lotharius , the 34. king of france . anno 954. portrait this lotharius succeeded to the crowne the 12. of november , anno domini 954. hee gave burgundy and aquitaine to duke hughes , and would have made him governour of aquitaine : but count william defending his right , shut the gates of poitiers against him . hughes deceased the 16. of june , anno domini 956 , leaving hughes capet , otho , odo , and henry , with whom the king fell into some differences concerning some castles which he had seized from them . all which were appeased by bruno arch-bishop of cologne , unkle to the king , who was sent by the emperour otho . after this the king made an assembly of the princes and prelates of france at soissons , for the surprising of richard duke of normandy , who plotted against the king , but he could not be found . in the meane time arnulph the old count of flanders being dead , who before had made a donation of his lands to king lotharius , caused his body this yeare 965. to be transported into flanders , thereby to receive the submissions of their fidelity . lotharius anno domini 966. espoused hemina or emma , daughter to lotharius the 2. king of italy , and adeleide , daughter to the emperour otho , as also matilde , sister of this our lotharius , was married unto bernard king of burgundy . afterwards the king intending to make warres upon richard duke of normandy , at the instigation of thibault count of chartres , was enforced to come to an agreement with him . a while after lotharius wrought with ranier and lamhert , sonnes of the late count of monts in haynaut , to make him a way for the re-entry upon the kingdome of loraine , which the almaines detained from him : which was a cause that otho , to cut off his designes , gave the lower loraine to charles the brother of lotharius , to bring him thereby into his disaffection . the king passed with his forces as farre as aix , where he thought to have surprised the emperour ; who to requite him went before paris , from whence hee was notably repulsed : whereupon they came to an accord , and loraine continued to charles , who then added to his coate of armes an arme proceeding out of the clouds . after the death of otho , king lotharius falls againe upon loraine , which hee did not long enjoy , because hee dyed immediately after , anno domini 985. this kings life was a meere blanke , wherein no brave actions were inscribed for the example of posterity , being a fruitlesse branch , and the first that grew out of his stock , excepting his sonne , who derived from him no sap of vertue , but was also barren in goodnesse : hee did so contemne his brother charles , whom his father had left no portion , but his favour , thereby to increase his respect to his eldest brother , so that the emperour , whose assistance hee desired , undertooke the quarrell . from whence this note may be collected , that there is no depending on the favour of kindred , who looke for much reverence , and will doe no justice in rewarding desert , which they rather contemne , untill vertue despis'd breeds open hatred . but charles ayded by the emperour , was undiscreete in his carriage , for the ayde received from the emperour , made him to cleave too fast to the germans , and disclaime the french , as if kindnesse had altered his nature , and this change drew on the justly conceived hatred of the french , and thereby overthrew his estate , by carrying too open a shew of disaffection for the wrong done by his brother , and righted by the emperour . lastly , ( as we said ) lewis dyed , but the remembrance of his reigne survived to his disgrace and ignominy in succeeding ages , leaving his sonne charles to bee the last king of this second race . lewis 5. the 35. king of france . anno 986. portrait after the decease of lotharius , lewis the fift , his onely sonne , succeeded to the crowne , anno domini 986 , and was consecrated at rheimes . the continuator of aimoynus writeth that he reigned nine yeares , as also another chronicler call'd hugh , is of the same opinion . neverthelesse it may be proved by certaine testimonies that lotharius dyed an. dom. 985 , to whom lewis succeeded , and that hugues capet began not to reigne before the yeare 987 , or 988 , so that it appeares that this could not reigne above two yeares , and was enterred at s. cornelius of compeigne . moreover , glaber testifieth that lewis married one blanche which was brought him out of aquitaine , who finding him not a man , left him , and retired into her country ; which makes a likelyhood of that which is written touching his death : moreover , that if she were daughter to the duke of aquitaine , that she by consequence must be niece to hugues capet . this lewis dyed ( as many are of opinion ) in the same manner as his father did , by the meanes of his wife blanch , not leaving issue to succeed him . odoramus gave him the surname of doe nothing , because hee had no leasure to performe any thing memorable by the reason of the brevity of his reigne . moreover , whilest charles duke of loraine , was the next by right to succeede him , as being his fathers brother ; so is it that hugues capet , sonne of hugues le blanc tooke part against him , pretending that ( as many do write ) that lewis had resigned the crowne to him by testament and will. but others are of opinion , that he confiding to the power that hee had in france , and to the favour which the nobility and the popularity of france did beare him , and through the discontent of having a competitor who was exceedingly beloved and affected of the almaines , and that he was too slow in gaining the succession of the kingdome fallen to him , and through the ill will he bore him , because hee had married the daughter of hebert , count of troyes , encouraged him to contest against him for the crowne . hugh capet the 36. king of france . anno 987. portrait hugh capet was proclaimed king at noyan by the princes , barons , and prelates of france , and afterwards annointed at rheims the third of july , anno domini 987 , where hee caused also his eldest sonne to be crowned king with him , named robert ▪ about halfe a yeare after , viz. on the first of january . the people , the souldiers , and all the prelates swore a fealty to capet against all men , and especially against charles of loraine , who came with an army to challenge and stoutly make claime to his right by force of armes in france , for the space of foure yeares , and first made himselfe sure of laon by the meanes of arnulph , naturall sonne to the late king lotharius , whither hugh went to assaile him : but hee made such a briske and valiant sally out against him , that hee shamefully routed both him and his . after having taken the castle of montagu , and pillaged the territories of soissons and rheimes , he retreated to laon , and the yeare following hee made himselfe master & possessor of rheimes , through the intelligence which hee had with the said arnulph , newly elected arch-bishop of that see upon the decease of albero . whereupon hugh using the same passages upon charles , dealt under-hand with ascelin or anselme , bishop of laon , who made a way for him and his army into laon , where charles was taken , and carryed prisoner to orleans with agnes his wife , by whom during the time of his imprisonment hee had two children , but all foure of them dyed prisoners . by this prize the warres against charles being ended , and the cities of laon and rheimes retaken , yea , and the dutchy of france being incorporated to the domaines of the crowne , and the city of paris beginning againe to take upon it the name of a city royall , hugh caused a synode to be held at rheimes , whereby arnulph was deposed , and gilbert , tutor to robert the sonne of hugh , was substituted in his place ; whereof the pope not content , caused a councell to bee called in france , by the decree whereof gilbert was dismissed , and arnulph restored . hugh deceased the 22. of november , anno dom. 996 , and as others report , 998. he was funebrially inhumed at st. denis in france by his ancestors . this king was the first of the race of the succeeding kings , being ordained to bring the kingdome to a flourishing estate , by so many great and eminent vertues meeting in his person : hee was surnamed capet , either from the bignesse of his head , from the latin word capitosus , or because when hee was young , hee would plucke off his companions capps , fore-shewing that hee should afterward pluck off kings crownes ; for when matters were by policy and the affection of french advancing his desires fitly prepared , he got possession of the crowne , though claimed by charles , sonne to lothaire , and with a complement of being unwilling to leave the crowne to any particular nobleman , least he should seeme to be preferr'd before the rest equall in desert , his sonne robert propounded to their election , was also crowned , being a wise and temperate prince , that gave much apparent hope of making the kingdome happy in his fruitfull progeny , pledges of his vertues , some whereof were expressed in this saying : that he was a sonne without frowardnesse , a companion without jealousie , and a king without ambition ; which was a sufficient testimony of the goodnesse of his disposition , and that he was wholly bent to those things which were truely honourable , applying his best helpe for maintaining the generall good of his subjects , whereby he gained the love and obedience of all men ; and afterward hee proved an exact picture of his fathers great and perfect vertues . robert 1. the 37. king of france . anno 997. portrait robert succeeded his father hugh , anno domini 996. comming to the crowne hee caused melun to bee surrendered to count buchard , which count odo of chartres , sonne of berthe , sister of raoul of burgundy , had possessed . after the death of his wife lutgarde , he marryed berthe the widow of eudon , count of chartres , whom he after dismissed , because she was his godmother ; and tooke constance , daughter of william , count of arles , and of blanch , daughter of foulques , count of aniou . at the same time henry , duke of burgundy , vncle by the father to this robert , dyed without heires . by reason whereof otho guillaume , surnamed the stranger , pretending a right to that dutchy , by cause of the adoption which henry had made of him , made himselfe very strong in auxerre , which was taken from him by the king , with the dutchy of burgundy . otho the sonne of charles , duke of loraine being deceased , the emperour henry caused count godfrey of ardenne to be invested , notwithstanding that geberge and hermengarde , sisters of otho , marryed to lambert and aubert counts of brabant and namures , would have put them in possession ; which was a cause that the king instigated baldwin count of flanders , against the emperour , who siezed upon the cities , which are upon the river of escaut , as valenciennes , dinam , and others . anno domini 1015. the king tooke away the city and county of sens from count ramard , surnamed the wicked , by reason of the insolencies and violences committed upon the arch-bishop thereof , and was confiscated to the crowne . afterwards hee compelled the burgundians to returne to their obedience , who anno domini 1016 were revolted : and after , having pacified the quarrell betweene richard duke of normandy , and odo count of chartres , who were in great warres , he went to treate with henry the emperour concerning matters of religion , and their dominions and royalties , in a parliament which they held together at iovy upon chere . and after having also appeased the quarrell betweene eudes count of campagne and chartres , and foulque , count of aniou , hee deceased at melun , anno domini 1031. having reigned about three and thirty yeares , and lyes interred at st. denis in france . this robert in his whole reigne exprest much wisedome ; for as his father to settle the crowne on his progeny , had caused him to be enstalled , so hee crowned hugh his eldest sonne at campagne ; and after his decease , preferring vertue before eldership , elected the yonger to be king , being of a more royall disposition , and the dutchy of normandy was by will left unto robert . when hee had thus ordered his affaires , and pleased his subjects with his happy reigne , having got enough fame and honour , he dyed , leaving him in the remembrance of posterity , this opinion deepely setled : that the kingdome was happy in his government , and blest in his wisedome , resolution , peaceablenesse , and continency , most eminent vertues , like starres shining in the spheare of majesty ; but with a dimme brightnesse in respect of his piety , whence the other derived their borrowed light . in the praise of the holy martyres he composed a hymne , beginning thus : o constantia martyrum mirabilis ; and washighly pleased , that his wife , with whose name the former words had some agreement , had an humorous affection to approve his writings , then generally applauded . immensum in regis gloria calcan habet . in hope of praise the muses tune their strings and hope of glory maketh vertuous kings . henry 1. the 38. king of france . anno 1031. portrait this henry succeeded his father robert , anno domini 1031. notwithstanding that his mother constance would have advanced her yonger sonne robert to the crowne by the favour of baldwin , count of flanders , and ende count of champagne . but being come upon them by the ayde of the duke of normandy , he constrained his brother to content himselfe with the dutchy of burgundy . a while after robert duke of normandy visiting the city of jerusalem , dyed at nice in bithynia : by reason whereof maugier , arch-bishop of rouen , and william lord of arques his brothers , maintaining themselves to be true heires , raised great warres against william the bastard-sonne of the said duke , by him instituted to bee his heire , which was a cause that the king sent the said william of arques , accompanied with a great number of the nobility of normandy and france to the warres of italy : from whence they were recalled by george maniaces , lievtenant for the emperour of greece to poville and calabria , to employ them for the recovery of sicily , which the saracens had now possessed upon promise of giving them a part . about the yeare 1042 , thibault count of chartres , and stephen count of troyes , fell into a quarrell with the king henry , whereupon hee first fell upon stephen , whom hee in a battaile overthrew . afterwards hee deprived galleran , count of meulan ( who tooke their part ) of all his lands , and annexed them to the crowne , and encouraged godfrey , surnamed martel , to make warre upon thibault whom hee tooke prisoner , and enforced him to surrender up the towne of tours for his ransom . after this the king went to visite the emperour henry at mets , where they confirmed the alliance made betweene them , which hee broke by supporting thibault against the king , who following the example of his father , resigned his crowne to his eldest sonne philip , anno dom. 1059 , being aged 7. yeares , and caused him to bee crowned at rheimes the 29. of may the same yeare : the yeare following king henry deceased , leaving the young king and another sonne named hugues , under the tuition of baldwin , count of flanders . he lyes at st. denis . this kings reigne was somewhat troubled at the beginning to maintaine his title to the crowne , given him by his father , but belonging of right to his eldest brother , which bred swelling thoughts betweene the brethren , the mother maintaining the elders right . an army was prepared to end the difference , whether the fathers gift , or right of inheritance were a better title ; but the cause was tryed by the sword , for robert , whose right was then in question , content with tame patience to loose it , and so prevent the effusion of blood , by his milde disposition doing himselfe injustice . whereupon agreement being made betweene henry and robert , the armies returned , and peace was betweene the brothers concluded . afterward when hee following therein his fathers example , had seene his son firmely seated in the throne , death discovered the love of his subjects , exprest in their mourning for his decease , and was most honourably interred with the rest of his predecessors , having all the funerall rites and ceremonies which belonged to so high a monarch , to set forth the excellency of his person . his reigne begun with some blustering troubles , being opposed on every side , which soone ended , and his subjects felt the beames of favour shining most gently on them , when this sunne of majesty was ready to descend and set , which gave them great cause of lamentation and sorrow for his departure out of this world . philip 1. the 39. king of france . anno 1060. portrait philip succeeded his father henry anno domini 1060 , of whom baldwin , count of flanders , tooke charge in regard of his tender infancy , untill he came to riper yeares : he perceiving that the gascognes would mutinie , led his forces against them , under pretence of going against the saracens , and by this meanes hee dissipated the beginning of the seditions which were pullulating . a while after edward king of england dyed without issue , having by will instituted william duke of normandy , heire and successor to his crowne , which in vaine was opposed by harald sonne of godwin , because he was slaine in a battaile which william gave him . baldwin , regent of france , deceased about the yeare 1067 , leaving the county of flanders to baldwin of monts his eldest sonne ; at which times king philip might be at the age of 15. or 16. yeares . he marryed berthe , daughter of the said baldwin , by whom having two children he divorced her , and betooke himselfe to the wife of foulques , count of aniou , whom in the end he dismissed , and returned to berthe . anno domini 1095. pope urban convocated a councell in november at clermont en auvergne , wherein the pope upon the complaint of the patriarch of jerusalem , and peter the hermite excited the greatest part of the princes of france , of whom were principall , hugh the great , brother to king philip ; robert duke of normandy , brother to the king of england ; godfrey of bovillon , ( who in the yeare 1089 , had the dutchy of loraine given him ) with his two brothers baldwin and eustachius , together with the counts of flanders and tholouze , of bourges and bloys , to goe to jerusalem , which was taken in the yeare of our lord , 1099 , the 15. of july , and was given to godfrey of loraine , to defend and keepe it as governour under the title of a king. after that hee tooke in palestine , after having slaine above five thousand aegyptians in a battaile , and seized upon the port of jasse , making hereby an end of the warre . philip at the age of 57 , deceased at melun the 25. of july , anno dom. 1109 , and lyeth interred at st. benets upon the loire . william the bastard duke of normandy , having beene long sick of a great swelling in his belly , this king philip intending to make warre against him , sent him word that hee had laine long in child-bed , and that if he might know of his uprising , hee would provide lights against his churching . to which scoffe the duke return'd this answer ; that hee would come in person into ▪ france , and have a solemne masse sung at his churching , and that for lights , he would provide a thousand woodden torches without waxe , and a thousand lances tipt with steele to fire those torches , meaning by the torches , houses , townes , and villages ; by the lances , souldiers to set them on fire . the dissention betwixt england began in this kings reigne , and upon this occasion : vvilliam the conquerors sonnes , robert and henry , came to the king at conflans upon oise , and playing there at chesse with lewis king philips sonne , the young princes fell out , and words drew on blows , for lewis called henry the sonne of a bastard , and henry strooke at him with the chesse-boord , and had slaine him if robert had not stayd his fury . afterward robert and henry fled into normandy , where they complained of wrong , and incensed many to take their part . afterward naturall affection made the fathers embrace their childrens quarrell , invading one anothers territories , and maintaining hot warres . but to conclude , the memorable warre undertaken to recover the holy-land from the saracens , was now begun under the conduct of godfrey of bologne , who being chosen king of jerusalem , refused the diadem , saying , it is not fit for any christian prince to weare a crowne of gold , since jesus christ , the king of kings , did weare one made of thornes . lewis the 6. the 40. king of france . anno 1109. portrait this lewis the grosse succeeded to the crowne after henry his father , and was solemnly crowned at orleans by gislebert , arch-bishop of sens , anno domini 1109. he first beganne to quell the pride and power of the great lords of france , who countenanced by the king of england , arose up against him : but in the end he accomplished his designes . in those times the englishmen moved their first warres upon the french , in the behalfe of count thibault of campagne and bloys . but the king in revenge commanded william the sonne of robert duke of normandy , and sent him , accompanyed with baldwin , count of flanders , and foulques , count of aniou , with an army to surprise them ; whereupon there was a peace made betweene them and the english , to quit gisors to william the sonne of henry . baldwin count of flanders , being wounded in the conquest of normandy , went to end his life in flanders ; who for want of issue instituted charles , son of canutus , king of denmark , to bee his heire . in the meane time the king being advertised that the emperour came in aide of the english , prevented his designe , and forced him to retreate . he forced also the count of auvergne , and the vicount of polignac , to give satisfaction to the bishop of clermon ; and at his returne he notified to william duke of aquitaine , that onely avergne but also aquitaine were in tenure of the crowne of france . the county of flanders was in question betweene arnulph the dane , baldwin count of haynaut , and william of ipres , by the death of charles , who was slaine in s. donatus , in bruges ; and by the king it was adjudged to robert duke of normandy , by right of consanguinity ; whereupon warres ensued . after that the king caused his sonne philip to be crowned at rheimes , the fourteenth day of april , 1129. the king of england being in presence ; but two yeares after hee dyed , by meanes of a hogge that came under his horse feete , and frighted the horse , that hee threw him on the ground . lewis his brother was crowned in his place by pope jnnocent , the five and twentieth of october . 1131. lewis the grosse deceased at paris , anno dom. 1137. leaving sixe children . baldwin , earle of mons in henault , complaining unto lewis the grosse , that he had wrongfully given the earledom of flanders , which was his right , unto duke william of normandy , and desiring to have leave granted to maintaine his title by combate . the king said , you must combat then against me ; for the seignory which you claime is my right and inheritance . this king also in a battaile , being severed from his souldiers , was likely to be taken prisoner by an english knight , who laying hold on the raines of his horse , cryed aloud , the king is taken : whereupon the king valiantly kild the knight , and as he fell downe , said : one man alone cannot in chesse play , give the king the mate . at a certaine siege , being forsaken of his souldiers , in regard of the unseasonablenesse of the weather , and constrained to retire , hee said with a brave kind of anger ; that an honest and honourable death was better than a shamefull and dishonourable life . the last action of his reigne was the marrying of his sonne unto the daughter and heire of william duke of normandy ; by this allyance to settle a more firme peace , and make his sonne strong in friends , while his younger sons were compelled to depend on the meere favour of their elder brother ; on whom the estate being setled , they might therby hee instructed to shew unto him a willing obedience ; for equality breeds discord and grumbling ; but an acknowledged dependance on another procures respect ; for necessity makes brave minds glad to be oblieged . lewis the 7. the 41. king of france . surnamed augustus . anno 1137. portrait this lewis undertooke the government the same moneth wherein his father dyed , and marryed elianor , the onely daughter of william duke of guienne , and poictou . afterwards hee made warre upon the count of vermendois , because following the censures of the pope , hee repudiated peronelle , sister to queene elianor , that he might re-entertaine his former wife , whom before he had divorced . and taking the towne of vitry , in parthois , hee put to the sword and fire more than 3500 persons : for the expiation of which fact , st. bernard advised him to make a voyage with his army into the holy land , for the succour of palestine . whither hee arriving with his army , he had but an ill trick put upon him by the emperour of greece : moreover , perceiving his army much affoibled by the assaults of the turkes , he saved himselfe in the towne of attalia , and came to antioch , where the king conceived a great distaste against his wife , who had accompanyed him all that voiage . afterwards he joyned forces with conradus the emperor , for the beleaguering of damietta . but that siege tooke no effect , through the envy of the old christians there , conceived against the new-commers ; which was a cause that the emperour , and the king retreated each to his owne home , where the king was in danger to have bin surprised by the emperour of greece ; but he was rescued by george , lievtenant of the king of sicily . the king upon his returne divorced his wife , who married with henry count of aniou , and normandy , who should succeede to the crowne of england , bearing with him the counties poictou and aquitaine . afterwards the king took to wife constance , the daughter of alphonsus , king of castile , who being deceased he tooke adele , or ale , ( alias ) alice , daughter of the count of champagne , by whom , an. dom. 1165. he had a sonne named philip , and surnamed deodoctus : to whom , the king growne aged , resigned his crowne , notwithstanding hee was but 14. yeares of age , and was crowned at rheimes , an. dom. 1179. king lewis deceased the 19. or the 29. of september ; although some report upon the 29. of the same moneth , or august , an. dom. 1180. hee lyes interred in the abby of st. barbeau , which hee had formerly built . in his reigne the holy land , which the christians had taken , seemed to bee utterly conquered , remaining under the christians obedience , untill the unhappy death of godfrey of bouillon ; for when the commander was gone , whose unspicious good fortune put life into this action , the warre did not prosper , yet before his death he encountred an army of sixe thousand men , which the turkes had brought into palestine , and came off with very good successe , and had so proceeded , if his death had not prevented , the good fortune of christendome . for the name of so great a warrier conducting an army , prepares the way for conquest , as opinion of victory ; and learning is a great engine in policy to bring about matters . this king lost some reputation by his unchast wife elenor , who following him to the holy land , blotted her fame with a sensuall imputation , loving saladin a iester better than the king her husband ; thereby shewing that lust is base , and doth not regard either birth or honour . yet lewis ( shewing the vertuousnesse of his minde , and noblenesse of disposition ) brought her backe in his owne ship , because he would not bee derided by any forraigne prince : but beeing safely landed , he was much opprest with griefe , in stead of casting her in the river , which she had deserv'd , he covered her shame and his owne by a divorce granted by a general counsell , punishing her by shewing too much mercy , while hee sought onely to be freed from the disgrace . philip 2. surnamed augustus , the 42. king of france . anno 1180. portrait after the decease of lewis 7 , philip 2. succeeded to the kingdome anno domini 1180 , out of which he chased the jewes then there , and by his prowesse and conquests acquired the name of augustus and conquerour . he married isabelle ( or ) alice , daughter of baldwin 4 , count of flanders , in favour of which marriage hee resigned the county of artois : but afterwards taking upon him the cause of lionor the inheritrix of elizabeth , ( or ) mabel , countesse of flanders , in the counties of vermandois and valois , against the count flamend , who layd claime to the said counties , as being of the ancient stocke of flanders , hee tooke onely that of vermandois , leaving that of valois to the said flamend , whereupon he being in an indignation , went and performed homage to the king of germany , the eldest sonne of the emperour , for the county of flanders . richard also , duke of aquitaine , second sonne of the king of england , began to dis-acknowledge the king : whereupon the king made warre against him , and tooke some townes from him ; but they were immediately accorded by the popes legate , by whose perswasion they entred a league upon an expedition for the holy-land . but this agreement was incontinently broken upon new differences which happened betweene the kings of england and france ; during which , the king tooke into his possession the counties of mans and tours , whereupon king henry of england tooke a conceite , and dyed in the castle of chinon : whereupon richard his sonne undertaking the kingdome , marryed adele sister to king philip , and they both went to the holy land : where arriving they tooke the towne of acre the twelfth of july , 1191. after , upon some jealousies conceived betweene them , philip returned into france , leaving the charge of his army to the duke of burgundy . and because philip , count of flanders was deceased , the king retained to himselfe the county of artois , which hee gave to prince lewis . whereupon england made warres against him , which were ended by the death of richard ; to whom john being substituted , and losing the battaile at bonnivel , the king caused his sonne lewis to be proclaimed king of england , which hee afterwards left to henry the sonne of john. after that king philip sent his sonne lewis against the albigeois , and as the said philip held a parliament at nantes , he deceased of a feaver , in the 43. yeare of his reigne , in tbe moneth of july , anno domini 1223. this king being to joyne battaile with the emperour otho , having caused a gilt bowle to be filled with wine and sopps of bread , hee said ; princes and lords of france , heere with me assembled , let every one that is resolv'd to live and dye with me this day , shew his resolution by taking a sop out of the bowle of wine , and eating it as i have done : which words being spoken , the cup was presently emptied , and afterward the battell being joyned , the king got the victory . being informed by his courtiers that some royall jurisdictions belonging to the crowne were usurped by the clergy , his answer was , i had rather connive at some petty injuries , than commence suits against the semitears of god and his church . this king having put away his queene gelberge , the king of denmarke complained to the pope of this wrong done to his sister , and a day of hearing was appointed before the popes legate in the bishops hall at paris : philips case was well defended by his advocates , but when none appeared to plead for the queene , a young man unknowne steps forth of the presse , and demands audience ; and having deliver'd the truth , and pleaded against the king for the queene , and when his speech was ended , hee returned into the presse againe , and was never seene more , neither was it ever knowne from whence he came . the amazed judges remitted the cause to the councell , and king philip did ride presently to bois de vinennes , where gelberge was confined , and having embrac'd her , receiv'd her into favour , and lived with her afterward in nuptiall love . and heereby it may bee discerned , that no man can bring nature to any perfection , for this worthy prince was much troubled in minde , and divided in his thoughts by loving this gelberge , whom he could not forsake , for she had got such strong possession in his affection , that he could not turne her remembrance out of his heart , pass'd away to her by deed of gift . thus hee that could overcome his enemies , could not conquer his passions . he reigned 44. yeares , and by his vertue governed the state with such wisedome , that all his troubles had a happy faire end ; from whence this conclusion may be drawne , that a vertuous king is in the end happy , howsoever hee bee compassed in with difficulties . lewis the 8. and 43. king of france . anno 1223. portrait lewis , the eldest sonne of philip , succeeded to the crowne , anno domini 1223. hee , together with his wife blanch , sister to the king of castile , was crowned at rheimes , the 6. of august , to whom afterwards the surname of montpensier was given , because he dyed there : in the beginning of his reigne , he renewed the ancient consideration and allyance which was betweene france and almany , and upon his returne he led his army into guienne ; where in a set battaile he overthrew the english , whereof savary of maleon had the command : by meanes whereof the french tooke the townes of niot , s. john d' angely , and rochelle , leaving nothing of the countrey of guienne , on this side the river garonne , unreduced to the obedience of the king. insomuch , that all the lords as well of poicton , as lymosin , and perigort , came to sweare him fealty and obedience . amaury also , sonne to the count of montfort , came to resigne into the hands of the king of france the right which his father had left him in the countries of alby , languedoc , agenois , quercy , and the county of tholouze , whom in recompence he made his constable , knowing him to be a man capable of such a charge . the yeare following richard , brother to the king of england , besieged rochelle ; but hearing of the comming of the french army , he passed over dardonne with his forces , and so into england to his brother . the yeare following , the king , with the greatest part of his nobility , upon the encouragement of the popes legate , addressed himselfe to goe against the albigenses and tholosans , to encounter whom , he led his army , and encamped on witsun eve , before avignon , which he tooke : passing further , hee received the keyes of all the townes , places , and castles of languedoc , as farre as within foure leagues of tholouze : where , through the incommodity of the winter , and maladies which much weakned his army , he retreated and wintered in france , with an intent of returning thither the spring following to accomplish his enterprize . but his death prevented him at montpensier in avergne ; the twelfth day of november , 1226. leaving lewis , charles , alphonse , and robert his sonnes , all very young , and in their minority of yeares . this king reigned but three yeares , in whom vice had struck no reproach , nor vertue had made him famous ; whereby it seemes that his minde was of a middle temper , not so poore as to become impious or wicked , nor so well bent and enclined to noble actions , that hee would strive to get fame by his owne vertue ; therefore he was onely famous in this , that hee was sonne to an excellent father , and father to an excellent sonne . in his reigne the counsell of lateran was assembled , whither resorted all the chiefe bishops of christendome , and embassadours sent from kings and princes . after lewis had subdued the albigeois , and left governour to suppresse any rebellion which should happen , for the affection of conquerd people is treacherous , who doe watch only an opportunity to revolt ; hee came to mount pensier , in the yeare 1225. october the seventh , and there resigned his life and scepter , leaving a faire progeny , having foure sonnes , who were flourishing branches of the royall stemme , the eldest whereof was heire unto his fathers crowne , but inherited more vertue than his father gave him by naturall discent . the flemings were now much disquieted by an imposture , pretending that he was their prince ; some were drawne to beleeve his claime , untill by putting him to death the people were better satisfied , and cleerely discerned that his right was meere fixion , maintained by boldnesse , as that scene was , wherein parkin werbecke in england plaid the same part . s. lewis 9. the 44. king of france . anno 1226. portrait this lewis the 9. at the age of 12. yeares , succeeded his father , an. dom. 1226. hee was consecrated at rheims by the arch-bishop of sens in the absence of him of rheims . blanch taking of possession of her sonne lewis , confirmed herselfe regent of the kingdome with the consent of the states : whereupon the princes in a rage proclaimed philip count of bologne , unkle to the king by the fathers side , regent of france , which was a cause of great dissentions . shee brought through the sweetnesse of her words , robert count of dreux into the kings obedience . but the duke of bretagne , and the count of champagne , with the king of england , were enforced to acknowledge the king , on condition that the breton should doe homage to the king for his dutchy , whereupon he was surnamed mauclarke . hee having out-growne his minority , anno dom. 1234. espoused magaret the eldest daughter of raymund berenger , count of provence , and after erected the countrey of artois into a county or earledome , which he gave to his brother robert , who was the first earle thereof . hee made a voyage into the holy land , where he tooke damietta after hee had overthrowne the mamelucks : and from thence marching to beleaguer massaure , the plague grew amongst his army , which caused the soldan of aegypt to charge him so strongly , that he was taken , and most of his army slaine , neverthelesse hee was freed upon the re-delivery of damietta . about that time blanch , mother to the king , deceased , which caused the king immediately to returne into france , after he had composed all matters in palestine . being returned , hee studied to polish and embellish his kingdome with good and holy lawes . hee made an accord with the king of england , who by that renounced all the right which hee pretended to the kingdome of france , and the dutchy of normandy . about that time charles , brother to the king , conquered both the sicilyes , whereof hee was crowned king , an. dom. 1266. the king lewis made a second voyage for the recovery of the holy land , together with the king of england . hee went first into africke , where he tooke carthage , and at the siege of tunes hee departed this life , anno domini 1270. hee was canonized after his death for the holinesse of his life . hee founded the holy chappell at the palace at paris , wherein he placed many holy reliques . this king being asked by his lords what title of honour he would assume , as the roman emperours and kings of france in remembrance of their acts and victories had formerly done , hee answered , my greatest victory was obtained against the devill , when i was baptized in the church of poissi : and therefore it shall be my greatest honour to be called lewis of poissi . his familiar letters , wherein hee did not entitle himselfe king of france , but lewis of poissi , being blamed by a private friend , hee said , i am like a twelfe-tide king , chosen with a beane , and keeping his feast in the evening : intimating thereby his election to another crowne in the kingdome of heaven , which second coronation should be in the evening and end of his life . having caused a swearer and blasphemer to be branded on the lips with a hot iron , whereat the people murmur'd : he said he would undergoe the same punishment , conditionally that oaths and blasphemies might be no more used in his kingdom . he sitting in counsell , or beginning any action , would accordign to his mothers instruction in his infancy , blesse himselfe with the signe of the crosse. and lastly , he gave unto his son philip these instructions at his death . my sonne , love god with all thy heart , with all thy strength , and with all thy soule ; offend not god in any case , suffer any torment rather than sinne : beare all adversity patiently , acknowledging that god hath sent it unto thee deservedly : make thy confession often to some minister of the church ; heare diligently the divine service sung in the church of god : keepe the good customes of thy kingdome carefully , abolishing those which are evill : impose no taxes on thy subjects , but upon great occasion . favour those that feare god , love justice , and hate covetousnesse : let not thy judges be impartiall against thy subjects : keepe the cities and townes gotten by thy predecessors ; preferre good and sufficient men to benefices and offices : be an example to thy subjects , moderate the expences of thy court , and so god blesse thee . these were the good instructions which this godly monarch gave unto his sonne for the leading of an upright life , and to abandon all worldly delights and pleasures , so as hee might both please god , and be a patterne to his inferiours . philip 3. the 45. king of france . anno 1271. portrait after the decease of s. lewis , philip the third , surnamed the hardy , his eldest sonne , having beene proclaimed king in the campe before tunis in africk tooke his journey in his returne through italy , directly to viterbe , to make an agreement betweene the cardinals , who in two years space were in a dissention upon the election of a pope . hee was crowned at rheimes by the bishop of soissons , the thirtieth of august , anno dom. 1271. he after incorporated the county of tholouse to the crowne , upon the decease of the count alphonse his uncle . he went to aide gerard of cassebonne , his subjects , against the counts of armigna and foix , by reason whereof , the count of foix submitted himselfe to his mercy . he restored the countrey of navarre to the obedience of ioane , daughter of the late henry king of navarre deceased . the king marryed mary , the daughter of henry duke of brabant , who was suspected to have poysoned lewis , the eldest sonne of the king , by his first wife isabelle of aragon : she was found innocent by the report of two bishops who were sent to a nunne , or rather a sorceresse , to know the truth . the yeare after peter de la bresche , great chamberlaine of france , and superintendant of the finances , and affaires of the king , was hanged , being accused and convicted , for having discovered the secrets of france to the king of spaine , together with the death of the kings sonne . anno domini 1282. the sicilian evensong were executed upon the frenchmen , upon an easter day , or ( as others report ) on the thirtieth of march , or thirteenth of april : whereupon charles , uncle to the king , offered battaile to peter of aragon , the author thereof , but he refused it . afterwards the king having caused ioane , the onely daughter of the late henry , king of navarre , to be marryed to his eldest sonne phillip , he marched with his army for the conquest of aragon , which by the pope had been given to charles de valois , the second sonne of philip , who conquered the county of russillon ; after that the city of gennes . and after that , having in an embuscado slaine the king of aragon , he forced the towne of gironne to be yeelded up . he went to conclude his fate at the towne of perpignan , of a malady which surprised him in his campe , anno domini 1285. the 6. of october . this king , as it appeares in the whole course of his life , would engage himselfe in all businesses , and was therefore called the hardy ; but his desperate father would not undertake his neighbours quarrells , nor seek to make betwene them any agreement , unlesse it might be done by safe and quiet means . the reigne of this king was much disturbed by the warres maintained by peter and roger for the isle of sicily , and after much effusion of blood , charles dyed , and also peter , though politicke , could not deceive death , but having received a great overthrow , concluded his act of life with griefe and sorrow . at last this king was by roger , admirall of arragon , friend unto peter set upon him , lying sicke a bed at pepignan ; yet in extreamity he exprest a noble courage , and with his sicke weake voyce so encouraged his souldiers , that roger was droven out of pepignan , the city held by philip so distempered with this alarum , that he grew sicke and dyed the fifteenth of october , two moneths after peter , pope martin the fourth dying the same yeare , 1286. to shew great princes , that their chiefe designes are crost by death . it was now decreed in a counsell at lions , that the cardinals meeting after the popes death , should not come out of that conolme untill they had chosen the pope , which begun upon occasion of the tedious election of the former pope , and the decree is still observed . thomas aquinas now dyed , being a subtile disputer : but bonaventure , john duns , called scot , and gabriel biel succeeded , and were famous schollers . and to conclude , hee was a prince borne for a testimony to that obscure age , and for corrupted times , to bee a patterne to all kings and princes of religion , equity , clemency , wisedome , valour , magnanimity , patience , and constancy : to love piety , justice , order and peace , to joyne the love of sanctity and modesty of manners , with armes and state. having shewed that it is very fitting for a king to be a good christian , a good warriour , a good husband , a good father , a good governour , a good iustier , and to know how to make war and peace . that it is very necessary to joyne unto the majesty royall , piety , clemency , and authority to gaine the low respect and obedience . and lastly , that the best guard , and most assured revenew of a prince , is the love of his subjects . thus he was worthy of that venerable name , wherewith posterity hath justly honourd him , being the honour of vertue . philip 4. the 46. king of france . anno 1286. portrait philip 4. surnaming himselfe the faire , king of navarre , succeeded his father , an. dom. 1286. after that he had withdrawne his army from parpignan , hee was crowned at rheims the sixt of january . he caused the palace to be built at paris : at that time edward , king of england , pretending to lead his army to the aide of the towne of acre , which the saracens had now beleaguered , made some incursions upon the sea-townes of normandy , thinking to have surprised rochell : whereupon ensued the second warre which the french had against the english , ( heere the french writers shew themselves most shamefully partiall and false , yet i am bound to follow my authors , they being of that nation ) who notwithstanding their alliance with the emperour adolphus , were valiantly repulsed as well by charles of valois , where the lord of st. john was taken ; as by robert of artois , who gained the victory upon the fresh army , which edmund , brother to the king of england , had led to bayonne : yea , and the count of flanders , who declared himselfe on the english party , lost the battaile at furnes against the count of artois , who went to joyne forces with the french who besieged lisle ; and the lords of mont morency and harcourt tooke the towne of dover . the english perceiving that , demanded a truce , which was converted to a peace , by the marriage of madam marguerite of france , daughter of king philip , with the king of england . afterwards the emperour albert and this king made an accord betweene them for the conservation of their kingdomes against all men . a while after , the pope being much moved against the king , sent a bull into france by the arch-bishop of narbona , interdicting the king , which bull was burnt in the court of the palace . at that time the flemings slew all the french garrisons ; whereupon the king being enraged , sent his army to courtrac , which was by them defeated . whilest the king sent the lords , tarra a colonian , and nogareth with 2000. horse into italy , they put the pope in such a terrour , that he dyed : the king also tooke such a revenge upon the flemings neare to the mount of poville , that hee overthrew 36000. of them . after that , the king having suppressed the knights templars , and causing james de moulay or beavieu , generall of that order , deceased at fontainebleau , an. dom. 1314 , and lyes inhumed at st. denis . this king being perswaded to take revenge on a bishop who had underhand strooke fire to kindle the tindar of contention betweene him and the pope , he said : that it was more noble in a prince to save , than kill ; to pardon , than to persecute ; and to forgive and remit , rather than to revenge : for saith he , it must be of necessity that all things which angry men doe , must needs be full of blindnesse and necessity , because it is no easie matter for a man troubled with envy , to have the use of reason ; and whatsoever is without reason , is without art. it behooveth us therefore to take reason as our guide in all our actions , and to remove these passions of envy and revenge , for they ought not to rest in a wise mans breast : yet he was much affronted by pope boniface , cōmanding him by his bull to succour the tartar , which the king , engaged in many affaires , refusing to doe , the bishop sent by the pope , told him : that if the king would not obey the pope , he would deprive him of his realme . but afterward two gentlemen imployed by the king , seized on the pope in his palace-hall at anagma , and carryed him to rome , where he grew mad , and dyed thirty five dayes after hee was taken , and had this epitaph made by common fame in his disgrace : hee entred his topedome like a foxe , hee reigned like a lyon , and dyed like a dogge . lewis the 10. the 47. king of france , surnamed hutin . anno. 1315. portrait this lewis the tenth , already by his mother king of navarre , count of brye , and champagne , succeeded his father , anno domini 1315. his kingdome from the beginning was marvellously troubled with mutinies and popular seditions ; and for that cause he was surnamed hutin , which in old language imports mutiny and quarrells . enguran de marigny count of longue ville , was accused before the king , by charles of valois , the kings vncle , for having ill governed the finances , charged the people with many impositions and taxes , and infinite confusions ; also for having taken money of the flemings to grant them a peace to the disadvantage of the king : wherefore he was hanged upon the gallowes of paris , which himselfe had caused to be built . afterwards the king caused himselfe to bee annoynted , and crowned at rheimes , upon the feast of the assumption of the b. virgin : then he led his army against the flemings , whom he forced to raise and forsake the siege of l'isle . and at his returne he seated the court of parliament at paris , to the end , that the pleaders should not be anymore incommodated by so often removing it . the yeare following the count of flanders came to visite the king at pontoise , to treat of a peace with him . in the interim , lewis count of navers , his sonne , would sieze upon flanders , if the flemings would have beene content therewith , which was a cause that his father returned after that hee had promised the king to ratifie to the flemings that which he had treated with him . vpon this the king was surprised with a malady at bois de vincennes , whereof he died the fifteenth of iune , in the eighteenth moneth of his reigne , leaving his second wife clemence great with childe , who was delivered of a sonne the foureteenth of november , who was baptised iohn , who lived above eight dayes , there remaining none of his line , but ioane , whom he had by his first wife , the daughter of robert duke of burgundy : by whom , eudes , duke of burgundy , her vncle , would lay claime to the crowne : but philip the tall , brother to the late king lewis , opposing the lawes and customes of france , in right of his neece caused the crowne to be adjudged unto him . lewis the tenth , surnamed hutin had two wives , marguerite , daughter of robert duke of burgundy , by whom he had a daughter named ioane , who was married after to philip count of evreux , sonne to lewis of france , brother to the late philip the faire , and by this meanes the kingdome of navarre entered into the families of the counts of evreux : and clemence sister to carlobert , king of hungary , whom at his decease he left with child of a sonne who was called iohn : and although he dyed an infant , without having beene crowned , hee hath not beene heretofore ranked in the catalogue of the kings of france . neverthelesse , seeing that he was truely legitimate , and sole heire to king lewis hutin , he deserved the title royall , and to bee inserted to the number of kings , seeing that dying hee was with solemnity , and regall pompe carryed to st. denis ; the princes , his vncles , and kinred being present at his funeralls ; where hee was proclaimed , although dead , king of france , and navarre . in the meane time that clemence was with child , immediately upon the decease of lewis hutin , it was ordered by the court of parliament , that mounsieur philip of france , count of poitiers , should be regent of the kingdome untill the fruit of the queene ( if it were male ) should attaine to the maturity of eighteene yeares : and therefore hee he bore in his armes the title of philip sonne of the king of france , and navarre , regent of the kingdomes of france , and navarre . and so the regency was given to the next prince of blood , so that hee were the nearest to succeed the crowne . after the death of the said iohn , who lived but eight daies , or at the most but 20 daies , ( as some do write ) there was some dispute amongst the princes of the kingdome , some maintaining the right to bee ill grounded upon ioane , daughter to the late lewis hutin : and others resting upon the iustice of the salique law , which yet was never violated in france , and ordayneth , that there being never an heire male of a king , the next of blood , of the male side , shall come to the crowne , and excludes the daughters and the descendents from them , although they be males . but in the end the parliament of the paires and counsell of france , adjudged that philip the tall , vncle to the late iohn , was the true and lawfull heire to the crowne : which was the first debate and difference of the salique law. the king reigned but an yeare and an halfe , thereby to make good the position of philosophy , nullum violentum est aeternum ; for his government was violent , and therefore could not long continue . enguerand , accused by charles earle of valois , and made odious to the people by his oppression of them , whereof they are onely sensible , was made a sacrifice and hanged ; but after his execution the earle of valois fell into a languishing consumption , & king lewis hutin dyed suddainly , so that the people began to imagine that enguerands unjust death was thus revenged on these princes ; which change of their opinion , shewes that it was rightly spoken : what the people saies , a foole speakes : therefore it is observeable , that good subjects may be unjustly afflicted , that the people blinded by passion , and discerning not the truth , will undeservedly speake well and ill of the same action , and the same man. and lastly , that great men , loving not to come to accompt , may abuse their authority . philip 5. the 48. king of france . anno 1317. portrait this philip the 5 , surnamed the tall , the controversie of the right to the crowne being not yet determined betweene him and his neece , ( daughter to lewis hutin ) whom eudes her unkle upheld , and maintained her right , marched with 〈◊〉 army every where compleate to rheimes , where hee made himselfe to be annointed king by the arch-bishop of that see on the feast of the epiphany , anno dom. 1317 , and after returned to paris : whither hee summoned robert count of artois , whom he forced to renounce the right which he pretended to that county , whereof hee had vi & armis , by force and armes taken possession , to the prejudice of mahaut his wives mother . in the meane time lewis , count of neuers , sonne of robert count of flanders , entertained the flemings to his utmost endeavours in a revolt against the king ; who , because hee came not to render homage for the counties which hee held in france , was cited to answer for himselfe before the king : and fayling in his appearance , all his possessions were seized for the king. in the end the said lewis , count of nevers , came and submitted himselfe to the king , and recovered his countries . after , upon perswasion of the popes legate , there was a peace concluded betweene the king and the count of flanders , the 15. of may , anno dom. 1320 , insomuch that the said count did homage for his lands to the king of france , and accorded that lewis , the sonne of lewis of nevers , should marry madam marguerite , the second daughter of france , upon condition that he should succeede to the county of flanders after his grandfather and father . about the same time the marriage of isabelle , the third daughter to the king , with guy the dolphin of vienna was treated , who not long after succeeded his father john in dauphine . the eldest daughter was before marryed to odo duke of burgundy . after that the king quitted all the actions against his subjects , which some of his councell in abuse of his good nature had put upon and against them . and as he was deliberating to have but one sort of weights and measures , in one and the same species , and also a certaine rate and value of monies , a malady intercepted his designes , by which hee ended his dayes the third of january , an. dom. 1322. he was a prince of a tractable disposition , and therefore easily corrupted ; inclined more to ill than good . the chiefest thing worthy remembrance in his reigne was , that his bad servants presuming on his gentle nature , layd heavy taxations on the people , who thereupon maintained , and thus hee suffering his authority to be abus'd by them , shew'd that although hee were great and tall of stature , yet hee had but little wit and understanding . a benedicting priest and monke pretentending a voyage to the east , committed many outrages in the east , with a multitude of people by them assembled , and called themselves shepheards , untill they were defeated in languedoc . this philip would have made one weight and measure throughout his realme , but it proved but an eutopian conceite , not to be maintained by authority or reason . the jewes which were formerly expelled and driven out of the kingdome , were now againe admitted ; but after they endeavoured to bring in an artificiall plague into the kingdome , by using the helpe of lepers , some were grievously punished , and the rest banished out of france . lastly , this kings five yeares reigne was rasa tabula , a blanke table , wherein fame hath written no royall action . charles 4. surnamed the faire , the 49. king of france . anno 1322. portrait charles the 4 , count of marche , brother to philip the tall , and to lewis hutin , came by the same law to the crowne , as his brother philip had done , who left no issue male to inherit . he was crowned the twelfth of february , anno dom. 1322. . he was severe in justice , giving every man his right ; desirous that all should be guided and governed by the lawes and authority of magistrates . following that norme , he caused jordan of l'isle , a great lord to be attached , who upon accusations of infinite enormities was attainted and convicted : wherefore hee was hanged , although hee had marryed the neece of pope john 22 , and ( as others are of opinion ) his step-mother . about that time deceased lewis duke of nevers , the eldest son of robert count of flanders , who dyed immediately after . by which occasion robert , the younger sonne of the said robert count of flanders , entred into a difference with his nephew lewis , sonne of the count of nevers : hereupon the cause was pleaded in the court of parliament , which proved of no validity to the good of the nephew . then began the warres betweene the english and french , anno dom. 1324 , upon the occasion that the lord of montpesac would , to the kings prejudice , fortifie a castle in gascogne , upon the borders of france . whereupon the king sent charles of valois , his unkle , who so happily acquitted himselfe of his charge , that hee recovered into the kings powers all the townes and strong holds in burgundy , which are beyond the river garonne , except bourdeaux , bayonne , and s. senes . afterwards having obtained a truce of the english , he dyed in december , an. dom. 1325 , as also the king deceased at bois de vincennes , the first of march , leaving madame joane de eureux his wife great with child , who afterwards in the moneth of april , 1328. was delivered of a daughter called blanche . hee was the first king that ever permitted to the pope the decimations of the churches of france . this king reigned sixe yeares , being wise , temperate , and just , three chiefe vertues in a prince , but unhappy in his progeny . assoone as he was annointed , he held a great sessions in paris , to heare complaints , and caused many gentlemen to be punished , in which number was one jourdain of lisle , a gascon , who being nephew to pope john the 22 , had beene pardoned for eighteene capitall crimes , and yet still grew more impious , former mercy making him presume more of pardon , untill at last he was taken , and brought to paris , where king charles caused him justly to be hang'd , as a memorable example , that respect is an enemy to justice , which must be executed without sparing the guilty . to conclude , this prince was worthy of the french monarchy , and deserved to be reckon'd amongst the chiefest men of state. and as the kingdome was happy in having so worthy and sufficient a king , so his short reigne deprived the realme of that good which it should receive by his government . but the best and most perfect men , are in the blind world either despised for excesse of good , or some tooke away by death , to envy greater happinesse , equall to their desert . philip of valois the 6. and 50. king of france . anno 1327. this philip count of valois , the sonne of the late count charles , and cousen german to the three precedent kings , succeeded to the crowne by title of his favour , excluding lewis of evreux his vncle ( who at that time , as it is thought was already dead ) and was confirmed by the states , notwithstanding that edward king of england pretended the crowne by his mothers right , who was the onely daughter of philip the faire . he recovered a faire battaile against the flemings , who had revolted against their duke , and enforced the king of england to doe homage for the dutchy of guienne , and other lands which he held of the crowne ; who in revenge thereof entertained robert of artois , count of beaumont , who was banished out of france through a false accusation ; by whose perswasion the king of england beeing allyed to all the princes of the empire , whereof hee had already obtained the vicariate , beganne to warre against philip in nantonge , anno domini 1336. afterwards he caused the flemings to revolt against their duke , by the means of one james artivel , an artisan . the french that were in the towne of l'isle , and first discomfited the english and flemings , but afterwards they were shamefully overthrowne at the sluce port , when they laboured to hinder the english from joyning with the flemings . and after this victory he encamped before tournay , where he continued during fifty dayes ; during which time , the mother of the count of hainault , wrought a truce between the kings of england and france , which continued not long , because the warres were renued shortly after betweene them , because the king of france caused oliver de clisson to bee executed for treason : in which warre the french lost the memorable battaile of crecy , neare abeville , wherein the greatest part of the nobility and flower of all france was slaine , and the towne of calais taken . after this , the king having marryed in a second wedlocke the lady blanche , daughter of the late philip , king of navarre , and received the danphinate of humbert , together with the city and countrey of montpelier , for a purchase of the king of maillorque , he retired to nogent , there to conclude his daies the 23. or 28. of august 1350. leaving iohn duke of normandy , and philip duke of orleans . he was an ingenious wity prince , as appeareth by his justification of the salique law , by these words of scripture . consider the lillies of the field , how they doe grow , and doe neither labour nor spiune : intimating ( whose armes are lillies or flower de lyces ) should not fall to the distaffe . also he taxed the unfaithfulnesse of king edward of england , in these two verses by himselfe composed . anglicus angelus est , cui nunquam credere fas est . dum tibi dicit ave , tanquam ab hoste cave . the englishman an angell is , which trusted will deceive thee ; beware of him as of a foe , when he doth say god save thee . after his marriage with blanch , daughter of philip of evreux , he lived not long after he had tyed this knot , this new wife being an unnecessary trouble in his old age ; so that sickning at nogent , advising his two sonnes to live in peace , and bee carefull of the realme , which he resigned to the eldest , he concluded his reigne , and dyed . he was a king in whom vertues and vices were equally mingled ; for he was valiant in danger , and couragious in affliction , just and loving to his subjects . but his rash valour , whereon hee presumed often , engaged him and his subjects in many miseries . edward the third , king of england . anno 1351. portrait this king comes here to be inserted amongst the kings of france , being the first that left the title hereditary to the kings of england , and first quartered the armes of france with the english armes , giving thereby occasion and provocation of his succeeding warres , he obtained a gentle victory at sluce , upon midsommer day in a sea fight : afterward he challenged philip of valois , then king , to a single combate , by him not accepted , afterwards makes a truce with france , their battailes being ready to joyne in britagne in france , then he declares the truce with france broken . he arrives afterward in france with bloody colours , with his hopefull son the prince of wales , then about sixteen yeares old . afterward he got the lawrell wreath of conquest in the battaile of cressey ; and his sonne was as victorious as his father , both sharing equally in honour purchased by valour . but his sonne afterward , whose veines were full of his fathers spirit and fortitude , shewing that nasci a principibus est magnum , obtained another triumphant victory against the french at poictiers , and by it confirmed his fathers atchievements . then againe henry invaded france , besieges paris , concludes a peace : king iohn of france being taken prisoner , and afterward ransomed , hostages were also given , and so the clouds of warre were a while drawne away : but suddainly againe france felt a new storme from england ; for the earle of blois slaine in battaile by the english , loseth the dukedome of britagne . then againe king edward sends iohn duke of lancaster to invade prance , and sir robert knoles to the parts about britagne : and thus , as he was famous for his many other royall vertues expressed done at home , and in the circumference of his owne dominions , so likewise he appeared in france like a flaming comet , which boded the effusion of much french blood : but age & sicknesse comming on hee was forc't to leave the world , as the same did him before his breath left him : but nature could not hold out any longer , and he was forced to resigne his life into the hands of his creator at shene , ( now richmond ) the one and twentieth day of iune , anno domini 1377. in the 64. yeare of his age , having reigned fifty yeares , foure moneths , and odde dayes ; in which time france felt the desolation which warre had made , he carrying away the never dying fame of a valiant conquerour , he lyeth buried at westminster , for as much of him as was mortall ; but multum sui vitabit libitinam , his sonle and fame are immortall in heaven and on earth , and was especially famous for conquering france , and writing himselfe , roy de angle terre & france , king of england and france . john 1. or the second of that name , the 51. king of france . anno , 1350. portrait john the first , or second of that name , succeeded to the crown , and was consecrated at rheims the 26. of septem . an dom. 1350. in the beginning of his reigne hee caused the lord ralph of nesle , cōstable of france , to be beheaded for treason , and in his place hee jnstituted charles of spaine , count of angolesme . the truce being broken betweene him and england , he betooke him to s. john d' angely , and in his returne he instituted the order of the starre in the noble and royall house or s. owen . afterwards charles king of navarre , caused the constable to be massacred upon a jealousie which hee had conceived against him , on the sixt of ianuary , 1353 , and the lord iames de bourbon was substituted in his place . in the meane time the king of navarre , whom the king of prance had pardoned , instead of acknowledging his fault , complotted against the state of the said king , which being discovered , he entred into an amity with the king of england . by meanes whereof king iohn having surprised him , sent him prisoner to paris . hereupon philip of navarre , his brother , in an indignation caused the english to come into normandy , against whom the king intending an opposition , was enforced to turne it upon the prince of wales in poicton , where having lost the field through his temerity , hee was taken prisoner . in the meane time the parisians at the perswasion of stephen martel , mutinyed against the dauphin , who tooke upon him the regency of the realme , and appeased the tumult , having first restored the places of normandy to the king of navarre , who had escaped out of prison . afterwards upon a treaty made at bretigny the eight of may , 1360 , a peace was concluded with the english , and ratified at calais the 24. of october . in the meane time philip , duke of burgundy , deceased at roucere neere dijon without issue , by reason whereof iohn the king declared himselfe to be his heire . after that he making a preparation for a beyond-sea voyage , first came to london , intending to make a strong peace with england , and dyed there the eighth or ninth of april , 1364 , leaving charles the dauphin , lewis duke of aniou , john duke of berry , and philip hardy duke of burgundy . this king shewed magnanimity in his most adverse fortune ; for apparet virtus arguiturque malis : vertue will apparent be in the depth of adversity . which was verified in this king john , who sitting in the english campe at a supper , prepared for him by the prince of wales , who had taken him prisoner in the battell of poitiers , said , i purposed to have bestowed a supper on you this night , but the fortune of the war hath made me your guest . the englishmen for a summe of money having got by composition the castle and towne of gwines , king iohn complaining to the king of england , that the truce was broken , contrary to their compact and agreement , king edward answered , that trafficke or merchandise , the surrender of the castle being by money procured , did not breake the former truce . this king , when king edward required homage for the realme of france , as held of england , answered , that hee could not justly alienate a right inalienable , received from his ancestors , and therefore he resolved to leave it entire to his children , for affliction might engage his person , but not the crowne of france , while hee was king , who would sacrifice his life for the preservation of france . hee dyed in england anno 1364 , being a good prince , but infortunate ; wise in ordinary matters , but not in great affaires ; just , but too confident in trusting others ; temperate in his private life , but violent in the publicke government . for great vertues meeting with wisdome , doe on the theater of this life give unto kings a crowne of applause and commendation . charles 5. surnamed the wise , the 52. king of france . an. 1364. portrait after the decease of iohn the first , this charles 5. surnamed the wise , was crowned the 19. of march , anno dom. 1364. at the comming to the crowne , hee gained against those of navarre a very memorable victory under the conduct of the lord bertrand du guesclin , in favour whereof he gave him the dukedome of longueville . from thence the said guesclin went to aide charles of blois , against whom iohn of monfort relying upon the english , had begun warres for the dutchy of bretagne , where he was taken fighting valiantly before the castle of aulroy , against iohn lord chandos , high marshall of england : but a peace being made betweene the duke of monfort and the countesse of blois , the king likewise made a peace with those of navarre , and after sent guesclin to ayde peter king of arragon , against peter king of castile in favour of henry , sancho and telco his naturall brothers ; and also in revenge of the death of his wife blanche , the daughter of the duke of bourbon , whom hee had caused to be slaine . peter of castile being deposed of his kingdome , and henry substituted , hee retired to the prince of wales , who restored him to his former estate . after returning into guienne , he imposed upon his subjects unaccustomed taxations and imposts , which caused the lords of armaignac and of albert to appeale to the king of france , as to their soveraigne lord , which was a cause that moved charles to give an eare to henry , who offered to hold his kingdome of castile from him , so that hee would ayde him in the re-conquest thereof . whereupon the king sent him guesclin , who gained fixe battells against his enemy , and in the fixt peter of castile was taken by the lord de villaines , a french knight , of whom henry ransomed him , and put him to death , enjoying by that meanes the kingdome of castile . in the meane time , because the king embraced the appeale of the lords of gascogne , the prince of wales denounced warre against him , which the king managed so well by the assistance of his brothers , that repairing the losses of his father and grandfather received by the english , hee reconquered guienne , poictou , and bretagne , and deceased in september , anno dom. 1380 , leaving charles and lewis under the tuition of their unkles . this king had many vertues , shining in all estates , both in happinesse and adversity , and when the realme was in the heate of troubles , he saved it from ruine , so that his fame was spred abroad , leaving an honourable remembrance to his posterity . hee favoured learning and the learned , preferring the schoolemaster nicholas oresme : he caused the bible to be translated , imitating therein st. lewis , and tooke great delight to read the scripture and philosophy , and he made aristotles ethicks and politicks , and many places of tully to be translated into french ; and his favour shewed to learned men , cherished their fancies , and made them seeke unto the forsaken muses for witty inventions . hee would heare suits in open court , and redresse the wrongs of the oppressed , and tooke pleasure to advance his houshold servants , and gave them meanes for bringing up their sons , and marrying their daughters : and as he was a favourer of learning , so bartholl , baldus , petrarch , bociac , plorindes , bonaventure , and john wickliffe of oxford in england lived in his reigne . but vertues are not hereditary , for charles sonne to this king , degenerated from his father , and the kingdome of france was afterward punished in the weaknesse of the succeeding kings , so that the confused government brought forth sad effects , such as are to bee expected where the rabble multitude have a power unrestrained by authority , and doe swarme and rove about like unruly bees . charles 6. the 53. king of france . anno 1380. portrait this charles 6. about the age of 14. yeares , was crowned the first of november , anno. dom. 1380. in the beginning of his reigne hee received homage for the dutchy of bretagne , and enforced the gaulois to their obedience to their duke ; as also he chastised the parisians , who had mutinyed about imposts , having mallets as a token of their faction , whereupon they were called maillotins . in the meane time peter de craon wounded clifson constable of france , whereof the king intending a revenge , fell into a frensie , by reason whereof the kingdome was put into the hands of the dukes of berry and burgundy , who laying hands upon clisson , by an act of parlement , caused him to be deprived of his estate , and banished the kingdome . the king of england marryed the lady isabell , the eldest daughter to charles . whereupon a truce was concluded betweene the english and french for thirty yeares . but king richard being afterward slaine , shee was sent backe into france without a dowry ; by reason whereof the duke of orleans presented a combate of seven french against seven english within the lists , which combate the french gained . then also upon some rancors and dissentions betweene the houses of burgundy and orleans for the government of the kingdome , john the eldest sonne of the late count of burgundy , caused the duke of orleans , brother to the king , to be slaine the 22. of november , 1407 , whereupon ensued all the subsequent disorders in france , by meanes whereof the king of england gained the famous and memorable battaile of agincourt , and continued his warres for the space of 29. or 30. yeares , during which he tooke rouen , and in a manner all normandy . in those times also the duke of burgundy was slaine at a parlement upon the bridge of montereau faux-yonne , by those that accompanied the dauphine , who for that fact was by his father charles , not yet in sense , dis-inherited , and in his place he instituted henry king of england , to whom upon a peace hee had given in marriage katherine of france , together with the government of france and paris , making warres against the dauphin untill death , which was followed with that of the king , who had before given consent to the duke of bedford , to be regent in france for young king henry , who was yet in his cradle . this charles the 6. was of a magnanimous and heroick soule , full of the fire of true valour , which upon any brave occasion broke forth in glorious actions : which vertue was declared in his younger yeares by this answer to his father charles the fifth , by whom a crowne of gold enchased with precious stones , and a helmet of steele fairely guilt , being propounded to his choise , hee answered hee would rather chuse the helmet than the crowne . afterward being crowned king of france , this sonne of valour rising in the spheare of majesty , shined forth with early beames of valour ; for being shewed by his officers , his deceased fathers rich treasury and precious moveables , and also his armory full of warlicke furniture , and all sorts of armes , hee said , he had rather have those armes , than his fathers riches . as this king and his noblemen marched against the duke of britaine , being entred the forrest of mans , a man bare-headed and bare-legged , attired in a coate of white rugge , steps suddainly forth betwixt two trees , taking hold of the raines of the kings horse , and staying him , said unto him : king ride no farther , but returne backe , for thou art betrayed : the king was amazed at this voice and the man being forced with blowes to leave the raines of his horse , vanished . afterward it chanced that his page being very sleepy , let fall his lance upon him which carryed the helmet , making a great noise like the rustling of armes , the king starts with amazement at this noise , and seeing the crimson bandroll of the lance , having his spirits weakened with the former distemperatures , transported with the imagination of this sound , sleepy with labour and heate , he imagins himselfe to be compassed in with many armed men which pursu'd him to the death . charles thus transported with this phrenzy , layes hold on his sword , drawes it , runnes violently after his pages , and calls them traytors . the pages conceiving at first that hee had beene displeased for the disorder of the lance , flye from him : the king follows after : the duke of orleance runnes towards him to let him know the cause of his anger . the king very violently layes at him , not knowing him ; the duke flyes , and the king follows . thereupon all drawing neare unto him , they take his sword from him , and his thick velvet jerkin , and scarlet cap , and lay him on the ground . pope urban his enemy , triumphing and rejoycing at his misery , said it was a just judgment of god for supporting and assisting his competitor : but the holy scripture sayes , o how happy is he that judgeth wisely of the afflicted , representing an admirable example in job , who was accused by his friends that hee was an hypocrite , good in shew , but not in integrity of life . such is the judgment of the world , accounting adversity a vice , and prosperity a vertue , measuring matters according to their passions , and not with reason ; for gods judgments are just and righteous , but the causes thereof are unknowne , though god doth all well whatsoever he doth . henry the fifth , king of england . anno 1412. portrait though it be more easie to succeed in victoryes , than atchieve them , yet this henry maintained by the sword that title of king of france , which his predecessor , edward the third had gained ; and as king edward cut down the flower of france in the battaile of cressey , so henry the fift , exasperated by the dolpins of france , sending him a tunne of tennis balls , sent him backe such iron balls , or bullets , that the french were neare brought to a great hazzard in this tennis court , or field of mars . for hereby henry wonne france , teaching princes , that contempt addes a double courage , when right is by contumelies sought with greater violence . afterward king henry tooke harflew , and fought the memorable battaile of agincourt , wherein hee got a wonderfull and unexpected victory , by a stratagem of erecting sharpe stakes before the foote troopes , whereupon the horse issuing violently , they were disranked and routed , so that the earth blush't with blood to see the french so overtaken , and also the archers upon the nicke of this opportunity sent many showres of arrowes , whereby the whole army on the french side was discomfited ; and the english archers giving backe , the french horsemen ran themselves upon the sharpe poynted stakes . at last the french maine battaile was put to flight , and then king henry gave thankes unto god , the giver of all victoryes . this battaile was famous , triumphant , and fortunate ; the successe whereof was celebrated with great joy at the kings returne into england ; princes being then most amiable ( as well as private men ) in the sight of their subjects , when fortune smiles on their attempts : and victories , such as this was at poictiers , makes their vertues more apparant . afterward , truce being made with the french , and by them broken , hee invades france againe , and takes the towne of harflew in normandy , and cane . then proceeding in his conquest of normandy , takes fallais , after a long siege , and articles of agreement confirmed by the king , he besieges also roane , and the lady katharines picture was sent to king henry , to move him to pitty roane : hee grants them peace , and receives of the burgesses of roane 356000. crownes of gold , upon the sixteenth of june , anno domini 1418. afterward many townes were surrendered to henry : at last a peace was concluded betweene king henry , and king charles , and the duke of burgogne . afterward henry goes in person to trois . where he was met by iohn king of france , the queene , and the lady katharine , to whom hee was contracted , and by their marriage peace was established in france , and the crowne of france was entailed to england ; and the subjects of france were sworne to duty of allegeance unto king henry ; as also the two crownes of england and france were united and confirmed to king henry , by his marrying the lady katherine ; for marryages have alwayes beene the happy conclusions of tragicall warres , as may appeare by happy marriage . afterward the french growing rebellious , king henry besieges paris , and takes it . bicardy afterward sweares fealty and obedience to king hen. matters being setled , all the warres was concluded with joyfull solemnities at the marriage of king henry and the lady katharine , with whom he returned afterward into england , where every subject exprest his love and loyalty to him , each one contending , who should be the forwardest for the entertaining of so noble and victorious a prince , and his most royall consort . afterward king henry being at the siege of meaux , his wife was delivered of henry of munmouth , his last joy on earth ; for not long after sickning at at melum , and his malady encreasing at bois de vincennois , hee cheerefully rendred his soule to god , who received him to immortall joy , where he remaines crowned with caelestiall glory , while his body being conveyed into england , was with all pompous celebrity interred in the church at westminster , where on his tombe are ingraven these verses . dux normanorum , verus conquestor eorum , haeres francorum , decesset & hector eorum . here normans duke , so stil'd by conquest just , true heire of france , great hector lyes in dust. charles 7. the 54. king of france . anno 1422. portrait after the decease of charles the 6 , charles 7. his sonne , began to style himselfe king of france , notwithstanding that his father had dis-inherited him , and given it to henry king of england . in the beginning of his reigne having made count arthur , brother to the duke of bretagne , high constable of france , sent him against the english , who in a manner were masters of all france , and had now beleaguered orleans contrary to their promise made to their duke , who at that time was prisoner in england : whereupon the king sent the count of dunois , the bastard of orleans , pothon , hire , all valiant commanders to relieve it . at that time the french lost the battaile of harens : whereupon the king being enraged , and not knowing which way best to betake himselfe , was encouraged by joane the maid , who miraculously drove the english from before orleance : and having recovered many lost townes , and gained the battaile neare patay , and conveyed the king to be crowned at rheims , but upon a sally which she made out of champagne upon the english , she was taken , and put to death at rouen . in the end a peace being made betweene the duke of burgundy and the king of france , they first drove the english out of paris , nineteene yeares after their enjoying it , into which the king made his entry the twelfth of november , anno domini 1437 , to equall which there presently ensued the praguery faction . the quarrells also of the houses of orleance and burgundy were extinguished by the marriage of charles duke of orleance , with mary of cleue , neare to the duke of burgundy : the english also lived promiscuously with the french , but the truce being broken by an english captaine , who took in the castle of fougeres , the king imployed his uttermost to quit france of all the english : and thereupon hee to this designe appointed his franc-archers or boemen , and began with normandy , which he reduced wholly to his obedience : after that guienne and the citty of bourdeaux , insomuch that the english could retaine nothing on that side the seas , but cales and the county of guiennes . the king enjoying this repose of peace , was much troubled with the absence of the dauphin , who for sixe yeares had betaken himselfe to the duke of burgundy , and thence into brabant , where hee remained till his fathers decease , which was the 22. of july , anno dom. 1461. this king being unfortunate in his warres , grew so behind hand both in fame and estate , that amongst other afflictions , hee was burthened with reproach and poverty , so that he dined in his chamber , attended on by his houshold servants , where pothon and la hire comming to chusteandun to require succours , found him at table with a rumpe of mutton and two chickens . he was reproached for the love of faire agnes , but the history of st. dennis reports , that hee loved her onely for her pleasing behaviour , eloquent speech , and beauty , and that he never used any lascivious action unto her , nor never touched her beneath the chinne . joane a virgin , or rather witch , professing that she had a revelation how to succour the king , and chase the english from orleance , was brought by the lord of baudie court , provost of vancoleurs to chinon , attired like a man. the king takes upon him the habite of a countryman , yet shee goes directly to the king , although they told her shee was mistaken . shee had armes and horse given her , with a troope to enter the city , accompanied by the admirall and martiall of france : shee comes to orleance , they rejoyce to behold the maiden warriour , whereupon joane sends threats to the english by letter , subscribed , vnderstand these newes from god and from the virgin . orleance was assaulted by her counsell : the virgin entred the fort first , crying , montjoy st. dennis , the fort is wonne . the english grew amazed at the virgins exploits : in memory whereof a monument was erected ; king charles the seventh armed , and joane the virgin armed , kneeling on their knees before a crucifixe of brasse , which is still to bee seene upon the bridge at orleance . lewis the 11. and 55. king of france . anno 1461. portrait lewis the 11. departing out of brabant , being accompanyed with the duke , philip of burgundy , and the count of charolois his sonne , caused himselfe to be crowned king of france ▪ the fifteenth of august 1461. the princes seeing themselves in contempt , especially mounsier charles his brother , who rose up in armes against him , under a pretensive colour for the common good , giving him the famous battaile of montlehery , the fifteenth of iuly , anno domini 1463. the king for the dissipating of their forces , following the advise of the duke of milan , gave normandy to his brother , which afterwards by subtilties he withdrew from him againe . but in the end hee was enforced by the duke of burgundy to give unto his brother mounsier charles the counties of champagne and brie , which hee afterward exchanged for the dutchy of guienne , by this meanes to weane him from the duke of burgundy , recalling all the townes upon this side the river somme ; and afterwards against his brother charles , for the withdrawing of the dutchy of guienne , who immediately dyed , not without suspition of poyson . afterwards he made a treaty of peace at bouvines , with the dukes of bretagne and burgundy for the ensnaring of the high constable s. paul , who had beene the prime sparke of all the dissentions after the battaile of montlehery . in the meane time the king works the duke of burgundy quite out with the emperour fredericke , and with the duke of loraine , working his ruine at the siege of mus. then he takes in many townes of the burgundion , who had appealed to the english for aide , with whom the king had already made a treaty of piquigny , by which charles the kings sonne was to marry with the daughter of england , when they came to be of age ; which constrained the burgundion to make his peace with the king , and to deliver the high constable into his power . the duke of burgundy was slaine before nancy , leaving one sole daughter mary , who was marryed to maximilian , the onely son of the emperour fredericke ; by reason whereof the king recovered all the countrey upon the somme , together with the dutchy and county of burgundy . but afterwards the prince of orange caused the franch-conite to revolt . after this the king allyed himselfe to the swisses , and recovered the county of provence , from renatus duke of aniou , by way of donation . the k. afterwards having marryed his son charles to the lady marguerite of flanders , hee surrendered his life the 30 of aug. 1483. hee said that charles the sage might be a wise man in his tiring-chamber , or closet , but in giving his youngest brother the dutchy of burgundy , hee played the fooles part . being told after a battaile , that his enemy count charolois did lodge in the field : he replyed , that he having neither towne nor castle must needes lodge in a field-bed . it was his usuall saying : that when pride walketh , or rideth afore , shame and dishonour , like servingmen , attend behind . being told that one of the canons of the church where hee had heard masse was dead , he gave the prebendship to a priest which lay sleeping in an adjoyning chappell , that hee should say afterward , that his good fortune came unto him sleeping . to a gentleman that was ready to handle a rich chaine of gold , which a captaine wore about his neck , and was suspected to be made of the reliques of a church , he said : take heede how you touch that chaine , for it is a holy thing . he said also , that , in regard of his troubles at the beginning of his reigne , if by the expression of courage and experience he had not procured feare and reverence , he might have beene ranked amongst the unfortunate princes in the last chapter of boccace . a rich nobleman having builded a faire hospitall , he said , that having made many poore for the hospitall , hee might justly make an hospitall for the poore , and so convert his sinnes into almes-houses . hee would often say to his noblemen , that his sonne should learne no more latine , than qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare ; and that the government of the kingdome and common-wealth was his best study , for other studies would too much soften his minde , and historicall examples , unfortunate in their event , and successe , would discourage him from attempting brave actions . he said also that the genowayes should not long remaine under his protection , for he would bequeath them to the divell . being advised to send an embassadour , that had many dignities and titles : he said he is like a peece of brachigraphy , that hath many a title but learning very little . being told that the gout haunted rich men that fared deliciously , and wore fine cloathing ; he said , hee would alwaies afterward weare cloathcloathes , because the gout should not take him for a rich man. he could finde all things he said in his kingdome , and his court , except truth , which was sicke in his fathers time , and was now starke dead , having before her death made no confession to a priest. the realme of france he said was a meddow which he did cut every yeere , and as often as he listed . he asking a meane fellow , which knew not the king when he saw him , what he gained by following the court ? the fellow answered , i get as much as the king , that is , maintenance while i live , and a sheete when i dye . he said that a curious ignorant man , having a library of faire bookes , was like a crooke-backt man having a bunch on his backe , whereby the deformity of the one , & the ignorance of the other was more discerned . he made gold the engine of his actions , saying , that an army of silver launces doth usually winne the victory . great services ( he said ) through the arrogancy of the parties performing them , or the neglect of princes regarding them , were often recompenced with hatred or ingratitude ▪ and therefore the bounty of princes exceeding desert was more fortunate and happy than desert exceeding the bounty of princes , not enduring to be indebted or obliged . having felt the smart of the english warres , he said the king of england was his brother in his owne countrey , but hee did not like his company in france . having caused a faire goodly tombe to bee made for the faire lady agnes , the love of his late father , the cannons of the church desiring that the monument might bee removed out of the heart of the church into a side i le , or chappell , he answered , that their request was neither just nor reasonable , neither would he suffer her tombe ( whom his father loved ) to be violated . after monsieur bussi was beheaded and buryed , he caused the head to be digged up againe , and placed on a wooden pole in the market place , and so being covered with a scarlet cappe , furred with minivere , in regard he had beene a counsellour of the parliament . a suiter to the king for an office , bein denyed , humbly thanked his majestie , who wondring at his moderate , yet man-like spirit , asked if he conceived a right of his answer ? yes , said the suiter , and i thanke your majesty for giving me a dispatching denyall , rather than feeding delayes : with which answer the king was so contented , that he had his office immediatly granted . a noble-man seeing this king ride a hunting on a very little horse , said he had gotten a goodly stout horse ; for though he seemed but weake and little , yet he must needes be very strong , because he carryed him with all his counsell : thereby taxing the king , preferring the wisedome of his owne conceite before all other counsell . hee demanding what present he might bestow on the english embassadors that might not cost him much , was answered ; that he might present them with his musitians , that so they might not cost him much , as formerly they had done . before the joyning of a battaile , this king said hastily unto a noble-man , that he had no affiance in his service : who for proofe thereof , having desired to exchange armes and ensignes with the king , charged bravely on the enemy , and being supposed to be the king , was slaine : wherein the king with weeping teares sayd , he had lost his life to expresse his love and loyalty . being informed that the saracens were misreckned 10000 francks , in the payment of 200000 thousand pounds for a ransome , he would not embarke or set saile untill the aforesaid francks were paid : such was his fidelity to those infidells . this king having appoynted a bishop to goe take a muster of the souldiers in paris , a great noble-man desired a commission to reforme the bishops church , saying that employment was as fit for him , as the other was for the bishop . when this king was daulphin of france , he taking great pleasure in hunting , often resorted to a poore forresters cottage , where he did use to eate radishes , he comming to be king , the forrester perswaded by his wife , & in hope of reward , presented to the king a faire radish , which his majesty accepted , and rewarded the forrester with a thousand crownes . afterward a courtier presented the king with a faire goodly horse , expecting a greater reward , because he had beene so bountifull to the forrester . but the king contrary to his expectation , gave the courtier his radish , wrapped up in white paper ; the courtier returning to his lodging , opening the packet , found nothing but a radish , whereupon he informed the king of the mistake , as he supposed : the king said , i have paide thee well for thy horse : for the present which i gave thee cost mee a thousand crownes ; thus the poore mans good affection was wel rewarded , and the courtiers audaciousnesse slightly regarded . this lewis sends an embassadour to the emperour , to excuse him for not sending an army , promised by treaty , entreating him not to make a greement with the duke of burgogne ; but that he should confiscate all the dukes signonories that held of the emperour , as hee would doe those that held of the crowne of france : the emperour answered , that they must not divide the beares skinne before the beast be dead . this king commming to an interview of the king of castile , unto whom hee was formerly strickly allyed , conceived a contempt and disdaine each of other : the french of the castilians sumptuousnesse and pride , in their words , countenance and apparrell : the castilians of the plainnesse of the french attire : so as from that day these kings did never love , and the french did ever since hate the spaniard . charles 8. the 56. king of france . anno 1483. portrait charles the 8. at the age of 13. yeares came to the crowne , under the regency of madam de beavieu his owne sister , and of the duke of bourbon her husband : whereupon the duke of orleance , the nearest to the crowne , and had married his other sister , as in an indignity conceived , convocated and summoned all the statesmen to tours . in the meane time the duke of orleance seeing that madam of beavieu managed all the affaires of the kingdome , retired himselfe into bretagne ; whereupon the king made warre against him , and recovered a battaile against him at st. albins , the duke of orleance , and the prince of orange being taken prisoners . after this the duke of bretagne deceased , leaving his sole daughter anne . inheretrix : who notwithstanding that she had made a promise to maximilian , king of the romans , was after marryed to the king , for which cause the king of england made a preparation for warre against him in the behalfe of maximilian , but it was concluded that the king should send backe the princesse marguerite with her dowry of the countries of artois and burgundy . after , having surrendred the county of roussillon to the spaniard by the perswasion of his confessour , he went upon the recovery of the succession which renatus , the late king of sicily , and charles the count of maine his brother , had left unto him by will , for the rights which they pretended to the kingdome of naples . in his journey hee was regally entertained by ludovicus ssorza , surnamed the moore , in the towne of ast : and after having proceeded into tuscany , by peter de medicis , who delivered into his command the fortresses of florence and the city of pisa : from thence hee went to rome , where nolens volens , he entered , alexander 6. being then pope , who working his peace with him , gave him the title of emperour of constantinople , and invested him to the kingdome of naples : whither the king having made his entrance the 12. of may , anno dom. 1495 , hee was crowned king of sicily . whereupon the monarchs and potentates of italy being amazed , intended him an ambuscade in his returne at fournoue ; but the king passing another way , escaped the plot , and came safe into france : where having intelligence of the losse of naples , and intending a second voyage thither for the recovery of his losses , dyed of an apoplexy , as hee was seeing a game at tennis in the castle of amboise , the seventh of april , anno domini 1498. this king among other facetious sayings , gave the florentine embassadours this merry answer , denoting their unfaithfulnesse , in these two italian verses : concortesia e fede poca va a florence vender loca . to florence he went of his goose to make sale , without any faith or courtesie at all . which verses were formerly made on this occasion : a countrey pesant sold a fat goose to a faire dame of florence , for the fond satisfaction of venery , but afterward on colder thoughts growing wiser , this piece of leatherne ignorance , contrary to his former agreement , without either fidelity or courtesie , demanded the price of his goose in the presence of her husband , and made her , for the former sawce of the goose , pay him againe . and with this italian proverb , which had this wanton originall , the king answered the unfaithfull embassadours of florence . his queene anne having received tidings of his death , said ; gods will be done , i doubt not but i shall be as great as i was before , intimating thereby her hopes to be queene of france ; afterwards verified by her marriage with king lewis the twelfth . friar jerosine savonarola living at florence , foretold in his sermons that this king should come into italy , and obtaine great victories , which fell out accordingly ; and in those warres nothing was gained but a stinking contagious disease , afterwards spred over all france , and since then called the french poxe . after this king had ended his warres , he builded a castle at ambois , not knowing that instead of a stately palace , hee should end his life in a base and filthy gallery . he intending to reforme his life , it chanced the seventh of april , going after with the queene into the castle-ditches , hee strooke his forehead against the doore of a gallery , whereas he meant to see a set at tennis . this blow driving him to the premeditation of his approaching end , hee said to his confessour , that hee would never commit any mortall or veniall sin , if he could avoide it , which was a good reservation : upon this protestation hee fell back ward into an apoplexy , wherewith he had beene troubled , and dyed about 11. a clocke at night , in a chamber neare to a gallery , stinking with the urine which every one made as he passed through it , being laid on a matresse , such as they could finde by chance . in him the direct line failed , and the crowne came to the collaterall line , the nearest whereof was lewis duke of orleance , and valois his successor . lewis 12. the 57. king of france . anno 1499. portrait this lewis the 12. succeeded according to the custome of france , to charles the 8 , who dyed without issue , and was crowned the 27. of may. hee repudiated the lady joane of france for her indisposition of conception , and marryed the lady anne of bretagne , widow to the late king. afterwards having made sure of milan , genes , and lombardy , by the taking of ludovicus sforza , hee made an accord with the king of spaine , with whom hee conquered the kingdome of naples , which was after lost by the french through the infidelity and perfidious treachery of the spaniard . whereupon the king having yeelded his claime and part that he pretended to it , unto ferdinand king of aragon , in favour of the marriage of madame germaine de foix , his owne sisters daughter , and makes an agreement with the pope against the venetians , against whom hee gained a battaile the 15. of may , anno dom. 1509 , without any assistance of the truce . hee withstood the pope , who declared himselfe an enemy to the french , and he tooke many places in the dutchy of ferrara , which gave an occasion to the duke to recover what he had lost : as also gaston de foix raised the popes army from before bologna , and relieved the city of brescia , which the venetians had now beleaguered ; and having defeated their army , from thence he went to hazard his life before ravenna , having first wonne the field . the lord of palisse was substituted in his place as commanmander , who sacked it . whereupon the emperour and the pope joyning with the english , recovered many townes upon the french , and the spaniard re-entered into the kingdome of naples . vvhereupon king lewis being moved , sent the duke of longueville with an army to re-estate the king of navarre into his kingdome : but hee was constrained to returne without any effect , which was a cause that the king being desirous to re-enter his dutchy of milan , accorded with the spaniard and the venetian , and after sent the lord of tremoville with his army into italy , whence he was beaten out by the swisses . in the meane time the king of england besieged therouenne , where was fought the battaile of esperons , after which king lewis being a widower , married with the daughter of the king of england , with whom hee having peace , as he was in a preparation for an army into italy , hee was prevented by death , the first day of the yeare 1515. hee was surnamed the father of the people . this king being instigated and perswaded by some of his familiars to take revenge on the citizens of orleance , because when hee was duke of orleance , and when charles the 8. maintaining warres against him , had compelled him to flye into brittaine , they had shut the gates of their city against him : but he forgetting their former injury , answered ; that being now king of france , hee would not revenge injuries done to the duke of orleance . hee being told , making warre then in italy for the recovery of the dutchy of millaine , that agnadell was taken by his enemies , who had there taken up their lodging , answered : then will i lodge upon their bellies , or else they shall lodge upon mine . being advised to preserve his person from the shot of the great ordnance , he answered , a rightfull king of france was never slaine with the shot of a cannon : therefore let him that is affraid , come behinde me . hee lying in campe , and a souldier standing neare him , being slaine with a cannon shot , and shewed unto the king , hee smild and said , he is but a little cold in his hands . this king having commanded that a company of foot-men should be levied of strong active men , and at the day appointed a company of old souldiers , as appeared by scarres , being presented unto him , said ; these men , as it seemes by their wounds , were more willing to take than to give blowes . whereupon the souldier replyed , they were not valianter than we , for they wounded us , but we slew them . to a gentleman that boasted of his scarres and wounds in his face , and desired the king to reward his service , hee said , take heed hereafter of turning backe thy face when thou art flying from thy enemy . he being disswaded from making warres on the venetians , being a wise and prudent people , said , wee will set so many fooles upon them that shall beard them to the teeth , that they shall not know which way to turne . to certaine embassadours of greece that demanded succours against the turke , he objected this old verse barbara graeca genus retinent quod habere solebant . the lords of the parliament refusing to admit a councellour for his ignorance and insufficiency , though preferred by the king ; he asked them how many councellours there were ? they replyed , an hundred : then said the king , cannot you many wise men make one become wife ? a courtier being wonder'd at for his great stature , and accounted a gyant , the king said , it is no wonder , for his mother tooke paines to make him , and perhaps hee had many fathers . he told the ladies of the court , that hinds had at first hornes as well as harts , but for their pride and rebellion against the harts , nature offended therewith , deprived them of their hornes , to shew that wives should be obedient to their husbands . hee told the duke of angolesme his sonne in law , that a certaine father and his son travelling towards a towne , the sonne said , that now they were almost at the towne ; but yet they afterward travelled untill it was night before they could get to the towne : whither being come , the father said to the sonne , henceforth sonne , never say i am at the towne , till thou art past the gates . he said also that asses were happier than horses , for horses runne post to rome to get those benefices whereof asses are possessed . being asked to marry his daughter the lady claudia to a strange prince , he said , i will make no alliance but with the kats and mice of my owne kingdome . francis 1. the 58. k. of france . an. 1515. portrait francis of valois , duke of angolesme , as next the collaterall ▪ line masculine , succeeded lewis the 12 , who dyed without heires males . he was consecrated at rheims the 25. of january , 1515 , at which time charles of bourbon was made constable of france . the king having taken prosper collonne , and obtained two battailes against the swisses , tooke milan . after by the perswasion of pope leo the tenth , the milaners revolted , and immediately after , charles of bourbon tooke part with charles the fifth , emperour . the king accompanied with the marshall of chabanes , having recovered the dutchy of milan into his power , he went to besiege pavia , where he was taken , and by the industrious treaty of madric , anno dom. 1525 , hee was sent backe into france . afterwards charles of bourbou was slaine , skaling the walls of rome , which was taken by the spaniards with the pope . anno dom. 1529. a treaty of cambray was concluded , and the children of france were sent backe into france with madame elianor . the king and the pope by embassies came to an agreement at marsilles , where the marriage of henry duke of orleance , with the countesse of bologne , the popes niece , was solemnized . after this the king sent the lord of montmorency against the emperour , who intended to come against marsilles , who enforced him to retire into spaine , and afterwards invaded france upon the coast of picardy , and sent another army to piedmount , against whom the king sent his forces , which tooke suse , villane , and montcalier , which caused the truce of nice for ten yeares , during which the emperour passed through france into flanders . in the meane time caesar fregose and anthony rincon the kings embassadours to the turke , were slaine by the imperialists . whereupon the king according with the duke of cleve against the emperour , tooke luxembourg , landrecy and other places : of which the emperour being certified , besieged landrecy , but in vaine . on the other side the lord of anguyen , the kings lievtenant in piedmont , having gained the battaile of cerisolles , tooke carignan : whereof the emperour being advertised , made a preparation against paris , but perceiving the french too powerfull in forces , demanded a peace , which was published at paris . this being done , the king intends a warre against the english at boulen , with whom having made peace , hee went to pay his debt to nature at rambouillet , the last of march , 1547 , and lyes interred at st. denis . to one that desired pardon for another that had used ill speeches of his majesty , this king said , let him for whom thou art a suiter , learne to speake little , and i will learne to pardon much . at paris in an oration against hereticks , hee said : if my arme were infected with that contagion , i would cut it off from my body , and cast it into the fire . hee said that hee was sorry that the gentlemen of his realme being most serviceable , and ingenious , were not qualified with learning , to be capable of civill offices as well as military , since vertue is the formall cause of gentility , which should exceed base low dispositions , by an eminent exaltation of goodnesse , deriving their pettigree from heaven , for vera est nobilitas quaedam cognatio dijs , true nobility is a certaine affinity to the gods. a treaty of peace being propounded , and ready to bee concluded betweene the emperour charles the fift and this king francis , hee said : peace and amity betweene us cannot long endure , for the emperour cannot abide an equall or companion , and i cannot endure a master . henry the 2. and 59. king of france . anno 1547. portrait henry the second succeeding to the crowne on his birth day , was consecreted at rheimes in august 1547. hee sent the lord of esse into scotland , for a defence ofthat countrey , and built a fort over against that of boullen : immediately after the commons of guienne mutined upon taxations whilst the king was in piedmont , from whence , being upon his returne into france , he caused them to be punished by the constable , and made his enterance into paris : proclaimed open warres against england , and renewed his allyance with the swisses . pope iulius the third being incensed against the king for the city of parma , solicited the emperour to take up armes against him , and to beleaguer parma and mirandula : whereupon the king made a prohibition of sending to the court of rome for matters of benefices ; and in the meane time he tooke quiers , s. damian , and other places of piedmont : on the other side the burgundions , and hannuyers over-runne the countrey of santois , above peronne : but to requite them , the king making an expedition into almany , by the policy of the constable seezd of the metz , and the countrey of messin , and tooke the duke & dutchy of loraine into his protection : afterwards hee joyned forces with duke maurice , who falsifying his faith in his returne invaded the dutchy of luxembourg , taking the townes of tvoy , montmedy , lumes , and civay . in the meane time the emperor marched to the siege of metz , whence he was forced to dis-encampe with the losse of 30000 men , and threw himselfe upon therouenne , which he tooke with the castle of hedin . the king on the other side tooke mariembourg , and other townes in piedmont . after that the emperour quitting the empire , retired himselfe into spaine , to live a solitary life , and a peace for five yeares was concluded between the emperour , the kings of england and france , which continued not long . for warres being renewed betweene the said kings , the day of st. laurence , to the losse of the french : in revenge whereof the king tooke cales , gnines , hames , and the county of oye : peace after being made by the marriage betweene king philip , and the lady elizabeth of france , and of the duke of savoy , with madam margarite , sister to the king ; and in the continuance of the solemnity , the king running at tilt , was hit in the eye , of which hurt he dyed at tournells , the twentieth day of iuly , anno domini 1559. and lyes interred at st. denis in france . this king having the good inclination of his nature confirmed , by being well brought up under his father , ordained many good lawes for the reforming apparrell , providing for the poore , maintenance of justice , and releeving his oppressed subjects ; but especially hee made a law against swearing and blaspheming , and herein he did singularly well : but he disgraced these good actions , by permitting a bloody and fatall combate , betwixt iarnac and chastaignery , gentlemen , upon the giving the lye , performed at st. german in lay on the sixeteenth of july , before the king and divers princes and noblemen , wherein jarnac , held the weaker , got the better , and gave the other many deadly wounds whereof he dyed ; whereupon the king did forbid all combats . thus hee beganne his reigne with this tragedy , and ended it with his owne ; for at the marriage of elizabeth of france , the king having published a solemne running at the tilt , ( as is before mentioned ) the king would needes be one of the challengers , and the second day of the tourny , being perswaded by the queene , and the duke of savoy to retire out of the lists , he desired to runne once more against the earle of montgomery , who first refused , but afterward runne , and upon the kings helmet broke his lance , and with a splinter thereof ( his beaver being somewhat open ) strikes him so deepe in the eye , so that he dyed in his house at tournells , in the 44. yeare of his age . the day before his death he would have the duke of savoy and the lady margaret his sister marryed in his chamber . his heart was interred in the celestines church , in the duke of orleans his chappell . his character was good , but hee was formerly voluptuous , and permitted himselfe to be abused by his officers , selling lawes and his authority . for such kings are but pictures of princes without life , all power remaining in the subject , to the oppression and wrong of the land. francis the 2. and 60. king of france . anno 1559. portrait this francis , king of scotland by mary stuart his wife , at the age of fifteene yeares , and five moneths , succeeded his father henry , and was crowned at rheimes , september 1559. by the cardinall of loraine , arch-bishop of that see : after his coronation , he went to conduct his brother in law the duke of loraine , and the dutchesse claudia his sister as farre as barle duke : from whence hee returned into france , and sojourned for a while in the city of blois , where he reformed some abuses of those that followed his court. in the meane time this president minard was slaine in his owne house , returning from court : this murther was a cause that it was forbidden to carry trucheons and weapons . the counsellor of bourg was burnt for his religion . the king having made preparations , sent the lord of martigues into scotland , for the suppression of some scots , who upon pretext of religion were in armes : during which time , mary of loraine dowager of scotland deceased . at the same time also certaine gentlemen of france , being assembled in armes neare the city of amboise , where the king was attended by the cardinall of loraine , and his brother , the duke of guise , were discovered in a certaine enterprise , which they pretended to be for the publicke good , and for the dispossessing of some strangers , usurpers of the kings authority , and kingdome , contrary to the ancient authority of the three estates of france ; and also for making some remonstrances to the king concerning religion : for which many were executed to death , amongst whom the baron of castelnau was one . at that time the chancellour oliver deceased , in whose place and dignity was instituted monsieur de'l hospital . shortly after the king went to orleans , there to settle himselfe , where he fell sicke of an apostume in his left eare , whereof he dyed the foureteenth of september , anno domini 1560. having reigned about eighteen months and twenty dayes , and lyes interred at s. denis . the protestants were very much persecuted in this kings reigne , and there were foure prisoners of especiall note , castelnau , villemongis , campagnac , and le picard , who cryed out against the chancellor that had signed the sentence of their deaths , who thereupon fell suddenly sicke , and when the cardinall of loraine came to visit him , cryed out : o cardinall thou hast damned us all . while the king lay dangerously sicke , the queene mother intending to support the guisans , called the king of navarre into her closet , to whom , as he was going a lady of the court said : my lord , deny the queen mother nothing that she shall demand , else you are dead : whereupon he signed what shee desired , and thereby obtained her favour . afterward the king dyed of catarch and a feaver the 14. of december , whose seeds of vertue lay hid in his nature , and were not discerned , onely some shewes of courtesie , modesty , and continency were in his younger yeares apparent , and rherefore his death was not much lamented , but of such as in his nonage possessed usurped estates . after his decease the prince of conde turned the streame of affaires . to give a briefe character of this king and his reigne , he was a picture of majesty drawne in raw colours , being young in yeares and judgement , governed by his mother , and his wives uncles . the princes of blood were in his reigne not regarded , power and might prevailed in court , and the clergy sought protection from the disturbers of france . the nobility were ingaged in warres , and the people divided in matters of religion , and in the court factions were maintained : this was the face and complexion of those times ; miseries incident to the minority of princes . charles the 9. and 61. king of france . anno 1560. portrait this charles the ninth , at the age of thirteene , succeeded his brother francis. hee pursu'd the enterprises of his predecessor , for his state affaires , which were begunne the eighth of december ' anno domini 1560. at orleans , and and afterward finished at pontoise , angust and september following , anno domini 1561. at that time hee assembled the prelates of france at possi to a nationall counsell . the january following it was permitted to the hugnenots to make their exercises and sermons out of the cities . whereupon ensued great troubles , warres , and slaughters of great lords and personages , as of the king of navarre , who was slaine before rouen ; and in the battaile of dreux , which was given the 19. of march , anno domini 1562. the martiall of st. andrew , and the duke of guise were slaine before orleans . a while after , the towne of haure de grace was recovered , which had beene before yeelded to the english. the king at the parliament at rouen , being declared mayor , after an edict of pacification made , went to visit his kingdome , anno domini 1564. and went to meet his sister , the queene of spaine , at ▪ bayonne , where great magnificences were parformfd . after having visited the gascogne . guienne , and poitou , he came to moulins , where he made many excellent ordinances . the second civill warre sprung up , wherein , after that the king had made an escape out of meaux , the battaile of st. denis was fought , wherein the constable was wounded , which was a cause of another pacification , by reason of the siege of chartres , which was broken by the third intestine warre , which continutwo yeares space ; during which , the ed battaile of iarnac was fought , wherein the prince of conde was slaine ; and another battaile at montcontour . after which , another edict of pacification was made , anno domini 1570. afterwards the king marryed the lady elizabeth of austria , daughter to the emperour maximilian . also the marriage of the king of navarre was celebrated anno domini 1573. and the 24. of august , the same yeare the admirall was slaine in paris , with a great number of the hugoueotes and rochelle was besieged . then a fourth pacification by the election in poland of the duke of aniou , brother to the king , was made : he being gone in his kingdome of poland , was certified of his brother , the kings , death on the 30. of may , at the bois de vincennes , 1574. having one daughter who dyed an infant . he lyes at st. denis . hee was a prince that had excellent naturall gifts , but blended and mingled with vices , wherewith his governours and schoolemasters had corrupted his young minde , which at the first was more vertuously inclined , delighting in musick and poetry . but as he was a great hunter , that lov'd to shed the blood of wilde beasts , so hee suffered also ( during his reigne ) the protestants blood to be shed , and in revenge thereof in his sicknesse before his death great store of blood issued out by vomiting , and by other passages of his body , in the two last weekes of his sicknesse , wherein he endured as much paine and torment , as the strength of youth could suffer in the last pangs of death . and this judgement shewed that god loves not the prince that thirsts after his subjects blood , which is the very blood of the prince . some few houres before his death he said : it was a great comfort unto him that he left no heire male lawfully begotten ; for leaving him young , he must endure many crosses , and france had neede of a man. henry 3. the 62. king of france . anno 1575. portrait this henry the third was at the instant of his brothers death , in his kingdome of poland , whereof he having notice , hee in privacy went out of poland , and arrived at lyons the sixt of september , anno 1574 , and was consecrated at rheims february the 13. anno dom. 1575 , and the 15. of the same moneth he marryed madam loyse of loraine , daughter of the count of vaudemont . after in the yeare 1576 , he convocated his statesmen to blois , where singular good statutes were enacted . anno domini 1577. there was an edict of pacification published for the quiet of his kingdome . he began the foundation of the augustines bridge anno dom. 1578. the order of the knights of the holy ghost was by him instituted , anno dom. 1579. after his edict of pacification , untill the decease of his onely brother monsieur the duke of aniou his kingdome was in peace : but soone after , anno domini 1585 , there grew up a faction pernicious to him and his estate , which was called the ligue , or the holy union , the author whereof was the king of spaine , purposely to hinder henry king of navarre from his accesse to the crowne of france , to whom after the decease of this king , it of right did belong . this faction was violated under a colour of religion , which was of such a force , that the principality thereof made sure of the primest cities in the whole kingdome , their owne , and amongst the rest , paris it selfe : the inhabitants whereof having barricadoed themselves against their king on the twelfth of may , anno domini 1588 , he was constrained to retire himselfe to chartres , and thence to rouen . in the end the second time he assembled his men of state at blois , at the end whereof hee caused the duke and cardinall of guise to bee executed . upon which execution paris revolted , together with the prime cities of the realme , and the rebells made the duke of mayenne to bee their chiefe : which was a cause that the king removed his parlement to tours in march , in the yeare 1589 , and being reconciled to the king of navarre , he went to beleaguer paris , and being at st. claud , on the first day of august hee was most trayterously stabbed with a knife in the bottome of his belly by a jacobin , of which wound hee dyed the day following in that siege in the midst of his army , having reigned 15. yeares and two moneths . his corps was conducted to compaigne , where it remaineth to this day entombed . this king plotting before his receiving the crowne , how to ruine the hugenots , the emperour told him , that there was no greater sinne than to force mens consciences ; for such as thinke to command them , supposing to winne heaven , doe often lose that which they possesse on earth . he was at last murdered ( as was said ) by a jacobin fryar , who as the king bended downe to heare in private that which he expected , drew a knife out of his sleeve made a purpose , and thrust his majesty into the bottome of the belly , and there leaves the knife in the wound : the murderer was by those which ranne to helpe the king , presently killed . but the king lived awhile , and at his death hee advised them to unite themselves in revenging his murder , but yet he forgave his enemies , and charged them to seeke the preservation of the realme , by purging out faction . and lastly hee wished them to referre the difference of religion to the convocation of the estates of the realme , saying that piety is a duty of man to god , over which worldly force hath no power . the picture of his minde was faire and lovely , being drawne with the lines of wit , eloquence , gravity , devotion , affection to learning , bountifull to desert , reforming abuses , peaceable and willing to heare counsell , but this comely beauty was disgraced by a pale weaknesse in adversity , a smiling wantonnesse , and too liberall a prodigality , which somewhat blemished this prince , who had otherwise beene an exact peece of perfection , worthy to be placed among the chiefest monarchs . henry the 4 , the 63. king of france . anno 1589. portrait this henry the fourth , surnamed the great , king of navarre , as first of the bourbon line , being descended from robert , the last sonne of st. lewis , succeeded to the crowne of france by consent and assistance of the nobility , and army of the late henry , by whose deplored death it was dispersed , retired himselfe to dieppe , where he was besieged by the duke of mayenne with a potent army , which by this king was routed , with a small number of arques the 21. of september , anno domini 1589. and from thence pursued his victory even to paris , taking the suburbs thereof upon all-hallows eve. afterwards hee recovered vendosm le mans and falaise . the fourteenth of march 1590 , hee obtained the famous victory of yury , after which hee blocked up paris and st. denis , and reduced them to such an extremity of famine , that in july following st. denis yeelded it selfe to his power , and paris also was upon the point of surrender . april , 1591. the city of chartres after a long siege was yeelded up also to him . ianuary , 1593. began the estates of the ligue at paris , and the truce of suresne followed , which being in dispute the king tooke the city of dreux , and shortly after he was instructed in the roman faith , whereof hee made a publique and solemne profession at st. denis , the 25. of july . august following the generall truce began , and continued untill the first day of the yeare 1594 , which being expired , the king caused himselfe to be crowned at chartres by the bishop of that see , the 27. of february . hereupon ensued the submission of meaux , lyons , orleance , bourges , rouen and paris , where the king was most magnificently entertained . a while after the city of laon was besieged , and yeelded up to the king , and upon that champagne and picardy also submitted , yea , and the duke of guise . the king being returned to paris , was stabbed in the face with a knife by a young desperate student called john chastel , who for that fact was deservedly torne in pieces with wilde horses the 29. of december . the king being recovered of his hurt , made knights of the holy ghost , in january , 1595. after the city of dijon submitted , and in a manner all burgundy . also the second generall truce was published , and in the interim the reconciliation of the duke of mayenne was wrought , together with those of the dukes of toyeuse and espernon . in the beginning of the yeare 1596 , the city of marsilles was surrendred to the king , and to the duke of guise , governour of provence : hee also after eight moneths siege , tooke the towne of la fere in picardy about mid may , notwithstanding the resistance of the spanish forces then under the conduct of the arch-duke of austria , who came purposely out of flanders to raise that siege . at rouen in a generall assembly of the peeres of france , the alliance between him and queene elizabeth of england was renewed by embassages extraordinary in october , when the king received from her the order of st. george , ( aliàs ) the garter , as , not long before , the order of the chevalry or knighthood of france was sent unto the queen of england , by monsieur the marshall of bouillon . anno domini 1599. the king made ordinary knights of the holy ghost at rouen , which was never there done before , at any other place than at paris . not long after , the towne of amiens was taken by the spaniards , and cruelly pillaged for the space of 5. daies , and the french beaten out . the king resolved upon a revenging siege , and to that end caused it to be encompassed by monsieur the marshall of biron and his troops for the impeachments of all manner of supplies : and the king in person the 21. of may marched towards the said siege of amiens , which after many furious assaults , sallies , and skirmishes , was surrendred upon composition upon thursday the 25. of september , notwithanding that the cardinall of austria came even to the trenches with an army of 18000. foot , and 2000 horse , with 18. cannons for battery , but was valiantly beaten backe , and intercepted of his designe of relieving the city , and enforced to a shamefull retreate , with the losse of a great part of his men . the same yeare the marriage of the king with madam margaret of france for many strong and lawfull causes was annulled and made void , and by the authority of pope clement the eight , was so published . the yeare 1600. the marriage of the king was treated , and concluded with the lady mary of medicis , princesse of florence , daughter of the late great duke of tuscany , francis of medicis , and of joane of austria , daughter of the emperour ferdinand , and in may shee in her owne countrey was proclaimed queene of france . the 13. of june 1602. charles duke of biron , and lord high marshall of france , being come to fontainbleau , was arrested upon high treason by the kings command , and from thence conveyed to the bastile at paris . hee was convicted by his peeres for attempts against the kings person and state , and upon the munday before , being the 29. of july , hee was adjudged to lose his head , with the confiscation of his goods , and the land of biron deprived for ever of being a dutchy and pairy of france , and was reunited to the crowne . it was pleaded against him , qui nec virtute nec fide prodest , prosit exemplo : he that can never profit by his vertue , nor his loyalty , must profit by his example ; and thereupon he was condemned , and put into the said bastile , whither the chancellour comming to pronounce the sentence of death against him , hee shaked the chancellour by the arme , saying , you have judged me , and god will absolve me ; hee will lay open their iniquities , which have shut their eyes , because they would not see my innocency : you my lord shall answer for this injustice before him , whither i doe summon you within a yeare and a day . i goe before by the judgment of men , but those that are the cause of my death , shall come after by the judgment of god. afterward he said , i see well that i am not the most wicked , but i am the most unfortunate . those that have done worse than i would have done , are favoured , the kings clemency is dead for me . he doth not imitate caesar nor augustu , or those great princes , who not onely pardoned the intention of doing ill , but the act ; and wherein can the king shew himselfe greater than in pardoning ? clemency is a kingly vertue ; every one may give death , but it belongs onely to soveraignty to give life : but the chancellour told him , that a condemned man must not dispute against his judgment , whereupon the duke of biron delivered up the kings order . afterward the chancellour said that hee had brought two divines to comfort him , and prepare him for death , but the duke said , that he was already prepared , and that his soule was in such tranquillity , as the night before hee had spoken with god. within few daies after he was beheaded , and his body interred by night in the church of s. paul. the yeare 1604. the king was advertised that one nicholas l'hoste , secretary of state , discovered to the king of spaine , ( from whom he received an annuall pension to that end ) the secrets and affaires of the state : upon the notice taken l'hoste put himselfe in flight for his owne safety , but he was so closely followed and pursued , that he was enforced to hide himselfe in the river of marne , where he dyed through cold and feare . his body being found , was condemned to bee drawne in peeces with wilde horses , and the foure quarters to be set upon foure wheeles at foure gates of paris . the yeare 1610. there were taken out of the arsenal of paris fifty great gunnes , with store of munition of powder and shot , and great numbers of souldiers were leavied . the king intended shortly after to enter into his army , but he would first see his queene should bee crowned at st. denis , which was performed with great solemnity . but the next day after this magnificence and pompe of the queenes coronation , this great king was on friday the 14. of may , 1610. about foure in the afternoone most trayterously murthered in his caroch with two stabbs with a knife neare the region of his heart , passing in the streete of the ferronery , neare the charnells of the innocents church-yard , by francis ravaillac , borne in angolesme . his obsequies were performed the three dayes following , the 21 , 22 , 23. of june , with infinite teares and lamentations : and after many funebriall solemnities , his corps was conducted to st. denis , where it remaineth interred . he lived fifty sixe yeares , and thirty one daies . hee reigned in navarre thirty seven yeares , eleaven moneths , or thereabout ; and in france twenty yeares , nine moneths , and thirteene dayes . lewis the 13. and 64. king of france . anno 1610. portrait lewis the 13. at his age of eight yeares , seven moneths , and seventeene dayes , succeeded his father henry the great , and the fifteenth of may , anno domini 1610. he sate personally in the court of parliament , then sitting at the augustines , where , in the presence of the queene his mother , who sate by him of the one side , foure cardinalls , foure ecclesiasticall peeres of france , some princes of the blood , and other princes , who met in that assembly ; also of the constable , with many dukes and secular peeres , of the marshalls of france , and officers of the crowne , of governours of provinces , of presidents and counsellors of the parliament , he by the mouth of the lord sillery his chancellour declared his mother to be regent in france , that shee might have the tuition of his person , and the administration of the affaires of his kingdome , during his minority , with all authority and power , according to the charge of that court given the day before . the same moneth the criminall indictment was preferred against the most inhumane parricide , francis ravaillac , and on the 23. of may , he was declared guilty , and justly attainted , and convicted of the crime of laesae majestatis in the highest degree , in the great court and chamber of turnella in paris , before all the assemblies , presidents , counsellours , and commissioners , at the request of du viquit , atturney generall to the king , whose place and authority was there then to inquire against this francis ravaillac , for the murther of his late soveraigne henry the fourth , king of france and navarre : whereupon this ravaillac with a sad and death-like countenance , holding up his guilty hand before this great assembly , presently confessed guilty ; and that he became this his countries shame , onely by the instigation of the divell ; and not any other accomplices and confederates would he reveale , but in a satanicall manner vowed himselfe to secresie ; and being found guilty , he was with a strong guard of armed men conveyed to prison , which otherwise by the violence and rage of the common people , had beene torne in peeces , such was their love they owed to their late king : for which fact he was condemned to pay his forfeit before the great gate of our lady church in paris , and thence to be conveyed to the place of execution ; and in the meane time , to make him confesse , he was to be pinched with hot pincers upon his breasts , armes , buttocks , thighes , and the calves of his legges ; his right hand to be burnt off with fire of brimstone , with an order , that in those places where hee was so pinced , melted lead should be powred , boyling oyle , pitch , rozen , waxe , and brimstone , melted altogether . this being done , that his body should be torne in pieces , and dismembred by foure horses , and that his limbes should be burnt and consumed to ashes , and cast into the winde ; all his goods to be confiscate to the king : that the house wherein he was borne , should be demolished , and never any edefice upon that ground to be built : that within fifteene dayes after the publication of this sentence in the towne of angolesme , his father and mother should depart the realme , and never returne againe , upon paine of being hanged , without any other proceedings : it was also forbidden in the aforesaid high court , that his brothers , sisters uncles , and all others that beare the name of ravaillac , to whom it was enjoyned to change it into another name , upon the same penalty : all which was published and put in execution the same day , by the order of the whole assembly in the aforesaid court in paris : but before i conclude , i will speake againe of the manner of his death ; because in that place i will not omit some things more worthy of note . afterwards it was provided for the funeralls and obsequies of the dead king , and then the body of the late henry the third was removed from the towne of compeigne to be interred at st. denis ; which was performed , and the heart of this henry the great , at the same time was carryed to the jesuites at la flech . the sorbone renewed the decree of the councell of constance against paracides of kings , and by the court of parliament upon the iuine , it condemned a book of iohn mariana , one of the society , a spaniard intituled de rege & regis institutione , and caused it to be burnt by the executioner before our ladies church . the martiall de la chastra , being sent with an army of twelve thousand foot , and two thousand horse to tulliers , which he took the second of september . divers embassadors came to paris to the king , to bemoane and condole with him the death of his father : and king iames of england sent unto him the order of the garter , which he received the foureteenth of september . the 17. of october the king was consecrated at rheimes , and the next day he received the order of the holy ghost ; and he gave the order to the prince of conde , and returned to paris , where he was magnificently entertained . the sixe and twentieth of november it was proceeded and decreed in the court of parliament against a booke of cardinall bellarmine , touching the popes authority in temporalibus , which was forbidden to be printed , to be sold , or kept , upon paine of high treason . the seventeenth day of november , anno domini 1611. the duke of orleans , brother to the king , deceased at st. germane en lay , and his body was conveyd to st. denis in france . the lord of vatan made a kinde of a rebellion in berry , whereupon his castle was taken , and he carryed to paris , where he was beheaded the second , of january , anno domini 1612. this yeare were solemnized the marriages of the king with the lady anne infanta of spaine , and of the kings sister , with the prince of spaine . the yeare 1614 the prince of conde retired himselfe to paris , and the marquesse d'ancre was made marshall of france . the statue of brasse of henry the great , was by the great duke of tuscany sent to paris , and placed with the horse of brasse , upon the midst of the new bridge ; and about that time the prince of conty dyed . the prince distasted with the kings espousalls with the queene at burgos , made a hurly burly in the countrey , but the espousalls being ended , the duke of guise with a strong army conducted her to fontarable , where shee was received by the spaniards , and an exchange being made , the queene was by the said duke conveyed to bourdeaux , where shee was most magnificently entertained by the king , where hee expected her , and the nuptials were celebrated on st. katharines day . the yeare 1616. such was the rigour of cold weather in january , that the rivers were frozen , and the yce was the cause of the fall of st. michaels at paris . the 16. of august , the taking of peronne was a cause of new commotions , and the first of september was apprehended at the louure , and after kept under a strong guard in the bastile . many of the lords retired from the court , as the duke of vendosme , of nevers , of guise , of mayenne , and bovillon , with other lords , whereof some returned againe , the others not : which was a cause that the king in parliament declared the causes wherefore he kept the prince his brother in hold . in the beginning of the yeare 1617. he made a declaration against the duke of nevers in parliament , the 17. of january , also in february against the dukes of vendosme , mayenne , bouillon , the marquesse of caevure , and the president le jay . also another declaration was made in march for the re-union to his domaines , and a confiscation of the goods of the said nobility upon the 16. of the said moneth . this king succeeded after the tragicall death of his father , when great troubles were like to follow ; but all those clouds were blowne away , and this young prince shined forth like the sun in a cleare skie . first of all hee went to the parliament , and made a declaration that his mother should be queene regent during his minority . afterward the jesuites received his fathers heart , with great ceremony , being received into la flech . here the arraignment and cruell execution of the murtherer ravilliac deserves to be drawne forth in blacke colours . imagine that ravilliac was first arraign'd after he had beene put to the rack , then condemned , afterward hee was brought out of the prison in his shirt , with a torch of two pound weight lighted in one hand , and the knife wherewith he had murdered the king , chained to the other : then he was set upright in a dung-cart , now hee is doing pennance at our ladies church ; now imagine the raging people are ready to teare him in peeces , but the officers restraine them ; the murderer came to the scaffold , he crosses himselfe in signe that he dyed a papist ; hee was bound to a st. andrews crosse , then his fatall hand with the knife chained to it , smoaks in a furnace of fire and brimstone ; it is consum'd , yet hee will not confesse any thing , but roare and cry like to a soule in hell , but yet unpitied : and then his flesh was pulld off with hot pincers , and burnt , then scalding oyle , rozen , pitch , and brimstone , melted together , were powr'd into his wounds , and on his navell a roundell of clay was set , into the which they powred molten lead , and then he roared , but confessed nothing . at last , to conclude this tragedy , his body was torne in pieces with foure strong horses , which could not plucke them asunder , being so firmely knit together , untill the flesh under his armes and thighes was cut . in this manner was this paricide tormented and executed , being the horrid picture of a traytor , suffering extreame tortures , yet misery nor death could not enforce from him any confession . and surely if hells tortures might be felt on earth , it was approved in this mans punishment , yet he would reveale nothing , but that he did it by the instigation of the devil , and his maine reason was , because the king tollerated two religions in his kingdome . oh small occasion , that for this cause one servile slave should thu quench the great light of france , whose brightnesse glistred thorow europe : one thing this villaine confessed , that of all the severall torments that were invented and laid upon him , none was more terrible to him , than his losse of sleepe for sixe dayes and nights together , for there were appointed severall officers by turnes to keepe him waking , by thrusting red-hot bodkins into his breasts and sides ; so that if he did but offer to winke or give a nod , then presently they awaked him with those irons . he was torne in peeces as i said before , and his bones burnt , the ashes whereof were scattered in the winde , as being thought unworthy of the earths buriall . this ravaillac was borne at angolesme , and by profession a lawyer , and was perswaded as it is thought , by the jesuites to perpetrate this bloody act , by murdering this kings father , henry the fourth , the hope of learning , and the glory of armes . afterward the duke of fener , embassadour from spaine , came to paris , and being brought into the kings presence , he said that he came from the king his master to visite his majesty . this young prince answered , i thanke the king my brother for his good will , i will remember him and you also : seeing he desires it , he may expect from me all friendship and good intelligence , such as hee had with the deceased king my father . afterward the lord wotton , embassadour from england , came to paris , and then embassadours for confirmation of mutuall league being sent into spaine , england , and to rome , the king was at rheims with solemne pompe and great state crowned . finis . the table of all the names of the kings of france , which are contained in this booke . pharamond , the first king of france , anno domini 429. page 1. cloion or clodion , the second king of france , anno. dom. 432. pag. 5 merovaeus , the third king of france , an. dom. 450. pag. 9 chilperick or hilperick , the fourth king of france . anno 470. pag. 14 clovis , the fifth king of france , and the first christian king of that nation . anno 485. pag. 18 childebert the sixth king of france . anno 514. pag. 23 clotharius the first of that name , and the seventh king of france . an. 559. p. 28 cherebert , the eighth king of france . anno 564. pag. 22 chilperic , the ninth king of france ▪ anno 577. pag. 36 clotharius , the second of that name , and the 10. king of france . anno 586. p. 40 dagobert , the 11. king of france . anno 632. pag. 44. clovis , alias , lewis , the second of that name , the 12. king of france . anno 645. pag. 49 clotharius , the third of that name , and the 13. king of that nation . anno 666. pag. 53 childeric 2. the 14. king of that nation , anno 570. pag. 58 theodorick the 15. king of that nation . anno 680. pag. 62 clovis the 3. the 16. king of that nation . anno 689. pag. 67 childebert the 2. the 17. king of that nation . anno 692. pag. 71 dagobert the 2. the 18. king of that nation . anno 710. pag. 75 clotharius the 4. the 19. king of that nation . anno 719. pag. 79 daniel , alias , chilperick , the 20. king of that nation . anno 719. pag. 83 theodorick the 2. the 21. king of that nation . anno 720. pag. 87 childerick the 3. the 22. king of that nation . anno 740. pag. 91 charles martel , duke and prince of the french , anno 788. pag. 95 pepin surnamed the short , the first of that name , the 23. king of that nation , anno 752. pag. 101 charlemaine , emperour of rome , the 24 king of france , an. 768. pag. 106 lewis the debonaire , emperor of rome , and the 25. king of france , anno 814. pag. 111 charles the bald , emperor of rome , the 26. king of france . an. 840. pag. 115 lewis and charoloman , or carlon , the 28. king of france . an. 879. p. 128 lewis the lubber , and charles the grosse , the 29. king of france . an 885. p. 126 eudes or odo , the 30. king of france . anno 891. pag. 130 charles surnamed the simple , the 31. king of france . an. 898. pag. 135 rodulph or raoul of burgundy , the 32 king of france . pag. 139 lewis the 4 , the 33. king of that nation , anno 939. pag. 144 lotharius the 4 ▪ the 34. king of france , anno 954. pag. 150 lewis the 5 , the 35. king of france , anno 986. pag. 155 hugh capet , the first of that name , the 36. king of france , anno 987. pag. 158 robert the 1 , the 37. king of france , anno 997. pag. 163 henry the 1 , the 38. king of france , anno 1031. pag. 168 philip the 1 , the 39. king of france , anno 1060. pag. 173 lewis the 6 , the 40. king of france , anno 1109. pag. 178 lewis the 7. was called augustus , being the 41. king of france , an. 1131. p. 183 philip the 2 , who was surnamed augustus , the 42. king of france , anno 1180. pag. 188 lewis the 8 , the 43. king of france , anno 1223. pag. 194 lewis the 9 , the 44. king of france , anno 1226. pag. 199 philip the 3 , the 45. king of france , anno 1271. pag. 205 philip the 4 , the 46. king of france , anno 1286. pag. 211 lewis the 10 , who was surnamed hutin , the 47. king of france , anno 1315. pag. 216 philip the 5 , the 48. king of france , anno 1317. pag. 223 charles the 4 , surnamed the faire , the 49. king of france , anno 1322. pag. 228 philip of valois , the sixt of that name , the 50. king of france , anno 1327. p. 232 a relation of edward the 3 , king of england , who was the first that quartered the armes of france , and made it subject to england , anno 1351. pag. 237 john the 1 , the 51. king of france , anno 1350. pag. 241 charles the 5 , surnamed the wise , the 52 king of france , anno 1364. p. 246 charles the 6 , the 53. king of france , anno 1380. pag. 251 a relation of henry the 5 , king of england , who gave a great overthrow to the french at the battaile of cressay , and still maintained the right left him by edward the 3. of england . anno 1412. pag. 258 charles the 7 , the 54. king of france . anno 1422. pag. 264 lewis the 11. the 55. king of france . anno 1461. pag. 269 charles the 8 , the 65. king of france . anno 1483. pag. 281 lewis the 12 , the 57. king of france . anno 1499. pag. 287 francis of valois , the first of that name , was the 58. king of france . an. 1515 pag. 294 henry the 2 , the 59. king of france . anno 1547. pag. 299 francis the 2 , the 60. king of france . anno 1559. pag. 305 charles the 9 , the 61. king of france . anno 1560. pag. 310 henry the 3 , the 62. king of france . anno 1574. pag. 315. henry the 4 , surnamed the great , the 63 king of france . an. 1589. pag. 320 lewis the 13 , which now reigneth , styled the most christian king , is the 64. king of france , and began his reigne in the yeare 1610. pag. 331 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01158-e850 * coaleorrest in ur tonge . an historical romance of the wars between the mighty giant gallieno, and the great knight nasonius, and his associates sergeant, john, 1622-1707. 1694 approx. 241 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59224 wing s2570 estc r19614 12172457 ocm 12172457 55462 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59224) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55462) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 876:10) an historical romance of the wars between the mighty giant gallieno, and the great knight nasonius, and his associates sergeant, john, 1622-1707. [2], 88 p. [s.n.], dublin : 1694. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to john sergeant. cf. nuc pre-1956. a satire on the wars between louis xiv, king of france, and william iii, king of great britain. errata: p. 88. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -anecdotes france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -anecdotes 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historical romance of the wars , between the mighty giant gallieno , and the great knight nasonius , and his associates . — ridentem dicere verum quis vetat ? — doublin : printed in the year 1694. an historical romance of the wars , &c. chap. i. how the mighty giant gallieno dealt with other princes , and how they joined in a confederacy against him . sometimes in the famous and rich country of luyslandia reigned a mighty giant , by name gallieno , by some called also grandissimo , who for his great prowess and war-like exploits became terrible to all his neighbours : in so much , that no man , tho' never so hardy , was able to compare with him in feats of arms , or by plain force or policy to encounter him. he had already subdued the fair countries of lothoringia , alsatia , millesia , with part of trapezond , calatonia and inferiana ; and made inroads into other places ; and was now grown so formidable as all men stood in great dread of him . this gallieno was moreover a great necromancer , for he had at his devotion many familiar spirits , who gave him notice of the strength , and all the secret designs of other princes ; so that nothing could be hid from him that he desired to know . he had also by the same wonderful art got all his cities and castles inchanted , so that no mortal power was able to take them , and a damnable spell set round about his dominions , in so much , that scarce any enemy could enter them ; or , if he did , he could not stay there long , and wish'd afterwards he had never come there at all . after which , having , as he thought , made all things safe and sure , he surceased from war , and led his life in quiet and pleasure ; right-glad of the many conquests he had made : but it fortuned , that as he slept one night in his bed , he saw in his dream many armed men of several nations come against him on all sides , threatning him with their swords , pikes and guns , as if they meant to kill him : whereupon awaking , and calling up mephostophilo , one of his familiar spirits , and asking him what it meant , he answered and said unto him , my dread lord , this is no dream , but the very truth , which i have revealed unto you in your sleep : there are many nations who , envying your greatness , are now bandying against you in council , to bereave you of what you have got by force of your arms , and of your own inheritance to boot . which as soon as gallieno heard , he sent for all his under-giants , and great officers , to surprize their towns before they could be in a readiness to oppose him , which they did accordingly , especially in trapezond , otherwise called regomania . now the chief princes and potentates , who had joined into an association against gallieno , were these , austriaco the great emperour of trapezond , don ibero formalitoso the proud , the duke of bawwaw , tricongio ; with many other potentates of regomania ; and lastly , the dreadful many headed monster , called hydra , whose property it was to spit out flames of fire in the midst of the water ; i do not mean that hydra , which in times of yore ( as historical romances do inform us ) was quell'd by the famous champion sir hercules ; for this was a water . hydra of another kind , and living under the sea , was for that reason of great repute in the court of the sea-god neptune , who was a great friend to it on all occasions , except when it's demerits , or the blustering affronts of god eolus do put him into an ill humour . now this monster hydra was mightily afraid of the great giant gallieno , having heard by tradition , that he was descended of the race of the most valiant knight sir hercules ; but especially since he had by his necromancy got the trick of spitting fire on the water , as well or better than it self ; wherefore , tho' this hydra was half panim , yet those christian princes were glad of its assistance against the giant gallieno , as dreading his great prowess , and standing in great fear of his necromantick policy : besides the monster hydra was powerfully abetted by one of the idol-goddesses they chiefly worshipped , called mammoneta , to which they were particularly devoted , and often sacrificed to her some of their children and relations , by exposing them to the throw in storms ( as their heathenish custom was ) to the bottom of the sea for her sake . and yet this many-headed monster hydra was all this while ( as being born and bred in the sea ) more fish than flesh : it had the head and face of a man , the beard of a goat , the neck of a bull , and the belly of a hog , but was of the nature of a herring , of which , for the most part it fed ; it had also a slight cross on the forehead ( tho' the mark of it was for the most part half worn out ) but no sign at all of christianity any where else . yet for neptune's sake . and the assistance they hop'd from mammoneta , even those christian princes were right-glad to have the monster hydra on their side ; and indeed it was no shallow monster , but as crafty and politick as any of them all , and knew how to watch for its advantage very sedulously , especially when there was any mony to be got or kept . chap. ii. how nasonius , the famous knight of the hydropick land got into high esteem there ; and how he disgusted fortuna in attempting to ravish the amazonian lady victoria . now so it fortuned that in times of yore , the hydra commonwealth had great wars against their own king don ibero , against whom they had rebelled ; and tho' they had very many heads , yet , being more fishermen than souldiers , they had never a good one fit to lead an army , or at least none so good as the noble kt. nasonius , who in all justs and tournaments had behaved himself right-valiantly , and won much renown : for which reason those of his family and their descendents were , out of meer necessity , by the hydropick commonwealth chosen to be their generals in war , which they call the hydra-holder : by which means they came to that power , that one of them attempted to sear one of the heads of the hydra , and that was the greatest of them , call'd emporiana , but living under water , it gush'd forth such floods upon his approach , that it quench'd all his irons . now in the time of the war with the giant gallieno , it happened that hydra had for its general a hardy knight of the nasonian family , who was for a particular reason very visible to be seen , height nasonious ; who had behaved himself so craftily , that tho many of the heads hated him for his high and proud humour , yet there was some others that loved , and more that feared him , the which bred much difference between the heads ; yet all of them having but one body , they never fell to open vvars with one another . this famous knt. nasonius , being , as great vvarriors used to be , exceeding amorous , and much given to court fair ladies , had a long time made suit to dame fortuna , not regarding her want of sight , ( a great blemish in a mistress ) but hoping by her means to get great vvealth , dignity , and high preferment , after which he gap'd exceedingly ; which gave some shrewd lavish tongues occasion to talk at random , seeing him ( like the noble knight sir hudibras ) more to value the advantages than the woman . his suit had this effect , that she requited his good vvill with divers favours , and promised to do him some friendly o●fices ; but being of a nature very fickle and unconstant , she would not consent to marry any man , or to hold to him very long ; but carelesly scattered her kindnesses here and there , as if she regarded not much to whom she gave them ; nay , it was very hard for any but a very wise man to enjoy her friendship any long time , and for that reason it was suspected , that she did secretly affect , if any , the politick giant , k. gallieno . now it happen'd that dame fortuna had a relation of hers , call'd the lady victoria , a stately and majestick dame , of the noble race of the amazons : her fortuna ( being blind her self ) thought might be a fit match for the kt. nasonius , and that by this means she might requite his love to her self ; and therefore she broke her mind to him on this manner : noble knight , tho' i find in my self no inclination to marry any man living , and experience my humour to be such , that i shall never be constant to my husband , and therefore desire you to court me no more upon that score ; yet to make you some amends for your kindness , i let you know that i have a beautiful and stately kinswoman of mine , hight victoria , descended from the warlike-race of the amazons , and sought to by a great many great kings and princes , whom , if you can by gentle and wise courtship , and fair , and valiant carriage win to affect you ; i , for your love to me , give my consent ; and when you have her , you may be sure to have me for your friend . to whom the noble kt. nasonius being indeed the very pink of courtesie , tho' his nature and education did not enable him to express it but with a very ill grace ) with an obeisance so low , that his nose almost toucht the ground , did with much courtesie answer . excellent lady , or rather goddess ! i esteem my self much bound to you for this your grace and favour ; i have heard much of the incomparable perfections of the most accomplish'd lady victoria : indeed i have never had the luck to see her , though i sought after her much ; which i impute to the necromancy of the wicked giant gallieno : for when i attempted to wait upon her , and let her know how passionately i doated on her rare perfections , as soon as i came near the place where she used to be , he did by his enchantments raise from hell such a smoak and fire , that i could not come at her sight , and sent down such showers of hailstones , as big as bullets , as no mortal man might abide them ; so that i was still forced to retire , and was divers times in danger of my life , had i not ran away : to avoid which , if you please to bring her near my tent in this time of truce and peace with him , i will be ready to receive her ; for you know it is the fashion of knights never to court any amazonian lady but in their tents . dame fortuna lik'd well of what he said , and persuaded the fair lady victoria to come with her into the field , not far from his tents , and seeing him come to meet her , civilly withdrew her self . but nasonius no sooner cast his eye upon victoria , and saw he had her now at an advantage , and in his power ; but he was so enamour'd of her , that , neglecting all courtship , and decent treaty , contrary to the laws of chivalry , and fair carriage becoming a knight , he most dishonourably set upon her by surprize , and attempted to ravish her even in the open field : who , tho' being an amazonian lady , she stoutly resisted him , and had she but foreseen such a rudeness , and had been arm'd ready for him , she could easily have beaten him ( for unfair fighters are generally cowards ) yet having laid unworthy violent hands upon her , he kept her as his prisoner , falsely pretending she was won by the law of arms , and could his disobliging persuasions have prevailed , he would have kept her still as his concubine . but she in great disdain refused it , and writ to her aunt dame fortuna on this wise . dear aunt , i am most shamefully and dishonourably abused by the recreant knight nasonius ; for he no sooner had me in his power , but , forgeting all knightly honour , he set upon me to ravish me . you know i never lik'd the man , because he was rash , foolish and inconsiderate , wanting both conduct and wisdom , and i was absolutely resolved never to marry a mock souldier : as also , to tell you true , because my fancy had a strange aversion against his ill-look'd phisnomy , his slavering mouth , lean-chaps , spindle-shanks , and paramont nose ; which , to tell you my very thoughts , i never saw , but it caused in me an horrible loathng . besides , i like his rustick churlish humour far worse than all the rest : nor can that man have the le●st regard for honour , or be master of true valour , who thus proudly tramples underfoot all considerations of vertue and worthiness by which base and ignominious actions . and though it was your will i should go along with you to visit him , yet i assure you i went with an intention to let him know how much i scorned him , and how unworthy he was of my affection . i request you therefore to join with me in revenging such an impardonable affront , without which , i can receive no comfort . your sorrowful niece , victoria . when dame fortuna had perused this lamentable letter of her beloved niece victoria , she was so inrag'd that none came in her way but had some mischief or other happen'd to them : some had their necks broken , some were burned or drowned , some were hang'd , some died of sudden diseases , others lost their wits , and others their estates by casualties , &c. at length rushing into nasonius's tent , who was imperiously proud , and puffed up with the imprisonment of victoria , she thus accosted him . base varlet , and no knight ! how hast thou abused my kindness , in using victoria so dishonourably , and now triumphest that thy wickedness took effect ! hear then what i say unto thee , and what my sisters the fates have decreed concerning thee . though i cannot altogether recall my words by which i promised thee good luck in divers things ; yet this curse shall go along with it , that thou shalt never have success but in ill things , and by means of ill men , which shall at last turn to thy greater infamy with all truly noble and disinterested persons , and bring thee in the end to the greatest shame and utter destruction . as for the renowned giant gallieno , to overcome whom thou bendest all thy small and borrowed power , he shall perpetually prevail against thee , and thy dishonourable associates : and either force you to truckle to his great might , managed by the wisest policy , and sue for peace , or else utterly subdue you . and so fare thee ill . with that she flung away out of his tents , and left him in melancholly damps , and an unspeakable disturbance of mind , which ( as some authors write ) made him , as his custom was , groan backwards , which left an ill savoured scent behind it . chap. iii. how the invincible giant , king gallieno , sent the valiant grandorsio to deliver the fair lady victoria from her unjust captivity . as soon as dame fortuna's passion was over , and that having vented her angry freaks , and recover'd her wits again , the want of which had caused many disasters to sundry persons ; she set her self to consider by what means she might be revenged on the recreant kt. nasonius , and set her niece at liberty ; and nothing seem'd to her more proper and effectual than to stir up the mighty giant gallieno to undertake the lady victoria's quarrel , and to redeem her from her thraldom ; and therfore she caused a letter to be writ to him after this manner . to the invincible giant gallieno . right puissant prince : it is not unknown to your mightiness how base and unknightly the recreant kt. nasonius has dealt with the lady victoria , when pretending all peace and love , he set upon her , and most fouly intended to ravish her , and how he still keeps her as his prisoner . wherefore , my humble request is , for the love you bear to honour , and the compassion your generous soul has for distressed and abused ladies , you would employ your irresistible strength and power both to take satisfaction for the affront done to all our sex in general , and to my self and her particularly , by revenging it upon that dishonourable kt. ; and withal to rescue victoria from her unlawful and undeserved captivity . by doing which , she will owe you her self , and you shall also have , as far as her changeable nature permits , for your constant friend fortuna . which letter , when the noble giant had read , he answered it on this wise . to the great lady fortuna . madam , this is not the first time the ignoble wretch nasonius has stain'd his knightly honour by foul actions , tho' this is the foulest he ever did . there needs no other motive but the indignity of the thing , and the dear respects i bear the noble lady victoria to stir me up to revenge it upon him , and also to rescue her . besides that , by a just title that lady should once have been spouse to my self . doubt not then of my performing your request both for her sake and my own ; only because you know how nasonius is supported by the ignoble hydra , and other powerful associates ; therefore , after i have deliver'd her , you must give me time to take my full revenge of the hydra and him ; for i must not wrong the regular methods of my conduct which i have very severely observed , by entring on any rash action : as for your assistance , i do not desire you to strain your nature for my sake , but as far as in you lies to stand by an indifferent spectator . i know the fates , to whose decrees you are subject , may sometimes make you look askew upon me , to teach me to acknowledge , and to submit to their sovereignty . however , i shall hope for this favour from them and you too , that i be never crost in my well laid designs , but in such circumstances that all the world may see , that 't is not through want of wisdom or conduct , but by an over-ruling providence , to which all human power and prudence is subject ; that highest point of honour , i must confess , i do value my self upon , and would not willingly forfeit it , and while i preserve that temper , i fear not any great opposition from your self or the fates either , who are still wont to be favourable to those who are wary and prudent . your servant , gallieno . after king gallieno had dispatch'd away this letter to dame fortuna by his trusty servant mephostophilo , he call'd unto him one of his greatest and most valiant under-giants hight grandorsio , and thus said unto him ; go grandorsio , and according to the orders i shall give thee , take revenge of the recreant knight nasonius , who , ( as thou remembrest well ) attempted to ravish the excellent lady victoria ; beat him wherever thou dost find him . but , above all , be sure that thou dost rescue that lady , and bring her hither to my court , for which i do give thee my full power and commission ; i shall send my other commanders against the rest of the associates , but i make schoice of thee for this exploit , knowing right-well how much both the hydra , don ibero , and nasonius himself do stand in dread of thy prowess . right-glad was the valiant knt. grandorsio of this commission , and therefore returning his most humble thanks to k. gallieno for honouring him with such a wish'd command , and assuring him of his utmost devoir , he addressed himself to this noble expedition ; and finding out nasonius in the head of the hydropick army , he set upon him with such courage and conduct , that he put him to the rout , took his tents , and by that means , got the lady victoria into his power , and set her free ; who in recompence of that favour took a stately belt , which according to the fashion of the amazonian ladies she daily wore , and girt it about him , saying thus unto him ; wear this , renowned grandorsio , for my sake , and be thou ever victorious against this monster of men nasonius , for know that there is that hidden charm in this belt , that whoever has freed a distressed lady , and shall wear it , shall be sure to prevail still against his enemies in the field . great was the joy of the noble grandorsio to receive such an honourable reward from so gallant a lady : but much more to havé performed king gallieno's command . so putting the lady victoria into a coach , lin'd with crimson velvet , inlay'd with oriental pearls , and most costly precious stones , and hung round with ensigns taken from the enemy ; he accompanied her to tutelia , where the mighty giant gallieno kept his royal court ; whither she was very desirous to , both to render her thanks to her great deliverer , as also to have the sight of the most magnanimous , and most magnificent king living . chap. iv. how this amazonian lady victoria arrived at king gallieno's court , and after what a noble manner she was courted by him . as soon as the heroick king gallieno heard of the delivery of the fair lady victoria , and that she was coming to his court , he was right-glad thereof , and went in great pomp himself to meet her , and conduct her to his stately palace : at their first encounter , he alighted out of his coach of ebony , and taking her by the hand , led her into it : twenty thousands of his royal guard gallantly attir'd , and arm'd at all points , were rank'd on both sides the coach , and accompanied her to the royal city tutelia ; into which , when he was about to enter , command was given , that all the bells should ring : the streets were cover'd with rich tapestry , bestrow'd with the most choice flowers , the beauteous daughters of the spring , no less delightful to the eye , than odoriferous to the smell : the guns were discharged ten several times ; the conduits ran with wine : the altars sent up the sweet perfumes of incense to heaven ; and in a word , all the solemnities were used , that might express a most affectionate welcome . the lady victoria was entertained in a majestick palace , curiously adorn'd with the most costly furniture in all luyslandia , and accompanied by all the princesses of the blood , and ladies of the court : whose attire was so quaint and admirable , and their demeanour so charmingly civil , that the noble amazon , surprized with wonder , thought her self happily translated from a kind of hell of misery , to the joys of heaven : where k. gallieno coming to visit her , would have seated her in a chair of state next himself ; but she modestly refused , and humbly requested she might first perform the duty to which she was oblig'd both by gratitude and honour ; and so falling on her knees , she began this oration . invincible monarch ! how much is your servant victoria oblig'd to you for your goodness and valour in freeing her from the slavish thraldom in which she was detain'd by the unworthy knight nasonius ! for not to speak of his former rude behaviour ( which is shameful to remember ) a dungeon had been as welcome to any noble personage , as were their following civilities to make amends for that basest of injuries . i had no company but that of ill-bred boars , and which was worse of all , that of nasonius himself , whose ill-humour'd conversation , even , when he was in highest mood , bred in me an unspeakable abhorrence . not one action did i see ; not one discourse did i hear amongst them to divert my grief , that had the least resemblance of a gentlewoman : their mirth was unsavoury taunt , their wit dulness it self , their complements rustick , their language harsh , and grating to a ladies ear ; their carriage brutish , and their very eloquence hoggish : besides the hourly expectation of further rudeness from their bear-like natures . but oh ! how quite contrary do i find every thing here ! wisdom polisht and mixt with sweetness , civility , decency , grateful conversation , noble receiption , and highest magnificence : accept then , glorious monarch , the humblest thanks of your ever indebted servant victoria , with her firm vows never to forget such invaluable obligations . having thus said , the noble gallieno rising up , took her kindly by the hand , and told her , that such actions were their own reward , and that whilst she staid there , she might command all , and use the same freedom in every thing , as if she had received no benefit from him at all : for that he sought not interest but glory , and plac'd his greatest glory in performing honourable and valiant actions , especially to those noble personages who were injured by unworthy men , and sought to him for redress . the next day king gallieno gave order for knightly exercises of justs and tournaments in which the war-like lady took especial content . at night opera's were shewn , sung with most ravishing musick , the subject of which were the lawless imprisonment , and the coarse entertainment of the lady victoria in her unjust confinement in the hydropick camp , representing the rustickness of her jaylours , and her noble sufference : and lastly , her deliverance by the valiant giant grandorsio . to close all the solemnity , balls too were prepared : but the heroick lady , not much delighting therein , excused her self with much civility , as not being the custom of her country , or suitable to her genius or education . some days after king gallieno call'd together an assembly of all the princes , princesses , and nobility of his court , and invited thither also the fair amazonian lady victoria ; every one wondring what this august meeting of so many great personages should mean ; when the king taking the lady victoria by the right hand did in the hearing of them all deliver his mind on this manner . incomparable lady , i understand that your self , for your excellent beauty , and heroick endowments , have been sought to by all the greatest princes and potentates in the world for their spouse : wherefore my request is , that you would please , in the presence of this great , and honourable assembly , to declare your mind freely , which of them you think most worthy to be your husband : in doing which , i desire you to set aside entirely that small title , that some may judge i have to your affection , since i wholly quit all the obligations it may be conceived you owe me , leaving you fully to your own choice , nor would i yet have your self , or any others , deem that this frank proposal of mine springs from any indifferency towards your person , or signifies any sleightness of affection to so excellent a lady , fit to be a vvife to the greatest monarch in the vvorld ; but because i esteem it honourable not to restrain you in the least while you are in my hands , much less to force you unlawfully as did the recreant knight nasonius : for i should have courted you for my self , but that i fear'd my applications might have been lookt upon by you , or interpreted by others as a kind of over-awing you from following your own inclinations : in which point of honour i am so tenderly sensible , that it would damp all my felicity in enjoying you , should i apprehend , that my procuring that deliverance , or any involuntary tye upon you , had the least share in a determination , which ought to be the most free and unforc'd of any action in the vvorld . please then to speak your mind freely , as if you had the sole command over me and all my actions and dominions : assuring you of my faithful promise , that ( how highly soever i wish it may be my lot to be your choice ) whoever renders himself worthy of you , i will with all disinterested freedom render you back to be his spouse . to which the lady victoria , after some short pause , with a lowly bow , full of respect and gracious demeanour , replied in this wise . invincible monarch ! this modesty of yours where you may command is the highest complement , and most eloquent courtship , that is possible to be imagin'd . vvhom can i better chuse than my noble deliverer , to whom i owe my safety , my liberty , and my self ; i resign my self therefore wholly into your hands , and submit my self intirely to your disposal , as your constant and loyal spouse . hoping that your unparalell'd vvorth , most civil courtship , and highest merit , will screen the blushes of my modesty , and keep the world from censuring me as too easily won : nay further , i must confess i had been yours long since , had i not been surpriz'd by the treacherous incivilities of the unmanly knight nasonius , you having just title to me by your high wisdom and conduct , with which you manage your affairs both at home and in the field : only i beg this boon of you , that when ever you go to the campaign , i may still be with you , and wait upon you : for i know that my presence join'd with his unworthy guilt , will so terrify nason . that he will not dare to approach where i am ; but he shall saunter up and down year after year , with an army at his heels without doing any thing worthy a captain , which will expose him to ridicule , and lose him that little credit he has got among the boorish , heads of the hydra . indeed , i should have ask'd the leave of fortuna , upon whom i have some kind of dependance , before i had made this final determination : but i have partly her good-will already ; and shou'd she be something out of humour ( to which she is now and then obnoxious ) and a little frown upon us for a while , i know your wisdom is such as can reclaim her , and recover her friendship . which said , she immediately gave him her fair hand , in token of her faithful heart , which he graciously took , and seal'd the contract with a kind salute , which done , k. gallieno added these words . excellent lady ! tho' i am surpriz'd at your goodness in bestowing upon me so frankly the rich gift of your self ; yet i desire , if you please , as a thing most becoming your honour , and mine , that our nuptials be defer'd till i shall have challeng'd all my rivals the associates to come themselves with their armies to tutelia ( as they have often bragg'd they would ) and fetch you out of my hands , as i , by grandorsio forced you out of the hands of nasonius ; and i engage my royal word , that i will yet part with my title to you , if they can accomplish it . your worth is so great , that the winning you is too easy a conquest , unless it costs me more trouble than a few complements , and an ordinary entertainment . nor do i speak this as if i were indifferent to part with a jewel ( which i esteem too valuable for the mortgage of the whole world to purchase ) but because i am assur'd they neither dare attempt it , nor can compass it ; and should they indeed , they would in that case very well deserve you ; and so in honour and reason , ought to have you . all the assembly stood amaz'd at such a transcendent strain of nobleness , which amidst the affectionate respects and courtship of a lover , still kept up to the height , the grandeur of a heroe . as for the lady victoria , she , being all honour and courage , most highly applauded this gallant motion , and declared , that k. gallieno cou'd not possibly have better pleas'd her humour , than in so doing . whereupon an herald was dispatch'd to the several associates , to the purpose aforesaid ; who carried also , with k. gallieno's consent . letters from the lady victoria , inciting them by the most powerful perswasions she could use , to force her out of king gallieno's hands , and promising that whoever did so , she wou'd therefore be his . what became of the embassy shall be declared in the following chapter . chap. v. how the luyslandian herald went to all the associates challenging them to fetch the lady victoria out of king gallieno's hands . and what answer he brought back : as also of the solemn marriage of that lady with king gallieno at tutelia . the herald having receiv'd his commission sets forward on his journey : and first he went to the court of the great austriaco , emperor of regomania ; and when he came to deliver his message , he found him playing a lesson upon the lute ; and he was so attentive to his musick , that tho' the herald repeated his embassy twice or thrice over , he hardly heard him ; and when with much ado he rightly understood him , he told him he was a troublesome fellow to disturb his recreation , and , that as for the lady victoria she was such a ticklish mistress , and had so often deceiv'd his expectation and scorn'd his courtship when he fought against the half-moon of the great emperor magog ; and on divers other occasions had so taken his master's part , that he did not think it worth his intermitting his musical recreation , nor his wearying himself with so long a journey , much less to meddle with fighting for her ; in which kind of harsh and untuneable musick he had no skill . and so without any kind of respect due to such publick messages he bid him be gone , and that neither his master nor he shou'd trouble him any more with such impertinencies . next he went to the great king , don ibero formalitoso , and requested one of his court-officers to acquaint his majesty , that there was an herald come from the mighty giant king gallieno , who demanded audience , but the strutting courtier drawling out every syllable with a most formal gravity , answer'd him , that his illustrious majesty was playing at shuttle-cock , with some court ladies , and was yet in querpo , and that it was against the highest punctilio's of honour to disturb so great a king in his pastimes , especially being de scompuesto . after many tedious delays , he obtain'd audience , but not till don formalitoso was accoutred in his royal habiliments , and seated with great solemnity in his chair of state with all the lords of his court attending him . to whom when the herald had declared his message , and deliver'd his letters ; don ibero formalitoso with his hands on his sides , and a mien overlooking all the company , proudly answered , that it was very easie for him with a puff of his breath to blow king gallieno out of tutelia ; but that it did not become the high majesty of the great king of iberia to gad out of his country upon any account whatever . and as for the lady victoria , she had played him so many slippery trickss in calatonia , that he wondred how she durst write to the greatest king in the world , having so often , and so shamefully disoblig'd him , and so with the waving of his hand he signified his pleasure that he should be gone . from thence he went to the noble duke of bawwawia , whom he found in company of the rest of the associates , as tricongio , &c. who were all assembled together to consult how they might quell the mighty giant gallieno . but they were so high in their cups , and so distemper'd with drinking , that he did not think it seasonable to deliver such an honourable embassy to men whose reason was totally drown'd in wine . wherefore he staid two or three days longer , hoping by that time he might take them in some lucid interval , but he still found them in the same pickle : so that a friend of his advis'd him , that if he would needs stay till they are all perfectly sober , it was his best course to hire a house , to save the charges in an inn. yet he obtain'd of his friend to acquaint them in the case they were in , on what message he came . when one of them , who scarce half understood it , taking it to be some high compliment sent them by the persons mention'd ; to shew he was a generous foe , and a man of honour ; after two or three yawns , having a well-fill'd glass in his hand , began a health to king gallieno , , and his fair lady ; which they all took down very glibly : but not a man of them remembred what they had done or said , the next morning . at last he heard that they were all to assemble again the morrow after at nine ; at which time he hop'd it would be a proper season to deliver his embassy . but they no sooner me● , but they leapt on their horses ( with great troops hallooing and hooting after them ) to hunt the wild boar for nine or ten days . so that the herald , fearing that the time allow'd him for his return would be elaps'd ; and knowing , that to lovers , delays are tedious , would not stay to wait their coming back , but thought sit to haste homewards , taking the hydra in his way . where , when he arriv'd , he found some of the heads counting their money ; others adjusting their book-reckonings ; some chaffering for merchandize ; others ba●ie about repairing old rotten shi●s , and building new ones , and some of them too , pickling herrings . as for their answer , as the hydra has many heads , so they were of divers sentiments . many cry'd out , let king gallieno keep victoria , if he will , what is that to us ? this fighting does but spoil our trade , and our markets . but the generality of the greatest heads said , they were busie , and his errand foolish ; for he mistook them , they were not land-rats but water-rats : but if king gallieno , who has such a rare talent at cutting rivers through the dry-land , wou'd but be at the charge and pains , to make the sea navigable as far as tutelia , he shou'd then see what they would do ; but , that sure , he could not think them such fools as to run knight-erranting to free fair ladies : not they : let such light ware sink or swim , or hang , it is all one to them : profit and money is all they care for ; and that if they could be sure to lose nothing by king gallieno , or to gain any thing by him , they were his humble servants . he had also a particular audience of nasonius ; who , when he had heard the message , and read the letters , answered surlily , that victoria might have kept her self well with him whilst she was well , and not to have run to the luyslandian court to learn to cut capers : and for his part , he was not in an humour to run as far as tutelia to fetch back such a baggage . and lastly , that since he could not keep her while he had her , he had set up his resolution , never hereafter to venture himself in any battle to catch her again ; but would continue his ambition to stand still , and look on , and let them fight who were so fool-hardy . the well bred herald wondred at his incivility , and much more at this strange resolution of a knight who profest himself a warriour , and a general . so parting thence , he posted to the court of tutelia ; and gave an account very particularly of his sleeveless embassy , and the respective answers , or no answers of the several associates : which made the two royal lovers smile , and gave the whole court plentiful occasion of divertisement , to see what valiant , gentile , pretty-humour'd enemies he had to deal with . and now all rubs being smooth'd , preparation was made for solemnizing the marriage the week after ; which was celebrated with all the gallantry imaginable . the particulars of which were so extraordinary , that it would over-task the best wit in the world to express them to the life , in their due order as they were perform'd . only i cannot omit the epithalamium made by philopompus , and sung by a consort of most harmonious voices , which was this , i. caelestial spirits that tune th' harmonious spheres , with charming musick strike the ears , of this great croud that celebrate the marriage of the happy pair : gallieno the great , victoria the fair : rulers both of war and state. may ill chance never their vnion sever ; nor sneaking treachery their loves undermine : but firm accord , in deed and word , in honour and truth , their noble hearts combine . ii. mars and bellona joyn'd and link'd in one can ne'r by force be overthrown : wise conduct guiding their designs , no multitude of distructed foes envying their greatness , spreads , and grows , can work them any countermine . the associates , weak kings , base states , whose scatter'd , ill-knit raggs of unjust war , to the worlds wonder , torn asunder , shall turn their braggs , and folly to despair . iii. may golden glories circle their bright throne ; and joyn their foes crowns to their own ; fair-ey'd peace on their victory wait ; peace ! of all just vvar the sole end , tho' war alone to peace can the obstinate bend . kindness they abuse , who peace refuse , so nobly offer'd when he cou'd by force subdue . and may they live crowns to regive to injur'd princes , who for their protection sue . chap. vi. how nasonius treated with the great lucifero about driving his father eugenius out of his three kingdoms and get them to himself . and how all the furies of hell , were let loose , and sent into utopia , to stir up the subjects to rebellion . many days together lasted these nuptial solemnities , and never was there seen such universal rejoicing and feasting throughout luyslandia , as was at that season . but it pass'd far otherwise in the hydropick country , and least of all with the discomfited knight nasonius . he had suffered the lady victoria to be taken from him by plain force : he had utterly lost his honour as well by getting her unlawfully , as by not being able to keep her . he saw that king gallieno was like to encroach daily upon the hydropick territories , and that little help was to be expected from don ibero , whose best politicks were meer folly , his souldiers half starv'd for want of meat and cloaths , a●d their consultations nothing but empty braggs , and haughty bluster . he knew well much assistance might come to him from the war like dukes , bawwaw , tricongio , and other potentates of regomania , had he but money to hire and pay their souldiers . but where was that to be had ? himself had lost his own patrimony in luyslandia ; and was but a pitiful poor knight himself , or , as some authors write , but a kind of better sort of burgher , living mostly upon his pay as a souldier , allow'd him by the hydra ; and so could spare nothing out of his own purse . he had an uncle and father-in-law , whose daughter he had married hight eugenius king of vtopia , carduana , and lyramia ; a pious and mild prince , after whose kingdoms he had a long time gap'd , and had by the assistance of the idol mammoneta , by his private emissaries sown much discontent , and ●issatisfaction towards him amongst his subjects , and dispos'd many of them to rebellion : to which many of them , especially those of the panym party were prone enough of themselves , seeing how much their immedi●te predecessors had thriven by driving that devillish trade . the only difficulty that stuck with him was how he might go about it with security that he should not miscarry in the attempt , in regard that king eugenius was of his own nature mild and merciful , and never burden'd his subjects with taxes , for which reason he had a very great party faithful and loyal to him . wherefore nasonius , to get rid of this perplexity , call'd his best friend , sodomicus to him ; and asked hm by what means , ( good or bad ) he might be certified aforehand , of the success of his undertaking ; not doubting but that if it took effect he could do well enough ; for then he could either by dissimulation gull the credulous people of vtopia , who were of such an unwary and silly humour , that they would easily believe all that was told them that sounded maliciously , and even lov'd to be deluded : or else he could by authority crush , or put to death all that durst oppose , or approach to him . he told him too , that he had already consulted the star-wizard sydrophell , but that he answer'd , he could see no phaenomena , or indications of astrology that cou'd give him any certainty of it ; and to tell you true , added nasonius , i had as live hear him tell me of pigs , and sows , and their sties , as talk to me of bulls , and bears , and lyons , and their caelestial houses . now to acquaint you , whom i dare trust with my true thoughts , i had rather apply my self to the black art , as the surer way , but that i fear it may be against the rules of piety . at this sodomicus cou'd hold no longer . piety ! said he , are you yet such a puny , such a novice in politicks , as to stand upon the weak supports of that sneaking vertue , piety ? cou'd the hydropick commo●-wealth ever have been raised , upheld , or grown to this pitch , but by renouncing utterly that puleing consideration ? did we mind piety when we rebell'd against our lawful king don ibero formalitoso ? or when we robb'd foolish vtopia of so many plantations , massacr'd her merchants in ambyona , plunder'd their ware-houses , &c. or are we ever the worse esteem'd for it now ? do we not see how the good-natur'd puppies the vtopians do whine after us , and court our friendship . or does any monarch in the world for that reason refuse to treat with our ambassadors ? i tell you , power is all in all : get but power , and let the demure gentlewoman piety go hang her self . in a word , get b●t powe● , and what by interested men , di●ines , or others , what by the authority of great men who partake of power , and influence the people ; what by the connivance of the fearful , which make up the generality , po●er will be able to justify , nay , to sanctify it self . at these words , nasonius embracing him affectionately , cried out in a kind tone . sodomicus ! better half of my self ! thou hast spoken my very thoughts , and prevented my declaring that which i would have said , but ( pardon my diffidence ) durst not openly and abruptly discover . hereafter therefore assist me with thy advice , in the pursuit of that glorious end , and thou shalt see that i will in all things follow thy counsel . there are , said sodomicus in the hellish country of laplandia , certain old haggs , who have infinite familiarity with the infernal spirits , and have often sold winds to our country-men for old rags , and mouldy crusts : over these beldams there is one of incomparable skill , hight crampogna , her i would have your highness send for immediately ; follow her profound advice , and know of her the event of your undertaking . as soon as nasonius heard this , without further pause , he presently dispatch'd a vessel with a messenger , and such presents as he was inform'd would be most acceptable unto her , requesting her attendance on him . the witch answer'd , i will be there before thee . and so without any more ado , embarking her self in an egg-shell , or as some authors say , in a rotten-orange-peel , or as others say , getting a stride upon a broom-staff , she arriv'd in the hydropick land in the space of two hours , and signified to nasonius in his dream , that he shou'd meet her the next evening in a fog , near the side of a stinking fen , well known unto him . as soon as he came to the place , he saw the grisly hag with hollow eyes , dishelveld hair , lank cheeks , and shrivell'd chaps , who chatter'd out this rhime . thou art too great , with me to treat ; send for my lord lucifero , and all things well with thee will go . nasonius , though he was couragious enough in bad things , yet at first was something stumbl'd at this sudden proposal ; but being over-shooes in impiety already , he resolv'd to wade through : and bade the witch send for him , or call him up . whereupon , turning her self nine times round one way , and as often back again , and repeating a long ribble-row of prayers backwards ; at length , in a kind of extatick amazement she yell'd out , brimstone i smell , the breath of hell ; he comes , he flies , through earth , through skies . draw near , draw near , appear , appear , not with a look that may affright , but with a shape that may delight . upon which words appear'd lucifero with horns on his head , and a cloven foot , but in all other appearances , a most accomplish'd gentleman : the first word he spake , he bid nasonius not to fear , for he was his friend , and knew well his design ; which was to drive his pious father out of his three kingdoms , and get them for himself . know then , continued he , that it was i that inspired thee with this thought , and i will carry thee through : only thou must wed spiritually , or take to wife i mean concubine , ( for we hate all marriages ) my eldest daughter ambitiosa superba ; that is , thou must give thy whole heart to her , hold to her constantly , and follow all her motions and inspirations , which done , she with her maids of honour will easily bring that design of thine to perfection . nasonius thank'd him for the high favour in dignifying him with the honourable title of his son ; professing that he had ever lov'd and ador'd that goddess , though ( hindred by some foolish christian principles , instill'd by education , or taken up upon the paroll of preachers ; which from hence-forward he utterly abjurd ) he had not till now made his immediate applications to her great father , and espous'd her : humbly begging by his good leave a sight of that high-spirited princess . with that , lucifero gave a dreadful stamp with his cloven-foot , which made the earth tremble , and crack asunder , when out of the breach issued forth an horrible cloud of blewish smoak which darkned all the sky , and that once dissipated , there appear'd the stately lady ambitiosa with a train of black-brow'd furies , or fiends attending her : her self was clad in a gorgeous robe , with many great crowns dangling about it , spurning many lesser ones , and trampling them under her feet . her lofty head seem'd to reach the very skies , and her grasping hand seem'd to pull down heaven it self . but , after a while descending from her height , approaching nasonius , she took him kindly by the hand , with these words : here take me , and with me the glory thou affectest , and the three crowns thou so much desirest . acknowledge the great honour i do thee , and see thou observest me in all things , and so shalt thou be sure to be great as far as thy cursed fates will permit thee . see here my train , my maids of honour , who will assist in accomplishing thy projects , and going before thee into vtopia , so prepare the minds of those sottish people , who are far the better half at my father's devotion already , that thou shalt have little to do but to gather the fruit , and reap the rich harvest which they shall prepare for thee . then calling 'em forth one after another first stept out the proud fury rebelliosa , of so way-ward , and ungovernable a humour , that she would scarce obey even great lucifero himself , but that she knew he would only command her such things as were most agreeable to her own inclination . to whom ambitiosa said , what wilt thou do for my devoted servant nasonius to obtain him his father's three kingdoms ? i will , answer'd rebelliosa with a lofty tone , fill the hearts , heads and tongues of the vtopians . with murmurs and discontents against their kind and lawful king eugenius , so that they shall be ready to rebel , and drive him out , when ever they shall get an opportunity to do it with safety . fear not thy success , great part of that nation are my sworn slaves already . 't was i who inspir'd them to make war against his father eusebius . 't was to me they sacrificed a hundred thousand of that damnable sect call'd loyallists , for which i rewarded them afterwards with riches and preferments . lastly , 't was i , that , to crown my triumphant exploits , inspir'd them to cut off his head ; and the same fate , if it suit with thy policy , shall betide his son. this said , rebelliosa retir'd and there came forward next a monstrous deform'd hag , whose ill-contriv'd shape much resembled that of a chymera , as the poets describe it : her eyes squinted contrary ways ; her feet interfer'd with one another , and all her parts hung loose , as if they were inartificially tied on with points , without any natural contexture or coherence . of whom , when nasonius had demanded her name ; my name , said she , with a confident look and tone is alethia , i am truth it self , and cannot lye . but ambitiosa interrupting her , and turning to nasonius , said , believe her not , my friend , her name is fictitiosa , she is the spirit of lying , and her nature such , that she cannot say true , but only when she is to answer my dread father lucifero , or my self . then turning her self to the fiend fictitiosa , she demanded of her what she would do to get her truest gallant nasonius his father's three kingdoms ? i will said she , spread thousands of horrid lyes against eugenius , his queen , and their son all over vtopia , to disaffect his subjects , and make them hate him ; i will inspire the pamphletteers , news-writers , lampooners , and others of the state-scribblers with the genius of forging 'till almost all the land be possest with the spirit of falshood and lying nay , the pulpits out of which they preach the doctrine of their god , and the preachers themselves shall be deeply tainted with my venemous infection . after her came out a third fury , which look'd like a fool , or meer ninny , in a long mothly coat , with a niaisy countenance , a gaping mouth , her head hanging down , and a great bibb on her breast to receive her slaver , staggering and stammering still as she walk'd and spoke . and what , said nasonius , can this silly thing do in my behalf ? as much replied ambitiosa , as any of the rest . she is the spirit of folly , and her name fatuitosa credula , let her self speak , and tell thee what she will perform ; i will , said fatuitosa , so besot and infatuate the people of vtopia , that they shall give full credit to all fictitiosa's lyes , tho' never so monstrous and incredible ; by which means i will make them abdicate their hereditary king , tho' were they not absolutely my creatures , they might easily see that it would breed endless distractions . i will stir them up to make war against the powerful and politick giant gallieno , tho' to their vast charge , and the utter destroying their traffick and comme●ce . i will inspire them with the refin'd folly , that they shall voluntarily and contentedly beggar themselves to maintain the war of the hydra , tho' they cannot but know that it laughs at them for it , as great fools ; and in their hearts hates them . nay , i will so totally and perfectly dose their reason , and common sense , that they shall magnify and adore thee nasonius all the while thou doest impoverish , abuse , and ruine them , and ( which i esteem my chief master piece ) they shall thank thee , and congratulate with thee , not for any real benefits they have receiv'd from thee , but meerly because thou hast beggar'd and ruin'd them . at these last words nasonius took the jest to fully , and relish'd it so feelingly , that , ( tho' it were a thing unusual with him ) he could not refrain from shewing his high contentment with a pleasant smile . till , as he was going to return an high complement to ambitiosa for such a notable assistant , by telling her , that the very folly of lucifero's courtiers out-witted , and over-reached the highest wisdom of mortals ; there appeared a fourth fury with a surly countenance , that came in stamping and staring , cursing the earth for bearing her , the air for giving her health , and the sun for lending her light. nasonius all amaz'd at such an uncouth kind of fiend intreated of ambitiosa the knowledge of her name and nature . her name , replied ambitiosa is diabolica , and she is the spirit of ingratitude . she had that particular name given her as an high reward for her great merit ; for she was the forwardest to oppose that cursed angel michael , when he endeavoured to debauch our confederate angels , from joining with us in rebellion , by alledging the gratitude ( forsooth ) we owe to god , as being our creatour , and who gave us our being , and all the good we had ; and who is in greater esteem with my father lucifero than she ? nasonius being a gentleman well-bred , and full of courtesie , thought it was his duty , and would be grateful to lucifero , to pass upon such an high personage , and so great a favourite of his a special complement . whereupon approaching to her with a low bow , and kissing his hand , he was about a very formal expressing his respects to her ; but she , with her fist gave him such a sound cuff on the ear , that ( being but limber hamm'd ) his proboseis well nigh toucht the ground ; so that he had much ado to recover himself . to take off his trouble and fear , ambitiosa told him , it was diabolica's nature to render evil for good ; and that had he not followed her inspiration formerly in being ungrateful to his father , who had done him so many favours she had certainly done him some great mischief for his kindness : but she bid him rest contented with that fury's candid dealing : for had she saluted or kiss'd him , she would most certainly have kill'd him . after nasonius had certainly well recover'd himself , and come to his senses and wits again , diabolica thus accosted him ; fond mortal ! who could so think , that i , who am ingratitude it self could be won or oblidg'd by any courtesies . thou might'st have known by thy self , who art one of my greatest devotes , that civilities and kindnesses are not the way to oblige me , and had not thy great merits in being ungrateful to thy obliging father represt my fury , this had been thy last day , and all thy ambitious projects had vanish'd to smoak : but for following my inspirations i have both spar'd thee , and will reward thee . perhaps thou think'st that my sisters have left nothing for me to do for thee ; but thou art much mistaken . thy father eugenius has hugely obliged many personages of the highest rank , and the chief officers in the army , nay , indeed the whole army it self , by being so good a master to them ; and unless these be taken off , and rendred ungrateful , they will give thee such disturbance as will quite ruin all thy undertakings ; but i will take such order , that they shall all of them either desert or oppose him ; for i will infuse such a subtil poyson into the wretched souls of those most oblig'd to him , that most of them , nay , his own flesh and blood , as his own very children , shall be the first traytors to him , and his bitterest enemies . nasonius , upon hearing this comfortable news , taking fresh heart , blam'd himself for being so foolishly unmindful of her genius , and humbly ask'd of her , ( for he was deadly afraid of the t' other cuff ) if it wou'd not disoblige her , to return her his humble thanks . if thou wilt oblige me replied diabolica , be sure thou never repentest thy ingratitude to thy father or others , but continuest it unto the end . but particularly , be sure thou dost not shew the least gratitude to the vtopians , though hey foolishly serve thee against their own interest : but both disoblige those who have first and most assisted hee , and do all thou canst to requite the kindnesses of that sottish nation with their utter ruin . huff their nobility as occasion presents , and imprison them lawlessly ; pay not their souldiers , nor any who are so foolish as to trust thee with their goods , stores , or other commodities . regard not the seamen though most useful to thee , nor pay 'em their wages : only give the fops good words , and some little pittance to keep up their folly to trust and serve thee further . give the royal assent to no national bills , that may in any wise serve to support or secure their pretended rights , liberties , and properties ; nor to any others that do not strengthen thy power , enable thee to crush their persons , and drain their pockets . thou must also use thy utmost endeavour to procure an act to endenise all the rascally refuse of thy noble allies , especially our beloved hydropicks and vagrant luyslandian panyms , by which means they will eat the bread out of the foolish , and tame vtopians mouths ; rob their cloaths from their backs , and reduce them and their posterity to utmost beggary and slavery . they have made themselves thy slaves , use them accordingly . nasonius was about to assure her of his doing his utmost to follow this advice , when there steps forward another fury in a rich gown of cloth of silver , richly embroider'd with massy gold , studded all over with faces and stamps of divers sorts and figures ; who said , i am the great goddess mammoneta , chief idol of the accursed sons of adam . what i will do for thee thou shalt know when thou comest to confer with the heads of the hydra , whom i will require to serve thee heartily for their own interest . at this , lucifero put in ; see , said he , that thou sacrificest the wealth of vtopia to my best beloved hydra , and in all things seekest her advantage . for know that none are so dear to our deity ever since they in the indies formally renounc'd and crucify'd god , and chose to adore my slave mammoneta in his stead for their goddess : which binds me to requite their highly meritorious apostacy with temporal wealth . when he had thus said , there came forward two he fiends , of which one was a bold , brisk blade , clad in a long gown , with a short purple cloak over it , and a square cap like a judge , and seem'd to be a devil of great authority . the other in a black short vest , between a cassock and a jump , a little formal narrow band , and a black velvet cap , with another of white underneath turn'd up over the edges of the other , with a lace , who walkt gravely and demurely with his eyes lift up to heaven , as if he were in some divine contemplation , and in the height of prayer ; with a little bible in his hand , making shew by his gestures and actions as if his prayer ended , he were about to hold forth . these are , said lucifero , two of my chief , and most useful servants , by name injurioso , and hypocritico ; the former my chancellor , the latter my chaplain : who , at the inspiration of mammoneta ( which idol , being of the same religion with the hydra the adore ) will , to give thee title , wrest both law and gospel , and make both the bar and the pulpit be at thy devotion . speak both of you in your turns , continued he , and declare what you will do for my best beloved son nasonius . what will i do ? says injurioso ; why i will inspire the judges and the lawyers with such quirks and quillets , that they shall torture and writh the laws of the land with their face backwards , till they come to acknowledge thee their rightful monarch : i will teach them how to make out eugenius's abdication in despight of all those antiquated rules of common sense and reason , which foolish mortals follow'd hitherto : by which means they shall satisfy those who are unskilful ; or else they shall punish imprison , and adjudge to death those overwise fools who dare declare themselves for eugenius , or speak , write , print , or publish any thing in his favour . and i , said hypocritico , with a grave and goodly look and tone , do prosess verily and truly , that i will inspire all those bishops and preachers who do bear a servent devotion to the goddess mammone●a ( as the generallity do ) to teach dis-allegiance to thy father , and allegiance to thee out of their pulpits ; nay , they shall assure their hearers in the name of the lord ; and quote the wrested word of their god to abet it , that thou art their true and lawful soveraign , god's annointed and vicegerent on ea●th . nay more , verily , they shall pray for thee too , and by obliging their sheepish flock to say amen , they shall innure their conscience to fancy that their treason is a special act of religion . lastly they shall maintain it lawful to unswear their former oaths made to eugenius , and swear 'em to thee as their only lawful king and supream governour , and even sanctify perjury by their devout pretence of religiousness . these goblins disappearing , lucifero turning himself to nasonius , said these words , thou seest my dear son , how by the care of ambitiosa , and her maids of honour and my willy servants , jujurioso , and h●prcritico , all the way is pav'd and smooth'd to the glorius end thou aimest at . see thou beest a constant and loyal lover to my daughter ambitiosa , adore her , and her only next to me ; observe all her ways , and follow steadily all her inspirations , fear not that thy pretending religion will displease me ; 't is the best cloak for all my darling villanies , and makes them more sucessfull ; but take heed of setting up that religion which is the true one , and values its self upon the score of its principles , especially in carduana , where i have many panym servants , ( whom i would wish should have some particular favour . ) but the better to keep up a conterfeit pretence of being kind and equall , give freedom to all ; and if thou canst jumble 'em all into one motly church : if not , let all sects whatsoever , even atheists , and socinians , which are next to them , hold and teach what they will , as does my servant the hydra : for that 's the only plausible way to make mortals be of no religion at all . for the rest , advise with the hydropick heads ; i my self will be present invisibly at all you● consultations , and direct your councils in the way of true policy , which teaches you not to regard the unlawfulness of the means you make use of , but resolutely to pursue the end you drive at . in a word , behave thy self so as best becomes the son and sworn slave of lucifero . hereupon nasonius kneeling , and laying his right hand on his cloven-foot , sware all duty and vassallage to him , and loyalty to the goddess of his soul , ●mbitiosa ; who at parting warn'd him not to engage too rashly with the enchanted giant gallieno , but to make use of the letters of his partial friends , and his own gazzetts ( th● gospel of the vulgar ) to keep up the repute of his courage and conduct . which said , the hellish scene quite disappear'd and nasonius full of joy return'd home , and the next day went merrily to hunt at holoo , having perfect faith and hope ●n the assistance of lucifero , and of his haughty , new betroth'd mistress , ambitiosa . chap. vii . how the good king eugenuis was driven out of his kingdoms , and how nasonius vsurp'd his throne . nasonius had spent but few days in his divertisement e're news was brought him from vtopia how all the country was in an uproar , and ready to rise in open rebellion as soon as they might find a fit man to head them , and an army to fly to for their protection . shameless sl●nders against eugenius had possessed every corner of the nation . the g●eat men caball'd to desert him , the pulpits dinn'd into peoples ears nothing but fears and jeolousies ( the sly language of treason a brewing ) that he was about to destroy their religion , when only themselves were actually a●tempting it by preparing to relinquish their principles , in which it consisted essentially . the common people grew factious and mutinous ; and traytors almost beset him round , spoke him fair , and advis'd him false-heartedly . the officers of the army were tamper'd with , the city of thamopolis , and even the army it self was in great part poyson'd with treachery and disloyalty ; and but a few in comparison remain'd firm to his party and interest . which nasonius no sooner heard , but convinc'd that the hellish furies had done their business effectually ; call'd to him his best friend , sodomicus , and thus bespoke him . my entiire friend ! thou seest that he promise lucifero made , is come to effect , and vtopia is ready to receive me with open arms ; and as the furies have handled the matter , does sue to me to have me come over ; courting me as their noble deliverer : while in reallity i go only to enslave them . what remains but that we now convene the heads of the hydra , and with them take fit measures to prepare for my expedition , which thou knowest i can i no wise do , unless they assist me with ships seaman , and souldiers . to whom sodomicus answered , i have already dispos'd 'em to thy mind and they shall be ready to assist thee . only because thou knowest how superstitiously they are devoted to their idol goddess mammoneta , without whose directions they undertake nothing , they are now consulting her oracle ; but to morrow i will assemble them all , when proposals shall be drawn up , which i know will be grateful to mammoneta , and therefore i doubt not they will readily agree to them . two days after the heads of the hydra met in a full junto . to whom nasonius deliver'd himself after this plain dunstable manner , better suiting with their rusticity than if his speech had been garnish'd with all the flowers of rhetorick , perfuming the breath of the most eloquent orators . high and mighty lords ! 't is not unknown unto you how the mighty giant gallieno encroaches daily upon us and our associates in arms , and how necessary it is to strengthen our selves against him ; and i am sure no way is so effectual to do this , as to get the whole power and riches of vtopia , carduana , and lyrania to joyn in our assistance . this , if we can compass , the giant will be reduced to the stature of a dwarf ; and ( as our ingenious emblem long ago foretold ) our holland cheese will darken and ecclipse the lustre of his rising sun. you know how averse my father eugenius is to joyn with the associates , being resolv'd by preserving a neutrality , and keeping his country in peace to advance the trade and riches of his kingdoms , which with his giving freedom from persecution to tender consciences , will bring the traffick to them , and half ruin us . i have already by the assistance of mammoneta , corrupted many of his subjects , , nay some of his chief commanders , to give him such advice as should dis-affect his subjects in vtopia , and dispose 'em to rebellion . but for all that , finding things go on but slowly , i have , to tell you true , ( which is not to go further than this assembly ) crav'd aid of our common lord and master lucifero who has sent his furies and wicked spirits into vtopia to invite them to rebellion , and so infatuate them that we may do what we list wish them ; and instead of their spoiling our markets , we may make our markets of them . and now the deed is brought to perfection , so that there needs no more but my presence to accomplish that glorious and profitable work. now because i cannot go thither with an army ( as is requisite ) without your mony , ships and souldiers , my request is , that you would furnish me with such a competency of all these as may suffice to gain that incomparable advantage to our common cause , assuring , that as things are , and will be ordered , we shall find no opposition . and besides , i do promise to pay super abundantly , when i am setled , whatever you shall disburse . in doing this , you shall highly oblige great lucifero , who commanded me to treat with you about it ; as also our powerful goddess mammoneta , who has in person appear'd to me , and promised me your assistance . when the heads of the hydra had received certain intelligence of these good tidings , they were right-glad in their hearts ; yet it being a crafty and wary monster , it only said the matter should be considered the next day , and an answer return'd . when they were assembled , and began to discuss the point , they all lik'd the project exceedingly : only some doubted lest nasonius , when he had got so much power , might come to swallow them up too , and there wanted not some who said , that he would not stick at devouring them , if he saw it his interest ; who made no reckoning of ruining his father , who had been so good to him , and had ever espous'd and upheld his interest . others hoped he was not so ill natur'd , and self-seeking ( for he had craftily conceal'd his having married the all coveting , and insatiable friend ambitiosa ) and that what he did was to carry on the common cause against the giant gallieno ; or if he were desiours of honour and dignity , he was not so immoderate , as not to be satisfied with three kingdoms . others hoped by that means to get rid of him , of whose proud and ambitious humour they were al●eady weary . at length they all agreed to assist him with what he desir'd ; but yet on such conditions that they should find a good account in doing so , e're they yielded to set him up so high : and as for the danger of his encroaching on their authority afterwards , it was concluded , that if it were perceived he aim'd that way , they could quickly check his towring ' thought by chopping up a peace with the mighty giant gallieno , and leave the associates in the lurch ; as by the advice of mammoneta , they had done formerly . sending therefore for nasonius , they told him , that he could not fail by their assistance of getting vast riches in vtopia ; and therefore , it was but reason they should share with him in his opulent aquisitions ; and that otherwise their goddess mammoneta , whose dictates their religion oblig'd them to obey in all things , had advis'd them not to intermeddle in the matter . he answer'd , that the hydropick land was his native country where he was born and bred ; and where he suck'd in with his milk and the air , all the wise religion , and gen●eel education he had : and that therefore he could not but retain his chief affection for the hydra ; and that he was willing to sacrifice the men , mony , and interest of vtopia to that of his own dear country-men . so after some debate , the articles of agreement were sign'd between them , which are these that follow . imprimis , it is agreed between the great knight nasonius , and the heads of the hydra , that the associates should be acquianted with the project , and their contributions and assistance requir'd , that they may all bring in their quota towards the charges of the expedition . but that the treaty with lucifero , and the intent of dethroning eugenius be only communicated to some choice friends amongst them : and that it be only pretended to the rest , that they aim at no more but to bring him to join with them against the giant gallieno , lest their foolish piety should warp them from true policy , and make them against it . item , that in what their contributions shall fall short , it should be supplied by the hydra ; and that tho' what they added were but twenty hundred pounds , yet they should be paid six hundred thousand pounds for it out of the mony of the foolish vtopians . item , that nasonius when he was setled , should furnish mony out of the estates of the said vtopians , to set up and uphold the green-headed kt sabaudiero to make war upon k. gallieno , and to pay large sums to assist the poorer associates ; and to make the sottish vtopians maintain the wars of the hydra . item , he should prevail with the vtopians to declare war against the giant gallieno , and fit out a great fleet , and raise armies of his own men , at his own proper costs and charges to oppose him ; and yet notwithstanding , that he should pay the vtopian souldiers and seamen but slenderly , tho' with their own mony ; but the hydropick souldiers fully and nobly . item , that in regard vtopia is the only competitor in trade with the noble hydra , he should do his utmost to advance the hydropick interest , and depress the vtopian , by denying them convoys , though of their own ships , as also to take strict care that no vtopian should trade privately with luyslandia : but yet that he should connive at the hydrpicks doing the same , which would impoverish vtopia , and enrich the hydra : than which nothing can be more grateful to their powerful patroness , the goddess mammoneta . item , that to the same end the best money should be transported out of vtopia , and none but the riff-raff left behind , and that the transported money should pass through the hands of the hydra to make their advantage of it receiving it cheap , and vending it dear : clipping it first if capable , washing it if weighty , or melting it down if they saw occasion . item , that nasonius should promise to enslave and improverish the vtopians as much as it is possible in policy , and permit the hydropicks and other forreigners to abuse their souldiers that should be sent over to defend them ; it being but reason , that they who would needs be slaves , should be treated as they are . lastly , that some of the greatest personages of the hydropick common-wealth should go over with nasonius , whom he is to advance to high dignity , making some of them his prime ministers of state , and his most secret council ; and communicate to them all his actions , and consult with them about all his affairs : that so they may certainly see he keeps his promise with the hydra , as to all the particulars abovesaid , and give sure intelligence to the hydra of all his proceedings . these articles agreed and sworn to ; and the associates having sent in their quota , the hydra supplied nasonius with shipping , souldiers , and what money was wanting . which done , he full of aspiring thoughts , embark'd for vtopia : but neptune , who knew the lewd intention of this voyage , and had formerly by a charter , confirm'd by a long possession , constituted king eugenius his ancestors soveraigns of their seas , did signifie the great displeasure he conceived at this unnatural attempt , and therefore , he gave leave to eolus ( no less angry at the hydropicks for buying winds of the lapland witches to the prejudice of his prerogative ) to ruffle his waters to an horrible storm , so that divers of nasonius's ships , men , and horses were lost and drown'd . insomuch that he began now to stagger in his faith , and to doubt of lucifero's promise , fearing it was but a trappan , had not the inferral lady ambitiosa , who now possest his whole soul , and was still pres●nt with him invisibly , encourag'd him to pursue his undertaking , and not to be daunted with the first mishap . yet , had not his heart been hardned , he might have seen that this was but an ill abodement , and a fair warning that this inauspicious beginning shew'd that this action of his was displeasing to heaven : yet , it is believ'd that those two gods above-mention'd had drown'd his whole fleet , had not mercury , jove's messenger , been sent to them , to order them to permit him to go forward ; telling them , that the sins of vtopia were now full ripe , and cry'd for vegeance ; and that he was sent thither by a decree of heaven to be a perpetual scourge to them , 'till taught by dear experience they come to see their old and new sins of rebellion , and grew so wise to repent , and make satisfaction to their injured prince , and restore him to his throne ; which message heard , the storm ceas'd , and nasonius landed at his wish'd for port. assoon as the news of his arrival was spread , all vtopia began to shew openly the spirits , and confess the furies that possess'd 'em , some spread lies , some deserted ; some chief officers caball'd to put their disloyalty in execution . the rabble play'd a thousand tricks ; and in a word , all ( but some loyal persons who had no power to withstand the innundation of rebellion ) with shouts and acclamations welcom'd the invader . yet nasonius having profest he only came to redress abuses ( as all reformers do , though they afterwards turn every thing topsy-turvy ) durst not yet pull off his mask , lest he would discover his ambition too early : nor yet durst he treat with eugenius , for then ( things being adjusted between him and his subjects ) he had been reduc'd , but yet king still , wh●ch suited not with the end he aim'd at . wherefore nasonius refused all treaties with his father , answer'd not his messages ; nor accepted his kind invitation ; but ( contrary to all honour , and the law of nations ) imprison'd his ambassador ; hunted him out of his own palace , even at midnight , and put him under a guard of hydropick souldiers : hoping , that by seeing his life in danger ( no further outrage being lest but the taking away that ) he would for his safety run out of the kingdom : which succeeding as he wish'd and projected , nasonius got himself by those of his faction , without much ado , proclaim'd kind in his stead ( though against the fundamental constitution of the government , ( even though eugenius had been dead without any children ) to the great joy of lucifero , and all his true servants the hydropicks , and the no less rejoycing of the mad-headed people of vtopia . now the reader is to understand , that there was at that time a kind of hyd●a in vtopia , who upon king eugenius's retreat did set up for themselves , and gave themselves authority there ; and this done , they , though no better authoriz'd , gave the supream authority to nasonius , and he again kindly imparted to them some of the authority they had given him , and so made their no-authority legal , and stronger than it was before : which though strangely mysterious , pass'd for admirable good sence in infatuated vtopia at that season , but will be laugh'd at for the most refin'd and exquisite nonsense by all mankind in succeeding ages . chap. viii . how eugenius retired into luyslandia to request protection of the noble giant gallieno . and how the infatuated utopians for that reason proclaim'd open war against him . and also of nasonius his coronation . and the heroick adventure of the contaminated breeches . the good king eugenius being thus unworthily driven out of his kingdom by his graceless son nasonius , and the treacherous falsehoods of his own subjects ; after he had receiv'd unpardonable affronts from them , arriv'd at length at the glorious court of the great giant gillieno , and thus addressed himself to him . behold , invincible monach ! an injured and destitute prince , dishonourably , and unnaturally bereav'd of his crowns by an ungrateful son , and treacherous subjects , through the instigation of the hydra , and the rest of their shameless associates , and flying to your court for refuge , and redress . the safety , honour , and dignity of all crown'd heads are concern'd in my quarrel : for , no injury have i , to my knowlegde , done to any of those , who thus against all honour , justice , and allegiance , have conspired to my ruin ; and those which were pretended , were done by advice of counsellours of their own party , whom they had corrupted to betray me . be then a mighty king as well in goodness as you are in greatness , another tamberlane , and revenge the cause of an injur'd prince , bereav'd of all , what both by god's and man's laws he possess'd , by an ambitious usuper ; who not content to have robb'd me of all i had , does to render his crime more enormous , and to palliate his usurpation , add to his wicked injustice most reproachful , and base calumnies , to debauch my credulou●s subjects from their allegiance . i have no hopes left but your puissant patronage , to whom nothing can be more glorious than to relieve the oppressed , and restore crowns to those princes who have lost them not through their own faults , but by the malice of unprovok'd enemies , when the good king eugenius had thus ended his address , the noble and generous gallieno embrac'd him tenderly in his arms , and thus be spoke him . dear brother , were not your misfortunes the occasion of this visit , no man living could have been a more welcome guest 〈◊〉 my court than such a suitor ; nor do i esteem any conquest in m● cause half so glorious , as is the undertaking a business which is every way so honourable , and full of renown : for by how muc● your innocency is greater ; and the wickedness of your enemies mo●● manifest ; so much higher will it set my reputation to redress yo●● injuries , and revenge your disgraces upon your inhumane and base enemies . be here as free as my self , and be assur'd of my effectu●● assistance ; only let me take my own season , in regard i have many foes deal with , which may cost me some time to make them sue for pea●● or to subdue them by war. having ended his speech , he gave orders to coin a medal with his own effigies on one side , and eugeni●● on the other , with this inscription : je vous met●ray sur vostre throne , ou jo perdray ma courenne . in english : i 'll either set you on your throne , or i resolve to lose my own. so king eugenius remain'd in the court of king gallieno , where lived in great splendour , caress'd by king gallieno himself ; the p●●ces of the blood , and all the nob●lity ; with less fear now that he shou●● not regain his kingdoms in due time , than he had formerly assur●● he should keep them while he had them among such a multitude of t●●tors as he had daily about him : though his piety towards his 〈◊〉 subjects was such , that dreading the calamity of war , which wo●● have harrass'd the nation , and undone many of his well-beloved p●●ple , he had much rather have recover'd them by the returning of kingdoms ( made sensible by their taxes and losses ) to their 〈◊〉 than by the force of any forreign armies , which , though never so well disciplin'd or restrain'd from offering any outrage , except to those who opposed them , yet could not fail , for all that , of b●inging great distractions and miseries to these kingdoms , which , with the eye of a compassionate father he look'd upon as his own . in the mean time nasonius triumph'd now gloriously in vtopia , having obtain'd by the favour of lucifero ( of whom only as his liege he held it ) the crown and imperial throne of that kingdom ; which he had acquired neither by honesty or valour , but by the high●st injustice , and basest treachery ; according as dame fortuna had told him , that he should never have success , but in ill things , and by means of ill men. assoon as he was seated in his throne , he receiv'd the congratulations of his hydropick friends , and some other of the associates , who now made no doubt but by his assistance to pull down the mighty giant gallieno , and to shrink him into a pigmy . and the overjoy'd vtopians were so fond of their new king , that no money was enough to give him to prosecute his designs . nay , such a sound drench had fatu●tosa given them , that at his instigation they would needs undertake the quarrel of other men , and declare war against the invincible giant gallieno , ( whom so strangely did malice transport their foolish and rude natures ) they mortally hated , because he had harboured and protected thei● lawful soveraign : as if not contented to have spoil'd and robb'd hi● of all he had , they were resolv'd still to prosecute him where he was and threatned ruin to any man that should shelter him from their malice , or give him meat , drink , or lodging , and so ( as far as they wer● able ) to make any place in the world afraid to entertain him ; b● which it is easy for any men in their wits to discern , and might be so even to the vtopians themselves , had not fatuitosa absolutely besotte● them with folly and madness , that nothing but lucifero himself , an● all the furies of hell could have inspir'd them with such a diabolic malice . after this , nasonius's coronation was to be celebrated , which w●● performed with all the splendour imaginable : but while he walk'd 〈◊〉 convalcade in his knightly robes under his royal canopy , a sad and 〈◊〉 accident happened , which in the worst and ugliest manner dusk'd and 〈◊〉 dirted the whole solemnity : his heart was so full , and so over-swol●●● with the windy glory of his coronation , and the joy he conceiv'd the●● of was so overflowing , that it burst forth backwards , and the perfu●● of that yellow aromatick matter was so strong , that it imparted , and c●●municated it self to as many as were near him ; and which was wors● all , his thus annointed majesty was not in circumstances to alter his condition , but was forc'd to remain in the same abominable pickle , and to retain the same scent a long time after ; the effluviums of which were so very puissant , that whoever smelt it might safely swear it was specifick to a king ; nor could proceed from any other but from the most powerful , and most magnanimous monarch in the world. many and divers were the conjectures what this unusual and ominous accident should portend . the wizzard sydrophel erected schemes of the nativity of this new birth ; he consulted all the caelestial bodies , and knock'd at the very doors of all their houses to enquire the reason of it , and brought certain news thence , that the noble constellation ariadne's crown had veil'dits height , and become a falling star to do honour to his coronation : that such sort of stars when they fall , leaving a kind of slough behind them , this was only the caelestial slough , or gelly of that star , and was very sweet-scented of its own nature , and only seem'd otherwise to us , because it was so uncouth to our sublunary noses . others , who were poetically given , wrote panegyricks , and swore by parnassus that it was as sweet as its cousin-german musk ; but , as sweet perfurmes seem to many to have a stinking smell : so it was nothing in the world that made people conceit that it was not odoriferous , but the vast disproportion between that part in a soveraign , and the noses of his subjects . and others said , it was a freakish revenge of dame fortuna for the injury he had offered to the lady victoria . but the eugenians were of another opinion , and made far different constructions of it : for some of them noted , that this was his first adventure , and that it was an evident sign that he should bewray all the glory of his reign by base and cowardly actions : or that the giant gallieno would make him often do the same in the process of his reign , which he did at the beginning of it . others would needs have it signify that all which the nation should ●gain by him , would be no more than a sir reverence . others , that the inward gripes of his conscience did ( as gripes use ●o do ) occasion such a sudden laxativeness ; but those of his good ●ubjects , who granted it to be as it was , and were heartily sorry , and sham'd to see it , gave out , that the great giant gallieno by his necro●ancy , or some of his familiar spirits had invisibly convey'd some pur●ing powder into his mornings draught , to work him that foul disgrace , ●o disparage and beshit his coronation . however it happened , it was a very foul business , both in it self , ●nd especially in the timeing of it , and lighting at such a nick●●g season ; and the further prognosticks will , i conceive , be better found out hereafter by his history ( as appears in part already ) than by all the most learned maxims of judiciary astrology . chap. ix . how the panym knight refugio was sent into lyrania against king eugenius . and how nasonius himself went thither afterwards , and what succeeded . now the country of lyrania did , for the most part remain stedfast to their allegiance to king eugenius , and the noble giant tarcon had raised him fifty thousand souldiers , but undisciplin'd , and ill arm'd : wherefore by the friendly assistance of the giant gallieno , king eugenius though fit to send over thither , and try his fortune there , though that country was far too weak to resist the forces of vtopia , not having conveniences and necessaries to maintain a war comparable to what was found in vtopia . he kept his royal court at lyrapolis , and was now about to assault walkerburga , whither the greatest part of the rebels , who were almost all panyms , had betaken themselves . now , this place he could easily have taken , but the besieged being obstinate , he was loath to assault it , well knowing that the lyranians , who used to spare none in their just anger , were so enraged against them , that they would certainly have put them all to the sword ; which he ( whose piety towards his misled people often much hindred his policy ) had too much compassion to permit ; hoping that overtures of mercy , and their own famine , and other hardships would in time reclaim them , and bring 'em to their duty ; and they were many of them starv'd , and the rest about to yield , when they were reliev'd by sea with all necessaries , which eugenius being destitute of ships , could by no means hinder . after this , the panym knight refugio , than whom few were more in savour with nasonius , was sent over to lyrania with an army of seven and twenty thousand souldiers to make head against king eugenius ; to whom the vtopian hydra ( for money was yet plentiful there ) gave a noble , but very foolish gratuity of an hundred thousand pounds : thus encourag'd , he went forward on his expedition ; and when he landed , he encamp'd at lutosia , where he staid so long in dirt and mire , not daring to fight with king eugenius , that far the better half of his souldiers breath'd out their souls backwards : but they all embrac'd their death as the greatest honour that could befall them , because it was regis ad exemplum . our seamen at the same time had as great calamity befell them as the other , tho not so slovenly : for , a strange giddiness seiz'd their heads on a sudden , which made them desirious , and fall down as if they had been epileptick ; and three days after they dy'd of this malady , and a third part of them perish'd . this disease being so sudden , so mortal , and so strangely unusual , and indeed scarce ever heard of before , lucifero fear'd it would be look'd on as a judgment from heaven , and therefore took care that fictitiosa should give it out , and fatuitosa make it believ'd , that their meat was poyson'd by treachery : but though all the industry imaginable was us'd to discover the poysoner , and find out the poyson , yet not one grain of it could be found , and though such a vast quantity as could taint so much meat was inconceivable , for all the three nations could not furnish half so much , much less could any art apply it so undiscernably , yet still , ( so had lucifero , and his furies handled the matter ) that it pass'd for current sense in vtopia . after this disaster had happened to the knight refugio , nasonius himself pass'd over into lyrania , with a right puissant army , and march'd towards eugenius . but whilst he lay near a river called vndana , which he was to pass the next day , going to bed , not without some sollicitous and frightful fancies in his head ; he dream'd a dream which ( though no authors write of , yet may be probably conjectured to have wrought a coronation effect with him . he dream'd that while ( contrary to the charge ambitiosa had given him ) he unadvisedly came too near the enemy , a bullet of six pound weight granted upon his shoulder . upon which awakening in a fright , and great anxiety , cryed out , treason , treason . sodomicus , who lay in the next room to him , rush'd in suddenly and asked what the matter was . oh! said he , i have had such a fearful dream , that i 'm afraid it portends some ill luck to morrow : for methought , a six pound weight bullet hit me on my shoulder , took away part of my cloaths and shirt , raz'd the skin , and that had it gone but a little deeper , it had put an end to all my glory , with my life . take courage , said sodomicus , for i dream'd that ambitiosa had appeared to you in your sleep , to assure you , that she had taken care to dispose some of eugenius's army to treachery , and some to cowardise , and promised you that to morrow you should win the day . neither think i that your dream is to no purpose ; doubtless it was inspired to hint to us what politick use we may make of it . i will take orde● to make it pass for a reallity , and cause the relation of it to be writ and sent into vtopia , and to make it believ'd there in good earnest : then what sport shall we have to hear how the whining puppies will bemoan their good king , who undergoes such hazards , and suffers so much for his beloved people . this will have a twofold good effect ; one is , that you will be look'd upon as a person , over whom providence , ( as it shews by this miraculous escape ) has a peculiar care , which will gain you universal credit with the bigotted generallity , the other is , that kind pity will so soften the hearts of those silly whelps ( whose heads are soft enough already , ) that they shall give you what money you shall ask , and contentedly beggar themselves to enrich us . and as for carrying it well with the people here , 't is but conjuring your chyrurgeon to say as we say , for some gratuity : and tearing , and beblooding your shirt in that part to delude the landress , and all will pass current ; or put case that any do distrust it , yet who dares contradict it , or rob you of the honour you assume of suffering for the publick good. nasonius smil'd at the project , and approv'd of it exceedingly : so into vtopia the news was sent , and had all the effect they expected . for , the sottish vtopians with one voice , magnify god's merciful providence in averting so miraculously the chymerical danger . and now , who was so ill-natur'd as not to be willing to give even half they had to assist this good king , who had so profusely expos'd his sacred person , and had incurred such imminent danger of losing his life for their sakes ? whereas , has they not been infatuated beyond measure , they could not but see plainly , that all that little that he did , or suffer'd ( had his hurt been real ) was the least he could do to uphold his grandeur and ambition . nasonius was mightily pleas'd with the project of sodomicus , but much more encouraged by the promises , which both lucifero , and ambitiosa had given him of their particular assistance in the present action ; but yet , ( as if he would have a trick beyond the devil ) to make sure work , he sent several , who , under the notion of deserters , and flying to the assistance of their old master , eugenius , discover'd to him how all matters stood in his father's camp , and withal , knowing that there was a dearth of money in lyrania , he sent great sums by the same pretended deserters , with which they should not fail to corrupt , what counsellors and officers they could , still making promise of greater sums : thus having all the assurance that could be , he commanded the old panym knight refugio to pass the river vndana at such a place , where he knew the beat of of the battle would fall upon him ; refugio , as presaging his end , was utterly against this undertaking , but obey'd ; and no sooner could he and his forces pass the river , but they were so briskly received by certain luislanders , and loyal vtopians , that it gave no small hopes of victory to the party of eugenius ; and it was remarkable , that about thirty brave vtopians , who had followed their lawful , injur'd prince through all fortune , made a vow among themselves , to put an end to this unnatural war , if possible , by cutting of the false nasonius ; and accordingly they furiously broke through all the troops to find him , but instead of him , discovered refugio , well and stoutly guarded , but they forced their way , and one shot the old panym in the head , who fell from his horse into a filthy ditch , where lying unregarded , he breathed his last ; a fit end for him , who spent his very last days in the most dirty actions , and in playing the most shameless , treacherous , and faithless pranks . but while these things were in acting , nasonius sent over a strong body of rebellious vtopians , who came upon the corrupted officers , and the main strength of the lyranians ; but the lyranians having for many ages been subject to the vtopians , and beaten , as it were , into a habit of running away from them , could not so quickly conquer those deep-rooted fears , but presently betook them to their heels , and fled as so many hares before hounds . eugenius grieved , and enraged at such cowardise , did all he could to turn and rally them , and to that end , often put his own life in imminent danger , but nothing would prevail with them , but they still ran , and had left him to the mercy of the enemy , had not some gallant luislanders , and loyal vtopians come to his succour , who seeing all lost by such matchless treachery and cowardise , not without much ado was perswaded , and prevailed with eugenius to go off , and reserve himself for a further tryal , and better fortune . and now nasonius , who had carefully observed all from a hill on the other side the river , seeing the danger over , and the day his own , took the courage to pass the water after his army , to reap the fruite and glory of the victory . having then thus obtained the victory , nasonius march'd to lyrapolis , where he was highly welcom'd by all the panym party , and king eugenius and turn'd to king gallieno to tutelia . now might nasonius , had he not sauntered at lypapolis , but pursued the enemies with his horsemen while they were in that distraction , have cut them off in parcels , and hindred their rejoyning : but fatuitosa envying that she could have no influence over nasonius , to govern whom even uninspired by others , she made account she had the best title , gave him a draught of her poppy with a dash of lethe in it , knowing it would easily work with his temper so fitly disposed for it ; which so doz'd and infatuated his reason , not us'd to be over-burthened with any politick considerations , that neglecting his manifest and best advantage , he thought of nothing but of the high and mighty encomiums which the panyms at lyrapolis gave him : which gave the noble giant duke tarcon a fair oppotunity to rally his army again to breed him further trouble . however , after he was weary with hugging himself for the victory which chance , folly and treachery had given him , he march'd forward with his army towards the strong city shannonopolis , whither great part of eugenius's army had retired , and laid siege to it . there govern'd at that time in it a noble luislandian under-giant , called pandaro , who boldly set open the gates , and suffer'd six thousand of the unpolitick nasonians no enter , but assoon as they were got in , he had prepared such volleys of cannon and musquets to welcome them , that they cut of great multitudes of them ; and the resolute , and valiant lyranians set upon the rest ( dismay'd by such an expected and rude greeting ) , with that fury that few of them escaped . nor could they be relieved or seconded ; for nasonius , by a fineness of policy peculiar to himself , ( for the dose given him by fatuitosa had not yet done working ) had left his main body on the other side of the river ; so that it could afford them no help , but they were exposed to be massacred in the manner aforesaid . after which defeat , the garrison rush'd out to their astonishment , and fell upon nasonius's army , and killed many more of them , and put the rest to a disorderly flight , which the poet elegantly describes thus in an apt simile . when all the elements at once conspire , and round those walls there 's nothing seen but fire : when crossing billows caus'd the shannon swell , and from above the wat'ry buckets fell : when air condens'd unwholsom vapours sent , and earth dissolv'd to putrid water went. — what them ? as beds of eels by clap of thunder broke , frighted they run , each fears the dreadful str●ke : so conger-like the hero first broke way , and through the mudd his scamp'ring legions stray . sure none but such at b — t dare call this success , heaven's peculiar care. but nasonius , whose chiefest policy was shewn upon such occasions , made as much haste away as if his life had been concern'd , and blamed the slowness of his horse , though he had been a pegasus ; never looking behind him till he came to the sea-side , and there finding a little vessel , he got over to the happy and safe shoar of vtopia . those who write thus of him , do seem to doubt whether a coronation accident might have befallen him upon this occasion : because , ( say they ) his precipitate haste gave him no respite for a decent and leisurely evacuation . but to speak impartially , this is too great an injury to the known courage of nasonius . for , to say the truth , he had no occasion to fear any thing , but the dishonour of staying , when he saw no good could be done : and therefore he posted back , that he might prevent the news of the defeat , and make it thought that ( his occasions inviting him home ) the ill success light , assoon as he had left them , and only by reason of his forced absence , which none can blame for bad policy in such a warriour . and this was the upshot of those two famous expeditions performed by the panym knight refugio , and nasonius ; in which this latter did forfeit more of his honour , by this defeat and sudden retreat ( when his presence was most needful to retrieve the disgrace that had happened , by his conduct , and valour , had they avail'd any thing ) nay , and lost him more men too in that siege , than had the eugenians in the famous battle at vndana . but things went yet worse with nasonius and his party , in inferiana ; for the valiant and politick giant grandorsio , charmged and assisted by the enchanted belt , which the amazonian lady victoria had given him , set upon the hydropick , general valdectius , in the field of florus ; kill'd twelve thousand of his men , and made him run away thirty miles to save the rest . which made the giant grandosio still more famous , and redoubted , and caused the routed panym valdectius to cast out most bitter complaints and lamentations in his letters to nasonius , and the hydra , cursing grievously the frowardness of dame fortuna , who by her unkindness and partiality had brought him to such disgrace , and dishonour . chap. x. how nasonius himself went into inferiana ; and how gallieno took petrana , even before nasonius's face , and of his other successes there . how lyrania was totally subdued by the knight ginglero ; and how the green-headed knight , sabaudiero broke truce with his vncle , the great giant gallieno . when the next spring approach'd nasonius having ( as was his custom ) sleec'd the sheepish vtopians of vast sums of money , went over into inferiana to fight the battles of the associates , being appointed their generalissimo . at his arrival they had a very solemn consultation , how they might utterly subdue the great giant gallieno , and assault him both by sea and land : so that now their foolhardly party ceased not to make boasts that they would carry on their conquests as far as tutelia , and that in despight of gallieno's enchantments , and power , nasonius would fetch away the lady victoria by plain force of arms : which great huff , instead of causing the least fear in luyslandia , gave great matter of divertisement and laughter to the tutelian court. but before nasonius took his leave of vtopia , he call'd his admiral , the panym knight , tornano unto him , and thus bespoke him . thou knowest , dear tornano , how i have always treated thee with the highest respects ; nor has any man more oblig'd me than thou hast by thy faithful service : but now the time is come , that thou must go beyond thy former self in fidelity , both in executing my commands , as also in keeping the orders i shall give thee , severely secret , which shall be both for thy safety at the present , and ( when time serves ) for thy higher advancement : none knows better than thy self , that the accursed giant gallieno would quickly land my father eugenius , and dispossess me of my throne , did not my power at sea bridle and restain him : so that should i lose my fleet in a sea-fight , i should be in great danger of losing all . my request therefore is , that when the fight begins , thou wouldst hover a loof with thy squadron , which will keep the rest from being too rash ; by which means , the brunt of the enemies fury will light most upon the ships belonging unto the hydra : for ( besides the politick consideration now mentioned ) i am ( to tell you true , ) much incensed against that commonwealth , and not without just reason , for attempting to take away from me the office of hydra-holder ; or , at least , to abridge the authority of it , and make it insignificant , which is an affront so little suiting my honour , and so unbecoming so great a monarch , that i can in no wise brook it ; as i have wrote to my dearest friend sodomicus , and ordered him in soft terms to tell them so much . wherefore , i would at once revenge my self , and by preserving my fleet , and weakning their power at sea , make them rather court me for my assistance , than that i should sue or truckle to them . tornano was heartily glad to hear the proposal ; for he had no maw to encounter the luyslandians at sea , having been so rudely beaten by them the year before , on the coast of lyrania . besides , 't is said he had a fair lady with him on board , in whom he took especial delight , and he fear'd the roaring of the cannons might maker her head-ake : wherefore he readily consented to the motion ; only he as'd how they might be secured against being impeach'd for treason by the hydra , and vtopian sea-officers , if he should refuse to fight in such a juncture . to which , nasonius answered , feign what plausible excuse thou seest fit , and i will give private orders to those that shall examine the matter , that they shall acquit thee from blame . which , when nasonius had promised by the most sacred oaths , and ( which was more binding , and more sacred with him than all the rest ) by the word of a king ; the thing was agreed upon . this done , nasonius addressed himself for his expedition , and met the associates in inferiana , where they had very long consulations how they should bring the giant gallieno on his knees , and the idea each of them had with much hammering fram'd of this project had such a gay appearance to their wise fancies , considering it speculatively , that they made account it was as good as done already . but while they were talking so long about what they should do ( their many heads being of so many minds and opinions , and never a good one ) the powerful and politick giant gallieno ( who had but one head worth them all ) did his business , without talking ; and with a right puissant army besieg'd petrana , the strongest city and fort in all inferiana . the sudden and unexpected news of this siege broke off their consultations , e're they were full ripe ; and made them all distractedly do , they knew now what , nor how : and such power had the sound dose , given 'em by fatuitosa , over their stupified senses , that they had neither once thought of possessing themselves of the passages to petrana , nor of preventing the giant grandorsio from intrenching himself , so as to cover the siege . so that all nasonius could do , was to march that way with his army , and stay a great way off : as if it had been honour enough for him to come so near gallieno's army , as but to hear the frightful noise of bombs , and cannons , which fir'd and batter'd petrana ; which was not done neither without mature advisement , and a deep reach of policy ; which made 'em conclude , that it was more adviseable to avoid the hellish fire and smoak that the giant gallieno ( wo fought still in a spell , or , circle of flames ) us'd to spit , and sputter round about him . so petrana , which they foolishly boasted , and thought impregnable , was taken by the luislandians : however , gallieno was sure to pay for that his bold rashnness , in presuming to take the town without nasonius's leave ; and was never securely victorious , if words would do it : for nasonius gave out that he was resolutely determined to revenge himself by battle . but the giant grandosio had by his necromancy so order'd things , that nasonius could not for his heart tell how to come at him , or how with any safety , to attack him . and thus continued both armies , till the nasonians forced thereto by grandorsio's stratagems must needs decamp and be gone : which , nasonius with all the inconveniences likely to ensue , thought it his best policy to retire to holoo , pretending he had no more to do since grandorsio would not fight , though indeed it was to save his own credit , which was like to suffer some disparagement , had he staid and b●en present . the nasonian army therefore was left under the command of the panym knight valdectius to bring it off as well as he could . but they no sooner began their retreat , but the giant gran●orsio fell on their rear , and gave 'em such a kick o th breech for a farewel , as killed of them near three thousand men. thus ended the campaign , and this was the issue of all the vast designs , and glorious braggs of entring luyslandia , taking tutelia , and fetching thence the lady victoria , which was sufficiently redicul'd by the luyslandians , who were now asham●d to have to do with such weak , improvident , and cow-hearted enemies . but the mirth was heightned , even to loud laughter , that the nasonian star-gazers had undertaken to demonstrate by the unerring arts of astrology , that this campaign ws to be the very last period of all the glory of gallieno , and the fatal time that luyslandia was to be subdued and destroyed . but since no more was to be done , who could help it ? so , the associates , after they had had another grave consultation what plausible excuses it were best to give out to palliate their unwise conduct , and ill success , separated themselves , and nasonius return'd into vtopia . where , no sooner arriv'd , but he found the complaints made by the hydra , and the vtopian sea-officers against tornano were very high , and heavy . they alledged that this backwardness had cost the english many rude blows , but had cost the hydra eighteen or nineteen ships , for which they demanded vengeance and justice against him . tornano put in his plea , which was bandied to and fro , till the severe heat by degrees somewhat cooling , his tryal came on , and as nasonius had promised ( tho' with much regret of the hydra ) he was acquitted . to comfort nasonius , and to keep up his heart for his ill success in inferiana , dame fortuna granted him the happy reduction of lyrania by the panym knight ginglero . not for his own sake , whom she mortally hated , but for ginglero's , as being of all the panym officers the most courteous , civil , and of best conduct . this knight led his armies through the land of lyrania , and took divers of their towns and forts : at length they came into a pitch'd battle . the lyranian army was at that time commanded by the politick and valiant luyslandian giant hight rutheno , who with the noble gigantick knight , lucanio , so encouraged the lyranian soldiers that they thrice beat back the panym army , and now were the horse coming up to secure an intire victory under the leading of the giant rutheno , when , a cannon bullet did unfortunately light on that noble giant , and bereaved him of his life ; which so daunted his army ( his valour giving heart and courage to them all ) that the panyms got the victory , killed many of the army , and the rest retired into the strong city of shannonopolis ; but the places being fifty miles from the sea , so that no relief or provision could come to them by sea or land , they , with the allowance of king eugenius , capitulated , but upon such good terms that he by yielding to it as he did ( according to his usual piety ( both preserv'd all his subjects in lyrania from utter destruction , and withal , it was stipulated that they should have all their liberties , immunities , and priviledges restored to them . and moreover , that as many soldiers as would , should be transported into luslandia , of which there went twenty thousand . all which was advis'd by the wisdom of the politick giant gallieno , who consider'd that the loyal lyranians that capitulated , would still retain the same principles , and be ready to serve king eugenius upon any fit occasion ; and withal , that this new army of valiant souldiers , when well cloath'd and paid , ( all which in great pa●t they wanted in lyrania ) would do eugenius and himself more service in luyslandia , than they could ever have done had they remained in lyrania : which they performed accordingly , as shall be seen hereafter . about this time , or rather before , it the green-headed knight sabaudiero was prevailed upon by the associates to rise up in arms with them , against the noble giant gallieno . nasonius promised him whole indies of money , and that he would maintain too at his own cost , many troops to assist him . the associates also unanimously promised him , that in the winding up of the war , when they came to divide the spoil , they would add some part of luyslandia to his dominions ; having very politickly divided it among 'em , e're they had got a foot in 't . this project was carried so secretly , that never was any mystery of state so carefully conceal'd . however , the necromantick giant gallieno had not only by his familiar spirit got light of it , but had moreover by a strange charm got an exact copy of their agreement . upon knowledge of which he sent the valiant giant sabaudocrato into his country , e're he was ready , who took all montania , otherwise call'd sabaudia , and was about to fall into alpiana , when sabaudiero confident of the impossility it should take air , sent ambassadors to king gallieno falsely protesting he was his most humble servant , and meant nothing but peace and amity towards him . now did many sober men admire at this strange action of gallieno , as breeding himself causeless , and needless enemies , when he had so many already : for one could imagine that sabaudiero should be so unworthy and ungrateful to his uncle , the great king gallieno , who ever favoured him , and had formerly assisted him against his own rebellious subjects , as without any cause given him to joyn with his enemies , who sought nothing but his desctruction ; which made men think it very harsh in king gallieno to invade his nephew's dominions , and to refuse to withdraw his armies till sabaudiero had put two of his chief cities , as cautionary towns , into his hands : 'till at length , king gallieno , when he saw his time , shewed the copy of sabaudiero's agreement with the associates ; to let the world see how false and hollow-hearted he was , to pretend peace by his ambassadors , and yet at the same time to have conspir'd against his uncle , his friend , and his ally , to bring him , if he could , to utter ruin. but , it was the luck of this ill-contriv'd association to be supported by the violation of all the nearest tyes of nature and honour , and all laws , both divine and humane . yet did the noble gallieno so moderate his resentment , as not to let sabaudocrato destroy all his country , as he could easily have done . pitttying the folly of his youth , too easily led aside by his secratary , who had a great ascendant over him , and had received , as 't is said , for such treacherous services , an hundred thousand pound from the associates , but chieftly from nasonius , who was still very profuse in laying out the easy got money of vtopia upon projects of his own , for which , they that gave it , never intended it . wherefore the luyslandian army continued still in montania and alpiana ; took , and garrison'd divers of the principal cities and forts : but of this ; more heareafter . chap. xi . of the annus mirabilis ; or the campaign of the year , when the associates with their utmost efforts intended to invade the mighty giant gallieno on all sides , and to destroy both him , and his , root and branch , and also of the infallible prognosticks of his ruin. all men , though never so dull , are taught wisdom by their frequent misfortunes ; and by their often experiencing what occasioned them ; they learn how to prevent them for the future . wherefore these subtil politicians , the associates , though they were but bad reflecters came at length , with much ado , to discover , after gallieno had with many repeated victories beat it into their heads , that two things especially had given him great advantages over them , ( viz. ) his being early in the field , e're they were ready ; and his carrying the war still into his enemies countries : hereupon , after many consultations , they fully and und unanimously resolved to bereave him of both these advantages , and get them to themselves . but , as nothing is more rediculous than an ape , because it is like a man , and yet is not a man , so nothing is so mirthful and pleasant as mimical and ape-politicians , who would seem such by imitating the true ones , and yet are politicians at all . however , they muster'd up , and encreased their forces , and bent their utmost endeavours , both to be before-hand with gallieno in the earliness of their preparations , and also to enter luyslandia on all sides , as well by sea as by land ; and teach him to let the invading of others alone hereafter , and to study his best arts to defend his own country . it was agreed amongst them , than an hundred thousand men , led by nasonius , should invade his territories bordeering upon inferiana ; that the regomanians should fall into alsatia ; that don ibero formalitosa should enter luyslandia on the side of calatonia ; that sabaudie●o should make incursions into delphicoris , where his frontiers were least fortified ; and lastly , that nasonius and the hydra should make a descent upon his coasts , take his sea-port towns , burn his ships in their harbour , and pillage and spoil all the country before them . so that now nasonius did not doubt but that victoria , seeing her gallant so beset on every side , would of her own accord come over to him , and renounce her faith and troth to king gallieno for ever . to facilitate these great undertakings , they had prevail'd with don ibero , to create the valiant duke of bawwawia governour of inferiana , who had formerly won much credit by fighting so successfully against the half-moon of the great emperor magog , who accepted his proffer ; though some men too severe , said , that in doing so , he sold all his wit and former reputation to the iberians , in taking upon him so troublesome and hazardous an employ , insomuch that he had left little or none to himself , as the event shew'd : for he has made no figure at all of a souldier , nor done any thing worthy the least note ever since he became formalitoso's underling . however , this served to keep up the drooping hearts of the inferianians , ready to sink under the ill success , and bad conduct of nasonius . as astrologers consort it with thieves to know what they have stollen , that they may get credit by telling how it was lost , and how to retrieve it : so it is a common thing with all politicians to give half light of any success they think themselves assured of , to some star-gazing conjurer , or apocaliptical fortune-teller of some reputation with the common-people , that when they read it foretold , and afterwards see it come to pass , they may conceit it was laid by divine providence , and that that person who is to bring it about , is highly in heaven's books ; in that god would deign to signifie it thus to the admiring world before-hand . now , nasonius , who was the very idea of deep policy , knew right-well of what consequence such a prediction would be , and therefore resolved to send for his astrologer sydrophell , who had heretofore done him great service in the same kind when he first intended to invade his father fugenius's kingdoms . sydrophell , when the messenger came near hand , was sitting in a dark brown-study what he should say in his next almanack , by way of star-prophecy , and yet not lose his credit by being quite mistaken . he saw no symptoms of hope to prognosticate good luck to nasonius , and was to hearty to the cause to tell bad : wherefore he left off that quest , and betook himself to invent some neat and profitable sleights of gulling the credulous people , and to make 'em believe he knew almost any event by consulting the twelve signs of the zodiack : as by aries , how may cuckolds should be made next year , and who in particular . by taurus , who was the first bull that leap'd their heifer . by gemini , who should have two children at a birth , or meet with double-hearted people . by cancer , who should deceive them with false pretences , and delude them by crawling backwards , while they seemed to go forwards . by leo , who should be a valiant souldier , and come to high preferment for his feats in arms. by virgo , who should be married that year , and whether the person courted for a spouse , be a virgin , &c. he was got thus far in his caelestial speculation , when the messenger from nasonius knock'd at the door , and summoned him at attend him ; where , when he was arrived , — sydrophell , said nasonius , thou knowest , that formerly i caused an hint to be given thee when i had assurance of it my self , of driving my father eugenius out of his kingdom ; and thou didst acquit thy self well in prognosticating it very exactly , both to my great credit , and advantage , and thine own . now i have such another job for thee : ask me no questions , nor hint thou heardst any thing from me for thy life . i do tell thee , and assure thee , that the luyslandian tyrant gallieno , will be quite pull'd down this summer ; and therefore prognosticate it boldly . let me alone , replied sydrophell , i will make it so credible , and so plain to all those silly fools that understand nothing , by the position of the planets , and the unintelligible schemes i shall erect , that none of them all shall in the least suspect that i needed any sublunary advertisement of it ; nor is it for my credit they should . so , with a lowly bow he departed , blessing his kind stars , which had shined so propitiously upon him , as to offer him such pregnant occasions to make himself more famous than booker , lilly , or any of the rest of that canting tribe ; for now he made account that not only his almanacks , that related such grateful news , but that when his predictions succeeded , all his future writings would be snatcht up faster than they could be printed . to work then he went , and foretold the doleful downfal of king gallieno with so much asseveration , that if their were any truth in heaven , that poor king was by the nasonian party given for lost already : and to make this the more credible , the panym star-gazer , monsieur helmontius , who had fled from luyslandia to the hydra , did ( as we may suppose ) by the same inspiration , in which case it is no wonder if good wits jump ) with all imaginable assurance prognosticate the same . how exactly their star-prophecies were fullfilled , will be seen in the sequel . the spring was now come , and nasonius , ( as was his custom ) having again drain'd a mass of money out of the pockets of his poor slaves the vtopians , took the field very early with an hundred thousand of associate souldiers at his heel , and was now tickled with the conceit how he should firk king gallieno : but when it came to the tryal , instead of his invading luyslandia , king gallieno came himself into inferiana , and laid siege to the strongest city and fort that remain'd there , call'd sambrina , e're nasonius once thought or dreamt of it . it was very obvious to imagine that king gallieno would set down before that place , and it had been easy for nasonius , he being first in the field , to have possessed himself of the posts and avenues which gave the luyslandians passage thither : but , as if the senceless spirit fatuitosa had intended to make a property of him , and his associates too , it never once entred into their heads in all their consultations , to provide against so great a mischief . however , when the siege was already laid , then , ( as if he awak'd out of a dream , with some sudden noise ) he began to bustle up , and bestir himself , and march'd directly thither with his whole army in a most formidable manner , threatning to fight the giant gallieno , and raise the siege immediately : but the politick giant grandorsio had by his skill in magick , so postured his army to cover king gallieno , who , with another army push'd on the siege : that nasonius and his great officers could not for their lives tell how to come at them with any safety , or how to set upon him without hazarding their whole army . so they very soberly stood still , and look'd on , whilst king gallieno , and his souldiers did , with incredible valour and dexterity make themselves masters of sambrina . some were of opinion , that this was an high point of policy thus to stand still , and view , that by making their observations , how wisely king gallieno went to work , they might learn to take his towns afterwards . others said , they came to bear witness that the town was surely taken , because they were very nigh , and saw it with their own eyes . but the nasonians imputed it to the luyslandian witches , or to king gallieno's skill in conjuration , by which he caused a storm upon the river mahaignia which sunk some of their bridges and boats , by which they should pass , and by some charm had so stupified their bethinking faculties , that they had forgot to provide or look afterward to make more . but the wisest saw , and said plainly , that all those were but pretences , and that had they pass'd the river , and attack'd the giant grandorsio , in all liklyhood it had cost nasonius the greatest part of his army . so king gallieno being now possessed of that strongest city and castle , feasted his nobility , and the lady victoria , and the next day he sent an herauld to nasonius , offering him battle within two days , if he pleased to accept it . nasonius return'd him this politick answer , that he would fight when himself saw fit . well then , said gallieno smiling , i see nasonius has nothing to say to me , so i will leave him to the mercy of grandorsio ; and immediately returned to tutelia , with his lady victoria , now more than ever endear'd to him by seeing his warlike courage and conduct . the congratulations of his subjects , and triumphs they had prepared for him were very noble and magnificent : but the noble king gallieno would needs divest himself of that merit , and give the honour of that action to the amazonian lady victoria , who was in his company all the while he took it : and to that end he caus'd a large medal to be coin'd , representing nasonius with his army looking on , whilst gallieno with his , took fambrina , with this motto about it . — amat victoria testes . thus paraphras'd in english. victory of her brave , and valiant deeds , no more authentick witness could have chose , than this ; which hist'ry's credit far exceeds , an hundred thousand tamely viewing foes . chap. xii . how nasonius and the hydra fought against half the fleet of king gallieno ; together witht the reasons given by jupiter , why king gallieno's fortune should for the time receive some small check . about this time nasonius and the hydra with a vast fleet of near an hundred men of war , prepared to infest king gallieno by sea , fearing he should land the good king eugenius in vtopia , where those of his subjects who had remain'd loyal , and others who became so , by seeing their past errors , and present miseries , were ready to joyn and receive him : but fatuitosa had so besotted nasonius , and his council , that when eugenius's forces came to the sea-coast , they weakly imagined they were drawn thither , meerly to hinder their making a descent upon luyslandia . but when the project was about to be put in execution , dame fortuna , who was never constant in any thing , an had ow'd king gallieno a spite , for a long time , for engrossing the lady victoria ( for her fickle nature hated that either love or success in war should be permanent ) and withall , enrag'd that his providence and forecast made him so perpetually victorious , went to the throne of jupiter , and to the fates , and complained heavily that her deity would become neglected , and providence it self grow into contempt , if humane courage and policy should render the designs of mortals thus continually successful ; wherefore she earnestly besought them for hers , and their own honours sake , to give some check to the too contant successes of king gallieno . the matter was debated in the senate of the gods , and it was unanimously voted , that it was unworthy the caelestial deities , and would seem as if they were envious of gallieno's high merits should they hinder wisdom and valour from having their due rewards and successes . especially since gallieno did humbly attribute all his victories to the overseers of the world , and never failed to give thanks accordingly : but jupiter standing up , ( which made all the rest with a reverent silence expect his final determination ) deliver'd himself on this manner . it is decreed by the fates , and i have signed the decree , and bid it stand irrevocable that gallieno's well meant , and wisely laid designs shall in this juncture receive some small check . not for his own sake , ( for none but fortuna who is blind her self , could think his merit ought not to be cherished with deserv'd success ) much less for king eugenius's , whose magnanimous patience , and heroick vertue , under so many afflictions , as well as his noble hearted charity , and love to his people , tho' rebellious , gives him a most deserved title ( besides that of justice ) to regain his hereditary right : but for the sake of traiterous vtopia , and to punish their crying sins of dis-allegiance and ingratitude by the same man , whom of their own head , but not by me , they have fondly set up to be their king , which makes 'em incapable of so great a mercy , as the restoring to them so fatherly and good a prince . now , that you may see how just this decree of mine is of denying ' em . yet as a deliverance from their oppression , i will make known to you how obstinately and willfully blind , both nasonius , and they are , in their wicked and malicious errours ; and what i have done to signifie my displeasure at their disloyal , and ungrateful proceedings ; enough to make any repent of their sins , but such as are hardened in them : i will not speak of the prodigious mortallity of their souldiers and land , nor of their seamen at sea , nor divers other such ; but i will recount some of those disasters which pointed at their particular persons . i sent an horrible tempest at nasonius's first setting forth ; by that first inauspicious omen to deter him , and them , from proceeding on their cursed design , and could in justice have d●owned them all , at that time , but that i meant he should be a scourge to 'em , till they saw their fault , and became penitent ; but it wrought no effect with either . well! by my permission they possessed themselves of their father's throne and being settled , fell a building a hamptonia ; but down it came . they did the same at nothinghamia , but that fell down too ; this could not be imputed to treachery , negligence , or a common casuallty ; for , none can but know that kings ( their lives being endanger'd by the instability of their dwelling-houses , ) would make choice of the best materials , and workmen ; and that those workmen would use their utmost care that their work should be most firm , when they are employed , by such great personages : yet in despight of their best choice of artificers , and these artificers best circumspection , both those works suffered a shameful miscarriage . now these instances pointed personally at nasonius , and his unnatural tullia : for they cannot name , nor did any one ever hear of any other in the whole nation , who was going to build in two places , have had such a disaster light to them in both . was it possible then to impute these ill-boding accidents to any thing but an over-ruling providence , plainly telling them ( in such language as the soveraign governours of the world do generally use ) that is , ( speaking to them by deeds ) that let 'em use their best care , and exert their utmost art , nothing they build shall stand . this working nothing with 'em ; i took more severe ways , and sent the dreadful fire at alb● regalis , they removed thence to nottinghamia ; but the judgment of fire pursued them thither also ; and yet no willful malice , or treachery could be alledg'd ; nor could there be want of particular care to avoid such disasters in the courts of princes . did they ever hear of any other person in the whole kingdom , to whom the like mischiefs happened , as first to be burnt out of one house , than to be like to be burnt , a short time after in another ? or any in the world , of what rank soever , ( much less of princes ) to whom the falling and burning of two of their houses did ever happen ? 't is the common sentiment of all mankind , who have any ( even unnatural ) religion at all , that when humane care and prudence have done their utmost , and yet their intentions meet with disasters , that 't is then to be imputed meerly , and particularly to the will of the supream deity . yet they continue to shut their eyes against such manifest judgments , and carelesly huddle up the consideration of them under the common notions of casualties ; not regarding the particularities now mention'd . which were far from being common , being indeed till then unheard of . but , did these men regard any principles , they might know that what they call casualty , is with me providence , and design ; and if it be incredibly particular , it argues some particular design of mine : and what could that be but to make them , and the world to take notice , by those events so stangely remarkable , how highly i am displeased that they dare presume with another man's money , and on another man's ground , to build , or to live in houses which are none of their own ; and that i declare my self by such signal and peculiar mischances , relating to their very persons , that my dread anger is kindled against them for their unjust vsurpation . i proceeded further , and hinted plainly my just indignation at their audacious and vain-glorious coronation , and their ill-plac'd crown , and not to speak of the ridiculous slur put upon nasonius , by dame natura , offended at their unnatural intrusion into their father's throne ; i took order , that the ship call'd the crown-frigat should be sunk , and that other called the coronation , should by a strange disaster in calm weather be suddenly plunged to the bottom of the sea : thus to intimate to them , and threaten them , that when they think themse●ves safest , and furthest out of danger , all their vsurped glory should in a moment sink into the deepest disgrace , never to rise again . and now , what could i , in wisdom , have done more to inform that infatuated nation of my resentment against their illegal rulers , and rebellious selves , unless i had come down in humane shape ( as i did before deucalion's flood ) and told 'em to their faces of their deep ingrafted sins ? and had i done so , there would not have been wanting wolvish lycaons enough to worry and murder me , as they did my annointed vicegerent eusebius , eugenius's father ; and would have done the same to eugenius himself , had he not providently withdrawn himself for his security . wherefore , seeing if gallieno's wisely projected designs be not cross'd , he will certainly do that unmerited kindness to the vtopians , as to restore their good king eugenius ; and i will take order that it suffer some defeat at the pesent , to such a degree as to hinder it . now , let nasonius , their scourge , still harrass , impoverish , and bring 'em to the very brink of ruin. let the war they maintain to keep him out , take their ships , spoil their traffick , make dear their forreign commodities , and all their provisions too : let it empty their purses , and lose the lives of some hundred thousands of the vtopians ; for , till they repent , and heartily desire to restore their king , the justice of the goddess nemesis cannot be satisfied , nor my dread anger appeased , nor they deserve the mighty blessing of good eugenius's restauration . but to let you further see , how just this decree of mine is ; it is not ignorance in the vtopians , which makes 'em thus rebellious , but willful mallice against their own consciences , and against their own knowledge . to shew which , i will not alledge how they sin against my divine law , and their own humane laws ( for all such considerations they have trampled under foot ) but i will challenge them with their own thoughts , and bring themselves to witness against themselves . not one judge or lawyer in the naton , but would six years ago , without any hesitation , have condemned any man as guilty of high-treason , by the laws of the land , who should have asserted it was lawful upon any occasion whatsoever , to have invited a forreign prince to invade king eugenius's kingdoms , and no less treason to have deserted him , run over to , or sided with the invader , much more to have abdicated their lawful king , who still challenged his right , and only retired to a place of safety , till he might try their temper , and receive their proposals . again , not one divine , or preacher , ( no not scoto apostato himself , but would , at that time have maintain'd , and undertaken to prove it out of my written word , to be divine law , to pay indispensable allegiance to him . nor do the lawyers either , pretend to have any new light , to understand the law of the land better now and formerly . nor do those mercenary pastors pretend to any new revelation of my divine will , or better means of interpreting holy writ than they had before , when they taught out of it the contrary to what they now profess , preach , and practise : and , that both lawyers , and preachers held thus formerly , and hold , and teach the quite contrary now , without any pretence of new , or better light , is known to their whole abdicating senate , and to the generality of sensible men throughout the whole nation : so it is every way most manifest , that nothing but a rebellious spirit , slavish fear , or sordid interest , are the only rules of their new interpretations , both of law , and gospel . most justly then do they deserve to be punished by that which was their sin , their setting up an vsurped power . decreed therefore it it is , and that irrevocably , that eugenius shall not come yet to deliver them , but they shall still reap the harsh fruits of that which they have so wickedly sown , in despite of my divine commands , their own laws ; nay , against their own consciences and knowledge . the king of the gods having thus finished his speech , which was received with an universal approbation , and applause of the inferiour deities , he immediately dispatch'd mercury , his messenger , to eolus , commanding him to hinder the better half of the giant gallieno's fleet from coming up to joyn the rest . now , had king gallieno commanded his sea-giant thalassarchus , to set upon nasonius , and the hydra's fleet assoon as possibly , presuming his whole navy was got together by that time : that while he kept them in play , king eugenius with his army might be safely transported into vtopia . the noble giant , though not half the number of his enemies ( no more of his ships but four and forty being yet got together ) yet mindful of king gallieno's precise order , he thought it became not his duty to gloss upon his commands , but to obey them literally , struggled against the wind , and made towards them . indeed , king gallieno , who was now far off in inferiana , having intelligence that the wind had been contrary , sent him three several expresses not to fight , till the whole fleet was come up ; but by the peevishness of dame fortuna , who ( for the reasons abovesaid ) waited all opportunities to do him some displeasure , they never came to the hand of thalassarchus . wherefore , not regarding the exceeding inequality of their number , he like a brave and couragious giant , boldly set upon them ; and notwithstanding their odds , had rather the advantage during the fight , having shatter'd some of the nasonian and hydropick ships , far more than they had done any of his . but , while he retreated the next day , hoping to meet , and joyn some of his other ships , and prudently designing by that advantage of number to draw them nearer the luyslandian coast , and ports , where he might with more safety renew the fight ; neptune , by an order from jupiter , put back the tide an hour , so that he could not pass the cape ; by which means sixteen of them were in part burnt by the fire-ships of the enemies , lying on the shoar , and so not able to make resistance . but fatuitosa taking delight to make fools of those who would needs be so , inspired them with such carelessness , and folly , that they never minded the making use of that advantage but were fully satisfied with the imaginary conceit of having beaten the luyslandians , now resounding all over vtopia ; that they never dream'd of making any further conquests , till too late : for the politick giant gallieno had by this delay so fortified all the coasts , that having lo●t their opportunity , they durst attempt nothing . many impartial considerers denied that nasonius had the victory , because ( say they ) to conquer , is to have the better in fight , which he had not , and the disadvantage was meerly accidental ; which put those luyslandian ships out of capacity of fighting , and so it required no mastery , or valour to do them a mischief , and therefore was a disadvantage , and loss to them indeed , but no true named victory , nor any gain to the enemy . chap. xiii . how nasonius intended a descent upon luyslandia , and what became of it . as also of the exploits of the green-headed knight sabaudiero , in skipping into , and out of delphicoris . afterwards the vtopians set themselves resolutely to make a descent into luyslandia , and it was given out , nasonius would exert the q●intessence of his infallible policy and war-wisdom , in bringing this vast attempt to perfection , to the utter overthrow of king gallieno , and his own immortal glory . long , very long had this mighty project amused all europe ; huge preparations of cannons , mortars , bombs , and other formidable military engines had marched with great solemnity from thamopolis , and were embarqu'd . many hundreds of transport ships , and well-boats were taken up , and made ready . nay , all that the wit of man could invent , or such a noble exploit could need , without sparing any cost ( for vtopia had money enough ) was put in a readiness . the souldiers were not only furnished with arms , and all things necessary nay , ( which was to them a special favour and encouragement ) with money too ; but as report went , with ten thousand arms to equip the panyms in luyslandia , who were to rise up and joyn with them . the panym knight , misanglus , eldest son to the knight refugio , who was to command this powerful army , looked as big as alexander , hugely proud of this blessed occasion to signallize his matchless valour , and to equal ( for none could outdo them ) his father's unparallelled performances at lutosia . what gazet ? what couranto ? what news-letter , nay , what nation was there on this side the world which did not ring with the loud and astonishing sound of this renowned enterprize . the nasonian courtiers were all turn'd astrologers , and prognosticated the miserable downfall of king gallieno , from the success they promised themselves of this undertaking ; which was so sure , and the grounds of it so firmly and wisely laid by the unerring politicks of nasonius , and the certainty of it seal'd by the universal approbation of all the associates met in a general consultation for that purpose , that it was beyond the casual condition of bearing any wager ( though at never so great odds ) to which few or none of their other designs , but were liable . besides , the profound secrecy of it , gave it the revered esteem , of a wonderful mystery . the most searching wits of vtopia were too shallow to found the dark bottom of it , and were at a deadly plunge how to frame the least conjecture where this iresistable thunderb●lt would light ; but being of a temper easily appay'd with any thing ( or nothing ) they contented themselves to believe by implicite faith whatever their oraculous , and infallible nasonius did propose to their credulous assent , and as long as they were thus assured this object of their new faith was true , they would not be so prophane as to dive into the inscrutable majesty of his apocalyptical policy . but fatuito●a , who had only order from the luciferian court to besot the vtopians , in order to the interest of the hydra , being a very foolish fiend her self , went often beyond her commission , and so infatuated nasonius , the whole junto of associates , and the vtopian council , and generalls too , that the so much bragg'd of design vanished in a mist ; and the brisk invaders came back greater fools than they went forth . however , some nasonian counsellors were sent down to them , to remove , by their wise advice the impediment , that render'd their attempt abortive . but all the effect that appear'd of their consultation was this , that after some dodging ( as the manner was ) to cozen the people , it should be given out , that they would out again when the wind served , and pursue their project : 'till at last , mens expectations being wearied , and in tract of time , pretty well cool'd , instead of setting foot on the enemies country , they went to visit their friends in inferiana ; and very fairly , easily , and prudently too ( there being no danger , nor any to oppose 'em there ) they landed at ostelia ; which put their friends to great confusion , brought a cruel disgrace upon nasonius , gave occasion of much mirth to the luyslandians , and as much regret to the wiser sort of vtopians to see their expectations still fool'd , and such vast sums still thrown away to do just nothing . in a word , this grand design , as it was conceived and born in a mystery , so it died as mysteriously too . the reason of its miscarriage being so carefully hush'd up , that to this day few know certainly the occasion of it . some undertake to clear nasonius's credit , and conduct , by alledging that he never meant or designed any thing in his life but to march to and fro with a great army at his heels , to shew his greatness , and get money of the vtopians , in neither of which projects did his policy ever fail him , and that all the rest was but pretence , which some unwise criticks mis-understanding to be design , do frame thence a rash and censorious judgment , that his designs suffer defeat ; which ( things being rightly understood ) is impossible . about the same time the young knight sabaudiero , assisted by nasonius's money , picked dexterously out of the vtopians pockets , and by twenty thousand souldiers of austriaco , and don ibero , did on a sudden invade that part of luyslandia which border'd on his country ; where , when he had entred , he plunder'd and burnt country towns , and villages most valiantly , tho' they were strongly fortified with hedges , ditches , and mud-walls , while there was as yet , none there to resist him : especially the panym knight caprea out of his innate hatred to all that 's sacred , sparing not either churches or religious houses ; not caring what credit he lost his master austriaco by such insolencies , so he might gratify the licentious humour of his barbarous regomanians ; though ( as is said ) against the will of sabaudiero , who tho' he wore the fine cap and feather , yet his officers valued not his authority , but did in that , and all things else what themselves listed . as a left-handed fellow , though unskillful , puts a very good gamester out of his play ; so this left-handed policy of sabaudiero gave some small trouble to king gallieno ; who , governing all his actions by wisdom , and expecting that others too , would ( to some degree at least ) do the same , could never have thought that sabaudiero , who had now a good army in the field , would not have rather attempted first to have clear'd his own country of enemies , e're he had invaded that of another . this being no wiser than for a man , when he knew his own house was on fire , to neglect the quenching of it , and run to set fire to that of his neighbour , and all this to satisfie the braggadocio humour of the iberian officers : but , assoon as the news of this impotent invasion allarmed the giant gallieno , and that he sent the giant sabaudocrato with forces to drive 'em out ; they shew'd their chief policy and valour in running away as fast as they could ( as thieves out of a house , when they perceive the lord of it is awake ) e're they could come up to them ; carrying some inconsiderable booty along with them , tho' not of worth to countervail the tenth part of the wise expedition . nor had they ability , leisure , or wisdom to stop the passages , or hindring his potent enemy from following him to the heart of his country , with such force ( as appears by his flight , and the sequel ) as he was not able to resist : there ( if not restrained , by king gallieno's noble mercy ) to take quadruple satisfaction . as for these subjects of king gallieno , who had been thus harrass'd , he , by easing 'em from taxes for many y●ars ; by repairing their buildings , and other prudent methods he took , reduc'd em again to as good a condition as ever . and moreover to comfort 'em , and secure 'em for the future , he fortified their great towns , and the passages into his country on that side . only sabaudiero got , and carried away with the due reward of such inglorious fool-hardy sacrilegious actions , inflicted on him by the just hand of the goddess nemesis , incensed at him for his unnatural opposition to his obliging uncle , a soul disease , and an ugly disfigured face : the former of which and the arrears of it could not by any help of art , he cured for a year after , and often brought him to the brink of death , a proper trophy for such soul actions . but we will leave him at present , and return to the heroick nasonius . chap xiv . how nasonius thought to surprize the giant grandorsio's camp at steenkirkia , and how he succeeded . and of his attempt on ipresburga ; as also of his noble enterprize to besiege dunkirkia together with what happened in regomania . now did the hopes of doing any good upon the mighty giant gallieno , rest upon the puissance , and policy of nasonius , and the duke of bawwawia , who had a great army in inferiana yet entire ; for they were very moderate men in their way , and had no such vast designs as to besiege any of king gallieno's towns , which might lessen their armies , or impair the number of their men , and grandorsio had sent many of his to other places : yet it was necessary for nasonius , especially having this seeming advantage , to do something at least to uphold his credit , much sunk last year by doing nothing at all . long time he had watched his opportunity , and at length thought verily he had caught it : for being informed by some of his infatuated scouts , that the giant grandorsio lay negligently , and weakly incamp'd near steenkirkia , he betimes next morning drew forth his army , and marched without beat of drum , or sound of trumpet , not doubting but that now he should take him napping , rout him horse and foot , and revenge the disgrace he had formerly done him , by forcing from him the amazonian lady victoria : but arriving at the place , the giant ( to his great surprize and dis-satisfaction ) having had timely notice of this design by mephostophilo ) had so postured himself , and so conveniently disposed his army , that they might regularly come up to relieve those that went before , and received him so warmly , that the fool-hardy vtopians , who bore the brunt of the charge , were after a sharp conflict , totally defeated . indeed , nasonius himself did that day signalize exceedingly his valour , by standing half a mile off on the top of an high hill , and thence , as the gods used to view the grecian and trojan hosts when they fought , did very attentively behold all that pass'd : and as if he had taken a peculiar felicity in seeing the towns of the associates taken ▪ and their armies routed , while he , as if he had been unconcerned , and only came as a curious spectator , stood still , and looked on . those that fell , were all vtopians , or those whom they had hired ; for , tho' being the generallisimo , it lay in his power to send the hydropick souldiers to relieve them ; yet , mindfull of his promise to lucifero , which was to sacrifice the foolish vtopians to preserve his darlings the hydropicks , he very fairly let above ten thousand of them be knocked o' th' head , without coming himself , or sending any souldiers of the hydra to assist ' em . some imputed this strange carriage of nasonius to want of courage , orthers , to his defect in conduct ; but , others , without disparagement to these two qualifications , ( which they are far from denying to him ) attributed it , as the main motive to his following the faithful advice of his spouse ambitiosa , charging him not to come too near the armies of the necromancer gallieno , and to the inspiration of the arch-fiend diabolica , to be most ungrateful to those to whom he was most obliged . not long after , nasonius having staid long in one place , began to want forrage , the reason of their continuing so long in the same spot was very politick , for they were ashamed to go back , and durst not go forwards ; and therefore , out of a deep reach of wisdom , they judged it best to sit still . there was a part of the country which was very plentiful , having never yet been harrassed by the armies , which they had a months mind to be nibbling at : but they knew not how to move , lest the giant grandorsio getting light , by his familiar spirits , of their intentions , should ( as his wicked manner was ) set upon their rear , and pluck some feathers out of their tail. however , grandorsio himself , had an eye upon that commodious place ; and by his sorceries cast them into such a dead sleep , that he decamped with his army , and took possession of it , e're they so much as dream'd of any such matter : but , when he was gone , they march'd on valiantly to the place he had left , and resolved to cry quits with him , by taking the strong town of ipresburga , and it was their peculiar manner of conduct , to have oftentimes done great matters , but that something or other still hindred them : so , understanding that grandorsio was now a great way off , they with good resolution marched towards it , not doubting but 't was their own ; insomuch that letters were by way of anticipation sent into vtopia , that it was actually taken . but , so it unluckily happened , that another of king gallieno's giants , nicobelgus by name , having by sorcery , ( for they were all great conjurers in their way ) got notice of their intentions , came just in the nick , and frustrated their expectations . at this time the panym knight , misanglus who ( as was said ) had put to sea formerly to make a descent upon luyslandia , and had shamefully miscarried in his project , that they might make a shew of doing something , landed his army in inferiana : upon which , nasonius set up a firm resolution , being joyned with the forces under misanglus , to besiege , and take the famous and strong town of baldwinopolis : for this purpose he caused great cannon , bombs , and all sorts of warlike provision to be brought from mosana , overthwart brabantia , and in inferiana . this set up afresh the courages , and hearts of the nasonians ; not doubting but the wisdom and policy of their generalissimo was such , that all this formidable preparation could not be made for nothing , and made 'em cock-sure that baldwinopolis was as good as their own . but so short-sighted were their politicks , that they did not yet well know , or soberly consider the strength of the place they were to attack , nor what the enemy could do to hinder their approaches to it ; much less had they compared these ( as wise leaders ought ) with their own force . wherefore , after they had vapoured a long time and ( as it was their main policy to trump one sham-pretence after another to keep up the drooping hearts of the party ) had fill'd the easy deluded vtopians with assured hopes of such huge importance ; and that the thamopolitans had , upon that prospect , lent great sums of money . they upon second thoughts ( for otherwise they generally acted upon the first ) very fairly let the project fall easily by degrees , and only gave out , they would at least bomb it , and fire it ; but , when they came to execute even that , they found all too late ; that king gallieno had by his necromancy raised such inchanted forts in their way , that it was impossible for them to come within five miles of it ; besides they were afraid the wizard grandorsio , who lay behind 'em , would play them some legerdemain trick , if they offer'd to move far either one way or the other . whereupon , all the cannons , bombs , &c. as i● they had been brought only to muster , shewing their postures , and then as they were , remarch'd back again a long journey to strong mosana , and so the project vanish'd , to the eternal discredit of na●●nius , and the loud laughter of all sensible men , and served only ●o shew the weak poli●icks , and great fo●ly of the pro●●c●ors . a ●ertain hydropick , ( for these 〈◊〉 have a pretty kna●k at 〈◊〉 picture ) would needs 〈◊〉 n●●●nius in a motl● coat , and a ●abel out of his mouth , with this motto non potar●m , and a phryg●●n inspiring him how to c●●ch ● butter●ly , which when 〈◊〉 ●ame near , and reach'd out hi● hand 〈…〉 , it immediately 〈◊〉 away , so that all he could do was to 〈◊〉 after it . no better success had the associates in attempting to invade the country of grandosio , from which the giant of that name had his title , for they were utterly routed by the valiant giant harcourtio ; lost two thousand horse , and a great part of their foot ; and were forced to retire with much shame . in this conflict , the lyranian souldiers ( who , as was formerly said , were transported into luyslandia upon the capitulation of shannonopolis ) won much credit for their couragious behaviour , breaking down all before ' em . by which they convinced the world how slanderously the reports were , that were spread of 'em in vtopia ; for then they were not inferiour to the best of the nasonians , when well cloath'd , arm'd , and fed ; all which in great part they wanted in lyrania . it past after the same unfortunate manner , or rather much worse with the regomanian associates , needs they would ( as it had been concerted amongst 'em ) invade the territories of king gallieno on that side , and destroy alsatia : but having appointed three or four solemn drinking matches ( which out of devotion to god bacchus , they would not omit ) they had not leisure to come into the field till the campaign was almost at an end ; and when they did ( as if the fumes of the wine had not been yet well evapourated , they took such broken measures , that when they made account to pass into luyslandia , where the great giant allemano-mastix had strongly posted himself , they lost many men in attempting it , and were forced with shame and loss to retire . after which , that politick giant led 'em such dances , ad made 'em reel from one end of the rhenusia to the other , till their heads were giddy , and quite ravell'd all the designs their muddy policy had laid . in the mean time allemano-mastix waiting his opportunity , took their towns , burned , and plundered their villages , and put all the large country of wirtemania under contribution . but the campaign now drawing to an end , and the associates thinking it a great dishonour to them all , that the avow'd project of invading luyslandia should come to just nothing at all . they ( poor dull gentlemen ! ) held a consultation , as their courants tell us , for a whole day together , what they should do , and the result of it was , the besieging the castle of ebrenburga , defended by no more than three hundred of king gallieno's soldiers . mean while the politick giant allemano-mastix , having defeated their army beyond the rhenusia , and taken the duke of wirtemania prisoner , hasted to raise the siege . but assoon as this came to the ears of the improvident knight hessio , who would , contrary to the sentiments of the rest , undertake that worthy business ; away he ran as fast as he could , and yet for all his haste , there wanted but little of his being intercepted in his flight , by the vigilant allemano-mastix , which had cost him the loss of his army , and brought him prisoner to tutelia , to bear his fellow-general , the duke of wirtemania company , in their land of captivity . chap. xv. how nasonius surprized meudixia , and furnium , which were soon after retaken by the giant nicobelgus . the season of the year began to grow so severe , that souldiers could not much longer abide the field ; and scarce any thing but one disgrace upon the neck of another , had befallen nasonius , so that he thought he must now be forced to break up that years campaign , with an irreparable blast upon his reputation , upon which he was so cursedly fallen out with himself , and grown so enragedly out of humour , that he was become a plague to himself , and a torment to all that were about him . yet in this temper he at length bethought himself , and he , which never had any kindness for women , but for the promoting some wicked designs ▪ retired to the apartment of the haughty daughter of lucisero , his coneubine ambitiosa , with whom he very passionately expostulated his case , telling her , that he thought his designs to be wicked enough to have obliged her by her own inclination to assist him , though there had not been that near relation between them , and that he wondred that she and her mai●s of honour could not , or would not do him as good service against his only enemy gallieno , as they had done against his father eugenius ; she replied , that his sorrows and disgraces were also hers , and that she was as deeply affected as himself with all his misfortunes and disappointments : that she and her maids had not been wanting on their part , but the strict government , and strong spells set upon luystandia had hitherto render'd all their endeavours ineffectual ; but that she would immediately haste away to her father lucifero , the grand master of all mis-rule , and mischief , all the world over , and having co●●ulted with him , would contrive something yet , which might make for his better satisfaction before the campaign ended . upon this she immediately posted away , and he a little better comforted with her promise , lay down to try if his troubled mind could admit of , or find any ease or refreshment in a little sleep . ambitiosa somewhat nettled with her gallant 's misfortunes , made all haste to the plutonick court , where she found her father lucifero all alone , drawing up a scheme of hellish politicks , how to employ all his under-devils , and fill the world with wickedness and confusion , whom , without further ceremony , she thus rudely accosted . dread sire ! whilst you take care even of the minutest matters , relating to your infernal dominions , i wonder you should be so regardless of my gallant , and your son-in-law , nasonius , as to suffer that damn'd necromancer archimedes , to command your spirits to his assistance against him , and to blast all his designs , and undertakings ? as she woud have gone on , lucifero with a kind , but somewhat scornful smile , thus took her up . my dear daughter ! if you be such a fool as to be fallen in love , yet i pray do not take my work out of my hands , and teach lucifero to play the devil ; i throughly understand nasonius , he is as fit an instrument for my use , as the world affords ; but if i should flush him a little too much with successes , the devil himself would not be able to rule him ; and when he descends hither , and ( if for want of my spectacles i lately read right in the book of the destinies , ) his fate is not far off , he would be as ready to dethrone me his hellish father-in-law , as he hath already shamelesly in the face of the whole world done the same to his too kind earthly father-in-law . besides i am highly offended at the wrong done to you , and i wonder that you should not highly resent it , to see sodomicus more dear to him than your self ; for though sodomy be a sin of my own invention , devised on purpose to make the righteous jove with his thunder-bolts to strike down all mankind to hell , as it did provoke him to destroy whole cities by fire from heaven , yet i am not pleased to see my darling sins turned against my self , and my own dearest daughter thereby wronged : and further , you know that it is an infallible maxim in hell , that i must bring all my servants to shame ; and the more signal service they do me , so much the greater shame must they be brought to , and i assure you he shall have it , according to his deserts . but , because at present i have great occasion for him , i will give him some small encouragement ; go therefore and advise him to set upon meudixia , and furnium , and i will take care that both shall fall into his hands . ambitiosa● zeal for her gallant , upon her father's lecture , began to cool , and being somewhat weary of the open air , and desiring to refresh , and recreat her devilish nature for some time in hell , and ●lso being suspiciou● that her father had some trick , and further design in it , which she durst not then enquire after , she would not go herself , but with a low courtesy retiring , she went and called for the old mother of the witches c●am●ogna , and having given he , her errand , presently dispatched her away and immediately the old hag bestriding her broom-staff , and muttering to her self her usual charms , rode post through the air , and in the dead time of night alighted where nasonius with his army lay , and entring hi lodging room , she somewhat rudely drew his curtains ; at which , nasonius , who for grie● and vexation could not sleep , was not a little startled , fearing the devil was come to fetch him away alive ; but seeing the flaggs writhled face , and sunk eyes , he presently knew his old friend crampogna , who had done him many a kindness , and thereupon took so much courage as to ask her , what might be her business ? quoth she , i am come from the infernal court to tell you , that your design to take in some towns was not amiss , but that your mistake lay here , that you made your attempt upon places of such strength , as the shallow brains , and cow'd hearts of your souldiers were not able to cope with , you shou'd have set upon such as you were sure could not have withstood you ; for a town is a town , and if you had surprized but a pidgeon-house , we could have made as great a noise about it , as was for the taking the sometime thought impregnable , strong holds of petrana , and sambrina , and thus have ballanced your reputation : and now i have in charge from the great lucifero , to bid you go immediately , without making any noise before-hand , and set upon meudixia and furnium , and you shall not want the assistance of all the powers of hell. nasonius , whose mind was uneasy , and who was never very courtly , received her message with a kind of sullen reservedness . the hag took it somewhat hainously , that he seemed so little to regard her great pains , and so kind a message , and in an angry tone said , well! for this once thou shalt succeed in thy enterprize , but because thou serest so light by my kindness , i will give thee one small shot before i go , and therewith she suck'd in her breath , and squeezed her body , whereupon her guts fell a rumbling , and out slew a fart , that roar'd in his ears like thunder , and left such a suffocating stench behind it , that poor nasorisus , whose lungs were not very good , could not forbear coughing for above half an hour after : but sadomicus lying near , and mistaking it for cannon-shot , sprang into his dear master's room with all speed , where when he came , the witch indeed was flown , but bearing the ugly noise of a rotten cough , and smelling such a poysonous stink , he thought there was some damn'd design , and bawled out , treason , treason , as if he would have torn his throat . nasonius could not prevent him , because he could not speak for coughing , so in rushed the guards , and all within hearing , who all cursed the stink , and some swore that they were got into the devils house of office. nasonius , as ill natur'd as he was , could not forbear smiling , and as soon as he could recover his breath , said , my friends , i thank you for your care , but be not too inquisitive , all is well , and perhaps much better than you think , go to your respective posts , and take care to be ready early , for i intend to march by break of day . as for the forts , mendixia , and furnium , they were neither great nor strong ; nor had the powerful necromancer archimedes , set any spell , or charms upon them ; only in whose hands soever they were , they afforded some advantage to annoy the other , and to secure , or hinder forragers ; some thought that grandorsio did design to flight them , others said , that he kept them only as a bait for nasonius , but however it was , they were but weakly garrison'd . hither nasonius hasted with all his forces , and also with the recruits of those aids who had lost their way in a foolish project of a descent into luystandia , and upon that account had repaired to him ; it was not possible for those small , and weak places to withstand so great a force , yet at first they made a brisk defence , but finding they could not hold out , they surrender'd upon honourable terms , and marched away to grandorsio , to acquaint him with the truth of the matter , and receive his orders ; and so in a very short time , both these forts successively ●ell into the hands of nasonius , which not a little puffed him up : and whereof , news was presently sent into vtopia , where was great rejoycing ; but to secure what he had gotten , he put a very great number of souldiers therein , under the command of ginglero , who had done such feats in lyrania , and left with him store of cannon , powder , ball , and all sorts of ammunicion so that he seemed to b● furnished to withstand a potent army and now the season for the field seeming quite spent , away rode . nas●nius in triumph to hol●o , where under colour of hunting , he met with his confiden●s , and the choicest of the heads of the hydra , who all laid their noddles together , and set their wits on the tenters , in contriving how to s●ueeze the stupid , infatuated vtopians , and d●aining away their coin , to leave them as pennyless as witless . but now behold an unexpected turn , which altered the whole scene of affairs ; for when all thought the campaign for that year was ended , and while they were rejoycing in vtopia , and consulting , or hunting at holoo , the fierce and restless giant nicobelgus , having received private orders all on a sudden , like lightning comes with a strong army of mad , fiery sparks , and demands restitution of both the forts , meudixia and furnium , alledging that they were only lent to make a jest on , and as he could take them again when he would , so to prove the truth of what he said , he would have them now . ginglero trusting in his forces , ammunition , and provision , gave big words at first , and dared him to do his worst : but nicobelgus , besides his resolute army , had certain enchanted engines , which were sent to him by the famous necromancer archimedes , wherewith he sorely annoyed the forts , and the defendants ; but above all , the conjurer had sent him certain iron balls , wherein , by his magick art he had enclosed a great number of active , malicious spirits , which being thrown into the air , made dreadful sights , and would also without ceasing , spit down fire directly into the faces of the besieged , so that none were able to endure them . ginglero , and his forces being affrighted , and unable to withstand such unusual assaults , yielded up both the forts to the fierce giant nicobelgus , leaving behind them all their cannon , ammunition , and provisions , to the great dishonour and damage of nasonius , and the associates : and thus in a short time all their glories were fullied , and their joy turned into mourning , so little assurance is there in the enjoyment of any humane affairs . chap. xvi . how nasonius returning to inferiana , kept himself and his army in an enchanted circle , and what means the giant grandorsio used to get him out ; and how he discomfited his host. after so many shameful miscarriages , nasonius , though impudent enough , could scarce set on a face to return to vtopia ; but go he must , for there the goddess mammoneta had a great hoard , wherein lay his self , and his hopes , and indeed thence only could he hope for supplies to support both himself , and his drooping associates ; but having sent fatuitosa before , she so play'd her part among the besotted vtopians , that at his coming over , they received him with joyful acclamations , never regarding , or talking of their losses , but expessing all thankfullness , that the person of their idol had escaped ; and as a testimony of their joy , and their true love to mischief and rebellion , quickly furnished him both with men , and money , in a more prodigal manner than formerly . nasonius , thus plentifully provided , could scarce have patience to wait for the spring , but hasted away to inferiana , that , if possible , he might take the field before the enemy ; and being come thither , he presently got together both his , and the associates forces ; but when he considered what an enemy he had to do with , his heart smote him : for , his enemy grandorsio was not only valiant , but naturally crafty , and of the greatest experience of all the giants , which fought in the quarrel of the mighty gallieno . this made our knight stagger in all his resolutions , and therefore that he might come to some issue , he retired into a certain deep hollow vault , where crampogna had obliged herself to give him the mee●ing at any time , upon the use of a certain call , consisting of some odd , uncouth , necromantick words , which she had taught him . when nasonius had repeated his beadroll , the witch was forced to appear , but she seemed to come in no very good humour , and our knight remmembring the affront he had before put upon her , now set himself all he could to light a candle to the devil , and to entertain her with the utmost courtship of a froglander ; and thus he began . my dearest crampogna , i hope you can pardon a thoughtful man , who did not entertain you and your last message in such manner as i ought ; it was the trouble of my mind , which diverted my thoughts , not any want of respect to you , whom i highly honour , and next to lucifero adore . forgive my neglect , and be the same kind crampogna to me as formerly . i have a bold , and cunning . enemy to deal with , but i have a gallant army , advise me what to do . the witch poutingly replied , you know you are much better at shiting than fighting , and if you had taken the course , by all manner of lies , and slanders , to beshite your enemies , it would have stood you in more stead , and done them more disgrace than ever you are like to do by drawing your sword ; but something you must do with all these forces , and that you may be sensible that i am more kind than you deserve , i will give you such advice , that if you be quick in pursuance of it , it will put grandorsio into such a rage , that he will go near to endanger his whole army ; but be sure you warp not from it , for if you do , mischief will befall you . at this his heart leapt for joy , and with a thousand thanks he could not forbear embracing the ugly hag , who put a stop to his courtship , by thus proceeding in her discouse . there is ( quoth she ) a certain place yclepied vivaria , by nature strong , but still more strong , by reason of certain charms laid upon it by the conjurer archimedes , which are still in force . thither go and encamp and i will use all my arts further to secure you , so that grandorsio shall not attempt any thing upon you , but to his damage , but be sure to keep you there . as nasonius was about to make his compliment , he heard a rumbling noise , and therewith came so violent a wind , as made the vault shake , and the earth tremble under him , and while he stood agast , expecting the issue , the witch insensibly slipt away and left him alone . as soon as nasonius came to himself , he made haste away to his army , and marched directly to vivaria , and there , according to the old haggs advice , encamp'd , which when grandorsio heard , it put him into a strange fit of passion , for he designed to have encamped there himself . but , assoon as he could get his forces together , away he led them to vivaria , intending by any means to set upon nasonius ; but though his rage was great , and his arts many , yet so strong were the enchantments , which guarded the place , that he could by no means come at him , or do any harm to his souldiers , but if he approached too near , received harm to himself . by chance , a certain spirit gave notice of all this to the necromancer archimedes , who was not a little concerned for his old friend , and acquaintance grandorsio , and to prevent the danger , if not too late , he immediately dispatched away to him a certain mercurial devil , who always attended him , hight mephostophilo , who in a trice flying though the air , came to grandorsio , meditating a rash attempt , and deliver'd him the following letter from the conjurer . great sir , in vain shall you attempt any thing against nasonius at vivaria ; and if you do , you will come off with shame and dishonour : for there are certain of my own spells upon that place , which , it is not in my power to undo ; besides , all the arts and helps that magick affords , are made ●use of at present for the security of the place by others ; but , if by any arts ( in which ● need not instruct you ) you can draw him out from thence , you may defeat him , which is the hearty desire of sir , your most humble servant , archimedes . upon receipt of this letter , grandorsio altered all his measures , and having dispatched away mephostophilo with ( as is said ) a very kind answer ( for the letter is unfortunately lost ) he gave up all thoughts of setting upon vivaria , and set all his wits on work how he might draw him and his army out of that unapproachable place . to this end he considered that there was a certain place called episcopatum , which was of great consequence , though not very strong ; thitherwards grandorsio marched with his whole army , making a feint , as if he would besiege it ; at this the associates were all alarm'd , and nasonius to prevent the danger , sent a considerable body of men from his camp , who marching another way , got into the town to secure it . and now nasonius thinking all things safe , and wanting provisions , sent a strong detachment under the command of signieur cabbagio , who marched many miles , with commission to steal turnips , and roots , ( and a few sheep , and oxen if they could get them ) for sauce . grandorsio being aware that he had weakened his army with two such considerable detatchments , now sent away in good earnest a brisk under-giant hight villerio to besiege huana , whilst he himself lay in wait to set upon nasonius , if he should offer to march forth to the relief of it . this huana , though no great town , was of some strength , but the more considerable , for that the taking of it would leave episcopatum naked , and open the passage to the last barrier of the hydropick country , which so affrighted the heads of the hydra , that they plied hard with all the associates , and all with one consent pressed nasonius not to suffer a place of such consequence to be ravished from them . thus being overcome with their complaints , and clamours , he rashly forsook his impregnable , inchanted camp , at vivaria , and marched with all the forces he had to relieve huana , which was just the very thing grandorsio hoped , and wished for : but , whilst he , and his heartless forces made their slow marches , villiero followed his business so close , that he became master of huana , before nasonius drew near it , and sent his spare forces to reinforce grandorsio ; the tidings of this being brought to nasonius , his countenance changd , and his heart so fail'd him , that stout rubbing , and the help of the brandy-bottle , were scarce able to keep him from fainting away , but being somewhat come to himself , he gave orders to march immediately back again to his enchanted camp at vivoria . but when he heard that grandorsio had posted himself in his way , so that he could not return thither , without hazarding himself , and his whole army , he bitterly curs●d those who had perswaded him to leave that place of safety ; and himself , for not following the witches counsel ; and all his counsellours , who had advised to the making so great a detachment , to the weakning of his army ; though some say , that none gave such counsel , but that it was purely his own silly contrivance , and that none ought to share with him in the glory of it : all these things concurring with his further fears , put him into such a vehement passion , that scarce any durst , or car'd to come near him , and that working violently downwards , it so strongly perfumed his tent , that when it was afterwards taken by grandorsio , the peculiar scent thereof , presently discover'd to whom it belong'd . but to make what amends he could , for this fatal error , he chose a place the most like to vivaria , as in such a streight he could find , and caused his pioneers to fall to work , and called on all his devils , witches , and conjurers , to set their spells , and charms , whilst he with a select party rode out , to discover which way grandorsio was bent ; but grandorsio , who knew that the pioneers , and conjurers would quickly so guard the place , as to be a mighty annoyance to him , was coming in all haste to prevent it ; which , when nasonius perceived , he turned his horse-head , set spurrs to his sides , and rode faster than ever did any man for a wager , and would have thought pegasus too slow , had he been under him , and before he , and his swift followers could well reach the camp , they all bawled out , like so many strenters , the enemy comes , the enemy comes , to arms. to arms. grado●sio was to lose no time , both to prevent intrenchments , and re-inforcements , and accordingly strait drew up his forces against nasonius , and now both armies faced each other , and the generals encouraged their men ; grandorsio told them of the glories they had won , and the experience they had had of their foe , nor did he stick to tell them of the danger , and difficulty of assaulting an enemy in his camp , but then he spurred them on to it , by shewing the immortal honour of overcoming it , as also the necessity of doing it now , while the enemy's army was weakened by so great detachments sent away . nasnius had no great victories to boast of , and was unwilling to tell his souldiers , that it was his guise always to run away ; but he shewed them their advantage of ground , and told them what unparallel'd glory they should get , if they could now overcome that enemy , which they never could before ; and though the whole course of his life was in a manner one continued husting humour , yet now he was quite another man , nand promised golden mountains to them that did bravely , and even with prayers and tears besought them to fight , whilst he , as became a prdent general , retired to a place of safety , from whence , upon occasion he might give orders , or send recruits . he could scarce slip away from danger before the luislanders came on with fury , but were so stoutly received by the vtopian , iberian , and regomanian forces , who had the advantage of ground , and resolutely maintain'd it , that the field was covered with the dead bodies of the luyslanders , and for several hours it was doubtful , which way the honour of the day would go ; but grandorsio still sending fresh and plentiful supplies , and nasonius not taking sufficient care to relieve his wearied men , the luyslanders began to break into the camp. the hydropicks all this while , instead of assisting their associates , had kept themselves together in a safe place , wisely leauing fools to fighting , and now like crows , who 't is said , smell powder at a distance , apprehending danger to come on , they thought it was their time to be gone , and accordingly away they went , making the best of their way . nasonius endeavour'd to perswade them to stay , but they thanked him kindly , and told him , that they thought it greater wisdom to provide for their own safety , whilst the armies continued fighting , and secured their retreat , than to take his counsel , and stay to have their brains knocked out . nasonius , who was always careful to avoid danger , and lov'd fighting as little as themselves , ( though it was necessary he should sometimes make a bluster , and shew ) that they should not be judg'd wiser than he , without taking any care , or leaving any orders , for his army , immediately fled away as fast as the best of them , and never made stop or stay , till he had rode twelve leagues , and passed two rivers , and then dark night putting a stop to his carrier , he put into a barn , and cover'd himself all over head and ears in straw , setting a watch to observe if any of the enemy came after him . the noble duke of bawwawia maintained the fight after this for about the space of two hours , till a loyal subjet of the injured eugenius , for his master's sake then in the service of the mighty gallieno , the valiant lyranian lucanio , with his horse , broke in like lightning upon the enemy , seized all their cannon , and turned it against them , and trampled under foot , or cut down all before them . and now all the associate forces could do , was to shift the best for themselves they could ; but the duke of bawwawia causing a bridge to be broken down to hinder the pursuit of the victorious enemy , it prov'd fatal to a great part of his forces , for thousands were slain like sheep by the river side , and such as attempted to get over , not being able to climb the high banks , were drown'd , till the vast number of dead bodies making a firm bridge , afforded a way for the poor remainder to run over , and save themselves . in this battle many great persons of the associates were made prisoners , and many brave persons slain on both sides , amongst whom , none is to be more lamented than the gallant lucanio , who , after his wonted generosity , neglecting himself to take care of the prisoners , and wounded of the enemy , his own wounds ranckled , and killed him . the luyslanders lost many at the beginning of the fight , but in all , first and last , not so many by two thirds as the associates , whose army was wholly broken , and had been totally and i●reparably lost , but that the long fatigue which the luyslanders had undergone , disabled them from a through pursuit , and make them willing to give off , and enjoy their victory . however , what remained of the associate army , was so dispersed all manner of ways , that it was some weeks before nasonius could by any shifts get so many together as might seem to counterfeit any thing like an army . but , while he lay thus troubled with the grumbling of the gizzon , and conjuring up all the devils of hell to assist him for his revenge , gallieno , with the lady victoria , were singing divine hymns of thanks to the caelestial powers , and great entertainments were made at tutelia , and over all luyslandia great demonstrations of joy were every where solemnly expressed for so signal a victory . chap. xvii . how the green-headed knight , sabaudiero , attempted to take pineria , and how the giant sabaudocrato came upon him , betwixt whom there was a bloody fight , in which sabaudiero , and his forces were overthrown . let us for a while leave nasonius , picking up his scatter'd forces , and revolving ten thousand projects , in his brain , how to do nothing , and see what better fortune the associates met with elsewhere : youth is forward , rash , and greedy of glory , and in montania their forces were thought to be much the stronger , not only as having the advantage in number , but also , as consisting for the most part of stout , and well-disciplin'd men ; this pricked on sabaudiero to do something , both for his glory , and in revenge of his losses ; and after a serious consultation , where there was scarce one wise head among them , and that least set by , it was resolved to besiege pineria , a town strong , and of great consequence . and now without delay their forces were drawn about it ; but the great necromancer , archimedes , had been there before , and raised certain small magical forts , which so guarded pineria , that till one , or more of them were taken , they could not come at it without running a desperate hazard : and therefore that they might seem to act like wise men , they resolved in the first place to attack the fort called pontilla , which they did with great fury , and renewed f●om time to time with great resolution ; but on the other hand , the fort was as bravely defended by some select men put therein , there was nothing of valour or industry wanting on either side , there were mines against mines , charms against charms , ( for in those strong countries they are all addicted to necromancy ) and vehement assaulting , and as stout repulsing : but in the end , their charms being countercharm'd , the fort wofully batter'd , and they over-power'd with numbers , they found they could no longer maintain it , and yet resolved so to quit it , that it should do the enemy no good , nor they suffer the least in their honour and reputation . and accordingly they secretly convey all their cannon , ammunition , and provision into pineria , and then they had but one trick to try more , and that was a certain spell , or charm left them by the famous necromancer archimedes , with this strict charge , that they shoul never use it but in their last neccessity ; and this they thought the time , now the fort was no longer tenable ; and therefore they set it on work , when presently all the fortification fell a heaving , and suddenly flew up into the air and vanished , whilst the besieged under coverture of the cloud , safely retired to pinera , to re-inforce that place , and desend it against the threatning danger . sabaudiero was somewhat surprized with the novelty of the thing as having not often seen such conjuring tricks , but withal , proud that he had conquer'd such a devilish place , he swore he would now have pineria , or make it fly away after pontilla . they made themselves cock-sure of the place ; for they took it for granted , that sabaudocrato had not sufficient forces , and consequently that he durst not adventure to relieve it . the noise of this siege slew abroad into all countries , and the associates mightily comforted themselves , that some considerable feats would be done on their part , which they hoped would force gallieno to recal many of his forces out of inferiana , by which means they might become an equal , if not an over-match for those which should be left . but the foolish vtopians were so taken and besotted with this small prank , that therewith they more than balanced all their losses in inferiiana , and elsewhere , and conffdently reported pineria to be taken , before any direct assault was made upon it ; and these whimsies , and conceits , working in their giddy brains , they magnified the rash youncker subaudiero , as if orlando furioso , or garagantua had been meer weaklings , and pygmies to him . all this time the wily giant sabaudecrato lay lurking up and down in secret and safe retreats , as well to conceal , and augment the number of his army , as to give encouragement to the unadvised associates , to fatigue , and breake their forces against a strong and resolute garrison ; but he no sooner had tidings that pine●ia was really in danger , but he fliely fell down to the relief of it , before they were well aware . his unexpected coming , somewhat allarmed them all , and various were their opinions of it ; some concluded him rash and unadvised , who had been hitherto thought cunning ; some said he was a crafty fellow , and that they ought to beware of him , but these were despised , and branded as cowards ; some said it was only a sham , or bravado , and that he would as quickly be gone again ; but a counsel of war being called , after a short debate ( they never making the least question of their superiority in number , and force , nor staying for any intelligence to know how strong he was ) it was unanimously resolved to break up the seige for the present , and go to meet him , concluding , that if they could fight him , and beat him out of the field , then the garrisons , and strong holds having no hopes of relief , would more easily submit to them : but in the mean time they never thought what the danger might be on their part , in case they were beaten , for they would not spoil their fine thoughts with such a melancholly conceit . the associates drunk with assurance of victory , if they could but find their enemy , march'd away with all the briskness and jollity imaginable ; but far they had not gone , when contrary to their expectation he appeared in sight ; for he was as ready for them , as they for him : and now they too late perceived their errour , for they might plainly see that he was equal , if not superiour to them in number of men : but however , their souldiers being well disciplin'd , and of late somewhat flushed , and eager , they presumed of the advantage in the stoutness and valour of their men , and therefore resolved to give battle ; nor did sabaudocrato at all decline it . both sides seeming thus eagerly bent upon it , the generals drew up their forces in battle-array , in a large plain , where all advantages for ground , numbers , and all other matters ( except brains ) were so equal on both sides , that there was likely to be as fair a tryal of skill , as had been known in many ages . the on set was fierce on both sides and for sometime it seem'd doubtful , which way the victory would incline : after some time the left wing of sobaudocrato made the right wing of sabaudiero , where the altianians were , to give way : but to make amends for that , the left wing of sabaudiero , where the iberians , and regomanian were , made the right wing of sabaudocrato to go back in some disorder , so that still there seem'd to be no great odds ; but sabaudocrato wisely foreseeing the danger , and knowing where his battle was weakest , had so posted the good knight prioro , that he might in time of need come to their succour , which he did just in the nick of time , and thus re-inforcing , and rallying them again , the ibe●ians and regomanians were slaughtered in great numbers , and being overpower'd , were forced to retreat , and sabaudiero not succouring his left wing , it was utterly routed , and now they were no longer able to stand , the best men retired in as good order as they could , but the greatest part of hi● forces lay at the mercy of the luyslanders , who in their fury made mortal havock of them ; which sabaudiero beholding , in compa●●●● 〈◊〉 prevailed with sicamber , a valiant , but wicked knight , the 〈…〉 old refugio , to try if he could bring them off , which , with a strong detachment of horse he attempted , and covered the retreat of many , but in the action was himself mortally wounded , and within a few days died . so short an enjoyment had he of the fruits of his own , and his father's treachery . the forces of sabaudiero thus utterly broken , he durst no more appear in the field , but put what were left into his garrisons to strengthen them , in hope they might hold out , winter now drawing on ; then fled out of his dominions for safety of his life , and to sollicite the associate princes to supply him with fresh succours . chap. xviii . how the great giant allemano mastix took the goodly city necariana , and how the giant grandorsio took the strong enchanted fort called caroloregium , and what measures and resolutions the associates and nasonius took thereupon . this disaster which happened to sabaudiero , was upon many accounts very grievous and prejudicial to all the associates ; for it was a strange blow to their reputation , and people in all places made it their sport , and cast out bitter scoffs against them , that those who had so boasted of their strength in montania , and told the world how sure they were of victory , should be so miserably beaten by those whom they despised ; but which was worse , they were forced to sit still , and look on , while the enemy in all places ravaged and spoiled , and did what he list ; for they were not able to bring any army into the field to face an enemy , unless a small force upon the great river , rhenusia , from whom they themselves did expect little good , and they were not a little afraid that sabaudiero would clap up a peace with gallieno , the way to which seem'd the less difficult , by reason of the near relation between them , and the inclinations gallieno had always shewn towards it ; and that would utterly break all their measures , and make their bad condition desperate . but still to increase their sorrow and shame , misfortunes and further losses attended them in all places ; the great allemano-mastix , had been a sore scourge to them upon the flood rhenusia ; but to encounter , and ( if possible ) drive him away , they had sent the puissant knight rabadenero , who was a villanous fighting fellow , and had done wonders against the half-moon ; but he finding that the scene was alter'd , when he came against the brave luyslander , posted himself securely , and would by no means be drawn to sight , for which , many commend his wisdom ( of which he had scarce ever before given any testimony ) for that he was inferiour in number , and had to do with equally disciplin'd men , allemano-mastix , covetous of glory , had an aching tooth to try what this mighty man at arms could do , and would sometimes make him fair offers , sometimes ravage his country before his face , and was always by one means or other provoking , or tempting him to battle , but rabadenero would by no means be drawn to run the hazard . whilst the eager luyslander was working his brains to compass his design , it came into his head that there was a fair city hight necariana , dedicated to the god bacchus , which god , the regomanians adore above all others , for that he was both a stout fighter , and a good-fellow ; in this city the bacchanalia , or feasts of their beloved god were kept , in which there was no great store victuals , but a world of drink ; and to that end and purpose , a vast vessel was made , or rather built , at the publick charge , which might contain wine enough to serve all the comers to the feast , from all quarters ; this vessel was in all those parts known by the name of decumandolium necarianum ; and upon the front , or head thereof , was written in letters of gold , this motto , ex lvxet pocvla sacra for this , or the like reason , i suppose , that when they were mellow with their festival cups , their dull souls were enlightned , or their eyes saw double , which they took to be a great advantage , and therefore hated sobriety , because it always bereav'd them of half the goods they had , or which at least they thought they had , whilst their brains swam in liquor . allemano-mastix concluded with himself , that they would never suffer this sacred place , and the consecrated vessel to be taken , but would rather fight it desperately at any disadvantage ; and therefore to draw them to a battle ( for otherwise he valued not the place ) he went and besieged necariana , giving out , that if he took it , he would break the decumandolium all to pieces , so that they should not be able to celebrate the feast of their darling god bacchus . the noise of this siege presently slew through all regomania , and all persons were mightily concerned for their holy city , and impatiently urged rabadenero to relieve it ; but he knowing his own want of forces , and with whom he had to do , could not be prevail'd on ; but that he might let them see it was not his fault , he earnestly sollicited all parties concern'd , for supplies , but they came so slowly , that it had been to as much purpose , if they had not come at all ; for a great part of the inhabitants fled away at first , carrying their riches along with them , and though many stayed , and a great number of souldiers were put in to defend it , yet they drank so plentifully of the sacred liquor , out of the mighty vessel , that they had little mind to defend their works , but easily quitted them upon every attempt and in the end , suffer'd the city to be taken by storm , making either none , or a very mean defence , whereupon , the luyslanders committed great slaughter , ( as is always done , where a place is taken by assault ) got great riches , and broke the huge vessel , profanly letting all the sacred liquor run about ; there were some few who fled into the castle , but being threatned with an assault , they submitted upon easy terms , and thus allemano-mastix became wholly master of the place , to dispose of at his pleasure . the regomanians were enrag'd at the taking their holy city , and the affront offer'd to the god bacchus ; and rabadenero being now reinforc'd with his late supplies , resolv'd to give battle to allemano mastix , to revenge this injury . but he led them a wild-goose chase , while they followed stamping , and swearing , and knew not where to find ; and yet durst not march very fast , lest they should fall into some of his ambuscades , and so make the matter still worse , for they were as afraid of his craft , as they were of his valour ; and thus both parties standing on their guard , and seeking their advantage , they were both too wary to do any thing further ; and therefore we will now leave them playing at bo-peep , and return to great giant grandorsio . while matters stood thus with the associates , and their heads and hearts were full of troubles , the restless giant grandorsio was contriving how he might further distress , and vex them ; and vvell remembring that he had been much annoyed by a strong enchanted fort , called caroloregium he thought this his time to be revenged of it , and well knowing that none now durst appear to interrupt him , or were able to hinder his design , he marched thither , and sat down before it . the nevvs of this bold attempt made the associates at their wits end , and though they could do nothing , yet to set as good a face on the matter as might be , they met to consult what to do ; nasonius , who was always forward , and though bashful in the face of an enemy , yet bold as any whatsoever , when they were far enough off , made this proposal , that he might gather together all the scattered forces , and drain all that could be spared out of garrisons , and go and raise the siege : they replied , that they were not at present , able to bring such a considerable force into the field , as might venture to encounter grandorsio , and a miscarriage in the attempt might be the loss of their other garrisons . nosonius insisted upon it as his priviledge and prerogative , that no town ought to be taken , but that he with an army ought to stand , and look on , or at least be within hearing . answer was made , that he had forfeited that priviledge , by not being present at the taking of huana , when he had an army , and might have been there , and looked on his belly full , if he durst . great wrangling there was , and many things were argued to and fro , but in the end it was very gravely concluded , that it was not safe for them to attempt any thing , but they would trust to the strength of the place , and leave grandorsio to do what he could , whom in the bitterness of their soul , they bloodily cursed , whilst he , like the fox , fared the better for it . caroloregium , was a place strong , both by nature and art , it seemed to be dedicated to mars , as thriving best in the time of war , and having few inhabitants besides souldiers ; it was not easily to be approached , as being scituate at the meeting of two rivers ; and in the open part , in a great measure guarded by a wonderful enchanted pond , or lake ; many mighty spells had been formerly set upon it by the great necromancer , archimedes , and the haughty don ibero formalitoso , setting no small value upon it , had put in the choicest of his souldiers to defend it , and commanded all his conjurers to use their utmost skill to strengthen it against all attacks , so that by many it was thought impregnable : but all this could not discourage the hardy and daring grandorsio from his undertaking ; yet in pursuing his design , he met with many difficulties , and was longer held in play , than some , who thought themselves wise , layed wagers he would . when his men drew near the lake , strange and terrible flashes of fire would rise out of the water , and lamentably scorch and burn them , when they endeavoured to fill it up with billets , either the flashing fires in a moment consumed them , or the lake swallowed them up , so that they thought it had no bottom . grandorsio being thus at a loss , sent to his old friend , that devil of a conjurer , archimedes , who , by the messenger , sent him this answer , that he should mind his batteries , and his bombs , but not trouble himself about the lake , nor any way concern himself as to it , for he would take care of that in a very short time , to his satisfaction , that he should be able to walk over it dry-shod . having received this answer , he bestowed no more pains that way , but with his batteries and his bombs , so plied the town , that he scarce gave the besieged any rest ; and on the other hand , they were not wanting to themselves , but returned cannon for cannon , and with continual firing , gaul'd , or cut off the approaching men , and as opportunity served , made sudden sallies and destroyed the works , as well as persons of the the besiegers . grandorsio seeing their resolution , and knowing that none could appear in the field to disturb him , made slower approaches , and with greater safety to preserve his men : but in the end , with his flying fireballs , he so burnt the town , that it was little but a heap of ruines , and the besieged were forced to secure themselves by retiring into certain enchanted cells , made by magick art , adjoining to their walls and fortifications ; and to their farther grief , the roaring cannon had frighted a part of their wall , so that there appeared a breach , whereat several souldiers at a time might enter . while grandorsio was about this work , the conjurer archimedes was not idle , or forgetful of his promise , for being one of general acquaintance , and having dealings with all sorts of devils , he employed certain subterranean spirits , who made such cavities and conveyances under ground , that suddenly , to the amazement both of besiged , and besiegers , the pond or lake appeared dry . nevertheless , the besieg'd still seem'd obstinate , and all their charms and conjurations did not yet fail them ; for violent flashes of lightning , and certain fiery spirits seemed to guard the breach , that none could enter ; but in the end , their breaches being daily made wider , the way to them laid plain and open , and there being no hopes of relief , they capitulated , to whom , grandorsio granted very honourable conditions , which being accepted , and sign'd on both sides , they marched forth , carrying the unwelcome news to the duke of bawwawia , and the rest of the associates , and grandorsio put in what forces he thought fit , employing many to remove the ruins , rebuild the destroyed habitations , and repair all damage done to the fortifications , in which work he sent to archimedes for his direction and assistance , so that in a short time he made it stronger than it was before . it is to be observed , that , contrary to the relation of all histories , and all countries known to us , that the giants in these countries generally beat the knights , and that the giants are courteous , sweet-humour'd , and chearfully undertake the protection and relief of wronged ladies , and all distressed persons , but the knights , except some few , are proud , surly , injurious , and set upon mischief . such difference is there in the unknown parts of the world from the known . but to return to our business , it is doubtful whether the taking this strong-hold caused greater joy in tutelia , or grief of heart at sennopolis . the associates having gotten nothing all this campaign , but shame and confusion , hung their heads , and knew not how to look on each other ; their only comfort was , that the season of the year for action being past , grandorsio had dispersed his forces into their winter-quarters , and was gone to the mighty gallieno , to give him an account of all transactions , and consult what was to be done for the future ; whereupon , the associates met at sennopolis , and held serious consultation how they might repair their broken fortunes . some said , that their moneys were spent , their souldiers slain , their towns taken , and that if sabaudiero made a peace , they were all undone , and that therefore it behoved them to take care of themselves : at this nasonius rose up in a rage , asking if they intended to betray him , who had fed them with such sums of money as they had never before seen , and urged their promises , and solemn oaths , that no peace should be made without his consent . it was replied , that he himself upon occasion , never stood upon such formalities , and therefore it was unreasonable for him to press any such thing upon them , unless he could produce his charter of priviledge , that he alone was not to be bound by any promises or oaths . nasonius smelt that their design was to get more money , and therefore in a calmer stile , answered thus : that it would be an eternal shame to give over thus , that there was no want of men , which they could raise abundantly , and that he had made so many beggars in vtopia , that he did not question , but that in a short time he should out of them raise a formidable army , and that if money was wanting , they should be supplied to their hearts desire , for vtopia was not yet above half drained , and he was resolved not to leave one penny in the kingdom , rather than any associate should want ; and that at present to secure sabaudiero , he would send him more money than his barren dukedom ever afforded him , and make him think himself the richer for his loss . at these golden promises they began all to prick up their ears , and talk complyingly ; and so , some pittance at present being distributed among them , and an agreement made , what share he would afford to every one , they came to a resolution , that they would all raise more than their former quota's , and try their fortune● the next year with greater forces and courage than ever . nasonius could scarce sleep for thinking what large promises he had made , which it was not possible he should perform , unless he could most shamefully gull the vtopians out of their money , of which he was somewhat doubtful at this time , because by reason of his great losses , and ill conduct , he must return to them under some kind of disgrace but that he might consult what to do , he repaired to holoo , where he found his damn'd mistress , ambitiosa , newly returned from the revels at the plutonick court. to her he made a long and lamentable complaint of his misfortunes , expostulating with her , why she had deserted him at such time ; as he most needed her advice and assistance . quoth she , there are certain laws of hell ( unknown to you ) which indispensably required my presence there ; but withal , she told him , that his misfortunes befel him through his own rashness , and inconsiderateness , in that he had not followed her counsel ; but ( said she ) if you will yet follow my advice , i will do all i can for you . this somewhat cheared his spirits , and after a seeming passionate salute , he intreated her to open her mind . she bade him to make haste to vtopia , without any the least fear : for said she , i have sent before you , fictitiosa , and fatuitosa , and before you can possibly get thither , the one will have framed so many lies in your behalf , and the other made them believed , that when you come , you shall be received with ringing of bells , roaring of cannons , making of bonfires , and all the windows of their houses set with glaring farthing candles , as if they were all in a flame , so that you shall return in such a triumph , as the most famous greeks or romans never knew or heard of . but when you come thither , above all take care to caress the bethlehmites of dom. com. give them offices , places of profit , large pensions , larger promises , stick at nothing : i have prevailed with mammoneta and fatuitosa so to bewitch them , that they shall not only afford you supplies beyond your expectation , but contrive such tricks , and find out such ways and means , as shall make all the moneys in the kingdom run into your exchequer . nasonius overjoy'd with these promises and prognosticks , after a plentiful return of thanks , in the kindest expressions his sowr nature could squeeze forth , took his formal leave , earnestly begging that she would not be long after him , to advise and assist him in any difficulties , that might arise , and then in all haste departed for vtopia , to put her advice in practice . what is to ensue , history cannot at present inform us , it belonging to astrology , or rather , it being wrapt up in the shady leaves of destiny . to prejudge of which ( leaving the foppish almanack-makers to fool weak people with their silly predictions from the stars ) we may frame a more solid prognostick from the immense riches , vast power , and highest wisdom of king gallieno : the former of which can never be exhausted by the wars , whilst the multitudes of ships he has taken from the vtopians , ( reckoned to be above two thousand five hundred , since the war began ; and perhaps near as many from the hydra , and the great contributions he raises upon his enemies countries ) bring him in such huge supplies , besides his own vast revenues . secondly , from his power , which encreases daily , he having raised for the next year , upwards of sixty thousand souldiers , besides recruits , and knowing how to use the victories he still obtains , as well as how to get them . and lastly , from his wisdom which lays all his designs in the best methods , out of a true and exact a knowledge of all that his enemies can do ; his intelligence of what they aim at , and his proportioning the causes , he lays to the effects he intends , in comparison of which ; the best policy of the associates is meerly childishness : every man of good sence , being able to discern that their projects are laid in no steady tennent and carried on disorderly and distractedly ; as if they proceeded from men meerly awaked out of their sleep , or half frighted out of their wits by the surprizes he gives them . this high wisdom i say , is that , which ( being peculiar to himself ) gives a dazling lustre and glory to all his designs , and entitles him to the ●rotection and assistance of divine provid●n●e . nullum numen abest si sit prudentia . whole heaven does for success engage , when soveraign prudence war does wage . finis postscript . before the devastations made by these bloody wars , the places where these things appeared were generally very rich , and plentifully stored with all manner of commodities , but the merchant , who for his gain : had a long time traded in these unknown , unheard of parts , during these convulsions , had undergone no little trouble , and sustained great losses , and now by some means coming to the knowledge of these future counsels and revolutions , weary of these continual dangers , and ●earing the storm , gathered together all his effects he could , and embarqu'd for england , his own country , where he lately arrived , and now resides in london ; his name is mr. non-such , a courteous , and affable person , and very free and open ●n his discourse : he dwells at the sign of the ●●ico●ns-horns , in the oudemi●n-st●eet , whither if any please to repair , they may have from him a very large and satisfactory account of these strange countries and actions ; but he hath told so no of his friends , that he left a greater share of his effects behind him , than he is willing to loose , and therefore intends speedily to adventure one voyage more , and if it please the fates , that he return in safety , he shall then be able to give a further , if not a full ●ccount of all the strange revolutions , hellish contrivances , cruel wars , and infinite convulsions , which have now almost wasted those goodly forreign nations so little known in these parts of the world. the reader is desired to correct with his pen the following errata's , which among others less considerable , slipt in the press . page 3. line 1 , for the throw read be thrown . p. 5. l. penul for which , r. such . p. 11. l. 22. after to , insert go . p. 12. l. 7. for gentlewoman , r. gentleman p. 17. l. 6. for trickss , r. tricks . p. 26. l. 1. r. proboscis . p , 28. l. 31. for willy , r. wilie . p. 30. l. 74. for i , r. in . p. 34. for would , r. should . p. 37. l. 19. dele ( and put it in the beginning of l. 20. ib. p. 39. l. 5. for send , r. go . p. 42. l. 28. dele eugenius . p. 46. l. 18. for as'd , r. ask'd . ib. l. antepenult . for them , r. them . p. 47. for grendosio , r. grandorsio . p. 18. l. 27. for places , r place . p. 51. l. 4. for bordeering , r. bordering . ib. l. 5. for form●litosa r. formalitoso . p. 54. l. 21. for fambriua , r. sambrina . p. 56. l. 15. for , yet as ; r. as yet . p. 61. l. 32. after with , insert in contents of chap. 14. for dunkirkia , read balwinopolis . p. 72. l. penul . for self , r. heart . p. 76. l. 21. for stenters , r. stentors . the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france and their apology to the late ordinances made against them : both out of the edict of nantes, and several other fundamental laws of france : and that these new illegalities, and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power / gathered and digested by e. e. of greys inn ... ; humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament. everard, edmund. 1681 approx. 388 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38821 wing e3529 estc r8721 13534067 ocm 13534067 100016 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38821) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100016) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 453:24) the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france and their apology to the late ordinances made against them : both out of the edict of nantes, and several other fundamental laws of france : and that these new illegalities, and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power / gathered and digested by e. e. of greys inn ... ; humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament. everard, edmund. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) france. edit de nantes. [4], 82 p. printed by e. t. and r. h. for t. cockeril ... and r. hartford ..., london : 1681. "the epistle dedicatory" signed: edmond everard. contains the edict of nantes granted by henry iv of france and two declarations of louis xiv. "the second declaration of the same second day of april, 1666, entitled against the relapsed and blasphemers": pp. 72-82. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large 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subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -edit de nantes. protestants -france. france -history -henry iv, 1589-1610. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france . and their apology to the late ordinances made against them ; both out of the edict of nantes , and several other fundamental laws of france ; and that these new illegalities , and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power . gathered and digested by e. e. of grays-inn , sometime under-secretary to the french king. humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament . london , printed by e. t. and r. h. for t. cockeril at the three legs over against the stocks-market ; and r. hartford at the angel in cornhil , near the royal exchange . 1681. to the king in parliament . great sir , it is for the amplyfying of your name and dignity , for the patronizing and securing of true religion at home and abroad , and in special gratitude to my masters in the faith , that i introduce these undone french supplicants to petition and appeal to your majesty and your grand council for your mediation or some other redress , which they with all possible submission and reiterated applications , nay with tears of blood , and with broken hearts and backs , have long sought in vain of that incroaching monarch that rules and tramples over them : as may appear by these following sheets . that which makes them conceive the greater trust and confidence , is certain titles of your majesties , and that particularly of defender of the faith , which they hope you will think to fulfil , according as occasion at home will suffer your prudence to turn your eyes to their exigencies and the present opportunities abroad . the solemn embassies that your majesties protestant predecessors sent thither , for to expostulate with the french kings concerning the illegal oppressions of the huguenots , contrary to the edict of nantes , ( whereof the kings of england were held the guaranties , ) were allowed and are found recorded in their own memoires and registers of state , without the least animadversion or disclaim , it being a privilege that the kings of this realm had used as their right to practise and insist upon ; and which we in our days ought by no means to lose by prescription . now if that king should go about to huff at any forraign princes concerning himself in this nature , with the state of his subjects ; besides the premised reasons , his mouth may be stopped with this argumentum ad hominem . that he himself took the same liberty in writing to the duke of savoy in favour of his oppressed protestant subjects of the valleys of piedmont , at that time when not only england , but sweadland , denmark , and most of the protestant princes of europe had done the same . but this patronizing spirit for the protestant interest , which was so conspicuously famous even in a woman , a princess of this nation , was not suffered to decay in the hearts of the english people it self during that unhappy absence of your majesty from your kingdom , for amidst their civil distractions , they forgot not the right our nation had to mediate and succour their french brethren of the reformed religion ; for , besides letters and messages they sent for their present solid relief twenty thousand two hundred thirty three pounds by sir samuel morland , as part of a general collection made for them throughout england , whereof remained in ready cash , sixteen thousand three hundred thirty three pound ten shillings to be improved for them ; and we know in whose hands this sum was deposited at your majesties happy restoration , but since it is so scattered , that few knows what is become of it , which is a thing that we humbly beg your majesty and parliament to give order to inquire into , who they were that laid sacrilegious hands on such an holy offering of the nations to the indigent members of christ in foraign churches . the french church in london have a procuration to receive it for the piedmontoes . in fine , both divine and humane reasons do clearly demonstrate , that whatever temporizing pseudo-polititians may insinuate , nothing would ( as it is presumed ) so much strengthen your majesty at home and abroad , as to give all possible proofs to your neighbours , that you roundly and vigorously intend to shew your self the head of the protestant religion , and that you will appear to be defender of the faith indeed . and certainly the opposite interest ( god be thanked ) does so visibly decay , according to his unsurmountable decree ; that the protestants are and shall be found to be the best friends and strongest supporters your majesty may have , did worldly prudence it self lead one to make a choice . now the matter of this book will afford sufficient matter for your royal compassion and protection , and though you see here but a rough draught of their miseries , and a few of the very many decrees ( which i have by me ) that were made against them , yet here is as much as may satisfy your majesty and the world , that they suffer not as evil doers ; as 't is plain by the edict of nantes here inserted , and their plea out of it , and other french laws . france was sadly distracted and disjoynted within it self for many ages upon this account of religion , when the popes emissaries would never suffer the poor huguenots to live as peaceable subjects among them , striving ( though in vain ) utterly to extirpate and root them out . but all their devices turned to their own shame , and all their other attempts for the s●tling the peace of that nation in any other way , still proved unsuccessful till this healing edict called of nantes was enacted by henry the fourth at that city , whereby the free exercise of religion in determined fixed places throughout the nation with sundry other priviledges , were allowed to those of the reformed religion . this wrought such a general unity and harmony and such a blessing from god upon that kingdom , that both popish bishops and presbyterian professors lived quietly together for about a whole century , till now of late , those proud prelates not induring any fellows in the ministry , and not content with the whole fleece , will have all the room to dilate their phylacteries , and so upon several superstitious pretences and jealousies they drew that king to grant those decrees against protestants , as oft as he would require money of their convocated clergy . thus they first of all break the bonds of charity and christian unity , and afterwards that of the civil concord of the nation , by incroaching upon the civil magistrates power of making and executing of penal laws , in their courts against their fellow christians ; wherein they are antichrists successors , not christs , nor his apostles : for his kingdom was not of this world. but may it not then be hoped and humbly offered that the ordaining of such another edict of nantes here in england , would in allowing some limited privileges to the non-conformists conforming in fundamentals , ( whose principles are not destructive to monarchy nor morality ) work the same good effects here as it did in that country , and prevent those further growing divisions and distractions in church and state. in sine , both we and the french protestants ought in all humble thankfulness to acknowledge the late bountiful relief of your majesties , for the conveying some of the most indigent banished french protestants into carolina , and giving them an azile there ; but be pleased to consider , that if some course be not taken to protect them , rather where they are , that it seems no greater pleasure can be done to the french king nor his bishops ; for by a too considerable transportation of them , the protestant interest in christendom will grow weaker , and the french and popish will become by so much the stronger , the ballance of europe shall not be maintained , which may be your majesties true interest and privilege to preserve ; and besides , religion will be made to flee to america , while state-policy calmly looks on , and inthrones itself in its place : therefore the premisses , and the finding out any other more fit expedient , is humbly laid at your majesties feet , and your grand councils censure and better deliberation and resolve , by your majesties meanest and dutifullest servant and subject , edmond everard . the edict ; or statute granted by henry the iv of france . to those of the reformed religion of that kingdom , for the free exercises of their consciences , in matters of their religion , &c. called the edict of nants , because enacted at that city , with the king's declaration upon the precedent edicts of pacification . henry , by the grace of god , king of france , and navarr , to all present , and to come , greeteth . among the infinite mercies that god hath pleased to bestow upon us , that most signal and remarkable is , his having given us power and strength not to yield to the dreadful troubles , confusions , and disorders , which were found at our coming to this kingdom , divided into so many parties and factions , that the most legitimate was almost the least , enabling us with constancy in such manner to oppose the storm , as in the end to surmount it , reducing this estate to peace and rest ; for which , to him alone be given the honour and glory , and us the grace to acknowledge our obligation , in having our labours made use of for the accomplishing so good a work , in which it hath been visible to all , that we have not only done what was our duty , and in our power , but something more than at another time , would ( peradventure ) have been agreeable to the dignity we now hold ; as in not having more care , than to have many times so freely exposed our own life . and in this great concurrence of weighty and perillous affairs , not being able to compose all at one and the same time , we have chosen in this order ; first to undertake those who were not to be suppressed but by force , and rather to remit and suspend others for some time , who might be dealt with by reason , and justice : for the general difference among our good subjects , and the particular evils of the soundest parts of the state , we judged might be easily cured , after the principal cause ( the continuation of the civil wars ) was taken away , in which we have , by the blessing of god , well and happily succeeded , all hostility and wars through the kingdom being now ceased , and we hope he will also prosper us in our other affairs , which remain to be composed , and that by this means we shall arrive at the establishment of a good peace , with tranquility and rest , ( which hath ever been the end of all our vows and intentions ) as all the reward we desire or expect for so much pains and trouble , as we have taken in the whole course of our life . amongst our said affairs ( towards which it behooves us to have patience ) one of the principal hath been , the many complaints we received from divers of our provinces and catholick cities , for that the exercise of the catholick religion was not universally re-established , as is provided by edicts or statutes heretofore made for the pacification of the troubles arising from religion ; as also the supplications and remonstrances which have been made to us by our subjects of the reformed religion , as well upon the execution of what hath been granted by the said former laws , as that they desire to have some addition for the exercise of their religion , the liberty of their consciences and the security of their persons and fortunes ; presuming to have just reasons for desiring some inlargement of articles , as not being without great apprehensions , because their ruine hath been the principal pretext and original foundation of the late wars , troubles , and commotions . now not to burden us with too much business at once , as also that the fury of war was not compatible with the establishment of laws , how good soever they might be , we have hitherto deferred from time to time giving remedy herein . but now that it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think we cannot imploy our self better , than to apply to that which may tend to the glory and service of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed unto by all our subjects : and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults : and that we and this kingdom may alwayes conserve the glorious title of most christian , which hath been by so much merit so long since acquired , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the papers of complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion to assemble themselves by deputies , for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances ; and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , viewing the precedent laws , we have upon the whole judged it necessary to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , pure , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore risen among them , or may hereafter rise , wherewith the one and other may be contented , being framed according as the time requires : and having had no other regard in this deliberation than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward render to all our subjects a durable and established peace . upon which we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour , as he hath alwayes visibly bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , during the many years we have attained unto , and give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance consisteth ( after that which is their duty toward god and us ) the principal foundation of their union , concord , tranquility , rest , and the re-establishment of all this estate in its first splendor , opulency and strength . as on our part we promise to cause all to be exactly observed , without suffering any contradiction . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , being near us , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute perpetuall and irrevocable said , declared , and ordained , saying , declaring , and ordaining ; 1. that the memory of all things passed on the one part and the other , since the beginning of the month of march , 1585. untill our coming to the crown , and also during the other precedent troubles , and the occasion of the same , shall remain extinguished and suppressed , as things that had never been . and it shall not be lawfull or permitted to our attorneys general , nor other person or persons whatsoever , publick or private , in any time , or for any occasion whatsoever it may be , to make mention thereof , process or prosecution in any courts or jurisdiction whatsoever . 2. we prohibit to all our subjects of what state and condition soever they be , to renew the memory thereof , to attaque , resent , injure , or provoke one the other by reproaches for what is past , under any pretext or cause whatsoever , by disputing , contesting , quarrelling , reviling , or offending by factious words ; but to contain themselves , and live peaceably together as brethren , friends , and fellow-citizens , upon penalty for acting to the contrary , to be punished for breakers of peace , and disturbers of the publick quiet . 3. we ordain , that the catholick religion shall be restored and re-established in all places , and quarters of this kingdom and countrey under our obedience , and where the exercise of the same hath been intermitted , to be there again , peaceably and freely exercised without any trouble or impediment . most expresly prohibiting all persons of what state , quality or condition soever , upon the penalties before-mentioned not to trouble , molest , or disquiet the ecclesiasticks in the celebration of divine service , injoyning of receiving of tythes , the fruits and revenues of their benefices , and all other rights and duties belonging to them : and we command , that all those who during the troubles , have invaded churches , houses , goods , and revenues belonging to the ecclesiasticks , and those who detain and possess them , to deliver over to them the intire possession thereof with a peaceable enjoyment , and with such rights , liberties , and security as they had before they were deseized . most expresly forbidding to those of the reformed religion , to preach or exercise their said religion in the churches , houses , and habitations of the said ecclesiasticks . 4. it shall be the choice of the said ecclesiasticks to buy the houses and structures built upon their ground in profane places , and made use of against their wills during the troubles , or compell the possessors of the said buildings to buy the ground according to the estimation that shall be made by skilfull persons , agreed upon by both parties : and to come the better to an agreement , the judges of the place shall provide such for them , except the said possessors will try the title to whom the places in question belong . and where the said ecclesiasticks shall compell the possessors to buy the ground , the purchase-money if of estimation , shall not be put in their hands , but shall remain charged in the possessors hands , to make profit thereof at five per cent. untill it shall be imployed to the profit of the church , which shall be done within a year . and after that time , if the purchaser will not continue any longer at the said interest , he shall be discharged thereof by consigning the money to a responsible person , with the authority of the justice . and for such places as are sacred , advice shall be given therein by the commissioners who shall be ordained for the execution of the present edict , for which we shall provide . 5. nevertheless the ground and foundation of places used for the reparation and fortification of cities and places in our kingdom , and the materials imployed therein , may not be sold nor taken away by the ecclesiasticks , or other persons publick or private , untill the said reparations and fortifications shall by our order be demolished . 6. and not to leave any occasion of trouble and difference among our subjects , we have permitted and do permit to those of the reformed riligion , to live and dwell in all the cities and places of this our kingdom and countreys under our obedience , without being inquired after , vexed , molested , or compelled to do any thing in religion , contrary to their conscience , nor by reason of the same be searched after in houses or places where they live , they comporting themselves in other things as is contained in this our present edict or statute . 7. we also permit to all lords , gentlemen and other persons , as well inhabitants as others , making profession of the reformed religion , having in our kingdom and countreys under our obedience , high justice as chief lord ( as in normandy ) be it in propriety or usage , in whole , moiety , or third part , to have in such of their houses of the said high justice or fiefs , as abovesaid ( which they shall be obliged to nominate for their principall residence to our bayliffs and chief justice each in their jurisdiction ) the exercise of the said religion as long as they are resident there , and in their absence , their wives or families , or part of the same . and though the right of justice or whole fief be controverted ; nevertheless the exercise of the said religion shall be allowed there , provided that the abovesaid be in actual possession of the said high justice , though our attorney generall be a party . we permitting them also to have the said exercise in their other houses of high justice or fiefs abovesaid , so long as they shall be present , and not otherwise : and all , as well for them , their families and subjects , as others that shall go thither . 8. in the houses that are fiefs , where those of the said religion have not high justice , there the said exercise of the reformed religion shall not be permitted , save only to their own families , yet nevertheless , if other persons , to the number of thirty , besides their families , shall be there upon the occasion of christenings , visits of their friends , or otherwise , our meaning is , that in such case they shall not be molested : provided also , that the said houses be not within cities , burroughs , or villages belonging to any catholick lord ( save to us ) having high justice , in which the said catholick lords have their houses . for in such cases , those of the said religion shall not hold the said exercise in the said cities , burroughs , or villages , except by permission of the said lords high justices . 9. we permit also to those of the said religion to hold , and continue the exercise of the same in all the cities and places under our obedience , where it hath by them been established and made publick by many and divers times , in the year 1586 , and in 1597 , until the end of the month of august , notwithstanding all decrees and judgements whatsoever to the contrary . 10. in like manner the said exercise may be established , and re-established in all the cities and places where it hath been established , or ought to be by the statute of pacification , made in the year 1577 , the particular articles and conferences of nerat and fleux , without hindering the establishment in places of domain , granted by the said statutes , articles , and conferences for the place of bailiwicks , or which shall be hereafter , though they have been alienated to catholicks , or shall be in the future . not understanding nevertheless that the said exercise may be re-established in the places of the said domain , which have been heretofore possessed by those of the said reformed religion , which hath been in consideration of their persons , or because of the privilege of fiefs , if the said fiefs are found at present possessed by persons of the said catholick religion . 11. furthermore , in each ancient bailiwick , jurisdiction and government , holding place of a bailiwick with an immediate appeal ( without mediation ) to the parliament , we ordain , that in the suburbs of a city , besides that which hath been agreed to them by the said statute , particular articles and conferences ; and where it is not a city , in a burrough or village , the exercise of the said reformed religion may be publickly held for all such as will come , though the said bailiwicks , chief jurisdictions and governments have many places where the said exercise is established , except , and be excepted the bailiwick , new created by the present edict or law , the cities in which are arch-bishops and bishops , where nevertheless those of the said reformed religion are not for that reason deprived of having power to demand and nominate for the said exercise certain borroughs and villages near the said cities : except also the signories belonging to the ecclesiasticks , in which we do not understand , that the second place of bailiwicks may be established , those being excepted and reserved . we understanding under the name of ancient bailiwicks , such as were in the time of the deceased king henry , our most honoured lord and father in law , held for bailiwicks , chief justice-ships and governments , appealing without intercession to our said courts . 12. we don't understand by this present statute , to derogate from the laws and agreements heretofore made for the reduction of any prince , lord , gentleman , or catholick city under our obedience , in that which concerns the exercise of the said religion , the which laws and records shall be kept and observed upon that account , according as shall be contained in the instructions given the commissioners for the execution of the present edict or law. 13. we prohibit most expresly to all those of the said religion , to hold any exercise of the same as well by ministers preaching , discipling of pupils , or publick instruction of children , as otherways , in this our kingdom or countries under our obedience , in that which concerns religion , except in the places permitted and granted by the present edict or law. 14. as also not to exercise the said religion in our court , nor in our territories and countries beyond the mountains , nor in our city of paris , nor within five leagues of the said city : nevertheless those of the said religion dwelling in the said lands and countries beyond the mountains , and in our said city , and within five leagues about the same , shall not be searched after in their houses , nor constrained to do any thing in religion against their consciences , comporting themselves in all other things according as is contained in our present edict or law. 15. nor also shall hold publick exercise of the said religion in the armies , except in the quarters of the principal commanders , who make profession of the same , except nevertheless where the quarters of our person shall be . 16. following the second article of the conference of nerat , we grant to those of the said religion power to build places for the exercise of the same , in cities and places where it is granted them , and that those shall be rendered to them which they have heretofore built , or the foundations of the same in the condition as they are at present , even in places where the said exercise was not permitted to them , except they are converted into another nature of building : in which case there shall be given to them by the possessors of the said buildings , other houses and places of the same value that they were before they were built , or the just estimation of the same , according to the judgment of experienced persons , saving to the said proprietors and possessors , their tryal at law to whom they shall belong . 17. we prohibit all preachers , readers , and others who speak in publick , to use any words , discourse , or propositions tending to excite the people to sedition ; and we injoin them to contain and comport themselves modestly , and to say nothing which shall not be for the instruction and edification of the auditors , and maintaining the peace and tranquillity established by us in our said kingdom , upon the penalties mentioned in the precedent statutes . expresly injoyning our attourney generals , and their substitutes , to inform against them that are contrary hereunto , upon the penalty of answering therefore , and the loss of their office. 18. forbidding also to our subjects , of what quality and condition soever they be , to take away by force or inducement , against the will of their parents , the children of the said religion , to baptize or confirm them in the catholick church ; as also we forbid the same to those of the said reformed religion upon pain of being exemplarily punished . 19. those of the reformed religion shall not be at all constrained , nor remain obliged by reason of abjurations , promises , and oaths , which they have heretofore made , or by caution given concerning the practice of the said religion , nor shall therefore be molested or prosecuted in any sort whatsoever . 20. they shall also be obliged to keep and observe the festivals of the catholick church , and shall not on the same dayes work , sell , or keep open shop , nor likewise the artisans shall not work out of their shops , in their chambers or houses privately on the said festivals , and other dayes forbidden , of any trade , the noise whereof may be heard without by those that pass by , or by the neighbours : the searching after which shall notwithstanding be made by none but by the officers of justice . 21. books concerning the said reformed religion shall not be printed or sold publickly , save in the cities and places where the publick exercise of the said religion is permitted . and for other books which shall be printed in other cities , they shall be viewed and visited by our theological officers , as is directed by our ordinances . forbidding most expresly the printing , publishing , and selling of all books , libells , and writings defamatory , upon the penalties contained in our ordinances , injoyning all our judges and officers to seize the same . 22. we ordain , that there shall not be made any difference or distinction upon the account of the said religion , in receiving scholars to be instructed in the universities , colledges , or schools , nor of the sick or poor into hospitals , sick houses or publick almshouses . 23. those of the reformed religion shall be obliged to observe the laws of the catholick church , received in this our kingdom , as to marriages and contracts , and to contract in the degrees of consanguinity and affinity . 24. in like manner those of the said religion shall pay the rights of entry , as is accustomed for offices unto which they shall be chosen , without being constrained to observe or assist in any ceremonies contrary to their said religion : and being called to take an oath , shall not be obliged to do it otherwise than by holding up the hand , swearing and promising in the name of god , to say all the truth : nor shall they be dispensed with for the oath by taken in passing contracts and obligations . 25. we will and ordain , that all those of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , of what state , quality or condition soever they be , shall be obliged and constrained by all due and reasonable wayes , and under the penalties contained in the said edict or statute relating thereunto , to pay tythes to the curates , and other ecclesiasticks , and to all others to whom they shall appertain , according to the usage and custom of the places . 26. disinheritations of privations , be it in disposition in life-time or testimentary , made from hatred only , or for religion sake , shall have no place neither for the time passed or to come among our subjects . 27. to the end to re-unite so much the better the minds and good will of our subjects , as is our intention , and to take away all complaints for the future ; we declare all those who make or shall make profession of the said reformed religion , to be capable of holding and exercising all estates , dignities , offices , and publick charges whatsoever , royal , signioral , or of cities of our kingdom , countreys , lands and lordships under our obedience , notwithstanding all oaths to the contrary , and to be indifferently admitted and received into the same , and our court of parliament and other judges shall content themselves with informing and inquiring after the lives , manners , religion and honest conversation of those that were or shall be preferred to such offices , as well of the one religion as the other , without taking other oath of them than for the good and faithful service of the king in the exercise of their office , and to keep the ordinances , as they have been observed in all times . also vacancies hapning of such of the said estates , charges , and offices as shall be in our disposition , they shall be provided by us indifferently , and without distinction of persons , as that which tends to the union of our subjects . understanding likewise that those of the reformed religion may be admitted and received into all councells , deliberations , assemblies , and functions depending upon the abovesaid things , without being rejected or hindred the injoyment thereof by reason of the said religion . 28. we ordain for the interrment of the dead of the said religion throughout the cities and places of this kingdom , that there shall in each place be provided for them by our officers and magistrates , and by the commissioners that we shall depute for the execution of our present edict or statute , a place the most commodious that can be : and the burying places which they have had heretofore , and whereof they have by the troubles been deprived , shall be restored unto them , except they be found to be converted into buildings of what quality or kind soever it be , in which case a compensation shall be made another way . 29. we enjoyn most expresly our officers to look to it , that no scandal be given in the said interrments , and they shall be obliged within fifteen dayes after request made , to provide those of the said religion with convenient places for sepulchres , without delay , upon penalty of five hundred crowns in their own proper and private names . and it is also forbidden , as well to the said officers as to all others , to exact any thing for the conduct of the said dead bodies upon penalty of extortion . 30. to the end that justice be given and administred to our subjects , without any suspition , hatred or favour , as being one of the principal means for the maintaining peace and concord , we have ordained and do ordain , that in our court of parliament of paris shall be established a chamber , composed of a president and sixteen counsellors of the said parliament , which shall be called and entituled the chamber of edict , and shall take cognisance not only of the causes and process of the said reformed religion which shall be within the jurisdiction of the said court ; but also of the appeals of our parliaments of normandy and bretagne , according to the jurisdiction which shall be hereafter given to it by this present edict or statute and that until in each of the said parliaments , there shall be established a chamber for rendring justice upon the place . we ordain also , that of four offices of councellors in our said parliament , remaining of the last erection which hath by us been made , there shall be presently provided and received in the said parliament , four of the said reformed religion sufficient and capable , which shall be distributed ; ( to wit ) the first into the chamber of edicts , and the other three in like manner shall be received in the three chambers of inquests ; and besides , the two first offices of councellors of the said courts , which shall come to be vacant by death , shall be supplied by two of the reformed religion , and the same distributed also in the two other chambers of inquests . 31. besides the chamber heretofore established at castres , for appeals from our parliament of tholouse , which shall be continued in the estate it is , we have for the same reasons ordained , and we do ordain , that in each of our parliaments of grenoble and bourdeaux , there shall be in like manner established a chamber , composed of two presidents , one a catholick , and the other of the reformed religion , and twelve councellors , whereof six shall be catholicks , and the other six of the said religion ; which catholick president and councellors shall be by us chosen and taken out of the body of our said courts . and as to those of the religion , there shall be made a new creation of one president and six councellors for the parliament of bourdeaux , and one president and three councellors for that of grenoble , which with the three councellors of the said religion which are at present in the said parliament , shall be imployed in the said chamber of dauphin . and the said officers shall be created by a new creation , with the same salleries , honours , authorities , and preheminences , as the others of the said courts . and the said seat of the said chamber of bourdeaux shall be in the said city of bourdeaux , or at nerat , and that of dauphine at grenoble . 32. the chamber of dauphine shall take cognizance of the causes of those of the reformed religion within the jurisdiction of our parliament of province , without having need of letters of evocation , or appeal , or other provisions , than in our chancery of dauphine . as also those of the said religion of normandy and brittan shall not be obliged to take letters of evocation or appeal , nor other provision than in our chancery of paris . 33. our subjects of the reformed religion of the parliament of burgundy , shall have the choice to plead in the chamber ordained in the parliament of paris , or in those of dauphine , and shall not be obliged to take letters of evocation or appeal nor other provisions than in the said chanceries of paris or dauphine , according as they shall make choice . 34. all the said several chambers composed as is said , shall have cognisance , and by decree shall judge in soveraignty and last appeal , exclusive to all others , the process and differences that are already , or shall arise , in which those of the reformed religion are or shall be parties , principalls or guarrantees , in demanding or defending in all matters as well civil as criminal , if demanded before contestation in the cause , and commencing of the suit : whether the process be by writing or verbal appellation ; excepting nevertheless all customs belonging to benefices and the possessors of tenths , not infeoffed , the ecclesiastical patrons and their suits for their rights and duties , and the demains of the church ; all which shall be tryed and judged in the courts of parliament exclusive to the said chambers of edict . as also we will and require that as to judging and deciding the criminal process which may happen betwixt the said ecclesiasticks and those of the reformed religion , that if the ecclesiasticks are defendant in such case , recognizance and judgment of criminal process shall belong to our soveraign courts distinct as to the said chamber ; and where the ecclesiasticks shall be plaintiff , and one of the reformed religion defendant , the cognizance and judgment of criminal process shall belong in last appeal to the said chambers established . and we acknowledge also the said chambers in time of vacations for matters attributed by the edicts and ordinances to belong to the said chambers established for times of vacation , each within his jurisdiction . 35. the chamber of grenoble shall be from henceforward united and incorporated into the body of the said court of parliament , and the president and councellors of the reformed religion shall be called president and councellors of the said court , and hold the rank and number of the same , and to this end shall be first distributed through the other chambers , and then drawn from them to be imployed and serve in that which we now ordain of new , with condition nevertheless , that they shall assist and have voice and session in all the deliberations which the chamber assembled shall have , and shall enjoy the same sallary , authority and preheminence which the other presidents and councellors of the said courts do enjoy . 36. we will and ordain , that the said chamber of castres and bourdeaux be united and incorporated in the same parliaments , in the same manner and form as others : and when need shall require , and that the causes which have moved us to make this establishment shall cease , and shall not have any more place among our subjects ; then shall the presidents and councellors of the same , of the said reformed religion , be held for presidents and councellors of the said courts . 37. there shall also be a new creation or erection in the chamber ordained in the parliament of bourdeaux , of two substitutes for our procurators , or attorneys and advocates generall , whereof one shall be catholick , and the other of the reformed religion , which shall have the said offices with competent sallaries . 38. these substitutes shall not assume other qualities than that of substitutes ; and when the chambers or courts ordained for the parliaments of tholouse and bourdeaux , shall be united and incorporated to the said parliaments , the said substitutes shall have the office of councellors in the same . 39. the dispatches of the chancery of bourdeaux shall be perused in the presence of two councellors of the same chamber , whereof one shall be a catholick , and the other of the reformed religion . in the absence of one of the masters of request of our pallace , one of the notaries and secretaries of the said court of parliament of bourdeaux , shall be resident in the place where the said chamber shall be established , or else one of the ordinary secretaries of the chancery to sign the dispatches of the said chancery . 40. we will and ordain , that in the said chamber of bourdeaux , there shall be two commissioners of the register of the said parliament , the one civil and the other criminal , who shall exercise their offices by our commissions , and shall be called commissioners to the register civil and criminal ; but nevertheless shall not be revoked by the registers of the parliament , yet shall be accountable for the profits of the offices to the said registers , which commissioners shall be sallaried by the said registers as the said chamber shall think fit to appoint , there shall be ordained some catholick messengers , who shall be taken in the said court or elsewhere , according to our pleasure ; besides which , there shall also be two de novo freely chosen of the reformed religion : and all the said messengers , or door-keepers shall be regulated by the said chamber or court , as well in the exercise of their offices as in the profits or fees which they shall take . there shall also be a commission dispatched for payment of sallaries and receiving of americaments of the said court , which shall be such as we shall please to appoint . if the said chamber shall be established in other place than the said city , the commission heretofore agreed for paying the sallaries of the chamber of castres , shall go out in its full and intire effect , and there shall be joyned to the said office , the commission for the receipt of the amerciaments of the said court. 41. there shall be provided good and sufficient assignations for the sallaries of the officers of the chambers ordained by this edict . 42. the presidents , councellors , and other catholick officers of the said chambers or courts , shall be continued so long as we shall see it to be for our service , and the good of our subjects : and in the dismissing any of them others shall be admitted in their places , before their departure , they having no power during their service to depart , or be absent from the said chambers , without the leave of the same , which shall be judged of according to the ordinance . 43. the said chambers or courts mypartis shall be established within six months , during which ( if the establishment shall be so long in doing ) the process commenced , and to be commenced , where those of the religion shall be parties within the jurisdiction of our parliaments of paris , rouen , dyon and rennes , shall be presently removed to the chamber or court established at paris , by vertue of the edict of 1577. or else to the great councell at the election of those of the said religion if they require it : and those which shall be of the parliament of bourdeaux , to the chamber or court established at castres , or to the said grand councell at their election , and those which shall be of provence to the parliament of grenoble . and if the said chambers , or courts , are not established within three months after the presentation of our edict that parliament which shall make refusal thereof , shall be prohibited the cognizance and judgement of the causes of those of the religion . 44. the process not yet judged , depending in the said courts of parliaments and great counsel of the quality abovesaid , shall be sent back in what estate soever they be , to the said chambers or courts , each within his jurisdiction , if one of the parties of the religion require it within four months after the establishment of the same ; and as to those which shall be discontinued , and are not in condition of being judged , those of the said religion shall be obliged to make declaration upon the first intimation and signification to them of the prosecution , and the time past shall not be understood to require the dismission . 45. the said chambers ( or courts ) of grenoble and bourdeaux , as also that of castres , shall keep the forms and stile of parliament , where the jurisdiction of the same shall be established , and shall judge by equal numbers of the one and the other religion , if the parties consent not to the contrary . 46. all the judges to whom the address shall be made for execution of decrees , commissions of the said chambers , and patents obtained in chancery for the same , together with all the messengers and serjeants , shall be obliged to put them in execution , and the said messengers and serjeants shall do all acts throughout our kingdom , without demanding a placet , or peremptory warrant , upon penalty of suspension of their estates , and of the expenses , damages and interests of the parties , the cognizance whereof shall belong to the said chambers . 47. no removal of causes shall be allowed to any whereof the cognizance is attributed to the said chambers , except in cases of ordinance , the removal by which shall be made to the next chamber established according to our edict . and the dividing of the process of the same chambers shall be judged by the nearest , observing the proportion and forms of the said chambers , where the process shall be proceeded upon ; except the chamber of edict in our parliament of paris , where the process divided shall be distributed in the same chamber by the judges , which shall be by us named by our particular letters patents for that effect , if the parties had not rather wait the removing of the said chamber . and happening that one and the same process be divided in all the chambers , myparty , or half on religion , half th' other , the division shall be sent to the chamber of paris . 48. the refusal that shall be proposed against the presidents and councellors of the chambers , half one religion and half the other , called the court of edict , may be judged by the number of six , to which number the parties shall be obliged to restrain themselves , otherwise they shall be passed over without having regard to the said refusal . 49. the examinations of the presidents and councellors newly erected in the chambers of edict , mypartis , shall be made in our privy council , or by the said chambers each in his precinct , when they shall be a sufficient number ; and nevertheless the oath accustomed shall be by them taken in the courts where the said chambers shall be established , and upon refusal , in our privy-council : except those of the chamber of languedoc , in which they shall take oath before our chancellor , or in the same chamber . 50. we will and ordain , that the reception of our officers of the said religion , judged in the said chambers half papist and half of the reformed religion by pluralities of voices , as is accustomed in other courts , without being needfull that the opinions surpass two thirds , following the ordinance which for the same cause is abrogated . 51. there shall be made in the said chambers mypartis , the propositions , deliberations , and resolutions which shall appertain to the publick peace , and for the particular state and policy of the cities where the same chambers shall be . 52. the article for the jurisdiction of the said chambers ordained by the present edict , shall be followed and observed according to its form and tenure , even in that which concerns the execution or breach of our edict , when those of the religion shall be parties . 53. the kings subordinate officers , or others whereof the reception belongeth to our courts of parliament , if they be of the reformed religion , they may be examined and received in the said chambers , viz. those under the jurisdiction of the parliaments of paris , normandy and bretagne , in the said chambers of paris ; those of dauphine and provence , in the chamber of grenoble ; those of burgundy in the said chamber of paris , or dauphine , at their choice ; those under the jurisdiction of tholouse , in the chamber of castres ; and those of the parliament of bourdeaux , in the chamber of guyenne ; without that others may oppose themselves against their reception ; and render themselves parties , as our procurators general and their substitutes , and those enjoying the said offices : yet nevertheless the accustomed oath shall be by them taken in the courts of parliaments , who shall not take any cognizance of the said receptions ; and in refusal of the said parliaments , the said officers shall take the oath in the said chambers ; after which so taken , they shall be obliged to present by a messenger or notary , the act of their reception , to the register of the said courts of parliaments , and to leave a coppy thereof examined by the said register , who is enjoyned to register the said acts , upon penalty of all the expence , dammage and interest of the parties ; and the registers refusing to do it , shall suffer the said officers to report the act of the said summons , dispatched by the said messengers or notaries , and cause the same to be registred in the register-office of their said jurisdiction , for to have recourse thereunto when need shall be , upon penalty of nullity of their proceedings and judgments . and as to the officers , whereof the reception hath not been accustomed to be made in our said parliaments , in case those to whom it belongs shall refuse to proceed to the said examination and reception , then the said officers shall repair to the said chambers for to be there provided as it shall appertain . 54. the officers of the said reformed religion , who shall hereafter be appointed to serve in the body of our said courts of parliaments , grand counsell , chambers of accompts , courts of aids , officers of the general treasuries of france , and other officers of the exchequer , shall be examined and received in places where they have been accustomed , and in case of refusal or denying of justice , they shall be appointed by our privy councel . 55. the reception of our officers made in the chamber heretofore established at castres , shall remain valid notwithstanding all decrees and ordinances to the contrary . and shall be also valid , the reception of judges , councellors , assistants , and other officers of the said religion made in our privy-councill , or by commissioners by us ordained in case of the refusal of our courts of parliaments , courts of aids , and chambers of accompts , even as if they were done in the said courts and chambers , and by the other judges to whom the reception belongeth . and their sallaries shall be allowed them by the chambers of accompt without difficulty ; and if any have been put out , they shall be established without need of any other command than the present edict , and without that the said officer shall be obliged to shew any other reception , notwithstanding all decrees given to the contrary which shall remain null and of none effect . 56. in the mean time untill the charges of the justice of the said chambers can be defrayed by amerciaments , there shall be provided by us by valuable assignations sufficient for maintaining the said charges , without expecting to do it by the goods of the condemned . 57. the presidents and councellors of the reformed religion heretofore received in our court of parliament of dauphine , and in the chamber of edict incorporated in the same , shall continue and have their session and orders for the same ; that is to say , presidents , as they have injoyed , and do injoy at present , and the councellors according to the decrees and provisions that they have heretofore obteined in our privy councel . 58. we declare all sentences , judgments , procedures , seisures , sales , and decrees made and given against those of the reformed religion , as well living as dead , from the death of the deceased king henry the second our most honoured lord and father in law , upon the occasion of the said religion , tumults and troubles since hapning , as also the execution of the same judgments and decrees , from henceforward cancelled , revoked , and anulled . and we ordain , that they shall be eased and taken out of the registers office of the courts , as well soveraign as inferiour : and we will and require also to be taken away and defaced all marks , foot-steps , and monuments of the said executions , books , and acts defamatory against their persons , memory and posterity , and that the places which have been for that occasion demolished or rased , be rendred in such condition as now they are to the proprietors of the same , to enjoy and dispose at their pleasure . and generally we cancell , revoke and null all proceedings and informations made for any enterprize whatsoever , pretended crimes of high treason , and others : notwithstanding the procedures , decrees and judgments containing re-union , incorporation , and confiscation ; and we farther will and command , that those of the reformed religion , and others that have followed their party , and their heirs re-enter really and actually into the possession of all and each of their goods . 59. all proceedings , judgments and decrees given , during the troubles against those of the religion who have born arms , or are retired out of our kingdom , or within the same into cities and countries by them held , or for any other cause as well as for religion and the troubles ; together with all non-suiting of causes , prescriptions , as well legal , conditional , as customary , seizing of fiefs fallen during the troubles , by hindring legitimate proceedings , shall be esteemed as not done or happening ; and such we have declared and do declare , and the same we have and do annihilate and make void , without admitting any satisfaction therefore : but they shall be restored to their former condition , notwithstanding the decrees and execution of the same ; and the possession thereof shall be rendred to them , out of which they were upon this account disseised . and this , as above , shall have like place , upon the account of those that have followed the party of those of the religion , or who have been absent from our kingdom upon the occasion of the troubles . and for the young children of persons of quality abovesaid , who died during the troubles , we restore the parties into the same condition as they were formerly , without refunding the expence , or being obliged for the amerciaments not understanding nevertheless that the judgements given by the chief judges , or other inferiour judges against those of the religion , or who have followed their party , shall remain null , if they have been given by judges sitting in cities by them held , which was to them of free access . 60. the decrees given in our court of parliament , in matters whereof the cognizance belongs to the chambers or courts ordained by the edict in the year 1577 and articles of nerac and flex into which courts the parties have not proceeded voluntarily , but have been forced to alledge and propose declinatory ends , and which decrees have been given by default or foreclusion , as well in civil as criminal matters , notwithstanding which allegations the said parties have been constrained to go on , shall be in like manner null and of no value . and as to the decrees given against those of the religion , who have proceeded voluntarily , and without having proposed ends declinatory , those decrees shall remain without prejudice for the execution of the same . yet nevertheless permitting them , if it seem good to them , to bring by petition their cause before the chamber ordained by the present edict , without that the elapsing the time appointed by the ordinances shall be to their prejudice : and untill the said chambers and chanceries , for the same shall be established . verbal appellations , or in writing interposed by those of the religion before judges , registers , or commissioners , executors of decrees and judgements , shall have like effect as if they were by command from the king. 61. in all inquiries which shall be made for what cause soever in matters civil , if the inquisitor or commissioner be a catholick , the parties shall be obliged to convene an assistant , and where they will not do it , there shall be taken from the office by the said inquisitor or commissioner one who shall be of the religion , and the same shall be practised when the commissioner or inquisitor shall be of the said religion for an assistant who shall be a catholick . 62. we will and ordain , that our judges may take cognizance of the validity of testaments , in which those of the religion may have an interest if they require it ; and the appellations from the said judgements , may be brought to the said chambers ordained for the process of those of the religion ; notwithstanding all customs to the contrary , even those of bretagne . 63. to obviate all differences which may arise betwixt our courts of parliaments , and the chambers of the same courts , ordained by our present edict , there shall be made by us a good and ample reglement , betwixt the said courts and chambers , and such as those of the religion shall enjoy entirely from the said edict , the which reglement shall be verified in our courts of parliaments , and kept and observed without having regard to precedents . 64. we inhibit and forbid all our courts , soveraign and others of this realm , the taking cognizance , and judging the civil , or criminal process of those of the religion ; the cognizance of which is attributed by our edict to the chambers of edict ; provided that the appeal thereunto be demanded as is said in the fortieth article going before . 65. we also will and command , for the present , and untill we have otherwise therein ordained , that in all process commenced , or to be commenced , where those of the religion are plaintiff or defendants , parties , principals or guarrantees in matters civil , in which our officers and chief courts of justice have pow●●… to judge without appeal , that it shall be permitted to them to except against two of the chamber , where the process ought to be judged , who shall forbear judgement of the same ; and without having the cause expressed , shall be obliged to withdraw , notwithstanding the ordinance by which the judges ought not to be excepted against without cause shown , and shall have farther right to except against others upon shewing cause . and in matters criminal , in which also the said courts of justice and others of the kings subordinate judges do judge without appeal , those of the religion may except against three of the said judges without showing cause . and the provosts of the mareschalsie of france , vice-bayliffs , vice-presidents , lievetenants of the short robe , and other officers of the like quality shall judge according to the ordinances and reglements heretofore given upon the account of vagabonds . and as to the houshold charged and accused by the provosts , if they are of the said religion , they may require that three of the said judges , who might have cognizance thereof , do abstain from the judgement of their process , and they shall be obliged to abstain therefrom without having cause shewn except where the process is to be judged , there shall be found to the number of two in civil , and three in criminal causes of the religion , in which case it shall not be lawfull to except without cause shewn : and this shall be reciprocall in the like cases , as above , to the catholicks upon the account of appeals from the judges , where those of the religion are the greater number , not understanding nevertheless that the chief justice , provosts of the marshalsies , vice-bayliffs , vice-stewards , and others who judge without appeal , take by virtue of this that is said , cognizance of the past troubles . and as to crimes and excess happening by other occasions than the troubles since the beginning of march , 1585. untill the end of 1597. in case they take cognizance thereof , we will that an appeal be suffered from their judgement to the chamber ordained by the present edict , as shall be practised in like manner for the catholick and confederates , where those of the religion are parties . 66. we will and ordain also , that henceforward in all instructions other than informations of criminal process in the chief justices court of tholouse , carcassonne , roverque , loragais , beziers , montpellier and nimes , the magistrate or commissary deputed for the said instructions if he is a catholick shall be obliged to take an associate who is of the religion , whereof the parties shall agree ; or where they cannot agree , one of the office of the said religion shall be taken by the abovesaid magistrate or commissioner : as in like manner , if the said magistrate or commissioner is of the religion , he shall be obliged in the same manner , as abovesaid , to take and associate a catholick . 67. when it shall be a question of making a criminal process by the provosts of the marshalsies or their leivetenants , against some of the religion , a house-keeper who is charged and accused of a crime belonging to the provost , or subject to the jurisdiction of a provost , the said provost or their leivetenants , if they are catholicks , shall be obliged to call to the instruction of the said process an associate of the religion : which associate shall also assist at the judgement of the difference , and in the definitive judgement of the said process : which difference shall not be judged otherwise than by the next presidial court assembled with the principal officers of the said court which shall be found upon the place , upon penalty of nullity , except the accused shall require to have the difference judged in the chambers ordained by the present edict : in which case upon the account of the house-keepers in the provinces of guyenne , languedoc , province , and dauphine , the substitutes of our procurators general in the said chambers , shall at the request of the said house-keepers , cause to be brought into the same the charges and informations made against them , to know and judge if the causes are tryable before the provost or not , that according to the quality of the crimes they may by the chamber be sent back to the ordinary , or judged tryable by the provost , as shall be found reasonable by the contents of our present edict ; and the presidial judges , provosts of mareschalsie , vice-bayliffs , vice-stewards , and others who judge without appeal , shall be obliged respectively to obey and satisfie the commands of the said chambers , as they use to do to the said parliaments , upon penalty of the loss of their estates . 67. the outcries for sale of inheritances , and giving notice thereof by warning passed or chalked according to order , shall be done in places and at hours usual , if possible , following our ordinances , or else in publick markets , if in the place where the land lies there is a market-place ; and where there shall be none in the next market within the jurisdiction of the court where judgement ought to be given : and the fixing of the notice shall be upon the posts of the said market-place , and at the entry of the assembly of the said place , and this order being observed , the notice shall be valid , and pass beyond the interposition of the sentence or decree , as to any nullity which might be alledged upon this account . 69. all title and papers , instructions , and documents which have been taken , shall be restored by both parties to those to whom they belong , though the said papers , or the castles and houses in which they were kept , have been taken and seized by special commission from the last deceased king , our most honoured lord and brother in law , or from us , or by the command of the governors and lievetenant generals of our provinces , or by the authority of the heads of the other party , or under what pretext soever it shall be . 70. the children of those that are retired out of our kingdom since the death of henry the second our father-in-law , by reason of religion and troubles , though the said children are born out of the kingdom , shall be held for true french inhabitants : and we have declared and do declare , that it is lawfull for such as at any time within ten years after the publication of this present edict , to come and dwell in this kingdom without being needfull to take letters patents of naturalization , or any other provision from us than this present edict , notwithstanding all ordinances to the contrary touching children bron in foraign countreys . 71. those of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , who have before the troubles taken to farm any office , or other domaine , gabel , foraign imposition , or other rights appertaining unto us , which they could not enjoy by reason of the troubles , shall remain discharged , and we discharge them of what they have not received of our finances , and of what they have without fraud paid otherwise than into the receipts of our exchequer , notwithstanding all their obligation given thereupon . 72. all places , cities , and profits of our kingdom , countries , lands , and lordships under our obedience , shall use and enjoy the same priviledges , immunities , liberties , franchises , fairs , markets , jurisdictions and courts of justice which they did before the troubles began 1585. and others preceding , notwithstanding all patents to the contrary , and translation of any of the seals of justice , provided they have been done only by occasion of the troubles , which courts or seats of justice shall be restored to the cities and places where they have been formerly . 73. if there are any prisoners who are yet kept by anthority of justice , or otherwise , in gallies , by reason of the troubles , or of the said religion , they shall be released and set in full liberty . 74. those of the religion shall never hereafter be charged and oppressed with any charge ordinary or extraordinary more than the catholicks , and according to their abilities and trades ; and the parties who shall pretend to be over-charged above their ability may appeal to the judges , to whom the cognizance belongs , and all our subjects as well catholick as of the reformed religion , shall be indifferently discharged of all charge which have been imposed by one and the other part , during the troubles , upon those that were on the contrary party , and not consenting , as also of debts created and not paid , and expences made without consent of the same , without nevertheless having power to recover the revennue which should have been imployed to the payment of the said charges . 75. we do not also understand , that those of the religion , and others who have followed their party , nor the catholicks who dwell in cities and places kept and imployed by them , and who have contributed to them , shall be prosecuted for the payment of tailles , aids , grants , fifteens , taillon , utensils , reparations , and other impositions and subsidies fallen due and imposed during the troubles hapning before and untill our coming to the crown , be it by the edicts , commands of deceased kings our predecessors , or by the advice and deliberation of governors and estates of provinces , courts of parliament , and others , whereof we have discharged and do discharge them , prohibiting the treasurers-general of france and of our finances , receivers general and particular , their commissioners and agents , and other intendants and commisseries of our said finances , to prosecute them , molest , disquiet , directly or indirectly , in any kind whatsoever . 76. all generals , lords , knights , gentlemen , officers , common-councills of cities and commonalties ; and all others who have aided and succoured them , their wives , heirs , and successors , shall remain quitted and discharged of all money which have been by them and their order taken and levied , as well the kings money , to what sum soever it may amount , as of cities and communities , and particular rents , revennues , plate , sale of moveable goods , ecclesiastick , and other woods of a high growth , be it of domains or otherwise , amerciaments , booty , ransoms , or other kind of money taken by them , occasioned by the troubles began in the month of march , 1585. and other precedent troubles , untill our coming to the crown , so that they or those that have by them been imployed in the levying of the said money , or that they have given or furnished by their orders , shall not be therefore any wayes prosecuted at present , or for the time to come : and shall remain acquitted as well themselves , as their commissaries , for the management and administration of the said money , expecting all thereof discharged within four months after the publication of the present edict made in our parliament of paris , acquittances being duly dispatched for the heads of those of the religion , or for those that had been commissionated for the auditing and ballancing of the accounts , or for the communities of cities who have had command and charge during the said troubles , and all the said heads of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party ( as if they were particularly expressed and specified ) since the death of henry the second our father-in-law , shall in like manner remain acquitted and discharged of all acts of hostility , leavies , and conduct of soldiers , minting and valuing of money ( done by order of the said chief commanders ) casting and taking of ordnance and ammunition , compounding of powder and salt-peter , prizes , fortifications , dismantling and demolishing of cities , castles , burroughs , and villages , enterprises upon the same , burning and demolishing of churches and houses , establishing of judicatures , judgements , and executions of the same , be it in civil or criminal matters , policy and reglement made amongst themselves , voyages for intelligence , negotiations , treaties and contracts made with all foraign princes and communities , the introduction of the said strangers into cities and other places , of our kingdom , and generally of all that hath been done , executed and negotiated during the said troubles , since as aforesaid , the death of henry the second our father-in-law . 77. those of the said religion shall also remain discharged of all general and provincial assemblies by them made and held , as well at nantes as since in other places untill this present time ; as also of councils by them established and ordained by provinces , declarations , ordinances , and reglements made by the said assemblies and councells , establishment and augmentations of garrisons , assembling and taking of soldiers , levying and taking of our money , be it from the receivers-general or particular collecters of parishes , or otherwise in what manner soever , seizures of salt , continuation or erection of taxes , tolls , and receipts of the same at royan , and upon the rivers of charant , garronne , rosne , and dordonne , arming and fighting by sea , and all accidents and excess hapning upon forcing the payment of taxes , tolls , and other money by fortifying of cities , castles , and places , impositions of money and day-works , receipts of the same money , displacing of our receivers , farmers , and other officers , establishing others in their places , and of all leagues , dispatches and negotiations made as well within as without the kingdom : and in general , of all that hath been done , deliberated , written , and ordained by the said assembly and councell , so that those who have given their advice , signed , executed , caused to sign and execute the said ordinances , reglements and deliberations , shall not be prosecuted , or their wives , heirs and successors , now and for the time to come , though the particulars thereof be not amply declared . and above all , perpetual silence is hereby commanded to our procurators-general and their substitutes , and all those who may pretend to an interest therein , in whatsoever fashion or manner it may be , notwithstanding all decrees , sentences , judgements , informations , and procedures made to the contrary . 78. we further approve , allow , and authorize the accounts which have been heard , ballanced , and examined by the deputies of the said assembly : willing and requiring that the same , together with the acquittances and peices which have been rendred by the accomptants , be carried into our chambers of accompts at paris , three months after the publication of this present edict , and put into the hands of our procurator-general , to be kept with the books and registers of our chamber , to have there recourse to them as often as shall be needfull , and they shall not be subject to review , nor the accomptants held in any kind liable to appearance or correction , except in case of omission of receipts or false acquittances : and we hereby impose silence upon our procurator-generall , for the overplus that shall be found wanting , or for not observing of formalities : prohibiting to our accomptants , as well of paris as of other provinces where they are established , to take any cognizance thereof in any sort or manner whatsoever . 79. and as the accompts which have not yet been rendred , we will and ordain that the same be heard , ballanced and examined by the commissaries , who shall by us be deputed thereunto , who without difficulty shall pass and allow all the parcels paid by the said accomptants , by vertue of the ordinances of the said assembly , or others having power . 80. all collectors , receivers , farmers , and all others , shall remain well and duly discharged of all the sums of money which have been paid to the said commissioners of the assembly , of what nature soever they be , untill the last day of this month. and we will and command , that all be passed and allowed in the accompts , which accompts they shall give into our chambers of accompts , purely and simply by vertue of the acquittances which shall be brought ; and if any shall hereafter be delivered they shall remain null , and those who shall accept or deliver them , shall be condemned in the penalty of forgery . and where there shall be any accompts already given in , upon which there shall have intervened any raisings or additions , we do hereby taken away the same , and re-establish the parties intirely , by vertue of these presents , which being needfull to have particular patents , or any other thing than an extract of this present article . 81. the governors , captains , consuls , and persons commissioned to recover money for paying garrisons held by those of the religion , to whom our receivers and collectors of parishes have furnished by loan upon their credits and obligations , whether by constraint , or in obedience to the commandment of the treasurers-general , and the money necessary for the entertaining of the said garrisons , untill the concurrence of the state which we dispatched in the beginning of 1596. and augmentations since agreed unto by us , shall be held acquitted and discharged of all which hath been paid for the effect above said , though by the said scedules and obligations no mention hath been thereof made , which shall be to them rendred as null . and to satisfie therein the treasurers-general in each generality , the particular treasurers of our tallies shall give their acquittances to the said collectors ; and the receivers-general shall give their acquittances to the particular receivers : and for the discharge of the receivers general , the sums whereof they should have given account , as is said , shall be indorsed upon the commissions levied by the treasurer of the expenses , under the name of treasurers-general for the extraordinaries of our wars , for the payment of the said garrisons . and where the said commissions shall not amount to as much as the establishment and augmentations of our army did in 1596. we ordain that to supply the same , there shall be dispatched new commissions for what is necessary for the discharge of our accomptants , and restitution of the said promises and obligations , in such sort as there shall not for the time to come be any thing demanded thereof from those that shall have made them , and that all patents of ratifications which shall be necessary for the discharge of accomptants , shall be dispatched by virtue of this present article . 82. those also of the said religion shall depart and desist henceforward from all practices , negotiations , and intelligences , as well within as without our kingdom ; and the said assemblies and councels established within the provinces , shall readily separate ; and also all the leagues and associations made or to be made under what pretext soever , to the prejudice of our present edict , shall be cancelled and annulled , as we do cancell and annull them ; prohibiting most expresly to all our subjects to make henceforwards any assesments or leavy's of money , fortifications , enrolments of men , congregations and assemblies of other than such as are permitted by our present edict , and without arms : and we do prohibit and forbid them to do the contrary upon the penalty of being severely punished as contemners and breakers of our commands and ordinances . 83. all prizes which have been taken by sea , during the troubles , by vertue of the leave and allowance given , and those which have been made by land , upon those of the contrary party , and which have been judged by the judges and commissioners of the admiralty , or by the heads of those of the religion , or their councell , shall remain extinguished under the benefit of our present edict , without making any prosecution ; the captains or others who have made the said prizes , their securities , judges , officers , wives and heirs , shall not be prosecuted nor molested in any sort whatsoever , notwithstanding all the decrees of our privy councell and parliaments , of all letters of mart and seizures depending and not judged of , we will and require that there be made a full and intire discharge of all suits arising therefrom . 84. in like manner there shall not be any prosecution of those of the religion for the oppositions and obstructions which they have given formerly , and since the troubles , in the execution of decrees and judgements given for the re-establishment of the catholick religion in divers places of this kingdom . 85. and as to what hath been done , or taken during the troubles out of the way of hostility , or by hostility against the publick or particular rules of the heads of communalties of the provinces which they commanded , there shall be no prosecution by the way of justice . 86. forasmuch that whereas that which hath been done against the rules of one party or the other is indifferently excepted and reserved from the general abolition contained in our present edict , and is liable to be inquired after or prosecuted , yet nevertheless no soldier shall be troubled , whence may arise the renewing of troubles ; and for this cause , we will and ordain , that execrable cases shall only be excepted out of the said abolition : as ravishing and forcing of women and maids , burnings , murders , robberies , treachery , and lying in wait or ambush , out of the way of hostility , and for private revenge , against the duty of war , breaking of pass-ports and safeguards , with murders and pillages without command from those of the religion , or those that have followed the party of their generals who have had authority over them , founded upon particular occasions which have moved them to ordain and command it . 87. we ordain also , that punishment be inflicted for crimes and offences committed betwixt persons of the same party , if acts not commanded by the hands of one party or the other by necessity of law and order of war. and as for the leavying and exacting of money , bearing of arms , and other exploits of war done by private authority and without allowance , the parties guilty thereof shall be prosecuted by way of justice . 88. the cities dismantled during the troubles , may with our permission be re-edified and repaired by the inhabitants at their costs and charges , and the provisions granted heretofore upon that account shall hold and have place . 89. we ordain , and our will and pleasure is , that all lords , knights , gentlemen , and others of what quality and condition soever of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , shall enter and be effectually conserved in the enjoyment of all and each of their goods , rights , titles , and actions , notwithstanding the judgements following thereupon during the said troubles , and by reason of the same ; with decrees , seizures , judgements , and all that shall follow thereupon , we have to this end declared , and we do declare them null and of no effect and value . 90. the acquisitions that those of the reformed religion , and others which have followed their party , have made by the authority of the deceased kings our predecessors or others , for the immovables belonging to the church , shall not have any place or effect ; but we ordain and our pleasure is , that the ecclesiasticks enter immediately , and without delay be conserved in the possession and enjoyment really and actually of the said goods so alienated , without being obliged to pay the purchase-money which to this effect we have cancelled and revoked as null , without remedy for the purchasers to have against the generals , &c. by the authority of which the said goods have been sold . yet nevertheless for the re-imbursement of the money by them truly and without fraud disbursed , our letters patents of permission shall be dispatched to those of the religion , to interpose and equalize bare sums of the said purchases cost , the purchasers not being allowed to bring any action for their damages and interest for want of enjoyment ; but shall content themselves with the re-imbursement of the money by them furnished for the price of the acquisitions , accounting for the price of the fruits received , in case that the said sale should be found to be made at an under rate . 91. to the end that as well our justices and officers as our other subjects be clearly and with all certainty advertised of our will and intentions , and for taking away all ambiguity and doubt which may arise from the variety of former edicts , articles , secret letters patents , declarations , modifications , restrictions , interpretations , decrees and registers , as also all secrets as well as other deliberations heretofore by us or the kings our predecessors , made in our courts of parliaments or otherwayes , concerning the said reformed religion , and the troubles hapning in our said kingdom , we have declared and do hereby declare them to be of no value and effect : and as to the derogatory part therein contained , we have by this our edict abrogated , and we do abrogate , and from henceforward we cancell , revoke , and anull them . declaring expresly that our will and pleasure is , that this our edict be firmly and inviolably kept and observed as well by our justices and officers , as other subjects , without hesitation , or having any regard at all to that which may be contrary or derogatory to the same . 92. and for the greater assurance of the keeping and observing what we herein desire , we will and ordain , and it is our pleasure , that all the governors and leivetenants general of our provinces , bayliffs , chief-justices and other ordinary judges of the cities of our said kingdom immediately after the receit of this same edict , and do bind themselves by oath to keep and cause to be kept and observed each in their district as shall also the mayors , sheriffs , principal magistrates , consuls , and jurates of cities either annual or perpetual . enjoyning likewise our bayliffs , chief justices , or their livetenants , and other judges to make the principal inhabitants of the said cities , as well of the one religion as the other , to swear to the keeping and observing of this present edict immediately after the publication thereof : and taking all those of the said cities under our protection , command that one and the other respectively shall either answer for the opposition that shall be made to this our said edict within the said cities by the inhabitants thereof , or else to present and deliver over to justice the said opposers . we will and command our well beloved the people holding our courts of parliaments , chambers of accounts , and courts of aids , that immediately after the receipt of this present edict they cause all things to cease , and upon penalty of nullity of the acts which they shall otherwise do , to take the like oath as above , and to publish and register our said edict in our said courts according to the form and tenure of the same , purely and simply , without using any modifications , restrictions , declarations , or secret registers , or expecting any other order or command from us : and we do require our procurators-general to pursue immediately and without delay the said publication hereof . we give in command to the people of our said courts of parliaments , chambers of our courts , and courts of our aids , bayliffs , chief-justices , provosts and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their leivetenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred this our present edict and ordinance in their courts and jurisdictions , and the same keep punctually , and the contents of the same to cause to be injoyned and used fully and peaceably to all those to whom it shall belong , ceasing and making to cease all troubles and obstructions to the contrary , for such is our pleasure : and in witness hereof we have signed these presents with our own hand ; and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable for ever , we have caused to put and indorse our seal to the same . given at nantes in the month of april in the year of grace 1598. and of our reign the ninth signed henry . and underneath , the king being in council , forget . and on the other side , visa . this visa signifies the lord chancellors perusal . sealed with the great seal of green-wax upon a red and green string of silk . read , published , and registred , the kings procurator or attorney-general hearing and consenting to it in the parliament of paris , the 25th . of february , 1599. signed , voysin . read , published , and in-registred the chamber of accompts , the kings procurator-general hearing and consenting , the last day of may , 1599. signed de la fontaine . read , published , and registred , the kings procurator-general hearing and consenting , at paris in the court of aids the 30th . of april , 1599. signed bernard . observations upon the kings two declarations given at st. germains in laye the second of april , 1666. the one , concerning the affairs of those of the pretended reformed religion . the other , entituled against the relapsed and blasphemers . the preface of the first declaration . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . our greatest care since we came unto the crown hath been to maintain our catholick subjects , and those that be of the pretended reformed religion in perfect peace and tranquility , observing exactly the edict of nantes , and that of the year 1629. but although the laws foresee those cases which happen more ordinarily , so as to apply thereto necessary pre-cautions ; yet seeing a multiplicity of actions which daily occurr , cannot be reduced to one certain rule ; it was therefore necessary to make particular provisions assoon as difficulties of any sort did occasionally arise , and therein to make judgement and decision by the ordinary rules and forms of justice : which thing hath made way for many decrees made in our council , and sundry others passed in our chambers of the edict , of which there having been no publick notice given , our subjects have found themselves often ingaged in suites ▪ and contestations , which they might have then avoided , if they had known that the like questions had been already decided by former judgements : insomuch that for preventing the like inconveniencies , and to nourish peace and amity amongst our subjects , as well catholicks as those of the pretended reformed religion , the arch-bishops , bishops , and other ecclesiastick deputies in the general assembly of the clergy , which is held at present by our permission in our good city of paris , have very instantly besought us to reduce the said decisions into one single declaration , adjoyning thereunto certain articles touching some actions thereupon occuring , to the end that the whole may be made more notorious and publick to all our subjects ; and that by this means they having no cause to pretend ignorance , may conform themselves thereto , and cause to cease the discords and altercations which may arise on such like actions ; and that what hath been judged and decided by the said decrees , may be for ever confirmed and established , and may be put in execution as a law inviolable . for these causes with the advice of our counsel , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , we have by these presents signed with our hand , said , and declared , say and declare , we will , and it is our pleasure that the said decrees made in our counsell , be kept and observed according to their form and tenour , in such manner . observations upon this preface . if this declaration , which contains fifty nine articles , had hurt them of the pretended reformed religion only in points of commodity and convenience ; they have so much respect for whatsoever bears the august name of their soveraign , they would have contained themselves in silence , and not have troubled by the importunity of their complaints , the satisfaction which this great monarch doth injoy in the sweets of peace and prosperities of his estate . but the deplorable extremity to which they see themselves to be reduced , doth forcibly draw from them whether they will or no , those groans which they would have stifled if their sorrows had not been extreme . for this declaration which they esteem as the greatest and most rigorous blow , by which they could be smitten ; like a clap of thunder , doth throw them into the greatest terrors , and doth not suffer them to be silent : and it seems to them that they should make themselves criminals , if upon this so pressing an occasion , which threatens their goods , their honours , their families , their lives , and which is yet more and more dear unto them , their religion , and the liberty of their consciences , they should not cause their sad voice to be heard by his majesty , for that were no other than to testify an injurious distrust , as if his justice and his royal protection could be wanting to his miserable subjects , who come to prostrate themselves at the feet of this extraordinary prince , given of god expresly for this end , that he might do good unto men , and that his scepter , no less just than puissant , might be the sanctuary of afflicted innocence . so that it is not only their necessity but their sence of their duty it self , which gives them of the pretended reformed religion the boldness to address themselves unto the king , to demand of him with all profound humility , the revocation of an ordinance , which is not properly his own work , but of them of the clergy who have suggested it . kings have alwayes at the highest point of their grandeur and of their puissance , made no difficulty to change their most absolute oders , when they have been caused to understand that they had been surprised . and yet even from this also they have received glory ; because to give laws , is only to rule over others ▪ but to revoke those , which persons interessed have imposed upon the spirit of the prince , is to reign over himself ; and this is the means by which soveraign force may make it self to be acknowledged through all the world as truly worthy of empire , if the love of justice be more powerfull in his heart than that of his soveraign authority . there is then reason to hope for these generous sentiments , from a king whose soul is yet more noble than the crown it self which he wears ; and whose resolution hath already begun to display it self in naming commissioners of the highest dignity to review the declaration now in debate . which is a piece that appears so many strange wayes , that they themselves who made it would confess it to be so , if they could but for some moments of time devest themselves of their prejudice . i. first of all , the declaration sets forth , that it was granted at the request , and upon the very instant supplications of the arch-bishops , bishops , and other ecclesiastical deputies in the assembly of the clergy . which had it not been so clearly expressed , might nevertheless have been easily known by reading the memoires of the clergy , those publick memoires which were printed in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty six . for all the same things which were remarkable , and which the clergy pretended to at that time : all the demands which they made ; all the decrees they proposed to themselves to obtain , are found in the articles of this declaration . in regard whereof they can be looked upon no otherwise than as the execution of those so destructive memoires , since therein may be seen all the pretentions of the clergy turned into form of rules , and ordinances . ii. besides , who else but the ecclesiasticks , that is to say , most passionate parties , could ever have conceived that thought which they had , and which they have by surprize caused to be set in the preface of this declaration , where it is said , that what hath been judged and decided by the decrees of the counsell , should be confirmed and established for ever , and be executed as a law inviolable . for to desire that the decrees in generall made in counsel , that is to say , decrees whereof many were given upon a petition only , and without cognisance of the cause ; or upon particular actions and upon circumstances extraordinary , should pass into a law inviolable throughout the realm , certainly is a thing that cannot easily be conceived . there is no thing more common than to see the decrees of the counsel annulled by others subsequent , because the king being better informed of the state and truth of things , wills that the rights of justice should be maintained on the same tribunal where the artifice of the parties would have given it some defeat ; decrees being indeed no rules of the law , but on the contrary , the law the true rule of decrees . iii. the form and tenure of the articles makes it no less clear that the declaration was a surprize . for they are all prejudicial to the pretended reformed religion . and in the mean time the king in the beginning of the preface doth say expresly , that his greatest care since his coming to the crown , hath been to maintain his catholick subjects and those of the petended reformed religion in perfect peace and tranquility : and a few lines after , that the design of this declaration was to nourish peace and amity amongst his majesties subjects as well catholicks as those of the pretended reformed religion . in pursuance of this design truly worthy the justice and goodness of the king , the declaration ought to have been conceived in such sort , that in giving satisfaction to the one , some regard might have been had at least of the weal and subsistence of the other ; and that not only they of the roman catholick religion , but they also of the pretended reformed religion might have found therein some matter of contentment . but contrary to this so just a maxim , this whole declaration is to the disadvantage of the latter ; and so far from being proper to nourish peace and amity that it can serve for nothing else but to beget eternal troubles and divisions . this is one manifest proof that it was neither the king nor his counsell that formed this declaration , not only so partial but so openly contrary to so considerable a party of his majesties subjects . for kings have not been wont to deal after this manner in the regulations which they make for the union and repose of the persons whose differences they would appease . they do alwayes conserve the interest of the one part with the other betwixt whom they seek to establish concord and good understanding . the edict of nantes hath been conceived by this true spirit of royalty . for it propounds so to regulate the affairs of those of the catholick , apostolick and roman religion and those of the pretended reformed religion , that both the one and the other might find therein some cause to be contented . and also for the composing thereof henry the great called unto his person , the most prudent and best qualified of the two religions , that he might confer with them . he received their bills , he hearkned to their complaints and to their remonstrances , to the end he might not be surprized in any point . but here they of the pretended reformed religion were neither heard nor called ; the ecclesiasticks only in this ( rencounter ) had the honour to approach unto the person of the king ; and having disguised matters unto him according to the dictates of their passion , they have imposed upon him sinister impressions to the prejudice of the truth , to the end they might cause him to set forth a declaration which they had a long time before framed in their own bosoms . it is then the clergy who have suggested it through the motives of their hatred against them of the pretended reformed religion , and who were desirous therein to accumulate all things whatsoever their passion could enable them to imagine , as most proper to atchieve their overthrow and ruine . iv. but that which renders this surprize in every respect sensible and palpable , is the pablick protestation which the king makes in the entrance of this declaration , that he will observe exactly the edict of nantes and that of 1629. for it will be found that this declaration is so very far from exactly observing those edicts so authorised , that it repeals them in many of its articles ; so that none can doubt but that it is contrary to the intention of his majesty , and that they who have obtained it have surprised him in the sincerity of his heart . for where is the person so rash or so wicked , as to dare to say that the king doth indeed protest that he will observe the edict of nantes , but that notwithstanding it is not his intention ? they are none but the enemies of france and of the glory of our illustrious monarch who can make such discourses . they of the pretended reformed religion who are resolved to live and die in the respects which they owe unto his sacred majesty , can never have such a suspicion of so admirable a prince , and the grand-child of henry the great . for that great heroe who hath transmitted unto him his vertues with his blood , gives us very well to understand that his posterity are uncapable of any such procedure , when he pronounces these generous words which the history hath preserved and he addressed in so firm a tone to them of the parliament of paris about the matter of the edict of nantes . i find it not good , saith he , to intend one thing and write another , and if any have done so , i will not do the same . cousenage is altogether odious , but most of all in a prince , whose word ought to be unchangeable . the successor then and worthy imitator of henry the great having given his royal word , and willed himself that the publick should be thereof both depositary and witness even of this his word , by which he hath engaged to observe exactly the edict of nantes ; it cannot be denyed that all that whatsoever it be which clashes with this perpetual and irrevocable edict , is at the same time contrary unto the will of his royal majesty . being then it is so , that almost in all the articles of the declaration of 1666. there are contrarieties to the edict , we must needs conclude that they are so many surprizes , of which his majesty will do right to his justice by making a solemn revocation of the same . v. they who have contrived them believed that they had found a very specious pretext under which they might procure them to pass , when they represented to his majesty that the law could not foresee all those particular actions which might occurr in the succession of time , and that therefore besides the edict of nantes some other declaration must be had , which might serve for a certain rule . but this pretense is also another surprize . for the edict it self stiles it self a general , perspicuous , clear and absolute law , by which all those of the one or the other religion should be regulated in all the differences which had befaln or should hereafter occurr betwixt them . but for the full discovery of the vanity of this artificial pretext , they of the pretended reformed religion maintain , that this declaration under the pretence of explicating and interpreting this edict , doth ruine it , and that the settlements of the one are the overturners of the other . which thing will appear as clear as day by the following observations , which will give us to see that the greater part of those things which are contained in this long declaration are contrary to the edict of nantes , or if there be any which are not of that number , they are unprofitable innovations , and which can serve for nothing unless it be secretly to dress a trap for the liberties of those of the pretended reformed religion . these are the two hinges upon which all these following remarks do rowl , and these two principles do equally conclude to cause a revocation of this declaration ; since that the articles contrary to the edict cannot accord with the intention of his majesty , and those which are fruitless are unworthy to hold any rank in a royal ordinance . article i. prohibition to preach any other where than in the places appointed for that usage . that the ministers may not make their sermons in any other places than those destinate to that usage , and not in publick places on any pretext whatsoever . observation . if this article carried no other sense than what appears in open view , they of the pretended reformed religion had found nothing to say unto it , seeing that they never pretended that it was permitted them to preach in any publick place . but these last words which are read in the end of this article under any pretense whatsoever , are an artifice which the ecclesiasticks have invented for to ruine the liberty of those of the pretended reformed religion , and to authorize certain decrees gotten of the counsel ; by surprize for they would joyn these terms , under what pretext soever it be , not to the second clause of the article where it speaks of publick places , but to the first , which in general forbids to preach else-where than in places appointed for that usage . so that by vertue of these words they will prohibit them who have petty fees to cause sermons to be made in their own houses , where they have no temples nor places particularly appointed for preaching : which notwithstanding is contrary to the eighth article of the edict of nantes , wherein the right of these fees is formally established . and besides , if a temple fall to ruine , or is pulled down in some popular sedition , or burnt by fire , they will pretend that they who have accustomed to hold their exercise in that place , cannot assemble in any near place , or neighbour house untill such times as the temple is re-built , and if a temple be made unaccessible by a deluge of waters , or if the plague , or enemies , or any other obstacle hinder their approach thereunto ; they will pretend the same thing , against reason and justice , and also against the sixth article of the particulars of the edict of nantes . finally , if they of the pretended reformed religion be obliged to transfer their exercises for necessary reasons , and there observe all conditions requisite ; or if they preach to their assemblies in the country in places uncovered where they have right ; they will thereupon raise troubles and suits in consequence of this article . this is the cause why they of the said religion do most humbly beseech his majesty to revoke this article as tending to give occasion to many vexing contestations , and contrary to the intention of the edicts : or it will be necessary for removing all matters of vexation instead of these terms , under any pretext whatsoever , to employ these without intending notwithstanding to do any prejudice to the priviledge of the fees ; or to forbid in case of hostility , contagion or fire , overflowing of water , or ruine , or other lawfull causes to preach in any neighbour place , provided it be not a publick place , notwithstanding any decrees or judgements made to the contrary . article ii. places of demesme . that they of the pretended reformed religion aforesaid may not establish any preachings in the places of their demesme which are adjudged unto them , under pretence of any priviledge annexed to courts of high-justice contained within their said adjudications . this is formally contrary to the seventh article of the edict of nantes , by which — it is allowed to all lords , gentlemen and other persons of the reformed pretended religion , having right of high justice-courts , or tenure of knights , whether as proprietors ; or as vsufructuaries only , to have the exercise of religion in their houses : these words have respect to those that obtain the demesme of the king as well as others , for they are general ; they speak of all persons that have power of high justice without any distinction ; and there is as to this point no difference betwixt those that enjoy the right of high justice by the king's engagement , and those that possess it as their own proper estate , because the morgagee enjoys all the rights which depend on the fee of which he is the possessor , until such time as he is reimbursed . the liberty then of publick exercise being one of the attributes of high justice , and of the fee of knights service ; it is but reason , that the morgagee of the domain , do enjoy it , during his possession . the edict it self leaves no place to doubt of this . for in the article we have now alledged , mention is made of those that have high justice , whether as proprietaries or vsufructuaries . now the possessor of a demain by morgage is an usufructuary : and by consequent is comprised expresly in the edict . but the thing will be entirely out of question , if we consider the tenth article of the edict , where these words are read — so that the said establishment be not hindred in such places of demain as have been given by the said edict , articles and conferences for places of bailiwicks , or which hereafter shall be , although they have been alienated heretofore , or shall be hereafter by persons of the catholick apostolick , roman religion . an exception which shews , that the places of the demesnes are subjected to the right of exercise as well as others . and to the end that we might not suppose that it was the intent of the edict to be restrained to the places of bayliwicks only ; this tenth article proceeds thus — however we do not understand , that the said exercise may be re-established in places and seats of the said demain , which have been heretofore possessed by them of the said p. r. r. which they did enjoy in consideration of their persons , or because of their fees , if those fees be found at present in the possession of persons of the said catholick apostolick and roman religion . an exception which doth evidently testifie that fees of demain engaged follow in this respect the condition of others ; which when they are withdrawn out of the hands of those of the p. r. r. the exercise cannot be any longer continued ; for that the privilege was personal , and affixed to the fee : whence it follows , that according to the edict , so long as the said fees are possessed by persons of this religion , the exercises thereof ought to be freely made there , as in other fees of requisite qualification . his majesty therefore out of the design which he hath to cause the edict of nantes to be observed , will be pleased to accord to the revocation of this article ; as also in like manner to an evacuation of a decree made in council january 11 , 1667 ; in which they of the p. r. r. are not only forbidden to — establish any preaching in the place of demain , which shall be adjudged unto them under pretence of right of high justice comprised within their adjudications : but moreover in it they find another settlement , yet more rigorous , in as much as it import that — when his majesty accords to the right of high justice in any of the lands of those of the p. r. r. there must be express mention made in the erection of those rights of high justice , that the exercise of their religion may not be established there under the pretext of that high justice . a strange surprise imposed on the king , and we have cause to promise our selves , that his majesty cannot suffer this rigour , which turns his favour into a punishment , and depriveth them of the p. r. r. of a liberty , which is of the number of those which the edict hath most formally expressed . article iii. places of high justice . that in places where the lords of the p. r. r. having the right of high justice do exercise the same , there shall be no marks of publick exercise . this article is incompatible with the thirty fourth of the particulars of nantes , which expresseth — that in all places where the exercise of the said religion shall be publick , the people may be assembled , and that also by the sound of a bell , and do all the acts and functions that appertain as well to the exercise of their religion , as the regulation of their discipline , as to hold consistories , colloquies and synods provincial and national by the permission of his majesty . this settlement is formal ; for it speaks generally , and without exception of all places where the exercise is publick . therefore it intends the places of high justice as well as other places accorded by the edict , since by the seventh article of the generals , the right of exercise is attributed to the places of high-justice , and to the fees of knight-service , in which the lords and gentlemen , possessors thereof may cause sermons to be made , as well for themselves , their families and subjects , as for others that will resort thither , which thing makes the exercise publick . further , this thirty fourth article of the particulars permits in all places where the exercise of the p. r. r. is publick ; to assemble the people by the sound of the bell ; which bell for assembling the people , supposeth a power to have a bell-house , and the bell-house supposeth a temple : so that according to the intention of the edict , temples may be had in the places of high justice . and here we may perceive also by the settlement of this 34th . article , that it is permitted in all places where the publick exercise is celebrated , to hold synods not only provincial , but national also . by consequent all places of this nature , of the number of which are those of the high justice , may have the marks of a publick exercise . for how can a provincial or a national synod be held in a place , where there is neither chair to preach nor bench to sit ? is it credible that the edict did command that there should be a place where the deputies from the whole kingdom should have liberty to assemble in a synod without giving power to their ministers notwithstanding to ascend the pulpit , to make there the sermons necessary to such solemn assembles ? being therefore this article cannot be made to agree unto the edict , his majesty is most humbly besought to revoke it , as also those decrees , which the clergy have obtained by surprize , for authorising so ill founded a pretention . and this thing appears yet more strange , because the places wherein the pretended reformed religion is exercised have nothing at all in outward shew , which might move jealousie to any person : for they are places altogether simple and plain , without pomp , without imbellishments , and without ornaments . there is nothing but a chair , and seats without curiosity , and being they have nothing but what is absolutely necessary , those places cannot reasonably be deprived thereof whereunto the edict gives right of publick exercise . article iv. consolation of prisoners . that the ministers may not comfort the prisoners in the goals , but with a low voice , in a chamber apart ; and assisted only with one or two persons . here may be seen also a manifest contrariety to the fourth article of the particulars of nantes , where it is said , — as to them who shall be condemned by course of justice , the said ministers may likewise visit , and comfort them , without making publick prayers , except only in places where the said publick exercise is permitted unto them by the edict . this article permits in the places authorised by the edict , publick prayers to be made , that is to say , in a publick place , at the very place of punishment , before all the great concourse of people assembled there : and the declaration on the contrary forbids without distinction of places , prayers to be made with a loud voice , and even in private also , in the chambers of the prisons , with the doors shut . are not these two settlements opposite , which destroy one the other ? it seems likewise , that the declaration contradicts it self . for if the ministers be obliged to comfort prisoners in a chamber apart , wherefore are they commanded to speak with a low voice ? since one hath free liberty to speak in a chamber distinct from others : or if it be their will that they should speak with a low voice , why do they oblige them to a chamber apart ? since a low voice needs not a distinct place . and besides , what stream of processes will there issue from this obligation to speak with a low voice ? for they will without intermission make trouble to the ministers for the tone of his voice ? they will pretend , that he hath not spoken low enough , and it will be in a manner impossible to find the just mean betwixt a voice too low , which the prisoner cannot hear , and by which he cannot be comforted ; and a voice a little too high , which may be understood by others . it will be therefore necessary at the least to regulate this , so that itmay be understood of a low voice , that it is to be spoken in such a sense as it is used in the case of the noise of those that work on a festival day , that it be such a voice as cannot be heard in the street , nor of the neighbours . it is also hard to conceive how the ministers can observe that clause which speaks of a chamber apart ; for shall it be in their power to bring the prisoners into a chamber apart : if the question were only of them that are condemned to death , the matter would be easie ; for they do ordinarily put them in a place apart , after their condemnation : but the article of the declaration speaks of all prisoners without distinction . and shall the minister have authority to cause to lead , or carry into a chamber apart a sick prisoner , whom they find in the same place with many others ? and if the jaylor will not suffer it , then what means shall the ministers have to cause him to obey them . and it may so fall out , that an unfortunate person detained in prison for his debts , or for any other cause , may die there without consolation , or exhortation to repentance , for that he cannot be in a chamber apart . this article being then impossible to be executed , and tending to leave poor prisoners to die miserably , without being assisted in their consciences : his majesty is most humbly besought to cause this article to be put out , and to be content in the affair of prisoners , with the regulation contained in the fourth article of the particulars of nantes . article v. to speak of the catholick religion with all respect . that the ministers shall not in their sermons and elsewhere , use any injurious or offensive terms against the catholick religion , or the state , but on the contrary shall carry themselves with that moderation which is ordained by the edicts , and speak of the catholick religion with all respect . they of the p. r. r. cannot behold without sensible grief , that their ministers are forbidden to use injurious terms against the estate . for this prohibition seems to presuppose , that they either have been guilty of this crime , or that they have some propensity to commit it . and notwithstanding there is nothing that they abhor more , and of which they are more incapable . the love of the estate , and zeal of their religion are inseparable in their hearts and mouths . they never express themselves neither in their sermons , nor in their discourses , but as good french and faithful subjects , and they never ascend their pulpits , but they pray to god for the sacred person of the king , for all the royal family , and for the prosperity of his estate . as for what belongs to the catholick religion , they always speak thereof with the moderation ordained by the edicts . but to make a law which commands them to speak with all respect , is to expose them to the uttermost misery : and they can never assure themselves any longer neither of their goods , nor of their liberty , nor of their lives , if this ordinance continue ; for whatsoever moderation they use in their sermons , whatsoever pains they take to chuse their terms , when they are obliged to touch matters of controversie , there will be found , notwithstanding , persons who will pretend that they have not spoken with all respect ; so will it come to pass , that they shall see themselves every hour overwhelmed with fines , imprisoned , and condemned to many kinds of punishments . this is the reason wherefore his majesty is instantly besought to give remedy to this mischief , by expunging this article which renders it inevitable , and to be satisfied with that regulation which is found in the edict of nantes , where in its seventeenth article it forbids all preachers , lecturers and others who speak in publick , to use any speeches , discourses or propositions illuding to stir up the people to sedition , with a strict command to demean themselves modestly , and to speak nothing which may not be for the instruction and comfort of their hearers , and for maintaining the tranquillity and repose of the realm . a prohibition which of good right was made general and common to all sorts of preachers , as well of the one religion , as of the other , notwithstanding that indeed the ministers have less need of this injunction , in this matter , than the preachers of the catholick apostolick and roman religion , amongst whom it is easie to find , that they give themselves liberties apt to trouble the publick peace of all , art . vi. acts of notaries . that notaries who receive the testaments and other acts of the p. r. r. shall not speak of them of the said religion in other terms than such as the edicts permit . they of the p. r. r. find not any thing of their concern in this article , and cannot divine upon what consideration the ecclesiasticks have caused it to be put in this declaration ; unless it be , that they well fore-seeing that justice would infallibly prevail with his majesty to reform a piece wherein they had surprised his royal goodness in so many ways ; they have expresly for that end caused articles unprofitable , and to no purpose to be foisted therein , to the end , that when this work comes to be examined , they may have therein certain matters which they might remit ; to give pretence that afterwards the declaration should be very moderate , and could no more give cause of complaint to any person . but our monarch hath an understanding too much enlightned not to discover this artifice : and when this sixth article of this declaration , and divers others of like nature which may be found therein , are outed ; they of the p. r. r. cannot esteem their condition any thing the better , nor more supportable , if the other points which ruine their liberties be maintained ; their subsistence being nevertheless in this kingdom impossible . this is the cause wherefore his majesty is besought to keep this in mind , to the end , that this observation may be applyed to many other articles insignificant , or of small consequence , with which this declaration is swoln apparently for some design worthy to be observed . art . vii . books . that those of the p. r. r. may not cause any books to be printed concerning the p. r. r. which are not attested and certified by approved ministers , for which they are to be responsible , nor without the permission of the magistrates , and the consent of our attourneys , and that the said books shall not be vended , but in such places where the exercise of the said religion is permitted . there needs no law to oblige them of the p. r. r. to observe the former part of this article , which wills , that their books may not be printed without the attestation of approved ministers ; for this is an order which is observed inviolably amongst them , and which is established by their own synods . but as for the second part which forbids them to cause any books to be printed concerning their religion , without the permission of the magistrates , and the consent of the king's attournies , is a rigour altogether opposite to the edict of nantes ; for thus it speaks in the one and twentieth article , let not the books which concern the p. r. r. be printed , or sold publickly , except in the towns and places where the publick exercise of that religion is permitted : and for other books which are printed in other towns ; let them be viewed and revised , as well by the king's officers , as divines , according to the true intent of the ordinances . where may be observed an express distinction of books of the p. r. r. some printed in the towns where the publick exercise of the p. r. r. is permitted , and others which are printed in places where this exercise is not permitted . as for those this edict wills , that they be viewed and visited by the king's officers ; which indeed is but reasonable , being there the p. r. r. is not openly and publickly professed . but of the other , the edict speaks in a far different manner , permitting to print them , and sell them publickly in the towns and places where the p. r. r. is prosessed , without submitting them to the visitation of permission of the kings officers , which is required in the other case . now therefore the declaration forbids what the edict of nantes permits in express terms . and this is a matter very considerable , and whereof they of the pretended reformed religion have just cause to complain , in that this new declaration is more rigorous in this point than the edict of 1576 it self , notwithstanding that it was made during all the heat and animosity of the civil wars . for the edict of 1576. was content to require that the books of them of the pretended reformed religion should be viewed and approved by the chambers my parties , of which one half was alwaies found to profess the said religion . in place whereof this new declaration subjects them of the said pretended reformed religion to obtain a permission from the magistrates and consent from the kings attorneys who are all of a contrary religion . this is to make it impossible , for the kings attorneys who will never give their consent to the impression of books which treat of another religion than their own ; and to permit them to print with this condition , is to forbid them absolutely against the clear and express intent of the edict of nantes . this then is a meer surprize of the clergy , who have passionately longed and aspired to have such an article as this to be made , as may appear by their memoirs which were published 1661. for their desire is there found expressed thus , it is requisite , say they , to have a decree containing a prohibition to print any books which have not been formerly viewed and approved by the kings officers , which also testifies that before this time , no decree had forbidden this , and that it was formerly unknown . and surely it is a matter of admiration that the ecclesiasticks desired to obtain this prohibition , for it is not for the advantage of the catholick roman religion . it will seem that they are afraid of the books which they oppose and mistrust they cannot answer them . they therefore of the pretended reformed religion hope that his majesty according to their most humble supplication which they make unto him , will revoke this article concerning the books of their religion , and vacate all the decrees by which he hath been surprized in this matter . article viii . the quality of pastors , and prohibition to speak of the church with irreverence of holy things . that the said ministers shall not take on them the quality of pastors of the church , but only that of ministers of the pretended reformed religion ; as also that they shall not speak irreverently of holy things , and of the ceremonies of the church , and shall not call the catholicks by any other name than that of catholicks . vve cannot admire enough that they have caused to be entred in a declaration royal and of consequence a prohibition of the name pastor . for this term hath nothing considerable in it , nor any thing that makes for the honour of those who bear it . it is common both to good and bad pastors , and the holy scripture doth often cry out against false pastors that abuse and corrupt the people . they make no difficulty to give to the pretended reformed churches the name of a flock ; by what reason then do they refuse their ministers the name of pastors which is relative thereto , since a pastor is he that feeds the flock ? so that no more exception is to be taken against the quality of a pastor than is against the appellation of a minister , since it doth barely set out their duty without determining whether they discharge it well or ill . and this language cannot be blamed , being warranted by the example and authority of his majesty himself . for when he did them the honour to write to their national synod at london the 30th of november , 1659. the superscription of his letter was in these terms , to our dear and well-beloved the pastors and elders , the deputees in the assembly of the national synod of our subjects professing the pretended reformed religion at london . the residue of this article of the declaration is of the same nature with the fifth article ; and if there be any difference , it is in this , that this aggravates the other and goes above it . it is an endless source and everlasting seed of all sorts of mischief to the ministers , who notwithstanding all the most accurate pre-caution , and the most wise and modest continence , will be continually halled before the tribunals , cast into prisons , ruinated in their goods , and overwhelmed in their very persons ; because there will be alwayes found some ill-minded people who will accuse them for having spoken irreverently of the holy things , and ceremonies of the catholick apostolick roman church . to the end therefore that they may injoy in this realm the liberty which was granted to them by the edict , his majesty is most ardently besought that he would cause these two articles , the fifth and the eighth to be excluded , as which draw innumerable calamities on those persons whom he hath been pleased to declare that he will take into his royal protection . neither is it only the concern of the ministers security that causes them to demand the revocation of these articles , but the repose and subsistence of all those persons in general who are of the pretended reformed religion . for a method hath been taken up of late which doth sufficiently make known how much a prohibition to speak of holy things and the ceremonies of the church may hurt them . that is , that the parish priests when they please publish their censures and monitions ▪ against any person of the pretended reformed religion obliging all their parishioners in general to depose if they have heard any thing spoken by him against the catholick apostolick roman religion , which makes way for them to rip up all a mans life from his very infancy ; and if it have hapned that he have spoken of any controversie they impute it unto him to have uttered some blasphemies against the mysteries and ceremonies of the church . and sometime witnesses are found who by false reports bring the honour and life of men in hazard ; and we have already seen persons unreproachable whose innocence could not secure them from such calumnious accusations , and who have been condemned to death for words maliciously contrived with design to destroy them ; your majesty is therefore humbly prayed to hinder this so great a mischief , not only by removing this article which will serve for pretext to evil disposed spirits ; but also by ordaining just and reasonable penalties against the accusers and the witnesses , who in such contests shall be convinced of falshood and fall short of proving their accusations ; and above all forbidding those minatories , and those wandring uncertain and undetermined informations which smell of the inquisition , and are capable of troubling all the whole realm . article ix . robes and cassocks of ministers . that the ministers may not wear gowns or cassocks , nor appear in the long robe elsewhere than within their temples . the liberty of habit is so great in france , that it were to strip the ministers of the quality of french-men , to bring the form of their garments into controversie . if cassocks or long robes were in such manner peculiar to church-men , that it might pass for an infallible mark of their character and order ; it might be that they might have some reason to dispute them with those whom they will not acknowledge for ecclesiasticks . but the cassock and the gown are worn of many persons that are not of the orders of the church . judges , counsellors , attorneys themselves , recorders , ushers , physicians , regents of schools or colledges have this priviledge without contestation . and the quality of doctors , licentiates , or masters of arts , in which ministers may be invested as well as others , and are in a manner , is that which properly giveth right of wearing the cassock and long robe . it cannot therefore be imagined for what reason they ought to be forbidden unto ministers ; and when the ecclesiasticks required this prohibition and obtained it by a decree of the counsel gotten by surprize the 30th of june 1664. to serve for a foundation of this article of the declaration , it was meerly the effect of their dissatisfaction to the ministers and only upon design to blast them . but the ministers who are born subjects of the king , hope to find his justice in the defence of their honour as well as of their persons . article x. registers of baptisms and marriages . that the said ministers shall keeep registers of the baptisms and marriages which are made by those of the pretended reformed religion , and shall produce from three months to three months an extract thereof to the registers of the bailywick and constableries of their precincts . this article is altogether useless , in regard that the new ordinance which is now observed through the whole realm , hath sufficiently provided for the recording of baptisms and marriages . article xi . celebration of marriages . that they may not make any mariages betwixt persons that are catholicks and those of the pretended reformed religion whereon any opposition is made , untill such time as such opposition have been removed by the judges to whom the cognizance thereof doth appertain . this settlement is also to be numbred amongst the fruitless , and there is no need of an ordinance to inforce this duty upon the ministers . for they do never bestow the nuptial blessing on marriages contracted betwixt persons of divers religions , unless it be by vertue of some decree or judgement of the magistrates . their own ecclesiastick discipline forbids them to do otherwise ; and when there is opposition the cognizance whereof belongs unto the judges , they never proceed till they be determined . art . xii . consistories . that those of the pretended reformed religion may not receive into the assemblies of their consistories others than those whom they call elders with their ministers . the consistories of those of the pretended reformed religion are composed , not only of ministers and elders ; but also of deacons who have the particular care of feeding , cloathing , and harbouring the poor . the discipline of the pretended reformed churches makes express mention of these three sorts of persons , regulates their charges , their imployments and their functions , being therefore the edict of nantes in the thirty fourth article of the particulars doth authorize the exercise of this discipline , and that even the thirty fifth article doth formally name the deacons as being part of the consistories ; it is not credible that the kings intention was to exclude the deacons from thence . but as it is usual to draw advantage of every thing against them of the pretended reformed religion , if the word elders be left alone in this article of the declaration ; occasion undoubtedly will be taken thereby to hinder the deacons from entring into their consistories , contrary to the order of their discipline and the intent of the edict . wherefore it is necessary to add unto this article the term deacons which is there omitted . besides this illustration there are three other particulars also , no less necessary to make this article accord with the discipline of the pretended reformed churches , and with the edict of nantes which doth authorize it . for their discipline , which is the rule of their conduct in their ecclesiastical politie wills , that when they are about the calling of a minister all the heads of the families of one flock should be assembled to give their voice ; as being all concerned in the establishment of a person who is appointed for their service : so that if they of the said religion may receive none into their assemblies but ministers , elders , and deacons , they cannot call any ministers to the service of their churches when they have need ; which cannot be the kings intention . besides the edict of nantes in the forty third article of the particulars , permits those of the pretended reformed religion to assemble , to make impositions of monies which are necessary for the charges of their synods and entertainment of their ministers , which notwithstanding they cannot do , if this article of the declaration be continued as it is , and if they cannot receive into the assemblies of their consistories other persons than their elders and deacons . and it may may also come to pass that there may be found troublesome spirits who will contend that they may not call offenders and scandalous persons into their consistories , to censure them according to their merit and to reduce them to their duty . for the avoiding therefore all ambiguity , and that there may not be left any advantage for contentious spirits to trouble those of the pretended reformed religion without cause ; this present article had need to be explicated , in such sort that his majesty thereby doe declare , that he intends not at all to deprive those of the said religion of the liberty of calling into their consistories those whom they shall think fit to cause to come thither because of scandal ; nor to assemble the heads of families for the calling of their ministers ; nor to hold assemblies permitted by the edict for imposition of monies for the entertainment of their ministers , and charges of their synods . art . xiii . donations and legacies . that the elders of the consistories may not be appointed inheritours nor legatees universal in their said quality . the forty second article of the edict of nantes is repealed by this . for it contains that the donations or legacies made or to be made , whether it be by last will in the case of death , or made by the living , for the entertainment of their ministers , doctors , scholars , or for the poor of the pretended reformed religion or other matters of piety , should be valid , and obtain their full and intire effect , notwithstanding all judgements , decrees , or ether things to the contrary thereof whatsoever . this settlement is general and absolute ; and it distinguisheth not betwixt the universal and particular donations . and by consequent it respects the one as well as the other . for there where the law distinguisheth not , men are not to distinguish . also the king lewis the just , your majesties father , finding this law to be indisputable , confirmed it solemnly in 1616. by his royal answer to the paper of those of the pretended reformed religion in these terms . the forty second of the private articles made at nantes concerning donations and testamentary legacies let it be observed in favour of the poor of the pretended reformed religion notwithstanding any judgements to the contrary . and all the decrees of the counsell and parliaments have been alwayes conformable to this law : this change is therefore surprizing and a notable breach of the edict . at the least we cannot doubt that the kings justice will make him find two things reasonable and necessary , to which his majesty is most humbly besought to have regard . the one is that being no ordinances have any power retroactive , nor touch any thing that is past ; he would be pleased to ordain in the explication of this article of the declaration that it may not prejudice those donations or legacies universal which were formerly made to the consistories . the other that it is not the intention of his majesty to hinder particular donations which may be given to consistories . it is very certain , that the king's design is not to forbid them . for being that in this article he forbids only donations universal , it follows necessarily that he confirms the particular . in the mean time they begin by an excessive transport to dispute the particular gifts and legacies ; and parliaments have lately made some rigorous decrees , against which , those of the said religion demand justice of his majesty , at whose feet they seek their only refuge ; beseeching him to authorise the particular donations which have been , or shall hereafter be made unto the consistories , conformable to the forty second article of the particular of nantes , notwithstanding all decrees and judgments to the contrary . art . xiv . preaching and residence of ministers in divers places . that those of the said p. r. r. assembled in their synod national or provincial , permit not their ministers to preach , or reside in divers places by turns , but on the contrary do enjoyn them to reside and preach only in one place which is given them by the said synods . this article contains two parts , the one regarding the preaching , and the other the residing of ministers in more than one place . as for the preaching by course in divers places , it is true , that there have been many decrees pro and con about this matter ; so that indeed the business being at this day as it were suspended , amongst many decrees contrary to one another ; it belongs now unto his majesty to determine of them by his soveraign authority . and his justice gives them of the p. r. r. to hope that he will maintain them in the liberty of their annexes , taking away the prohibitions which have been made against their preaching in divers places . that which gives them this hope , is this , that these prohibitions have been founded on no other thing than a misinformation . for they never had any other foundation than from the edict of the month of january one thousand five hundred and sixty one , by which it was forbidden ministers to walk from place to place , and from village to village to preach there by violence and without right . but it doth not treat at all of this business of annexes . for it is agreed , that ministers ought not to be vagabonds , and wander from place to place of their own fancy . their discipline it self doth sorbid this ; and the maxims of a good conscience , as well as those of good polity do oppose it . therefore the edict of january is in this point altogether just . but the annexes suffer not the ministers to be vagabonds ; but on the contrary fix and settle them with certain flocks . they do not give them liberty to go and preach in places where the exercise is not permitted ; but on the contrary fix them in places where they have right to exercise according to the edict . what is it then that should hinder the ministers that they may not preach in two or three places of this nature ? what pretence can the ecclesiasticks find to give a colour to their enterprise ? will they alledge the edict ? but that forbids not to preach in divers places , when they have a right to exercise . besides , there is found a decree made in the council in the month of may 1652 , by which the king doth formally declare , that all the decrees which have outed the ministers of this liberty , are contrary to the edicts . so that the intent of his majesty's being to cause the edict of nantes ; to be exactly observed , there is ground to believe , that he will leave unto the ministers this liberty , the prohibition whereof he hath himself declared to be contrary to the edicts . will they alledge the declaration given at s. germain the nineteenth of december 1634 , which they will pretend to be so much the more available , for that it was verified in the chamber of the edicts of castres the first of january , 1635 ? but this declaration was founded upon this , that the ministers of languedoc went to preach in divers places of that province , where that exercise was not allowed them . these are the proper words which are read in that declaration , which by consequence concerns not the annexes where they have right to exercise . will they alledge reason ? but what reason is there to hinder a minister to preach in many places , when one is not of sufficient ability , nor furnished with fruits of the earth to entertain him ? can the estate or the publick suffer any prejudice thereby ? do we not see , that when cures are too weak every one to maintain a curate alone , they put two together under one rector ? that which is approved amongst parish priests , how comes it to be criminal amongst ministers , when the poverty of the flock permits them not to have one person whole and entire unto themselves ? besides this poverty of these small p. r. c. is come from no other cause , than that the pension of a hundred and thirty five thousand livers agreed unto by henry the great , for the entertainment of their ministers , hath for some time ceased to be paid . for if they had continued to be paid , every flock might have had its own minister without annexing any . it is not therefore probable , that at the same time when the king withdraws his liberality , that he will hinder the feeble flocks in the country to find out some other means to conserve unto themselves , at least , a part of the ministry , by joyning themselves to some other neighbour's flock , which may help its subsistence . do they alledge the usage ? that is all contrary to the pretence of the clergy , for unto this very day it hath been always seen in all the provinces of the realm , that the small p. r. churches have united themselves two or three together for to raise a pension for one and the same minister . finally , do they alledge the interest of the ecclesiasticks ? besides , that they ought not to be heard in this sort of affairs , because they are the principal parties , against whom the complaint is made , it seems also that it would be for their interest to diminish the number of the ministers , instead whereof , if they hinder them from preaching in many places , they will oblige them in every p. r. church , to use their uttermost endeavour to have a minister apart , which will much augment their number . for there is no person who will not resolve rather to sacrifice his temporal commodities , than continue deprived of spiritual sood , which he supposes needful for his salvation . so that all the pursuit of the clergy in this affair will effect nothing but only to incommodate them of the p. r. r. in their estates , and thereby render them less able to contribute to the necessity of the publick . these considerations are they which give hope that his majesty taking particular cognizance of this affair will leave them of the p. r. r. in the liberty of their annexes ; and that in expounding the present article of the declaration , he will have the goodness to say that in forbidding the ministers from preaching in divers places , he intends not to hinder them from preaching , save only in those places where they had not right to exercise , according to the decrees of the council of the twenty sixth of sept. 1633 , and of june 1635 , and may 1652. as for the residence of the ministers , the edict doth not only authorise it in every town , and every place of the realm indifferently in the sixth article of the generals , and first of the particulars : but moreover hath interpreted himself by a decree made in council , april 24 , 1665 , by which it is permitted to ministers to make their residence with their families in such cities , burroughs , and villages near the place of their settlement as they shall choose . and without doubt the king intends no otherwise here . but notwithstanding because this article of his last declaration may receive another interpretation , his majesty will be pleased of his goodness to remove all ambiguity which may be found therein , declaring with reference to the residence of the ministers , that his intention is agreeable to his decree of 24th of april , 1665. article xv. the churches of foedary estates . as also that they of the p. r. r. who assist at their synods , shall not enter in the tables of their churches , the places where the publick exercise of their religion is forbid , nor those wherein it is permitted only by the priviledge of the lord and in his castle . since the churches of the feodary estates are established by the edict as well as those of possession or of bayliwicks ; they ought to be comprized in the tables of the synods as well as others . and they have at all times used this order from the beginning ; and there is no cause to change an usage so constant and innocent . all that they can require of those of the p. r. r. is that in the tables of their synods they distinguish their churches , and express which are of feodary estates , which of possession , and which of bailywicks whereto they shall yield obedience if it be judged necessary . but to require absolutely that they should not put into the tables of the synods the churches feodary estates , were to make the ministers of those places so far independents , that they should neither have superiour nor discipline , nor be restrained by any other curb , so that they might live after their own fantasie to the prejudice of the estate it self . for the tables of the synods are nothing else but the appearances of the ministers in their assemblies , where every one of them is set down by his name , and that of the church he serveth . being therefore it is necessary that the ministers appear in their synods according to their discipline which straitly enjoynes them to be there ; so it is necessary that the churches of feodary estates should be entred in the tables of those societies . article xvi . correspondence betwixt the provinces . as also in like manner , that they of the pretended reformed religion may not entertain any correspondence with them of other provinces , nor write unto them under pretext of charity or other affair whatsoever , nor receive appeals from other synods , save only to remit them to the national synod . the artifice of the clergy have fitted this article expresly to render the inviolable fidelity of those of the p. r. r. suspected , of which they have given so essential proofs to the king , that this great prince hath been pleased to testify by publick marks how well he is satisfied therein . for in his declaration may 21 , 1652. he useth these terms , and for as much as our said subjects of the p. r. r. have given us certain proof of their affection and fidelity in these present occasions , wherewith we rest very well satisfied . and his majesty may be pleased to remember that in a certain letter which he wrote in the year 1655. and which is found in a publick book whose impression is dispersed into the hands of all the world , he makes use of these words which are a perpetual commendation to them of the p. r. r. i have cause to praise their fidelity and zeal for my service , they on their part not omitting any occasion to give me proof thereof , and also beyond all that can be imagined , contributing in every thing to the behoof and advantage of my affairs . these good testimonies which his majesty hath given them in so authentick manner , will incline him to reject this article which tends to the dishonour of their fidelity ; as if they were a people capable to betray the estate , and to carry on by their correspondencies with the provinces , criminal caballs against the service of their soveraign , whose prosperity is more dear unto them than their very lives . since the king is pleased to permit them to live and to profess their religion in the realm , necessity requires that they be permitted to write and correspond with the provinces for their ecclesiastick affairs , as well as their secular : for without this neither can their universities subsist any longer , who have no other maintenance but by the relief of the provinces , neither can they demand nor receive the payment of the sallaries of their professors and of their regents : and when they want a professor they cannot provide if they be deprived of the liberty of searching out , and sending for them by letters , the only means to be imployed in such exigencies . it is also evident that this article of this declaration contradicts it self . for in forbidding to receive appeals from other synods , save only to transmit them to the national synods , they authorize national synods , and approve the convoking of them . but how can they be convocate if the provinces may not correspond one with another , and it be not permitted unto them to write ; being the convocation of national synods is not nor cannot be made without letters sent into the provinces , as well to advertize them of the time as of the place where they are held , as to authorize the deputies which ought to be present in those assemblies . finally this article gives occasion to them of the p. r. r. to beseech his majesty to consent unto their national synods in the term of their discipline , which requires that these general assemblies may be held from three years to three years . for during the long interval of time which intervenes betwixt the national synods , to hinder appeals unto other synods , were to open a gate to infinite helpless unredressable inconveniencies . this were to forego the means of removing scandals , extinguish vices , and to oppose the abuses of the discipline , and corruption of manners . this would bring in disorders whose course and progress all good men ought to desire to obviate , stop , and prevent . so that this article being of very dangerous consequence in every part of it , they of the p. r. r. do fervently beseech his majesty to revoke the whole , as being inconsistent with the liberty which is given them by the edicts , and also ruining their discipline which permits appeals from other synods in the tenth article of the eighth chapter . article xvii . colloquies . the same prohibitions are made to the ministers , elders , and others of the p. r. r. to assemble any colloquies , except at such times as the synod is assembled by the permission of his majesty , and in the presence of his deputed commissioner . the establishment of this article doth not only stifle the edict of nantes , but blows it up all at once . for the edict authorizes the colloquies in such a manner as permits not to contest their establishment . this is in the thirty fourth article of the particulars which hath been already rehearsed on another occasion , that in all places where the exercise of the said religion shall be publick , the people may be assembled , and that also by the sound of a bell , and do all the acts and functions that appertain as well to the exercise of their religion , as the regulation of their discipline , as to hold consistories , colloquies , and synods provincial , and national by the permission of his majesty . it cannot be imagined that they can elude these so authentick words , and say that the declaration doth permit our colloquies only during the session of the synods , and that the edict goes no farther . for the contrary doth appear manifestly ; and they must first make them of the p. r. r. renounce all common sence , before they can perswade them a thing so evidently irreconcilable to the intent , disposition , drift and settlement of the edict , which distinguishes the colloquies from the synods , as different assemblies , and which may be held at divers times . if the edict would only authorize colloquies during the sitting of the synods ; they may maintain by the same reason that they are not permitted to hold consistories but in the synods , nor provincial synods but in the national . the article of the edict being not more express for the consistories than for the colloquies , and not expressing the one in any other manner than the other , wherefore like as the one is intirely unsustainable , and cannot sall into the thoughts of any person , so the other is no less to be rejected . besides , ever since the edict the p. r. churches have alwayes without impeachment enjoyed this liberty of their colloquies , and the answers made unto their papers at divers times by the king's majesties predecessors , have maintained them in this usage , which by this means is found to have the edict for its foundation , and also the possession of threescore and ten years , which alone is a title more than sufficient . this is the reason wherefore nothing herein can be changed without contradicting his majesties intention , who declares that he wills that the edict of nantes be exactly observed . and certainly the ecclesiasticks cannot pretend to any thing wherein they will find themselves more destitue of all appearance of reason than in this point , for what pretence can they make to colour the prohibition of the colloquies ? do they conclude of any thing that may render them odious or suspected ? have they not there a commissioner for the king as well as in the synods ? the affairs which they handle there are they not purely ecclesiastick ? and the shortness of the time which they imploy therein , which in ordinary extends not beyond a day or two , shews it not that these innocent societies propose nothing to themselves but readily to expedite some points of their discipline ? finally , being they permit the synods , for what reason do they forbid the colloquies , which are nothing but small synods peculiar to one class , one bailywick , or one stewardship , as the synods are general colloquies for the whole province ? what then can be the scope of this condemnation of the colloquies ? surely it cannot come but from a bare meer design of inconveniencing those of the p. r. r. and hurting their affairs . but this cannot be the design of the prince , who seeks on the contrary the repose , comfort and commodity of his subjects , as the preface of this declaration it self doth testify . this is only the intent of the ecclesiasticks , who hate them of the said religion and seek all possible means to cross them and to render their condition miserable . for to exclude them from the colloquies , would be a means to cast them into inexpressible inconveniencies , for that the synods not sitting but from year to year , and in some provinces from two years to two years , they cannot without colloquies held in the meanwhile intervals , remedy those previsory and pressing affairs which will be now worse by delay , and which for the most part require to be handled in those very places where they happen , about which they easily assemble the colloquies , because they are composed of few persons and they not far distant , which cannot be said of the synods . without these little societies which assemble easily , they must suffer vice and scandals to take their course without providing against them . their flocks must remain whole years and sometimes longer without ministers , when death deprives them of those that did serve them . in one word , so it might come to pass that they of the p. r. r. might have a whole year without discipline . for when persons of bad lives amongst them cannot be reduced to their duty , there are none but the colloquies that are capable to censure them , and they will enjoy license and impunity in their sins during a whole year , if the colloquies be abolished , or remitted to the times of the synods only . for this is more truly to abolish them than remit them in this manner , for the colloquies have nothing to do when once the synods are assembled , for then all their affairs may be decided in the synods . and this is also to require an impossibility to oblige them of the p. r. r. to hold their colloquies during their synods , and that in the presence of the deputed commissioner . for there are provinces that contain seven or eight colloquies . what means then can there be to send the commissioners to eight places at one time ? or if they will that it be done successively , how tedious must those synods henceforth be , for regulating as well the general affairs of the province as the particulars of all the several classes ? and where shall they find commissioners that will have the patience to attend so long time from their houses , and to quit their charges and imployments ? and will the governors of the provinces or lievetenants of the king suffer the synods to continue their assembly for many months ? his majesty is therefore most instantly besought to revoke this article , which suppresseth their colloquies , and to leave matters of this concern to the terms of the edict and usage , notwithanding all decrees and judgements that have been made to the contrary . art . xviii . assemblies , commissions , deliberations and letters in the interval of synods . neither to make any assemblies in the intervals of the said synods , wherein during the said interval they may receive any candidates , give commissions , or deliberate of any affairs by circular letters , or in any other manner , on any cause whatsoever , on pain of being punished according to our edicts and ordinances . it was not enough for the clergy to assault our colloquies . they were affraid that for want of these ordinary meetings we should attempt a supply by assemblies extraordinary , or by letters-missives or by some other means . wherefore to the end that they might make it impossible for them of the pretended reformed religion to exercise their discipline , which is so formally authorized by the edict , that they might ruine them by division ; the clergy have proposed to have them forbidden all sorts of assemblies , commissions , deliberations and common letters for what cause soever , on pain of being punished ▪ according to the rigour of the ordinances . this is a grief uncapable of any consolation to them of the said religion to see themselves thus treated . for god be praised , they have done nothing wherefore their zeal to the kings service ought to be suspected , and their adherence to the good of the estate is immovable . their conduct and their actions speak for them in the one and in the other of these two things , and they shall continue all their lives in these sentiments which make one essential part of the duty of their consciences . in the mean time if they had a design to betray their country they could not be tyed and chained more strongly than by forbidding them all sorts of assemblies , commissions , deliberations , and letters . above all this the passion of the clergy cannot suffer that they should receive candidates in the intervals of synods : this is the effect of an animosity whereof the pretence is hard to be imagined . for since we are permitted to have ministers and since we are not hindred to receive them in the synods ; what reason can the ecclesiasticks alledge to forbid them to receive candidates in the intervals of synods in which they think good that they should be examined ? it is manifest they can render no other reason than their own animosity , which carries them on to desire that they of the pretended reformed religion may continue oftentimes unprovided of ministers . for if a minister happen to die immediately after the session of a synod , it may so fall out that his church as a widow shall not only keep a year of mourning , but remain subjected also to two years of widow-hood , in those provinces where the synods assemble not but from two years to two years . and it must needs be , that during all this time , she be deprived of the word of god preached , and the administration of the sacraments ; that the sick die there without consolation , and infants without baptism ; this inconvenience being so much more remediless in the terme of the declaration , because by the fourteenth article , ministers are forbidden to preach in divers places , and by that all means are taken away from a church that is destitute to have assistance from any neighbour-minister : so a place that hath right of exercise very certain and well known , shall hereby be uncapable of enjoying it notwithstanding . but this mischief doth not stay here neither . for if this article of the declaration stand , we must speak no more of synods themselves . it will be impossible to call them , or execute their orders . for how shall they call them if letters-missives be forbidden ? being this assembly cannot be called but by circular letters sent to all the flocks of a province , to give them warning to cause their deputies to appear in the place and time designed for holding those assemblies ? and how shall they execute their orders and acts , if commissions and letters be forbidden them ; for the resolves of synods are not executed but by these wayes , or by deputing commissioners to carry them to the places , or giving them charge to write letters to the persons concerned , to the end they may be reduced to their duty when the synods do sit no longer ; or by authorizing some ministers to deliberate with their consistories , and so to conclude those affairs which the shortness of the time permits them not to project and design by the synods , nay , it will not be possible to have ministers if commissions have no place any more ; for ministers are not installed in their charge , nor invested in their ministry but by means of commissioners named in the synods for laying hands on them , which cannot be done but in the intervals of synods , because the discipline of those of the pretended reformed religion ordains , that the candidates who have been examined by the synods , shall make three sermons of tryal on three lords dayes successively before the church whither they are sent , before they can receive imposition of hands and power to administer the sacraments , from the commissioners deputed for that purpose . it must here be added that this article proceeds yet farther , and leaves them of the pretended reformed religion no more any surety for their persons or their lives . for they are forbidden to deliberate of any affairs for any cause , or in any manner whatsoever on pain of being punished . so as soon as two or three persons of that religion be seen together , their enemies will pretend that they are consulting of affairs , and bring process against them . there will be no tranquillity for them in the realm , neither can there be any society , conversation or commerce amongst them without danger . his majesty is therefore besought with all the ardour of which his subjects of the pretended reformed religion are capable , that he would take off this prohibition , and take away an article so fatal to their repose . article xix . the validity of marriages . that the ministers , consistories and synods of the said pretended reformed religion , take not on them to judge of the validity of marriages made and contracted by those of the said pretended reformed religion . an article needs not for a thing which they of the pretended reformed religion have never designed to undertake . they leave it to the magistrates to judge of the validity of marriages , and their ministers do pretend nothing therein : only their calling obligeth them to reprove and censure the incestuous ; and the king without doubt doth not intend to deprive them of this power which is given them by their discipline , the exercise whereof is authorized by the edict of nantes . article xx. those that are sent to catholick colledges . the like prohibition is also made to their consistories and synods to censure or otherwise to punish fathers , mothers , and tutors who send their children or pupils to the catholick colledges or schools or elsewhere to be instructed by catholick masters , notwithstanding that the said children be not constrained to imbrace their religion . this prohibition cannot stand with the thirty fourth article of the particulars of nantes , by which it is permitted to them of the pretended reformed religion to exercise all acts and functions that belong to the regulation of their discipline . and it may be seen in this discipline the fourteenth chapter and fourteenth article , that it is forbidden to fathers and mothers of that religion , to send their children to the colledges and schools of those of the catholick apostolick and roman religion . this is therefore a manifest repeal of the edict to take from the consistories and synods the power of censuring fathers and mothers in this case , being that censure is part of that discipline the exercise whereof is established by the edict . this doth not hinder but that when the regents of colledges and masters of schools are of sufficient discretion and fidelity not to discourse of religion to infants , their fathers , mothers , and tutors may send them to their classes to be there instructed , for this is a daily practice . but if they do attempt to induce them to change their religion , can the consistories then be blamed for doing their duty in advertizing fathers and mothers to withdraw their children from a place where they believe their souls are in danger . this article then is of the number of those of which the edict demands the revocation . article xxi . bonefires . that when bonefires are to be made by the order of his majesty in publick places , and when execution is done upon criminals of the p. r. r. there ministers and others of the p. r. r. shall not have power to sing psalms . the prosperity of the king and of the estate will alwayes produce sentiments of joy and gladness , in the hearts of those of the p. r. r. as becomes the true and faithfull subjects of his majesty . they will render thanks unto god publickly in their temples , and also bless him privately in their houses . that it is to no purpose to forbid them to sing psalms in publick places on what occasion soever ; and the clergy have made use of this prohibition only to make shew that they attempt things which never came once in their thoughts . article xxii . burials in churches or church-yards . that the dead bodies of those of the said p. r. r. may not be interred in the church-yards of the catholicks , nor in their churches , upon pretext that the tombs of their ancestors were there , or that they had there any right of lordship or patronage . this prohibition is also needless , for that they of the said religion have never had any thoughts of interring their dead in the churches , nor in the church-yards of them of the c. r. r. but this article that speaks of patronages , gives occasion to them of the p. r. r. to complain unto his majesty of the wrong which is done them in all the provinces of the realm , by hindering them to enjoy their right of patronage which was left them by the thirty fourth article of the generals of the edict of nantes , and confirmed by an authentick decree of the council of estate , july 10 , 1651. by which his majesty doth keep and confirm his subjects of the p. r. r. in the possession and enjoyment of naming capable persons to the benefices of which they are patrons , with the charge only of naming persons that are catholicks , of whom it gives them power to make the said nominations and presentations : which being done the bishops , arch-bishops , and other ecclesiastical collators shall be obliged to admitt in the ordinary form such nominations and presentations as shall be so made ; his said majesty ordaining that this regulation should be executed from point to point according to the form and tenure thereof , notwithstanding all judgements to the contrary . if the clergy have gotten any decrees since this differing therefrom , they are decrees gotten by surprize , and which ought not to be put in ballance with this of 1651 which was granted in foro contradictorio and upon full cognizance of the cause . they of the p. r. r. do therefore promise themselves from the kings justice , that the consideration of his own ordinance , joyned with the authority of the edict , which in the eighty ninth article willeth , that all lords , knights , gentlemen and others of what quality or condition soever they be of the p. r. r. shall be effectually preserved in the enjoyment of all their goods , rights , nominations , reasons and actions , will cause him to maintain his subjects of the said religion in a right which doth appertain so legitimately unto them , and which is annexed to their fees and lands which they possess . if there be any small appearance of difficulty in this matter , it is fully removed by the condition prescribed in the decree of 1651 , which orders that the nominations and presentations unto benefices shall be made by persons of the c. r. r. to whom the lords of the p. r. r. shall have given their power . this condition was more than sufficient to remove from the most scrupulous what they might find to object against the right of patronages possessed by them of a different religion , for as to the capacity and manners of those whom they shall name to benefices , there is no fear of abuse therein , because that it pertains to the bishops and ecclesiasticks to judge thereof , and that it is in their power not to admit any persons in whom they do not find the necessary qualities . article xxiii . exposing dead bodies before the gates . that those of the said religion may not expose their dead bodies before the doors of their houses , nor make any exhortations or consolations in the streets upon occasion of their interrments . they pretend not hereto at all , and this tends only to perswade his majesty that they of the p. r. r. are an adventurous presumptuous busie people , and which take to themselves liberties which they are not allowed , to the end they may hinder this great king from having compassion on their miseries and hearing their groans , which the violence of their grief doth continually draw from them . article xxiv . the hour and number requisite for interrments . that the interments of the dead bodies of those of the said pretended reformed religion may not be made in those places where the exercise of their religion is not permitted , but in the morning at the break of the day , and in the evening in the entrance of the night , and that no greater number may be assisting thereunto than ten persons of the kindred and friends of the dead , and that for those places where the publick exercise of the said religion is permitted , the said interrments be made from after the month of april to the end of the month of september precisely at six of the clock in the morning , and six of the clock at night ; and they may have for convoys , if they please , the nearest kindred of the deceased , and to the number of thirty persons only , their said kindred being comprised in that number . the greatest animosity ceaseth for the most part after the death of the persons who are hated , and those who cannot be born with whilst they are alive , become an object of compassion after they are dead ; this notwithstanding the hatred of the clergy against them of the p. r. r. extends it self also beyond their decease , and they are desirous to trouble them in their sepultures , of which the said consolation is not denied to the greatest enemies . the article which the ecclesiasticks have obtained , as also the decree which they have gotten by surprize from the counsel about this sad affair , is capable of engendring endless troubles and suits . for they will continually molest persons about the hour , namely whether the interrment be made after six in the morning , or before six at night : about the number , namely whether the carriers of the dead be to be esteemed to make part of them that assist as convoys ; in which case it often falls out , when the number is limited to ten , that the children cannot perform their last duty to their father , or else be constrained to carry him themselves to the grave . they will dispute also whether those that betake themselves to the church-yard to behold the interrment , and those which are found in the street looking on the bier as it passeth , are not to be considered as exceeding the number permitted ; and they will find many other means to disquiet them of the p. r. r. on these occasions , which are sufficiently dolourous of themselves . by which means we shall daily find some poor families who in the midst of the tears they shed , and sorrows which overwhelm them because of the loss of their dead , will see themselves also against all sense of humanity , committed into the hands of judges who will condemn them , and of serjeants who will execute their sentences upon them with all rigour . the edict of nantes , nor other edicts and declarations made thereupon , have never yet limited neither the time of funerals , nor the number of persons . they of the p. r. r. have alwayes enjoyed a full and entire liberty in this respect , and it is but of late that they have been deprived thereof by the solicitation of the clergy : wherefore they hope that his majesty considering that this limitation is a nursery of suits and disorders , will revoke all this article of the declaration , and the decrees which have been made conform thereto , and will leave them of the said religion in the liberty of their burials , that they may enjoy them so and in the same manner as they have been accustomed to use them before such decrees . but besides all this his majesty will be pleased to understand , that in the countrey the execution of this article is absolutely impossible , for the church-yards are very far distant , and oftentimes it behooves them to travail two or three leagues to commit their corps unto the earth . if then they be not to part from the house of the dead untill the entry of the night , how can they make so tedious a convoy through the horror of darkness , many times through dreadful wayes and mires , through which they will have all trouble imaginable to make passage ? the morning hour doth not help this mischief at all , for if they set out at break of day it will be necessary thereupon that they travel two or three hours after the sun is risen : from whence the parish priests will not sail speedily to lay hold of occasion to raise suits , and also to oppose the convoy by violence , as it hath fallen out in many places , so that the dead corps hath been abandoned in the midst of a great high-way ; upon pretence that the interrment ought to have been accomplished by break of day , for which reason the parliament of rouen , who cannot be suspected to be too favourable to them of the p. r. r. have made a regulation importing that burials in the country may be made at all hours , except only those of the divine service of catholick apostolick roman churches . this being a thing evidently just , should be ordained through all the realm , adding only an explication of what is intended by the hours of divine service , that it comprizeth only the morning service and the celebration of the mass , because if the hours of divine service be understood to contain all those in which any sort of ceremonies or religious offices may be performed , there will be no hours left free in the whole day for the interrments of those of the p. r. r. from whence many suits have been seen to arise in normandy , about the hours of divine service . but instead of making an article against them of the p. r. r. about the matter of burials , it were much more necessary to make one against them of the c. a. r. religion ; for they trouble and abuse the others excessively in their interrments , making insolent noises and cries after them ; pursuing them with blows of stones , many times breaking open the gates of their burying places ; filling the graves appointed for their sepulture with bones and ordure , and act many other indignities , of which the examples are so frequent , that it were a vain thing to make report of them . it is also a thing very ordinary with them to hinder those of that religion from burying their dead in their parishes where their predecessors have had burial places , upon pretence that the publick exercise of their religion is not there had or is not there permitted . and oftentimes violence is used to disseize them of the liberty acquired by the edicts , and sometimes they come to arms , and that with a confused rout of people to dispute with them the entry of their burying places . it is to these disorders that his majesty is most humbly besought to provide remedy , which may hinder that no such violences nor seditious practises may happen any more ; by ordaining that the funerals of those of the pretended reformed religion may be freely made , without molestation or scandal ; and with prohibition to insult over them in word or deed , according to the twenty ninth article of the exict of nantes ; as also to disturb them in regard of the hour or number of persons in these occasions . article xxv . burying places . that the burying places possessed by those of the p. r. r. and those which belong to churches , shall be restored to the catholicks , notwithstanding all acts and transactions to the contrary . and for those burying places possessed by them that are not belonging to churches , in places where they have none but what are common with the catholicks , they of the said p. r. r. shall exhibit within three months the antient registers of those places before the commissioners , executors of the edict , or their catholick subdelegates , to make proof that the said burying places do not belong to the catholicks ; in which case they shall be restored without any re-imbursement : and in case they of the said p. r. r. do not produce the said registers within the said time , they shall be obliged to quit the said burying places to the catholicks , without pretending to any damages by reason thereof . and in case of eviction from the said burying places , his majesty doth permit them to buy others at their own charge and expence in places commodious , and which shall be appointed them by the said commissioners or their subdelegates . the hatred of the clergy against the deceased of the p. r. r. is declared by degrees . in the twenty third article they have forbidden them the liberty of exposing them before the doors of their houses , to expell them from that small honour unto which notwithstanding they of the said r. r. have never pretended . then afterwards they deprived them of the convenience and benefit of convoys in the 24th article . and behold here also they would take from them their burying places that they might deprive them of burial , which humanity and the laws of nations have allowed all the world. it is manifest that the ecclesiasticks have observed no moderation in this article , for they will that notwithstanding all acts and transactions , the burial places should be taken from them of the p. r. r. if they had pretended that they had usurped their burial places there had been reason to oblige them to restore them , but to dspossess them of what belongs unto them by just titles , and by vertue of good acts and authentick transactions , is to have no regard to right never so well established . they will alledge that the burying places belong to churches , and that this is a sufficient reason to deprive them of the p. r. r. because that their divine service is disturbed by their burials in this case . but the funerals of those of the said r. cannot cause any the least trouble to them of the c. a. r. r. in their churches , because they are not made with singing , preaching , prayers , or any ceremony at their interrment . and if the burying places of them of the p. r. r. belong to any churches , or are nigh them , they were the commissioners deputed by his majesty who have chosen and assigned those unto them in those places by the consent of the parishioners . it is very true that those of the said religion refuse not to forgo those burial places which appertain to churches , and they will be very glad that others be given them in convenient places . but since that those burying places have been given them by the kings commissioners , and they enjoy them by titles unquestionable ; it is altogether just that the catholicks should deliver unto them others ; or repay unto them the price of the ground , and charges of reparations and augmentations which have been made by them . and this is the most humble supplication which they direct unto his majesty in this particular . for the other burial-places which belong not to churches , and which nevertheless are common to them with those of the c. a. r. r. the article of the declaration is in that point very surprizing . for it requires that those of the p. r. r. should make proof that those burying places do not at all appertain to the catholicks . that is to say , they would oblige them to prove a negative , against all the law of the world. it had been sufficient to require them to prove that these priviledges had belonged unto them . for possession alone of more than forty years suffices , and hath the force of an uncontrovertable title . but to constrain them to prove that these burying places belong not to others , is indeed without all excuse . it is also true that those of the p. r. r. refuse not to quit the burying places which they have common with them of the c. a. r. r. but since these also have been assigned them by his majesties comissioners , and that they possess them by acts and transactions whose truth cannot be drawn into question ; reason requires also , that they be re-imbursed , or that they who would have their burying places , should give them others at their charge and expence in convenient place . but instead of disputing with them of the p. r. r. the possession of their burying places , it were more necessary to provide against the troubles which are given them to hinder their enjoyment of those which are not belonging to churches , nor common to them with the catholicks . for this is a very common evil , and which hath of late caused strange disorders . for so it is , that when there dies in the country any person of the p. r. r. in a parish where there is no burial-place appointed for them of that communion ; if they would carry the corps to some burying place which they have in some neighbour-parish , the parish-priests oppose them with incredible heat , yea some of them have come also to that excess , as to threaten to raise the country against the bearers , and those which did accompany the bier . being this is an inhumane action and which natural compassion cannot suffer , that the earth should be forbidden to any dead person whatsoever ; the king is most humbly besought to imploy his authority in this matter , and to ordain that either in every village , some burying place be delivered to them of the p. r. r. according to the twenty eighth article of the edict of nantes ; or that in such places wherein they have no burying place , they of the said religion may carry their dead to some burying-place , which they have in some neighbour-parish . article xxvi . process for cases reserved to provosts . that house-keepers of the said p. r. r. against whom the presidial courts shall issue process , in any case subject to the jurisdiction of the ordinary judges or provost , shall not cause the competence to be judged in the chamber of the edicts when the said presidial courts have commenced the suit before the provosts ( or ordinary judges ) but the competence shall be judged by the said presidial courts ; in which case the defendant may refuse three judges without cause known , according to the sixty fifth article of the edict of nantes . notwithstanding the said house-keepers of pretended reformed religion being defendants upon any crime under the jurisdiction of the ordinary local judges , may demand their remission to the chambers of the edict , for to cause the competence to be there judged , where the provost or ordinary local judge shall begin the suit according to the 63 , and 67 articles of the edict , which shall be executed as to vagabonds according to their form and tenor . and the judgement made upon the declinator by the said chamber , for the housholders of the said p. r. r. shall take place for the catholicks defendants , for , or upon the same crime where the process shall be made conjunctly . the import of this article is terrible , in that it respects the lives of those of the p. r. r. whom it throws back , especially those of the provinces of guyenne , languedoc , province and dauphine , into the first condition in which they were before the erection of the chambers of the edict , which were expresly agreed upon for their sakes , that they might not be left exposed to the passions of the inferiour judges , whose motions are commonly more suddain , more hot , and violent than those of soveraign courts . this notwithstanding , this article withdraws the house-keepers of the p. r. r. from under the chambers of the edict , to subject them in causes in the jurisdiction of ordinary judges unto the presidial court , that they may judge of them with soveraign authority . which the clergy pretends to ground on this pretence . so it is , say they , that the edict of nantes in its sixty seventh article hath not attributed to the chambers ordained by this edict , the power of judging of competencies in process criminal , but only when they are brought by the provosts ( ordinary local judges ) and not when they are brought by presidial courts . but there can be nothing more unreasonable than this imagination of the clergy . for if presidial courts cannot judge of the competition of provosts , ( inferiour judges ) and are obliged to remit their judgement to the chambers of the edicts , when the defendant requires it ; how much less are they capable to judge of their own proper competence ? for being herein they are concerned in their own personal and particular interest , there is cause certainly wherefore they should be the more suspected ; what appearance of reason can there be to make them judges of their own proposals ? and to what danger shall not the lives of them of the p. r. r. be exposed for the future , if they be abandoned to those judges , out of whose hands they have been withdrawn so many years by the edict , who come now to revenge themselves on them for the time they have lost ? neither may they pretend to diminish this danger , by saying that the presidents cannot make criminal process against any house-holder of the p. r. r. but only in cases subject to provosts , ordinary local judges ; for if they be once established judges of their own competencies all crimes shall become provostall in their hands , wherein persons of this religion shall be concerned ; so instead of one provost ( inferiour judge ) from whom the edict doth exempt them , they shall have many who shall treat them severely upon all occasions . and it will come to pass oftentimes that the presidial courts by a suddainness as formidable as that of the most fiery provosts ( ordinary judges ) will dispatch an honest man in twenty four hours time ; because he hath not any means to bring himself before his proper judges , who are the chambers of the edict . farthermore , it appears manifestly by the settlement of this 67 article of the edict of nantes , that the intention of the law-giver was to comprehend equally under the same law the provosts and the presidial courts : for after that he had ordained that the competency should be judged by the said chambers , if the defendant did require it , he adds , that as well the judges in presidial courts as the provosts marshal , vice-bayliffs , vice-sheriffs , and all others that judge finally , should be obliged respectively to obey and satisfie the commands given them by the said chambers , in such manner as they have been accustomed to do to parliaments , upon pain of deprivation from their estates : where it is manifest that the right of judging competencies granted unto those chambers , respects the one as well as the other ; for the presidials have not received power to judge finally in the four provostal cases ( i.e. which belong to inferiour judges ) otherwise than those provosts had it before : so that the authority of the one ought not to be priviledged more than that of the others who first exercised it . in a word , there needs but one thing to be noted for discovery of the surprize in this article of the declaration , which is this . that the edict hath absolutely taken away from parliaments the cognizance of process criminal against them of p. r. r. and the declaration hath attributed soveraign judgements of the same unto the presidial courts . is it because the presidial courts are more capable more illuminate , and less passionate than the parliaments ? who sees not in this the surprize of the clergy , from which may it please the king to secure those of the said religion by a revocation of this article ? but they have need that his majesty would herein also redress another mischief . for they have attempted to ruine their liberty likewise in regard of criminal process , which they make against them by the provost marshals or by their leivetenants . witness the decree got from the council by surprize the 15 of october 1647. which declaring that the crimes of making and uttering false moneys , altering the species and clipping of gold or silver ; and the adherents and accomplices of these crimes , should be in the sole jurisdiction of the provosts in case of citation by them , whether the defendants were housholders or not ; did forbid the chamber of the edict in castres to receive the petitions of appeal , which should be presented unto them by these of the p. r. r. upon these capital heads , when they should be accused thereof ; or to decree any distresses against the clerks of the provosts ( ordinary judges ) for not remitting of the proceedings , which had been made before them against the defendants , if they were not actually in their prisons . whereupon it comes to pass that the provost marshals will no longer obey the chambers of the edict , which having made way for divers conflicts about jurisdiction before the council , decrees were observed with astonishment to be given shortly after , which denied unto the parties accused , the remission which they demanded of the chamber of castres to judge of the competence . there can be nothing more contrary than this not only to the edict , but even to the kings last declaration , who in this 26th article agrees so expresly that the housholders of the p. r. r. being defendants in any case provostal ( i.e. subject to ordinary judges ) should be remitted to the chambers of the edict , where their process is made by the provosts ; so true is it that one prejudice granted against them of the said religion makes way for many others , and gives boldness to push on against them the extremity of rigour . for this cause , the king taking notice of the consequence of the breaches which may be made of the edict , will be pleased to preserve it intire , causing for that intent this article to be expunged , which is found so opposite unto this edict , giving such assurance unto his subjects of the p. r. r. or to provosts marshal , that they may never more have cause to fear any thing because of their jurisdiction , from which they are so formally exempted , nor of the decrees which would subject them thereunto , which they instantly demand of his majesty to rescind . article xxvii . the preceding of judges . that the judges of the said p. r. r. in sheriffs courts and others , may not preside in the absence of the heads of their company , but catholicks only , who shall be mouth to the rest ; so as to exclude the officers of the said p. r. r. notwithstanding that they be the more ancient . how shall this blasting article be reconciled with the 27th of the edict of nantes ? in which they of the p. r. r. are declared capable to hold and exercise all estates , dignities , offices and charges publick whatsoever , and to be indifferently admitted and received without being rejected or hindred from enjoying them , because of the said religion . and with the forty eighth of the peculiars of the said edict which expresseth , that the most ancient president in the chamber 's miparties should preside in the audience , and in his absence the second ; the order and rank established for the presidents , serve for a rule to the judges assessors . besides , this matter hath also been decided by the royal answers of henry the great , as well in the paper of 1599. upon the first article of the twelfth chapter , as that of 1663 upon the 19 article . the king therefore , who with a design truly worthy the greatness of his soul , is resolved to walk in all things after the glorious steps of his grand-father , will be pleased to maintain that which hath been so justly established by that admirable prince , and will cause this article which is contrary thereunto , to be put out of the declaration . the importance is so great , that if this prohibition be left therein , it will continually furnish new matter for insulting over the officers of the p. r. r. and to put such affronts upon them as will render their lives extremely bitter . this hath been seen of late in mountaubau , where the private lievetenant of the presidial court of that town , hath had a pretension the most unreasonable in the world , and notwithstanding hath procured it by surprize to be authorized , having obtained upon petition to the council a decree , importing that another leivetenant of the same bench but of the c. a. r. r. should take place , not only in that which is proper to the presidency , but in all other functions of his charge , notwithstanding that he was the younger in admission ; which is expresly against not only the edict , but also to a decree of the council given in the 26th of february , 1664. on the behalf of the officers of the court of aids of montpellier : for there it is ordained that the officers of the p. r. r. should in all other acts as well as that of presiding , and being mouth of the courts be preserved in their rank , sitting , place of seniority , and prerogatives according to the order of their admission . therefore the other decree which respects the leivetenant of montaubau being contrary to the preceding settlement of the edict and the decrees of the council , cannot in any wise stand good , and the king is humbly besought to null it , as a surprize made upon him by a petition as uncivil in its ground as artificial in its utterance . article xxviii . process of commonalties . that the process that concern the generality of the towns and communalties , whose consuls are parties in this quality , although the consulat be miparties , shall not be drawn into the chambers of the edict for affairs that concern accompts only ; although also amongst them the number of the persons of the said p. r. r. be greater than of the catholicks , saving only to the particular persons of the said p. r. r. . to enjoy their priviledge of appeal to the said chambers of the edict , in which we will that they be preserved according to the edicts . the intent of this article is more dangerous than the words . for therein is found by all appearance a fault in the impression , and that in these words , for affairs which concern accompts only , the word accompts is put by mistake for that of commonalties . for this article is taken out of a decree made in council the seventeenth of november 1664. by which the cognizance of all affairs of towns and of corporations , in which the consuls are parties in this quality , is taken from the chambers of the edict , albeit in those communities the consulate be mipartie and that therein be more persons of the p. r. r. than catholicks . but both that decree , and this article of the declarations are a surprize made upon the kings justice . for the edict of nantes is to all purposes contrary to this new settlement . and the 34th article of the generals cannot suffer it . there it may be seen that the law-giver after he had established the chambers of the edict , regulates their competence , and ordains that they should take cognizance and judge soveraignly and finally by decree privative to all others , of process , and differences , moved and to be moved , in which those of the p. r. r. should be the principal parties or securities , whether plaintiff or defendant , and in all matters civil or criminal , whether the process were made in writing or by verbal appeal . it is not possible to give a larger extent to the competence of those chambers . for the edict speaks generally of all processes , and all differences , moved or to be moved , in all matters civil and criminal , when they of the p. r. r. are defendants or plaintiffs , parties principall , or security , by writing or word . can there be any doubt , considering this exactness , that it was not the mind of the edict to attribute to the chambers which it erected , the cognizance of all affairs of them of the said religion , in what manner of cause soever they might be ; and that in this generality , process in which communalties were made parties , should not be comprized as well as others ? and that which affords a proof yet to more clear , is , that in the same article of the edict , after that he had so strongly extended the competence of the chambers , he comes in the sequel to specifie the restrictions which ought to be made thereto . except saith he , for all matters of benefices and possessions of tythes not inscoft , ecclesiastick patronages , and causes wherein shall be concerned the rights , duties or demaines of the church , which shall be created and judged by the courts of parliament , so that the said chambers of the edict shall have no cognizance thereof . there is no person that may not easily gather from hence , that if the process of communities , in which they of the p. r. r. have interest , could not be brought to the chambers of the edict , they ought to have been placed in this exception , which so particularly notes out all the reserved cases : and in that it hath not spoken thereof , it is an indubitable proof that the edict had no intention thereof to deprive the said chambers . on the contrary , it appears manifestly by the 51. article of the generals , that it would have the chamber of judge of the affairs of communalties and towns. for there these words are read , there shall be made unto the said chambers miparties , propositions , deliberations , and resolutions which belong to the publick peace , or for the peculiar estate and polity of the towns where these chambers shall be . for if the affairs which respect the publick peace , and those which concern the estate and polity of the towns , be under the jurisdiction of these chambers ; it may reasonably be concluded that those of the communalties are not without their competencie , being that of all the affairs of the communalties there are none of greater importance , than those of the publick peace and polity of the towns. and certainly reason also doth evidently agree in this with the edict . for if in particular affairs , wherein one person alone of the p. r. r. is concerned , the cognizance belongs to the said chambers , to the exclusion of parliaments , then much more in general affairs , in which thousands of people are included , and how much more in the affairs of those commonalties wherein they of the p. r. r. are found to be many more in number than the catholicks ? every thing follows the nature of the parties ; and being the chambers of the edict only have the power to judge soveraignly of all the particular interests , in which they of the said religion pretend to have some right , how can they contest against their judgement in their general interests , who are the body and compositum whereof the others are only members and parts ? for to say that the commonalties ought alwayes to be esteemed catholicks , how great soever the number be of those of the p. r. r. is an allegation which cannot satisfie any equitable persons . this maxim though it were certain , cannot be extended farther than to respect things purely honourable , and where the publick authority is not only touched ; but not to respect matters of gain , in which the question is only of interest ; and of this rank are the processes in which the generality cannot suffer , but the particulars must also infallibly suffer at the same time . being therefore the edict doth secure the lives and estates of those of the p. r. r. their interests ought to be preserved in all sorts of affairs , whether they be common or particular . it is in vain to reply here that the article of the declaration provides sufficiently for their interest in agreeing that every one should have apart , the priviledge of his appeal to the chambers of the edict . for besides that this benefit , which doth only regard private persons of the said religion , hinders not but that they may be hurt in common : it is certain that the private persons themselves will find no relief for their sufferings . for when once they are condemned by the parliaments in their body , in the community ; they will deride them when every one in particular comes to help himself by his priviledge , and betakes him to the chambers of the edicts . they will treat them as persons already condemned , they will hear them no more : they will despise all their reasons , they shall have brave demanding justice , they will not forbear to ruine them piecemeal , and send them back with their appeal to pay those sums from which they were exempt by the edict . this article therefore being so troublesome , and so prejudicial to them of the p. r. r. his majesty is most humbly besought to discharge them thereof , without having any regard to the decree of the seventeenth of november 1664. and to permit the chambers of the edicts the soverain judgement in all their process and all their differences , with reservation only of those , whose cognizance belong to the courts of aids and chambers of accompts , which they do not pretend to decline in affairs which are in their competence . article xxix . states and sessions of diocesses . that according to the declaration of 1631 , and the twenty seventh article of the edict of nantes , in the towns where the consulates and consul politicks are miparties , the first consul shall be chosen out of the number of such inhabitants as are best qualified , and of ability to bear cesses ; with prohibition to those of the p. r. r. to demand admittance to the first consulate , neither into the estates they held in the provinces , nor in the sessions of the diocesses . hitherto the clergy have done nothing else but contradict the edicts , but here they also contradict themselves . for in this article which they have suggested , and is a surprise , they would , that according to the declaration of 1631 , and the twenty seventh article of the edict of nantes , the first consul should be of the c. a. r. r. and that those of the p. r. r. be not admitted to the first consulate , nor be admitted into the estates , nor into the sessions of the diocesses . in the mean time , the twenty seventh article of the edict , admits those of the said religion to all estates , dignities , offices , and publick charges ; as also it receives them into all councils , deliberations , assemblies and functions , which depend thereon indifferently , and without distinction . so that whilst they alledge this article , they destroy it ; and making semblance to execute it , they utterly overturn it from top to bottom . as for the declaration of 1631 they have but little more faithfully cited it to his majesty . for here we see is a general settlement , which forbids them of the p. r. r. to enter into the assemblies of the estates which are held in the provinces . whereas that declaration of 1631 was particularly for them of languedoc and guienne ; and it speaks nothing at all of their entrance in the assemblies of the estates ; but only of the my party division of the consulates and politick charges . it is indeed true , that the declaration ordains , that the first consul should be always of the c. a. r. r. and because of all the consuls none but the first enters the assembly of the estates in languedoc , the said declaration by that means shuts the door against all the consuls of p. r. r. in that province ; which is a formal opposition to the said twenty seventh article of the edict , and they of the p. r. r. have good ground thereof to demand a revocation . but so far are they at this day from repairing the wrong which they did then , that they have aggravated it yet more , and have in divers places outed them of the p. r. r. from the consulate whole and entire , which the declaration of 1631 had only made miparty ; and now over and above all , the clergy by an evident surprise have here taken occasion by an ordinance which hath respect only to the consuls of languedoc , to forbid the entrance into the assemblies into the estates generally to all those of the p. r. r. in what part of france soever they live ; that they might comprehend in this exclusion those persons which have right thereto by the edict , and which is more , which are in peaceable possession , and who never have been questioned for their entrance into , aud rank in the estates of their country ; as the jurats of bearn , who without distinction of religion have been always for more than this hundred years received into the estates of their province . as also the lords , gentlemen and others of this religion , who without any difficulty have been admitted into all the estates of the realm , and who here implore the justice of his majesty for the conservation of their right , beseeching his majesty to declare , that it is not his intention to deprive them thereof . but the surprise of the clergy doth not stay here ; but that which renders it altogether insupportable , are the last words where they mention the sessions of the diocesses , this is a novelty which was never heard of before , and renders the condition of those of the p. r. r. wholly deplorable . though it might well be said , that as to the estates , the first consulate being taken from them of the said religion by the declaration of 1631 , they could not , according to the terms of that declaration , pretend to have any entrance there : yet the same cannot be extended to the sessions of the diocesses , for to this day all the consuls from the first to the last as well of the one as of the other religion have always without difference had entrance into these sessions of the diocesses , because they are coaequators ( i.e. assessors ) born , as they speak in languedoc , that is to say , that in the quality of consuls , they have all the right of proceeding unto the division of the taxes , and other impositions laid on the diocesses by the order of the estates ; the sessions being nothing else but an assembly made in every diocess , after the sitting of the estates , for making necessary impositions . being then there is nothing treated of in these sessions , but the division of the charges which are to be born by them of the p. r. r. as well as others ; and that all the consuls without exception have right to assist there , it is just that they should be admitted as heretofore , for the preservation of their interests there . for by what justice can they banish from those sessions the persons who are to bear the greatest part of the charges , who pay to the king much more than they of the c. a. r. r. because they are more in number , and possess more lands ; the difference being so great , that of eight parts they have seven in divers places ; wherefore shall they be driven from those assemblies where they have so great an interest , if not to this end , that in their absence they may cast on them the whole charge to be born , that they may ruine them , and overwhelm them by unreasonable impositions , and many times contrary to the edicts , and that they may treat them not as subjects of the king , and natural french , but as strangers and prisoners of war , whom they would put to their ransom ? being then all this article is contrary to the edict , and to the liberties of those of the p. r. r. and drawing after it the ruine of their estates , let it by the king 's good pleasure be cast out of the declaration , and above all , the end which excludes them of the said religion from entring into the estates and the sessions of the diocesses ; and for to secure their repose in a point of so great consequence , they do most humbly beseech his majesty to rescind all the decrees , judgments , and declarations , which may have given any occasion to this article . article xxx . common council of towns and commonalties . that in all assemblies of towns and communities , the catholick consuls , and common-council-men be at least of equal number to those of the p. r. r. into which assemblies the rector or vicar may enter , as one of the common-council , and have the first vote , in want of other inhabitants better qualified , and without prejudice to the right of those places which may appertain to ecclesiasticks , provided of benefices situate in the said places . the manner then of putting this article into execution in all communities , being there are divers places in the realm , where all the inhabitants are of the p. r. r. is reserved to the parson and his vicar . it will therefore come to pass , that in such places they can never assemble , and that the publick affairs be wholly deserted ; where the voters are not above four in number , which is not at all reasonable ; and besides there are occasions in which it will be impossible . for sometimes affairs occur which concern the parson and other ecclesiasticks ; so that in those places where there are none of the c. a. r. r. but the parson and his vicar , no deliberation can possibly be had in those accidents . adde hereunto , that in many places there are ancient statutes which exclude the ecclesiasticks from entring the town-houses , for that they contribute nothing to the ordinary charges , by reason of their privileges ; and therefore it is not just to put into their hands the conduct of the affairs which concern the communities . and it may also be feared , lest the affairs of the king receive prejudice , because in these assemblies the curats , parsons and vicars will have so great care of the interests of the clergy , that those of his majesty may thereby be incommodated . this article therefore not being possible to be executed , doth of it self require to be suppressed . article xxxi . single municipal employments . that the charges of the secretaries to consular houses , clerks to communities , clock-keepers , porters , and other charges municipal , which are single , shall not be held by any but catholicks only . it must needs be , that the clergy have a strange hatred against those of the p. r. r. being they cannot suffer them to be so much as clarks , clock-keepers , or porters . should not they take notice how contrary this pretension is to the intent of his majesty , who declares , that he wills that the edict of nantes be exactly observed ; that edict which admits indifferently , and without distinction in the twenty seventh article , those of the p. r. r. to all estates , dignities , offices and charges publick whatsoever belonging to knights , nobles or cities , of which these last are they which this declaration terms municipal . in the mean time against a settlement so clear repeated and confirmed in the tenth article of the particulars , they will not allow the least employments , nor the smallest offices to them of this r. ought not the clergy to have had more respect to the king 's royal promise , and not to have demanded of his majesty things which he hath published to the whole world , to be contrary to his will , whilst he declares , that he will observe the edict of nantes ? but this article doth not only combat the edict , but it surpasses also the rigour of the declaration 1631 , which imports that all the municipal charges should be miparties , and that one half of them should be supplyed with those of the c. a. r. r. and the other half of the p. r. r. which is so well observed , that the single places , as those of the secretaries to the consular houses , are used by turns one year by a person of the c. a. r. r. and another year by one of the p. r. r. and so in order consecutively . there are therefore no bounds to the animosity of the ecclesiasticks against them of the p. r. r. in the year 1631. they were content to demand that the municipal offices should be m●parties , now they will wholly exclude those of the said religion . in which it must be avowed , that they little consider reason so they satisfie themselves . for goods and lands being possessed by them of the p. r. r. as well as others ; the inequality it self being so great in divers places that of eight parts those of the p. r. r. possess seven , as hath been already observed ; can there be any reason to require that all the titles and the records of heritages and of lands , should remain in the hands of those of the c. a. r. r. to dispose at their pleasure , and to cause the substance of others to disappear when they shall be possessed with envy toward them , or any other emotion inspired by the diversity of their religion , shall cause them to conceive such a design ? this is therefore an article upon which the justice of the king is implored to cause it to be intirely abolished , and his majesty may easily judge of how great importance it is to retain a settlement so rigorous , in that it continually furnisheth new vexations to his subjects of the p. r. r. as appears by the injury done to them of castres , where under pretext of this article which forbids them all single municipal charges , they will not permit them any longer to be porters to the town ; notwithstanding that this charge is not a single one , and that there are many porters according to the number of the gates ▪ this is a very clear proof that the least pretext serves to bring the uttermost extremity upon them of the p. r. r. because they look on them as persons upon whom they may attempt all things without fear of punishment . article xxxii . trades and professions . that in the assemblies of the sworn masters of trades , the catholicks shall be at least equal in number to those of the p. r. r. it behooves that we voluntarily close our eyes that we may not perceive that this article proceeds farther than it seems , and that the clergy hath here another design than what appears in their words . for they know that there are places where all the masters of certain trades are of the p. r. r. for that those of the c. a. r. r. neglect those professions , and apply not themselves thereunto . from whence the clergy could not fail to infer , that it was impossible to put this article in execution in those places . but the ecclesiasticks would in this affair cover another more secret intention . that is , to reduce and limit the number of the masters in every trade . for , if in the companies of the sworn masters , those of the c. a. r. r. ought to be at least in like number with them of the p. r. r. it will quickly be concluded from thence that no masters are to be received , untill the number of those of the catholick a. r. r. become equal to the others . and they will then proceed yet much farther , for then they will have the number of the masters of the c. a. r. r. to be much greater than that of the others , and that the same proportion is to be kept which is in every place betwixt the persons of both religions . this is the reason that the parliament of normandy hath forbidden the admitting of any goldsmith , or grocer of the p. r. r. in the town of rouen , untill such times as they are reduced to fifteen , that is to say , that for fifteen goldsmiths of the c. a. r. r. there can be but one of the p. r. r. that which is done in trades is done also with the same rigour in all liberal arts , in all professions , and in all imployments . it is no more possible to cause them to receive any advocates of the said religion , and the parliament of rouen have made a regulation , secret indeed , but which is executed with all possible exactness , importing that they will not receive any more advocates of the p. r. r. untill such times as they are reduced to the number of ten for the parliament , two for the presidial courts and bailywicks , and one only for the sheriffs courts , that is , that there be none received into parliament for fifty years , for that half an age at least will be necessary to make this reduction to the number of ten . in like manner they receive no more clerks , no more notaries nor messengers , no more ushers nor serjeants , no more attorneys . and we see with grief in the suppression which is made of a certain number of attorneys in every seat of judicature , they have pitched alltogether of them of the p. r. r. that they may drive them from all the jurisdictions of the realm . it is incredible that ever such a change could be seen to come in an estate where the edict of nantes hath been so well verified by parliaments , and so authentickly confirmed by the successors of henry the great . upon what grounds do they interdict them of the p. r. r. of the functions of counsellors , clerks or attorneys ? what have those charges common with religion ? and to exclude them of the p. r. r. from the quality of counsellors , is no other than to cause that their innocence and the merits of their causes should be without support before the tribunals , that they may be oppressed at the pleasure of their enemies , and adverse parties . for to reduce them of the p. r. r. to serve themselves of no others than councellors of the ca. a. r. r. were to take from them all means to defend themselves in matters of religion , there being no likelihood that counsellors of another faith would take on them to defend interests of that nature ; or if they would , it must needs be done with such feebleness and negligence , that no success could be thereupon expected . they proceed so far herein as not to be willing to suffer any physitians of the p. r. r. as if the precepts of hyppocrates and galen were incompatible with the consession of the faith of the p. r. r. churches . the parliament of rouen have limited the number of two to that great town , and almost all the universities of france begin to refuse the degrees of doctor in physick to those of the p. r. r. notwithstanding that we see the jews , open and declared enemies of christianity , do exercise this profession , and fill even the chairs of physick in the most famous universities of italy . finally it is not sufficient to say that they do at this day limit the number of those of the p. r. r. that aspire to professions and arts , we must also add that they exclude them wholly . for it is not without incredible pains that any one hath admittance . and as for trades , they refuse with a high hand in a manner all those that offer themselves , without alledging any other cause than their religion . this is not only simply to shut upon them the gate to honours and dignities ; but it is also to take away from them of the said religion , all means of gaining their lively-hood ; and to condemn them cruelly to dye of hunger ; as if there were left no more humanity for them neither in their hearts nor in their spirits . it is true that the king hath been willing to remedy this injustice by his decrees given in council the 28th of june , the 18th of september and 10th of november 1665. by which it is ordained that those of the p. r. r. should be indifferently admitted to arts and trades serving their apprentiships , and doing their master-pieces , by which also the contrary decrees of the parliament of rouen are rescinded . but there are three things which grief and necessity force them of the said religion to present before his majesty . the first is , that neither the parliaments nor the inferiour jurisdictions depending on them have any regard at all to these decrees of the council . they make open profession not to regard them , and they are not afraid to say aloud that they will not yield to them at all , if the king do not express himself otherwise , nor make them understand his will by a declaration formal . in effect the court of money by a decree of the 17th of december 1666. have forbidden any master of the goldsmiths to be received in rouen , untill such times as the number of the catholicks be supplyed : and thereupon the jurisdiction of mony in the said town hath refused an apprentice-goldsmith to be received master , and have dismissed him lately by their sentence of the 12th of july 1668. the parliament of paris hath fined one named magdalen de la fond , and put her to pay costs and damages , and forbids her the exercise of the trade of a linnen merchant by their decree of the seventh of september 1665. somewhat more than two months after the first decree of the council which ordained , that those of the p. r. r. should be indifferently admitted to arts and trades , being dated june 28 , 1665. and which is yet more astonishing , the council it self made a decree of the like nature , august 21 of the same year 1665. to forbid that there should be any linnen merchant in paris of that religion . by which one may conclude that the decrees of the council are not sufficient to establish a certain law , and that the declarations of the king are necessary to determine affairs , especially in the savour of them of the p. r. r. who find always strong opposition in the spirits of their judges . the second thing to be considered in this place is , that the decrees of the council speak only of arts and trades , and not of professions and charges , such as be of small consequence , as those of clerks which hath given them occasion obstinately to refuse physitians , counsellors , attorneys , clerks , ushers and serjeants by a marvellous hard usage , which constrains them which have these gifts and talents proper for the service of the publick , to continue in forced silence which renders them unprofitable to the estate , and which overwhelms them in confusion ; as if they were persons notorious and infamous , and which had deserved for their evil actions not to be admitted into any honest profession , nor received into any remarkable employment . this is the reason , that they of this religion which perceive themselves to have any capacity , and which may be profitable to their country , think of nothing else but to retire themselves out of the realm : and the estate by this means will see it self deprived of many persons of merit and service , by whom strangers benefit themselves to the prejudice of france . the third thing which ought here to be observed , is , that the decrees of the council receive not them of the p. r. r. to arts and trades , but under condition of apprentiships and performing master-pieces , to deprive them by this clause of those letters of master-ship which the king hath been accustomed to grant upon important and advantageous occasions , as hath been done in favour of the general peace , the happy marriage of his majesty , the birth and baptism of my lord the dolphin . they of the p. r. r. cannot express the grief they have conceived from a decree gotten by surprise from the council july 21 , 1664 , by which they are deprived of these letters , which are the gracious favours of their soveraign , the refusal whereof cannot be unto them but most sad , not only because of the prejudice which they receive thereby , but especially because of the dishonour which it casts on them . for to refuse them these letters of mastership , is loudly to declare them unworthy of the least grace from their prince : and what would they not do to recover themselves from this blasting ? are they not french by birth and original as well as others ? take they not part as they ought in the prosperities of the estate ? the general peace , the happy marriage of his majesty , the birth and baptism of my lord the dauphin , and the other advantages of the crown and royal house , are not their hearts therewith sensibly affected ? have they acted any treachery , or any attempt which might exclude them from those graces which diffuse themselves to all others subjects ? on the contrary his majesty hath testified himself for them , that they have given proofs of their fidelity and zeal beyond all he could have imagined . this is therefore a surprise made upon his majesty , whereby a decree hath been obtained from the council , wherein the rigour proceeds so far as to declare them of the p. r. r. unworthy the favour of being shooe-makers , or joyners . they are those of this r. especially that have need of these letters of freedom , for that the most part of the masters of the c. a. r. r. will not take them for apprentices , and the guardians being almost never satisfied with their master-pieces , the entrance into trades in this way is to them ordinarily impossible . besides these letters have never been denyed them hitherto , they have always very easily obtained them ; they peaceably enjoyed them ; and this hath made their refusal more pungent and afflicting . but above all this they cannot sufficiently complain of the unjustice of the parliaments , who overbearing that infallible maxim of right , that no law hath any effect but for the time to come , would this notwithstanding , that the decree of the council of july 21 , 1664. which deprives those of the p. r. r. of the letters of mastership , should have a virtue retroactive . for they condemned those persons to shut up their shops , who in consequence of such letters were admitted masters , and who had many years before exercised their trades . therefore the king is most humbly besought to redress this : and for to stay those disorders which cast his subjects of the p. r. r. into a famine worse than that which comes through the barrenness of the earth , or which will force them to seek their bread in strange countries , as many in considerable numbers have done already , to the great prejudice of the trade , and manufactures of the realm ; his majesty will be pleased to ordain , that they of the said religion may not be refused upon what pretext soever it be to be admitted into arts , and into trades , and that they be received indifferently , whether it be by letters of mastership , or apprentiships , or master-pieces ; and that those who have heretofore obtained letters of mastership may not be hindred to make use thereof , and that at length those of the said religion may be admitted into all sorts of professions , of arts and trades , without restriction or limitation of number , that they may enjoy all the rights , and perform all the functions which depend thereon . and that his majesty would have the goodness to insert this into a declaration in good form , that may not leave any more place of disobedience to passionate judges and officers . article xxxiii . ceasing of singing psalms in churches whilst processions pass . that when the processions in which the holy sacrament is born , pass before the temples of those of the p. r. r. they shall cease to sing their psalms until the said processions be past by . here is no appearance that they would have this article to be extended to all sorts of procession of that quality which is here specified , for that it would be impossible to obey what pains soever were taken therein . for the most part of these processions are arbitrary , and unforeseen , and made on days and hours not fixed , nor settled ; how then can it be possible for those who are in an assembly to know when they are to pass ? and how shall they who sing in a temple , many times far distant from the street or way , shut in with walls , and in a place apart , understand whether a procession pass or not ? there is therefore sufficient reason to believe , that the intention of the king in this article is to speak only of that solemn procession of the day called corpus christi day , which being known and foreseen of all people , those of the p. r. r. may be forewarned not to preach in the morning of that day , but to chuse some other , as is already practised in divers places . this is the interpretation which they herein request of his majesty for preventing the evil intentions of those who seek to trouble their repose , and will raise a thousand suits against them , if this article remain in the condition it is in at present . for if they of the p. r. r. whilst they are in a temple , be not silent when a procession passeth , although they could neither foresee it , nor discover it , nor perceive it ; they will not fail to fall on them , and draw them into law , and condemn them to pay great amercements ; and perhaps will use them far worse . for they will think themselves sufficiently authorised to assault the temple , and to treat it as rebellious , and demand to have it pulled down , and it may even so come to pass , that the people in the procession will seditiously pull it down at that instant , through their fervor , without attending the order of justice , as hath been often seen in those times in which they have had no declaration which might serve them for a pretext for such popular commotion . and this may happen to be the mean to raise whole cities , and to cause such flames as cannot be extinguished but by the blood of many persons . his majesty therefore will be pleased to revoke this article ; or at least to make it clear , by restraining it to the procession of the day named corpus christi day , and leaving , in regard of other processions to them of the p. r. r. the liberty which they have always enjoyed , notwithstanding all contrary decrees , judgments and ordinances . article xxxiv . to make clean the streets before their doors against festival days . those of the said p. r. r. shall be obliged to suffer their houses to be hung in the streets by the authority of the officers of the place , and other places appertaining unto them , on the feasts days ordained so to do , according to the third of the private articles of nantes , and that they of the said p. r. r. shall make clean before their doors . it is true , that by the third of the private articles of the edict of nantes , they of the p. r. r. are obliged to suffer hangings to be put up before their houses , but not to clean the streets before their doors . this is an addition to the law , and which appears also contrary to the law , for that the edict in the sixth general article doth expresly signifie , that those of the p. r. r. may not be constrained to do any thing to any religious purpose against their conscience . they then humbly beseech his majesty to dispense with them for sweeping before their doors , on the occasion of the feasts , because this is a thing repugnant unto their consciences , being done as a religious ceremony , which their faith approves not of . this also will be after a short season a matter of suit also ; because they will always pretend that they have not swept clean enough ; and there will be found people so ill disposed , as to cast ordure before their doors , to the intent they may make them criminal offenders . for this cause , being the civil ordinances are sufficient for cleansing the pavements of towns , and those of the p. r. r. are at all times very careful to acquit themselves well herein before their horses ; there is no need of the last clause of this article , and his majesty is besought to revoke it . article xxxv . meeting the sacrament in the streets . that those of the pretended r. r. meeting the holy sacrament in the streets , carried abroad to the sick , or otherwise , be obliged to retire at the sound of the bell which goes before it ; or if not , to put themselves in a posture of respect , by putting off their hats , if they be men , with prohibition that they appear not at the doors , shops , nor windows of their houses , whilst the holy sacrament passeth , unless they put themselves in such posture . being the king leaves unto them of the p. r. r. the liberty of the alternative , and permits them to retire in these incident cases ; they never give cause to complain of them . but they find themselves constrained in this matter to represent three things unto his majesty . the first is , that they are always in these occasions hindred from retiring ; the way is stopped , the doors of the houses are shut upon them , they are held by force , they are outraged , they are laid on with blows , after all this they are over and above punished , as not retiring : his majesty is therefore besought to add unto this article , that no hindrance be made to them that would retire ▪ and that those who attempt to stay , force , or outrage them in any manner whatsoever , be punished as disturbers of the publick peace . the second is , that whereas in this article nothing is said save only of meetings in the streets , many flye out so far as to require them to put off their hats , who are closed in chambers and houses , and in case they refuse , they make criminal process against them , and hold them a long season in prison without any other cause , by an unexcusable violence . so far that they would even oblige the councellors of the p. r. r. to be uncovered when they are within the tarress , where the object of the adoration of those of c. a. r. r. is neither seen , nor perceived , and whence it is not possible for them to retire . his majesty is therefore besought to declare , that this article is not extended , but to those meetings which happen in the street only , and not otherwise . the third thing is , that the parliament of rouen , in verifying the king's declaration have much aggravated this article . for whereas the king obliges those that will not retire , only to put off the hat , which respects men only , and insists on an action less than bending of the knee ; the parliament extending the rigour of this authority against both the sexes , have carried it on so far , as to command : that they should put themselves in the same observance as the catholicks , that is to say , to kneel : which cannot be reasonably exacted of them of the p. r. r. so long as they are left in the liberty of their faith. therefore his majesty expounding this article in the manner which hath been represented , may be pleased to forbid to hinder them who would retire , or , to do them any displeasure ; by declaring that this article is not to be extended , save only to meetings which happen in the streets , without having any regard to the verification of the parliament of rouen , which he discharges , as contrary to his intention . article xxxvi . levies of moneys . that those of the p. r. r. may make no levies of money amongst themselves , in the name and pretext of collects , but only those that are permitted them by the edicts . those of the p. r. r. make no levies of money amongst themselves , but what are permitted them by the edicts , they pretend not to make any others ; and those who would raise this suspition amongst them , do impose upon them a thing of which they are extremely innocent . and by consequence this article ought to be rescinded as to no purpose . article xxxvii . collectors of money appointed for the affairs of those of the pretended reformed religion . that the money which they have power to impose may be imposed in the presence of a royal judge , according to the 43 article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , and the state thereof be transferred to his majesty or his chancellor , and with prohibition to the collectors of the taxes to charge themselves directly or indirectly with the levying of the money of them of the said p. r. r. which they have imposed for their particular affairs , which shall be levied by distinct collectors . nothing should have been said to this article , if the zeal which they of the p. r. r. have for the service of the king , had not obliged them to speak thereto . for it is certain that those who have suggested this settlement in thinking to hurt them , have done nothing but to the prejudice of his majesties affairs . the reason is manifest which is this , that the collectors of the taxes of the provinces of guienne and languedoc , making at the same time the levies of the money appointed for the entertainment of the ministers ; these collectors have still more money in their hands , and by consequence the king is much better paid ; because the collectors do alwayes take of all the money which comes into their hands , that which belongs unto his majesty by preference in the first place . but this is not the interest of them of the p. r. r. save only so as the interest of the prince is the same with that of all his true subjects . and it suffices them here to remark only how the ecclesiasticks are animated against them ; being they regard not at whose cost their passion is declared , and that the interest of the king himself cannot hinder them from hurting them of the said religion , when occasion is presented them . article xxxviii . contribution to the charges of chappels and guilds . that according to the second article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , the artisans of the said p. r. r. may not be obliged to contribute to the charges of chappels , fraternities , or other the like ; if there be not statutes , conventions , or foundations to the contrary : and yet notwithstanding that they may be constrained to contribute and pay the rights which are ordinarily paid by the masters , and the freemen , of the said trades , that the said sums may be imployed to the relief of the poor of the said trades , and other necessities and affairs of the trade . the clergy who see that it is the intention of his majesty in his declarations to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed , imploy all their force and art to ruine the edict , whilst they make shew to conform themselves to it , and in searching out biases which may give it some supposed senses , whereby they may turn it against them whose protection it undertakes . this is the principal artifice of the ecclesiasticks . this is that wherby they think to cast powder in the eyes , and this method appears in no part of these declarations more naked than in this article . for here we see the second article of the particulars of the edict of nantes cited , by which the artisans of the p. r. r. are discharged from contributing to the charges of chappels and fraternities . but we find three wayes practised to make this article unprofitable to them of the said religion ; and to imploy it even against them . the first is , that they apply to the fraternities the exception which is found in that article , when it saith , except they have any foundations , donations , or other settlements made by themselves or their predecessors . and yet it is certain that the foundations and donations have no respect unto the brother-hoods , but only to the other things specified in that article , as churches and chappels . the second means is , that by an ingenious shift whilst they discharge the artisans of the said religion from contributing to the charges of chappels , and brother-hoods , and such like ; they condemn them nevertheless to pay the same sums from which they exempt them , to be imployed to the relief of the poor , and necessitous of their trades . this is directly to pull away with one hand what they will not receive with the other . the king hath not the terms of his declaration so intended ; being in this place equivocal , those persons which are enemies to them of the p. r. r. will never fail readily to give it an inconvenient sence . therefore his majesty is besought to expound himself , and to make it known that in subjecting the masters and artisans of this religion to the payment of the dues to the trades , he hath not intended those which are paid to the services and devotions of the guildes ; but only those which the masters of the one and the other religion are obliged to pay for the relief of the poor , and for the sustaining the affairs of their trade which are purely politick . the third is much more considerable and dangerous , which is , that in this article of the declaration they have inserted the word statutes , which is not found in the second article of the particulars of nantes ; and by this word statutes they will elude the whole settlement of the edict . for there is no guild which hath not its statutes , so that they of the p. r. r. shall find themselves bound by the force of this word , to contribute to all the guilds , to the prejudice of the edict which exempts them from doing any thing contrary to their consciences . and that they may leave them of the said religion no hope of saving themselves therefrom , they have contrived of late to make new statutes for their trades , obliging the masters to cause masses to be said , expresly to this intent , that they may subject them to the charge of the service of the guilds from which the edict hath exempted them . yea , and by vertue of these new invented statutes they will pretend to exclude all those of the p. r. r. from trades , because there are found in them articles which oblige the masters to the service and ceremonies of the c. a. r. r. church , and which amount to thus much that none shall be admitted masters who make no profession of the c. a. r. r. and because these statutes are made since the edict of nantes , they will maintain that they do derogate therefrom . his majesty therefore to obviate this mischief which is contrary to his intention , and to the decrees of his council , will be pleased to hear the most humble petition which his subjects of the p. r. r. make unto him to expunge this article of the declaration , and to be contented in the matter of chappels and guilds , with the second article of the particulars of nantes , and to expell out of his ordinance , the word statutes , which is not found in the edict ; and acording to his equitable wisdom to impede those new statutes which they would establish in the trades ; or at least to cause them to withdraw the articles which concern the difference of the two religions , as being of great prejudice to the traffick and behoof of the publick , which thereby will be found most remarkably injured . article xxxix . eliquidation or stating of debts that the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. be paid by themselves only , and that the clearing the sums may not be made before any other than the commissioners of the provinces deputed by his majesty . here is another attaint which they would pass against the chambers of the edict , to whom properly belongs the cognizance of the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. the commissioners of his majesty and the intendants of the provinces may well make the liquidation of the debts of the community , but those of the communities are different from those which respect them of the p. r. r. alone . it belongs to the chambers of the edicts to verify their debts , with exclusion to all other judges . article xl. inducements to change religion . that those of the said religion may not suborn the catholicks , nor induce them to change their religion under any pretext whatsoever ; and that the catholicks which shall abjure their religion may not be married for six months after their change. pure and simple subornation which is not accompanied with violence , nor threats , nor promises , nor presents , hath no reference to those that are of age ; for that they being of age to know , discern , and choose , are capable to defend themselves from suborners ; and when they suffer themselves to be perswaded to any thing , it is by an acquiescence of the soul altogether free , which is carried of its self to imbrace that which it esteemeth reasonable ; and this is the cause also why the 18th article of the edict of nantes , which forbids inducement to the change of religion , speaks only of infants , willing that they should not be induced to this change without the consent of their parents . and the same article makes the prohibition reciprocal for them of the one and the other religion under the same pains ; yet beginning at the children of those of the p. r. r. because they are in effect more exposed to this danger . according to this model his majesty is besought to cause this article of the declaration to be reformed , restraining it to infants and minors , who only are capable of being suborned in the manner which hath been above described . for as to others who are at the age of reason and choice , what would follow if it were forbidden to induce them to change their religion ? how many mischiefs and troubles would this prohibition occasion ? for they would pretend that it were no more permitted unto any person of the p. r. r. to talk at all in any manner of his faith , no nor to render a reason thereof to them who shall come to question them about their belief . if one touch upon any point in discourse , if one lend any book of religion to those who intreat it , if one instruct even his own children in the presence of any of the r. c. a. r. immediately they will pretend that he had a design to induce and suborn them to change their religion and put him in trouble with process . so will there be no more liberty of conscience in the realm , there will be no more security for masters of families of the p. r. r. in their houses , for if they are about to chastise their servants , or houshould , they to revenge themselves , may accuse them to have gone about to suborn them . this also would be a pretext to dive into the secrets of families , and to introduce a kind of inquisition into france , against the liberties not only accorded to by the edicts , but alwayes established in this realm . there can then be nothing more equitable than to restore and bring back this article of the declaration to the terms of the 18th of the edict , forbidding as well those of the c. a. r. as those of the p. r. r. to suborn one anothers children , and to induce them to change their religion without the consent of their parents , rescinding for this purpose an arrest gotten by surprize from the council by the syndic of the clergy of neemes , novemb. 3 , 1664. which decree doth generally forbid to induce the catholicks to change their religion in any manner whatsoever it be . as for the prohibition made unto them who shall abjure the c. a. r. r. to marry for six months after their change , it is a novelty and an innovation never known till now , and contrary to the liberty granted by the edicts . article xli . observations of the laws of the romish church . observation of the laws of the r. c. in point of marriage . those of the p. r. r. shall be obliged , according as they are enjoyned by the 23 article of the edict of nantes to observe the laws of the r. c. received in this realm , in the case of marriages contracted and to be contracted both in the degrees of consanguinity and affinity . it may seem that this article were altogether innocent , being taken in a manner word for word , from the 23 of the edict . but there is notwithstanding cause to fear that it is no other than a trap set by the clergy , to out them of the p. r. r. from the liberty which is given them by the 40th article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , where his majesty doth permit them to contract marriage in the third and fourth degree , and promise to dispence for the second , one of the second and another of the third , or second and half ; which hath been constantly and without any lett practised untill now , these dispensations and letters of the prince being never refused to them who had recourse unto his majesty and did demand them . notwithstanding it is this right and this usage so well established and so reasonable which they intend to shake by this article , which therefore by consequence ought to be erased , as being of ill consequence , and against the edict : or at the least there ought to be added unto it , that it is without prejudice to the fortieth article of the particulars of nantes . by this also in all appearance , they have had a design to confirm a decree gotten by surprize from the council january 16 1662. taking from them of the p. r. r. of the country of gez , the power of celebrating their marriages in the times forbidden by the c. a. r. c. which his majesty is besought to revoke as an innovation made against the edict , and a thing contrary to the discipline of those of the said religion , and to the liberty of their conscience . article xlii . ministers converted . that the ministers being converted shall be preserved from payment of taxes and quartering of souldiers , as they were before their conversion . the king may bestow his favours on whom he pleaseth ; and they of the p. r. r. do in this place only beseech him , that seeing the exemption of ministers after their change is founded only on what they had before , by vertue of their character , that it would please his majesty to cause the ministers exercising their charge , peaceably to enjoy the exemption which belongs unto them , and to hinder the crosses which are continually laid upon them in the provinces , where they attempt to impose taxes upon them notwithstanding so many decrees of the council which have fully discharged them , and for the execution whereof the ministers address themselves unto his majesty , humbly beseeching to give his order in such manner , that they may be observed by the generalities and in the elections of the kingdom . article xliii . exemption of converts from the debts of them of the p. r. r. that those that are converted unto the c. r. be exempted from paying the debts of those of the p. r. r. this settlement being indeed an astonishing one , is of that sort which testify most the credit of the clergy . for to obtain this it behooved them to reverse a decree given expresly to the contrary in the council the 30th of march , 1661. this is a decree quite contrary to this article ; and which ordains that the catholick inhabitants of the town of privas , who have purchased the houses and inheritances of those of the p. r. r. of the same place , obliged or condemned with the other inhabitants of the same religion for the payment of the common debts contracted , the community should pay the part which belonged unto them , of the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. for the lands and inheritances which have formerly appertained to them of the said religion , and now belong to catholicks , whether by succession , donation , or purchase , saving their remedy against the sellers : this decree adding also in formal terms that those who were converted should not pretend exemption from paying their debts , whether they were obliged in particular , or in the body and communitie for the lands which they possessed . the nature of things hath not changed since 1661. the rules of reason , right and justice , are still the same in the council and in all the tribunals of the earth ; and notwithstanding 1666. they destroy what they have ordained in 1661. and have made one express article , that converts to the catholick religion should be exempt from payment of the debts of those of the p. r. r. what lights could there be had in this case to make so considerable a change ? it is hard to imagine . for , can it be that the change of religion should change the nature of contracts and obligations ; and introduce this novelty in commerce , that those who are debtors , cease so to be , to the prejudice of their creditors , who have lent them their money upon their credit , and upon just confidence they had upon the validity of publick acts , by which they who borrowed their money , became their debtors ? the king will never consent to a favour or priviledge to the prejudice of others : but here the favour which they would shew to these new converts turns to the damage , and it may be even to the ruine of their creditors , whose bond may not only happen to be relaxed by the discharge of some of their debtors : but it may fall out also that all his obliges becoming converts , some one man may loose all his whole debt in general , and so may see himself reduced to beggery . if the king would except these converts , it would seem necessary for him to reconcile his grace with his justice , that his majesty would be pleased to pay their debts , and to discharge them with his own money . otherwise this were to give away the estate of another , and to cause a loss without recompence , to those of whom the prince is the natural tutor is the quality of a father of his country . it is also a thing worthy to be considered that in the provinces of languedoc and guienne , the debts contracted by bodies corporate are charges real , which follow the land and immovable goods , into what hands soever they pass . because the possessor is obliged to pay his part according to the proportion of his inheritances , when they come to the division of these debts . how then can the converts be reasonably discharged of these debts , being their obligation is not only personal but real also , and affecteth the lands which they possess , and whose enjoyment by consequence is a sufficient title against them to make them liable unto this payment ? how great soever this matter of complaint is in it self ; yet it must here be added that they go about to make it yet more insupportable . for although this article is not extended farther than the debts of communalties , yet there are many notwithstanding so absurd as to desire to extend it to particular debts , and to make use of their conversion as an infallible means to cross the books of the merchants of the p. r. r. of the sums of which the new converts find themselves accountable , and to extinguish and acquit all the rents with which they shall be charged , and to cancel all the promises by which they are held obliged to them of the said religion . the king without doubt never intended to authorize an imagination so unreasonable . this were to do outrage to the christian religion , to make it serve a design so contrary to its precepts , to whose disciples it is commanded by the mouth of st. paul. ( rom. 12. 7. ) to render unto all that which is their due . this article then drawing after it so many bad consequences ; they of the p. r. r. demand with all respect and instance the revocation of it ; and beseech his majesty to expound it in such sort , that converts may not imagine that they may be freed from paying their creditors of the said religion their personal and particular debts , with which they are charged by contract , or by obligation , or otherwise . article lxiv . temples and burying places not to be discharged of taxes . that the temples and burying places of them of the p. r. r. be not left out of the rolls nor discharged of taxes , but shall be used as heretofore . it is hard to comprehend the sense of this article , for it contains an evident contradiction . it imports that the temples and burying places should not be left out of the codastre , i. e. out of the common register , which contains the roll of the houses and lands of one parish , and that they shall not be discharged of the taxes of the countries where they are real , and in the mean time the same article adds , that they should be used as heretofore . this is a contradiction impossible to be reconciled . for if they be to be used as in times past , the temples and the burying places shall be left out of the parish rolls and freed from taxes , because they have been alwayes used in this manner heretofore . to establish the settlement contained in the beginning of this article were to overturn order and use . and reason opposes it no less than custom , for temples and burying places are places fallen into mortmaine , which are no longer in commerce amongst men , and which being not possessed by any particular person , are not subject to any charges which are put upon particular persons only . and this is that which hath been formally ordained by the answer of henry the great to the 26th article of the paper of 1601. on the behalf of the dauphine ; and by that of lewis the just to the 10th article of the paper of 1612. in behalf of all the burying places of them of the p. r. r. in general . justice therefore and the royal decision of the two last soveraigns of this estate , demand the revocation of this article . article xlv . infants . that the children whose fathers are or have been catholicks , shall be baptized and brought up in the c. c. though their mothers be of the p. r. r. and also the children whose fathers are departed in the said c. r. shall be brought up in the said religion ; for which purpose they shall be committed to the hands of their mothers , tutors , or other kindred which are catholicks , upon demand ; with express prohibition to lead the said children to the temples or schools of the said p. r. r. or to bring them up therein , albeit their mothers be of the said p. r. r. being fathers have nothing more clear than their children , this article doth cause also an inexpressible grief to them of the p. r. r. because it takes away from many amongst them the liberty of causing their own children to be baptized and brought up in the religion which they profess , upon pretence that they have sometimes been catholicks . if this article had spoken only of parents who are or who dye in the c. a. r. r. it would have been thought less strange . but to require that a man should not baptize his child in the communion in which he lives , because he hath been of another religion 30 or 40 years before ; certainly is a severity sufficient to throw a man into despair . besides , here is also a contradiction in this very article , which speaks not only of fathers which are , but which have been catholicks . for wherefore will they that infants , born of a catholick father , should be baptized and brought up in the catholick church . it is without doubt because it is just and reasonable that the children should follow the religion of their fathers , when as yet they are not of age nor in estate to choose one . and by the same reason the children of those who actually profess the p. r. r. ought not they be baptized and trained up in the same religion , being the same with their fathers , and wherein they were born , and being that whilst they are yet in their infancy , they are not capable to choose a different one ? this were to tear away from fathers their bowels , thus to ravish from them their infants , and to cause them to be baptized in a church , and instructed in a religion which they have renounced . and we must talk no more of liberty of conscience in a realm , where it is given and authorized solemnly by so many edicts , if this prohibition take place . this is to chase out of france all those persons how many soever there be who have imbraced the pretended reformed religion within this eighty years . for where is that father that can resolve to see his infants in whom he hopes to live after his death , lead whether he will or not into a communion from whom he is retired , as not finding there any repose for his conscience ? where is there a father that can digest the mortal displeasure to see himself bereaved of the fruits of his marriage , and to be condemned afterwards to pay them a pension , as we have seen examples in divers places , and particularly in rouen in the person of one named bindel painter , whose children are brought up in this manner . if then his majesty be touched with any compassion towards his poor and humble subjects of the p. r. r. he is besought herein to lend an ear unto their grief , and cause these terms to be put out of this present article , which seem to have been slipped into it , and added thereto by surprize against the intention of so wise a soveraign . for the other part of this article which imports that the infants , whose fathers are departed in the catholick religion shall be brought up in the same religion ; they intend not at all against it , provided it be intended of infants that are under twelve years for fe-males , and fourteen years males , according to the decrees of the council , regulating the age from which infants may change their religion . but here is cause to complain of two things in this matter . the one , that notwithstanding by the edict of nantes , and by two decrees made in council of the twenty eighth of september 1663 , and of the twenty fourth of april , 1665. the same thing hath been decreed for the infants whose fathers have dyed in the p. r. r , i. e. that their infants should be brought up in the same religion , and for this purpose should be committed into the hands of their mothers , tutors , or other kindred of the pretended reformed religion : yet notwithstanding they have nor here made this article reciprocal . from whence they may in time infer that in this they have derogated from the edict and decrees of the council which were before . for this cause the king rejecting these words which have been , will be pleased to render this article reciprocal for them of the p. r. r. as well as for them of the c. a. r. the other cause of complaint is , that even since the two decrees came to be published , they have not ceased to hale away also by force from the kindred of the p. r. r. infants whose fathers and mothers have alwayes been of this religion and dyed therein . moreover now very lately , the parliament of rouen by an arrest of the first of february , 1668. have decreed that a little maid whose father and mother were departed in the p. r. r. should be taken out of the hands of her kindred of that religion , notwithstanding they offered to bring her up for nothing , that she might be put into the hands of her tutor who is of the c. a. r. the reason which serves them to authorize such violences to the prejudice of the preceding decrees is , say they , because these decrees of the council are not registred , and by consequence oblige not , albeit that the last of the fourteenth of april , 1665. enjoynes all officers to be conformable thereunto , and to cause it to be executed under pain of rebellion . the king therefore to give some means unto his subjects of the p. r. r. whereby his orders may take effect in this important matter , is besought to make thereof an authentick declaration which may be registred in the parliaments . article xlvi . schools . that they of the said p. r. r. may not keep any schools for the instruction of their own children or others , but in places where they have right to the publick exercise of their religion , according to the 13th article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , in which schools whether they be in the towns or in the suburbs , they may not teach save only to read , write , and arithmetick . to understand well what the schools of those of the p. r. r. are , it is necessary to observe that they are of three sorts . the first are their academies and colledges where they teach their divinity . the second are publick schools where they may teach grammar and humane learning with open doors . the third sort are particular petty schools which they keep with their doors shut , where the infants of the said religion , learn to read , write , and arithmetick only . for their academies and colledges they are fixed to certain places , and they shall not be insisted on here , because this article deals not with their concerns . for the publick schools , the edict permits them in all towns , and in all places , where the exercise is publick , as the 37th article of the particulars , doth prove , they of the said religion ( saith it ) may not keep publick schools , save only in the towns and places where the publick exercise thereof is permitted . but as for petty schools , the edict supposeth them as permitted in all places indifferently by natural reason and equity , which authorises fathers no less to give instruction than bread unto their children , and as well to nourish their spirits by a familiar instruction , as to sustain their bodies by an ordinary nourishment . so that it cannot be doubted that this is the intent of the edict , for that when it forbids to have schools elsewhere than in places where the exercise is permitted ; it speaks expresly of publick schools ; whence it results , that it leaves a liberty for particular schools in other places where the publick exercise is not had . in effect , this practice hath alwayes been followed since the edict , and parliaments have formally authorized this usage by their decrees . the parliament of rouen have granted many on this occasion and two remarkable ones , amongst others , the one in the month of may , 1605. by which , notwithstanding the opposition of the abbess of montivilliers , one named haise was permitted to teach to write , and read in that town of montivilliers , notwithstanding that there was no exercise of the p. r. r. neither in the town nor in the suburbs , nor within more than two leagues round about ; upon condition only that he might not dogmatize . the other was of the first of february ; 1623. by which the same thing was permitted to one named poignant under the same condition , not to dogmatize , and not to use the prayers of his religion in the parish of st. anthony of the forrest , where the said exercise was not at all established : and this , notwithstanding the opposition of the official of rouen , since which time , the thing hath not been any more disputed ; and they of the p. r. r. have not been troubled untill these last years , in which the hatred which many persons bear unto them , hath been permitted , all things without restraint , they have been desirous to forbid them these particular petty schools in all places . and the same hath passed even to that excess , as to forbid masters to go teach children in particular houses : and to heap up this measure , it is carried on to a refusal of receiving masters of the arts of writing and arithmetick , as this may be seen all in one decree of the parliament of rouen made against one named du perry . this is one of the evils of which they of the p. r. r. do complain with the greatest sorrow ; this is one of those for which they have the least pretext . for what danger can there rise from these petty and obscure schools , which are rather a mark of the weakness of those of this r. then of their power ? is it then a crime for their children to read and write ? will they bring process against a man for putting a pen into the hands of a simple flock of infants which come to seek him in his chamber without noise or shew ? and shall fathers be compelled to let their children live like beasts , or send them to masters whom they suspect , or send them two or three leagues from their houses to find there a master of the religion which they profess ? the distinction which here is made of the schools of those of the p. r. r. shews clearly how many surprizes are to be found in this forty sixth article of the declaration . for first , the thirteenth article of the edict of nantes , is cited to prove that they of the said religion may not have any schools , but in the places where they have publick exercise ; and yet it speaks only in the thirteenth article of the instruction of infants in that which concerns religion ; an evident proof , that in the places where the exercise is not publick , it is permitted to them of the p. r. r. to have other schools , that is , such as intermeddle not at all with religion , and where they are taught nothing but learning that is purely humane . secondly , the article of the declaration wills , that in the schools whether they be in towns , or in suburbs , where the exercise of the said religion is established , they may teach to read , write , and arithmetick only , which is true indeed of the particular petty schools which may be kept indifferently in all places with their doors shut , but not of the publick schools which are authorized by the 37th article of the particulars . for that article doth not restrain the permission of those schools to reading nor to writing , nor to arithmetick alone , but leaves them the intire liberty of schools , to give the same lessons there which they practise in other schools of the kingdom . therefore to bring back and restore these things to the settlement in the edict , it is just and necessary to permit publick schools in all the towns and all the places where the publick exercize of the said p. r. r. is had : and to consent to the particular petty schools in all places of the realm . this is that concerning which his majesty is most humbly besought ; as also to stay the course of the devices and injustice which is done to them of the said religion concerning their schools . for they do continually raise suits against them about the word places , which is found in the edict of nantes , when it is said , that they may not have publick schools but in the towns and places where their exercise is permitted ; there are many who have the rigour to desire to oblige them to keep their schools in the same place with their exercise , i.e. within the enclosure of their temples : notwithstanding that king henry the fourth expounded himself in this matter , by his answer to the paper of 1612 , art. 9. wherein he consented that the children of the towns and suburbs should have schools in the towns and suburbs where the exercise of their religion was permitted : and that the children of the neighbour villages round about should have schools in the suburbs . wherefore to hinder us a vexation so ill conceived , his majesty is most humbly besought to renew this explication , and to declare , that by the places of publick schools permitted to them of the p. r. r. he intends the townes or suburbs where the exercize is publickly enjoyed , and wholly extended to the suburbs , burrows , and villages where they have the right of exercise , notwithstanding all decrees and judgements to the contrary . article xlvii . sojourners with ministers . that the ministers of the said religion may not entertain any sojourners save of the p. r. r. nor in greater number than two at a time . this is a thing which is not common to see ministers entertain sojourners . but it was not expected that a law of the realm would have been made to hinder them . for every one may use his house , his table , and his time as seems good unto himself , provided he do nothing against the estate . and it is not easie to imagine in what the estate receives prejudice when ministers entertain sojourners in their houses . for all the instructions which they can give them is only particular , which is no where forbidden but in the countries of the inquisition . it is only publick instruction which is limited in france to the places where the publick exercise of the p. r. r. is permitted . yet in these authorized places ministers must at least be permitted , to entertain as many sojourners as they will to agree with the edict . they who have suggested this article ought to have thought that it was not worthy to be put into the declaration of a great king , and for that very reason ought to be outed . article xlviii . the sick. that the ecclesiasticks and the religious may not enter into the houses of the sick of the p. r. r. if they be not accompanied with some magistrate , or an alderman , or the mayor of the place , and sent for by the sick : in which case no hinderance shall be given unto them . notwithstanding it shall be permitted to the rector of the place assisted with some judge , alderman or consul — to present himself to the sick to know of him if he will dye in the p. r. r. or not , and after his declaration he shall withdraw himself . here we have the most important article of all the declaration . there is nothing more contrary to them of the pretended reformed religion , nothing more capable to trouble the publick tranquility , nor to cause so deadly consequences of all sorts . for it is in sickness , and above all , at the approach of death , that men have the greatest need of repose , and that trouble is to them most insupportable ; for that being otherwise sufficiently toyled , they cannot indure to be molested in that estate , nor to be hindred in the injoyment of the peace and comfort of their souls , the salvation whereof is then their sole interest . the clergy in their other articles have striven to take from them of the p. r. r. the means to live , in this they come to deprive them of the liberty of dying in the profession of their faith , against that so express settlement of the edict of nantes in the 14th article of the particulars , they of the said religion ( saith it , ) shall not be obliged to receive exhortations when they are sick and nigh unto death , whether it be by condemnation of justice or otherwise , of others than they of the same religion ; and they may be visited and comforted by their ministers , without being molested . and this point was judged to be of so great consequence that the king ratified it by his answer of 1636. art. 19. for his majesty there ordained , that the fourth article of the particulars of the edict of nantes should be entirely observed , with injunction to his officers to hold their hand therein , on pain to answer it in their proper and private names . can there be any thing more opposite to the declaration ? the edict of nantes wills that the sick of the p. r. r. shall not be obliged to receive exhortations of others than those of their own religion , and the declaration on the contrary wills , that they be obliged to suffer the parish priests and aldermen to enter into their houses without their consents , and without being called . how shall we agree these two settlements so contrary ? for to say that the declaration only permits the parish priests to presents themselves to the sick to know their minds , not to make any exhortations unto them , this is in truth to say nothing at all . for where is the parish priest that seeing himself master of the chamber of a sick person , will not adventure to speak somewhat unto him for to gain him ? and if any attempt to hinder him , what uproar and what mischief shall not follow upon it ? they will cry rebellion against those that assist the sick . they will pretend that they offer violence to the parish priest who making himself to be heard through the windows , the neighbourhood and almost all the people will run thither in a tumult , break open the doors , throw themselves in a fury into the chamber of the poor agonising person , who shall at the same time see himself miserably molested , all his family terrified and discomforted , at what time as he ought to be left in repose , to bethink himself of his salvation . and how many other mischiefs will this permission given to the parish priests draw after it ? for the least word that one can say to them to free ones self from their urgencies and importunities shall be taken for an attempt on his person ; their persons shall be seized who let fall any word wherewith they are not satisfied , they will drag them to prison , they will in the conclusion condemn them to so great fines and such rigorous reparations , as are to be seen by divers examples in many places . humanity it self ought to oblige unto more compassion to families who are in sorrow , and not to establish means to give trouble over and above to a wife that hath more than enough by the sickness of her husband , or to a mother that is weeping over a child ready to give up the ghost , or to children that have their hearts wounded for the sad estate of their father . furthermore , if a man be in a phrenzy by the heat of a violent feaver , and he in the distraction of his spirit let fall any word conrary to his intention before the parish priest ; they will quickly lay hold on it as a good and formal conversion , and thereupon they will drive out of his chamber all those that attend him : they will hale away the wife from her husband , and the husband from his wife , under pretext that the sick hath changed his religion , and ought to have the liberty of his conscience . and if any person dye in this phrensie , they will seize on his body , and interr him after the ceremonies of the c. a. r. r. though he never had any thoughts on it . yea , and force his children to leave the church wherein they were born , and pass over to that in which they pretend their father dyed , by vertue of the 45th article of this declaration , which imports , that the children of the fathers , who departed in the r. c. a. r. should be brought up in the said religion . but if the sick man escape , they will constrain him to go unto the mass , and hinder him from returning to the p. r. r. by vertue of the declaration against the relapsed , though he never thought in the least to quit his belief ; and if he have said any thing it hath been the pure effect of his feaver , in a time when he knew not what he said , and when he was not himself . and above all this , they will constrain his children also to go unto the mass , in consequence of this declaration , which in the 45th article ordains , that infants whose fathers have been catholicks shall be brought up in the catholick church . is it possible to be any misery like to this ? there is also herein another inconvenience which must not here be forgotten : which is , that the parish priests , when they present themselves to the sick , put to them captious and artificial questions , upon design to entangle and surprize them , for example , they will ask them whether they would not be of the true faith ? whether they be not willing to believe the pure and sound doctrine ? whether they would not live and dye in the true church ? and other such like things . to which , if a man answer only one , yes , immediately they take this word for an abjuration , and at the same time they put his friends from him , because they pretend by this one yes , that the man is become a good roman catholick . they must not pretend to put them of the p. r. r. into shelter against all these disorders , by the presence of the judge and the magistrate , whom the declaration wills to accompany the parish priests . for the parish priests ? will choose the judges and officers according to their liking ; and they will find many as ill-disposed as the parish priests themselves ; and who far from moderating them , will push them on to undertake any thing . so that their presence instead of helping , many times will hurt , because it giveth more authority to that which he doth , and the sick and his friends are less able to cause a judge to depart , than a simple parish priest . but if on the other hand the parish priest and the judge transported with zeal , be minded to report the declaration of the sick otherwise than he hath made it , what means hath he to make the truth known ? will he oppose the testimony of his friends and the standers by ? why they will be suspected , and shall not be believed to the prejudice of the judge and the parish priest . neither shall they for the most part of the time serve themselves of their testimony , because the judges and parish priests do commonly send all people out of the sick mans chamber whereinto they enter , this is a mischief for which there is no remedy but by revocation of this article . for the other ecclesiasticks and religious , it may seem that the declaration doth not give them so much power , because it wills that they be sent for by the sick . but at bottom this limitation is a fruitless remedy , for that when a monk hath a mind to see a sick person , he will always find persons enough who will testify that he desired and sent for him ; and experience hath already made us see sufficiently that these witnesses will never he wanting ; in such sort , that upon their report , a poor sick person well setled in his religion , and that hath no design to change it , sees those persons enter into his chamber , whose presence alone is capable to trouble his spirit . this article therefore which concerns the sick , being of so sad and destructive consequence , and casting them of the p. r. r. into dangers which they cannot think of without uttermost consternation , they do demand with most profound humility , and yet at the same time with the most vehement ardour of their souls , the revocation thereof whole and entire . to be content with a moderation herein were to no purpose , because there needs no more than the least shadow of permission to the parish priests to carry them beyond all bounds . witness the declaration which permits them not to go in to any sick without a judge or an alderman , or a consul . and yet we see they go boldly beyond this rule , and intrude alone into the houses of the sick ; and in the same manner the simple priests and monks go without a magistrate , and without calling , because they have the power in their own hands , and they have nothing to fear whatsoever they enterprize . the king therefore may be pleased to consider that the yoke which this article imposeth on them of the p. r. r. is unsupportable , and that he may discharge them thereof according to justice , without which it may be said most truly , that they cannot any longer subsist in the kingdom , because they have no longer any liberty to live or dy in repose . article xlix . hospitals . that the poor sick catholicks and those of the p. r. r. shall be received indifferently into the hospitals in all places , without being constrained by violence to change their religion : and the ministers and others of the p. r. r. may go and visit and comfort them of the said r. on condition that they make no assemblies , prayers , nor exhortations with a loud voice which may be heard by the other sick . the end of this article destroyes the beginning . for if it be not permitted to them of the p. r. r. to make prayers nor exhortations in the hospitals which may be heard by others ; certainly their sick can neither be visited nor comforted , and therefore cannot remain in the hospitals . for it is well known in what manner the hospitals are made ; every sick person hath not his chamber apart ; there are alwayes many together , and often two in the same bed . it is therefore impossible to speak unto one without being heard of some others ; and it comes all to one to exclude the p. r. r. from the hospitals , as to receive them upon an impossible condition . but over and above this , the clergy have also proposed another scope unto this article , which yet every one cannot perceive ; so going on to surprize them who pierce not into their secret intentions , for in causing it to be ordained , that the catholicks and those of the p. r. r. should be received indifferently into hospitals in all places ; this is to hinder them of the said religion from assisting their poor sick in their particular houses , and to constrain them to cause them to be carried to their hospitals , where the priests and monks will not fail to belabour them , for to cause them to change their religion , so that in consenting that they may enjoy the hospitals they consent to nothing at all ; because they add thereunto a condition which takes from them in those places , the means of being visited and comforted by their ministers . and at the same time forbid them those houses wherein they may be assisted in their bodies without prejudice to the liberty of their consciences , and consolation of their souls . this article therefore deserves to be rescinded ; and there is no need to add any thing in this matter to the edict of nantes , which in the twenty second article runs thus ▪ that the sick and the poor may be received into publick , hospitals , spittles and alms-houses , without difference or distinction in regard of the said religion . article l. infants exposed . that infants which are , or shall be exposed shall be carried into the hospitals of the catholicks , to be nourished and brought up in the catholick religion .   article li. alms of chapters . that the alms which are at the disposal of chapters , priors and rectors , be made by themselves , or by their order at the places of their foundation , or church doors , to the poor , as well catholicks as those of the p. r. r. and that in the presence of the consuls of the place . and as for alms which are to be distributed by aldermen or consuls , they shall be dealt publickly at the gate of the town house , in the presence of the priors or vicars of the place who may thereof keep record .   article lii . administration of hospitals and spittles . that the hospitals and spittles , of the foundation of corporations be ruled by the consuls of the place . these three articles are altogether useless . article liii . festivals . that they of the p. r. r. keep and observe the feasts instituted by the church , and may not on the dayes which are to be observed in those feasts sell nor retail in open shops , and that their handicrafts likewise work not out of their chambers and houses close shut on the said prohibited dayes , in any trade whose noise may be heard without by those that pass by , or by their neighbours , according to the twentieth article of the edict of nantes , for which purpose the said feasts shall be published by the sound of a bell , or proclaimed by the diligence of the consuls or aldermen . vvhat makes this article here which is nothing else than the twentieth of the edict of nantes , wherein sufficient provision is made for the observation of feasts ? notwithstanding , the clergy would not have given themselves the trouble to copy out so long an article for nothing : and this without doubt is their design ; namely , to cut off the end of this twentieth article of the edict in which it is ordained , that the inquisition after the violation of the feasts , should not be made by any other than the officers of justice . and in place of those words they substituted these , that the feasts should be declared by the sound of a bell , or proclaimed by the diligence of the consuls or aldermen , but this addition is of little benefit ; instead whereof the end of the twentieth article is absolutely necessary to repress the ill humour of the parish priest and other ecclesiasticks , who will pretend to be competent parties against them of the p. r. r. in the not observation of feasts , and who will bring against them an infinity of suits if they be not excluded from this inquiry by attributing it to the officers of justice only . therefore this article of the declaration making a breach upon the edict ought to be expunged , to the end that that of the edict may abide in force . article liv. sale of meats on dayes forbidden . that they of the p. r. r. may not retail or sell victuals publickly on the dayes which the catholick church hath appointed for abstinence therefrom . this prohibition is needlesly made against them of the p. r. r. for they will not give this occasion of offence to the catholicks . article lv. ringing of bells . that the bells in the temples of them of the p. r. r. in the places where the exercise is permitted , cease to ring from holy thursday at ten of the clock in the morning , untill holy saturday at mid day , as those of the catholicks are wont to do . if the bells of those of the p. r. r. were rung at divers hours of the day : if they were in great number to make much noise ▪ or had a shrill sound , or had an harmonious chime like those which are heard on the feast dayes , and upon occasions of joy ; it would be thought less strange that they would impose silence on them so long as those of the catholicks are silent . but those bells which are never more than one in every temple , and which ring not but one moment in the day , to give notice of the hour of the sermon ; and whose sound is exceeding simple ; there is no more reason to cause the bell to cease which calls to the temple , than that of the clock which tells the hour of the sermon and prayers . article lvi . bells in temples , in places of citadels and garrisons . that in towns and places where there are citadels or garrisons by our order , they aforesaid of the p. r. r. may not assemble by the sound of a bell , nor place any in their temples . the same design which the clergy have already made appear in divers articles , is remarkable also in this ; it is this , that they would bring the fidelity of those of the p. r. r. into suspition , as if there were some cause to fear that they would make use of their bells , as a signal to betray the places where there were a citadel or a garrison . but the knowledge which his majesty hath of their inviolable zeal , and faithful affection which they have unto his service , will cause him to pierce through all the vain clouds of unjust suspitions which they would give him , and to revoke an article so injurious to his subjects whose obedience is without reproach , and who deserve not in this point to be treated otherwise than the rest of their fellow citizens and country men. article lvii . judgment of the validity of marriages . and being we have been informed of certain actions occurring , not yet decided by any decrees , to prevent altercations and differences betwixt our catholick subjects and those of the p. r. r. we ordain , that the marriages made and contracted in the catholick churches , or before their proper rector shall not be judged but by the officials of the bishops , who may take cognizance of their validity or invalidity . and if the said marriages be made in the temples of those of the said religion or before their ministers , in this case , if the defender be a catholick , the said officials shall have the cognizance thereof in like manner ; and if the defender be of the p. r. r. the royal judges shall have the cognizance thereof ; and by appeal the chambers of the edict . this is a rude blow which the clergy would reach the edict of nantes in favour of the officials of the bishops . for the edict in the 41 article of the particulars had ordained , that the cognizance of processes concerning marriages should appertain to the judges royal ; and by appeal to the chambers of the edict , then when both parties are of the p. r. r. not attributing the cognizance to the officials , but when the one of the parties is of the c. a. r. r. and so much the more if he be defendant . but the article of the declaration is contrary hereunto in two manners . for first , it wills that the marriages which are made before the parish priests or in the catholick churches , should be judged by the officials of the bishops , though the defendant be of the p. r. r. secondly , this article is couched in such sort , that even when both the parties are of the p. r. r. it gives to understand that notwithstanding , if their marriages were made in the churches of those of the c. a. r. r. or before their papish priests , it should belong for all that to the officials to take cognizance and judge thereof . thus here they of the p. r. r. who are in no sort at all justifiable by the ecclesiasticks , are subjected unto their tribunals : and what may they expect from judges prejudiced and passionate , but rigorous condemnations ? this article then takes them of the p. r. r. out of the hands of the kings judges , to put them in the hands of the officials . this is properly to repeal the edict , whose settlement in this matter is so just and so reasonable , that the new commentator who hath imployed all his spirits to endeavour to take away this sacred buckler of the edict from them of the p. r. r. hath notwithstanding said nothing at all to elude this 41 article of the particulars : on the contrary , he hath elsewhere confirmed it by the conference of fleix on the 23 article of the generals . so also the usage hath alwayes been hitherto conformable to the edict . they of the p. r. r. have hitherto never pleaded in causes matrimonial , but before the judges royal and those of the chamber of the edict . this is therefore an innovation , which the king out of the design which he hath to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed , without doubt cannot suffer . article lviii . tythes infeoft . that criminal causes in which the ecclesiasticks are defendants , may be handled before the royal judges and the stewards , and in case of appeal before the parliaments , and that the chambers of the edict may not have cognizance of the propriety nor of the possession of tythes , no not of those that are infeoffed , nor of other rights , dues , and demains of the church ; with prohibition to the said chambers of the edicts to take any cognizance thereof . all this whole article was contrived by the clergy for no other purpose than to foist into it one word which doth clash with the edict , and enervate the powers of the chambers appointed in favour of them of the p. r. r. for the edict having declared in the thirty fourth article , that the said chambers should take cognizance and judge soveraignly , and without appeal by decree privative to all others the process moved or to be moved , in which they of the p. r. r. were parties principal or security , plaintiff or defendant , in all matters civil or criminal ; it after adjoyns this exception ; except notwithstanding all matters of benefices and the possession of tythes not infeoft &c. the edict then takes not from the chambers allowed them of the p. r. r. the judgement of tythes but when they are not infeoft , and the declaration on the contrary prohibits them the cognizance of tythes even infeoft . is not this i , and nay , pro , and con , affirmative , and negative ? in a word , the most formal opposition that can be imagined ? if then the king will that the edict be exactly observed , as cannot be doubted after the solemn protestation that he hath made thereof , it is impossible that this clause should subsist , and it ought necessarily to be revoked . article lix . reparation of churches and presbyteries . that those of the said p. r. r. pay the impositions ordained as well for the re-edification , and reparation of parochial churches and rectories , as for the entertainment of catholick school-masters and regents ; notwithstanding that they may not be rated in regard of the head-money which may be ordained for this purpose , according to the second particular of the edict of nantes . they say commonly the end crowns the work : but here it destroys and ruines it . for we must remember that the preface of this declaration imported that it had for its scope to cause the edict of nantes to be observed , and the decrees since interposed according to their form and tenure . but the clergy having lost all memory of this project , suggests here an article which equally repeals the edict , and all the decrees which have hitherto treated upon this matter , which is the re-edification and reparation of parish churches , rectories , with the entertainment of catholick school masters and regents . for as for the edict of nantes , it is so formal that it is an astonishment to any one , doubtless , to see it cited in this place as conformable to this declaration . thus it speaks in the second article of the particulars , which is alledged in this place . they of the said religion may not be constrained to contribute to the reparations and constructions of churches , chappels , presbyteries , nor to buy ornaments for priests , lights , founding of bells , holy bread , rights of guilds , hiring of houses for residence of priests and religion persons , and other such like ; if they were not obliged by their foundations , endowments , or other settlements made by themselves , their authors and predecessors . he that compares with this article of the edict that of the declaration , shall find betwixt them the most perfect contrariety in the world. the edict of nantes saith , that they of the p. r. r. may not be constrained to contribute to the reparations , and buildings of churches and presbyteries , and the declaration saith , they of the said religion shall pay the impositions that are appointed for the re-edification or reparation of parish-churches or parsonage-houses . nor indeed is black more opposite to white , and the day to the night , than the edict and the declaration are in this point . besides , it is a thing worthy of consideration , that not only the edict hath exempted those of the p. r. r. from reparations , re-edifications and buildings , both of churches , and parsonage-houses ; but also the author of the edict henry the great , and lewis the just his son , both of glorious and immortal memory , have afterwards confirmed this exemption throughout , so many times as occasion was presented , as may be seen in their answers to the papers of 1606. art. 23 , 1623. art. 19 , 1625. article 4. and not only the edict and the royal answers which are the explications and sequels thereof , have established this right in favour of them of the p. r. r. but also it is certain that the decrees both of the council , and chambers of the edict have been alway conformed thereunto . there are found four decrees of the council that make proofs of this . the first is of the fourth of march 1602. by which francis boutillon and others making profession of the p. r. r. at quellebeuf , were discharged of the re-edification of the said church at quellebeuf , and the catholicks of that place , their adversaries were condemned to restore unto them that which they had paid , both the principal and costs . the second was of the one and twentyeth of august following , by which the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of conde upon noireau were discharged , without regard to the sentence of the baily of that place , of the rate set upon them for the re-edification of the church and altar of that burrow ; with a prohibition to the parson and the catholick inhabitants to rate them for those reparations , on the pain of five hundred crowns , and to answer in their own proper and private names . the third was of the twenty eighth of august 1623. which discharged the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of the country of bearn , from contributing to the reparation of the churches and covents of the catholicks , as well as the catholicks from contributing to the building and re-edification of the temples of those of the said religion ; making those two things equal and reciprocal ; the which decree was enregistred by the parliament of pau , the first of july 1624. and agreeable to so authentick a settlement , my lord the count of gramont , governor and lievetenant general for the king in his kingdom of navarre , and in his country of bearn , gave forth his ordinance on the twenty third of june 1642. by which he condemned the jurats of the place of st. susannne to be arrested , and carried to the prison of the castle of orther for having commanded the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of that place , to work in the reparation of the parish church there , and for having seized their goods upon their refusal . the fourth decree was of the counsel of the fourth of may 1650. by which the inhabitants of the c. a. r. r. of the parish of st. thomas in the town of st. lo , were debarred upon their own proper petition , tending to cause those of the p. r. r. to contribute to the sum of 5000. livers , which was to be raised on the parishioners in common for the re-edification of the church of saint thomas ; notwithstanding that the catholicks alledged that the said church had been heretofore demolished by them of the p. r. r. during the troubles . as for the chambers of the edict , they have given like decrees in so great number , that their multitude only hinders from citing them , so that this question hath not been dubious in the parliament of normandy it self , and the usage of the palais of that court hath been so constant to discharge them of the p. r. r. that they condemned them also to pay costs , who had the rashness to assail them in this matter of reparations of churches and parsonage-houses , of which those of the said religion have the decrees in readiness to justifie the truth of their allegation in case there be need . what strang surprize then is this to see at this day a practice of justice so well established to be changed all at one blow , and to repeal a possession founded on the edict , on the answer-royal . on the decrees of the council and the chambers of the edict , without any one appearing to the contrary , to the time of this declaration . the preface of this declaration it self setting down — that what hath been judged and decided by the decrees should be firm for ever , and executed as a law inviolable . a maxim surely , which is one of the greatest surprises that the clergy have made upon the justice of the king , as hath been shewn in the beginning . but notwithstanding that this maxim cannot be received in other things , the exemption granted unto them of the p. r. r. in respect of the churches and parsonage houses ought to pass for a law inviolable , since it hath been judged and decided in all occurrences by the decrees of the council and chambers of the edict ; decrees which are so much the more indisputable because they are founded on the law , which is the edict of nantes . what can the ecclesiasticks then alledge for to colour their pretensions ? all that they have in their mouths is a vain consequence which they draw by a false reasoning , and which serves only to shew how ill founded they are . they say that they of the p. r. r. do indeed pay tythes to the parsons : and by consequence they ought also to contribute to the charges of churches and parsonage-houses . but there can be nothing less reasonable . for there is found in the edict one express article which obligeth them of the said religion to pay the tythes . but so far it is from having condemned them to contribute to the repaires of the churches , and building parsonage-houses ; that on the contrary it hath one to exempt them . they cannot then argue rightly from tenths to reparations . and if one might draw a consequence from the one to the other , they of the p. r. r. might as well have good grounds to maintain , that because they are exempt from reparations , they ought not to be subject unto tythes : as the other think they have good ground to maintain , that because those of the said religion are subject to tythes , therefore they ought to contribute to reparations . but the principal foundation of this affair is indeed , that they of the p. r. r. were not made subject unto tythes but by the pure and only authority of henry the great , who would have it so that he might give that satisfaction to the ecclesiasticks ; for at the bottom , the parish priests are not the pastors of them of the p. r. r. and do them no manner of service in spiritual things ; they are not bound to entertain them , but only their own ministers who take care of their souls ; which also king henry the fourth knew so well , that for to indemnify them in a thing from which their religion did exempt them ; he was willing to pay them yearly the sum of 45000. crowns for the subsistence of their ministers , to the intent that this sum might be in the place of the tythes which they ought not to have paid . with what appearance of reason then can they draw a consequence from tythes to reparations ; being the payment of tythes themselves is a charge to which they of the p. r. r. were so little subject , that the king himself thought that it was just for him to indemnify them in that particular ? would it not be a case very deplorable , that the money being taken away which was expresly allowed them to mitigate their payment of tythes ; yet notwithstanding nevertheless , the tythes should obtain to oblige them to reparations ? and doth it not seem rather to be justice to restore their pension of 45000 crowns for to recompense the tythes which they pay in consideration of that sum , than to will that they be charged with new payments for reparations , from which they are exempt by all manner of reason ? it were in vain to pretend to make that limitation valid , which is found in the end of this article , where it is said , that they may not be cottized , rated by the poll , i.e. that they may not be obliged to contribute , with respect to their persons ; but only according to the proportion of their lands and inheritances which they possess in their parishes , so that they who have neither houses nor lands should pay nothing . this is a very sad consolation , which regards only those miserable persons that have neither house nor home . and which is more , this sort of rating is not ordinarily set , save only on inheritances , so that to allow this exemption only to those that have no estate in lands , is to allow nothing in effect . the edict it self will not suffer a thought of this fruitless exemption . for can it be said that when the edict of nantes exempts them of the p. r. r. from contributing to the reparation of churches and parsonage-houses , that its intention was only to discharge persons and not lands ? there is no appearance that any person would propose a thing so unreasonable . for the decrees of the council and of the chambers of the edict alledged above do fully evince the contrary , by authentick decisions which have been made in this matter during the term of more than threescor● years ; alwayes discharging those of the p. r. r. which possessed lands purely and wholly of these ecclesiastick reparations . being then the edict exempts the inheritances as well as the persons ; it follows clearly that this new declaration in pronouncing that they of the said religion should not be rated in regard of their heads , makes nothing at all for them , and that it cannot be otherwise looked on than as the ruine of the article of the edict . a ruine which infallibly draws after it that of his majesties subjects who profess the p. r. r. for this will be a sure means for the ecclesiasticks to spoil them of their estates : because that out of hate to their religion , the parsons , treasurers and guardians of parishes will make them bear almost all the charges of these reparations ; as is seen of late by experience . they invent even every day a thousand crafty shifts , for to charge all the load of expences on them , and to discharge those of the c. a. r. r. and it will quickly be found , if there be no remedy , that all the mony which should be paid to the king , or imployed to the publick weal , will go to the re-edification of churches , and building of parsonage-houses , or trimming up of altars . this article then is one of them , the revocation whereof is of most importance , and his majesty shall do a thing worthy his justice and his royal bounty to condescend thereto , and to evacuate the decrees and judgements that have been given in consequence thereof . thus they of the p. r. r. justify what they have undertaken ; maintaining that this whole declaration of the second of april 1666. is composed of nothing else but articles either frivolous which deserve not to have any place therein , or contrary to the edict of nantes , and by consequence worthy to be rejected , as contrary to his majesties intention , who would that this perpetual and irrevocable edict be exactly observed in his dominion . this great monarch who by god's example , whose living image he is , hath no respect unto the appearance of mens persons , and who heares the least of his people as well as the greatest of his realm , is besought to give to these observations , some moments of that equitable attention which he allows to all those who implore his justice : to the end , that knowing how reasonable the complaints of his subjects of the p. r. r. are , he may revoke a declaration which is the tomb of the edict , the work of the hate and animosity of the clergy , the ruine of the liberty of conscience , and a sourse of infinite mischie● publick and private , and which will bring to the extremest misery , more than a million of persons , whose religion commends nothing unto them after the service of god , above fidelity unto their king ; and whose carriage hath made the whole world to see , that the zeal to be good christians , and that of being good french-men , is in their hearts inseparable . the second declaration of the same second day of april , 1666. entituled against the relapsed and blasphemers . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . since it hath pleased god to give peace unto our realm , we have applyed our cares to reform the disorders which the licence of the war hath introduced ; and because the violations of the edicts of the pacification were the most considerable , we have laboured to repair them exactly by commissioners , as well catholicks as of the p. r. r. whom we have sent for this purpose into our provinces , by whose report we having understood that one of the greatest evils , and against which it was necessary to make some provision , concerned the abuse which hath been introduced of late time , by which , many who professed the p. r. r. did abjure it to embrace the catholick , and after they had participated of the most holy mysteries , returned by a scandalous contempt and sacriledge to their first heresie . as also , that those who were engaged in holy orders , whereunto they were obliged by vows , quitted their order , and forsook their monastery , to profess the p. r. r. against which we believed we had sufficiently provided by our declaration of the month of april 1663. having prohibited our subjects of the p. r. r. who had once made abjuration thereof , to profess the catholick religion , and those who were engaged in the holy orders of the church , and to the religious men and women , to quitt the catholick religion , to take up the p. r. r. upon any pretext whatsoever . but because these prohibitions without any penalty , have not produced the effect which we did promise our selves , we were obliged to give out a second declaration of the twentieth of june , the last year , 1665. by which we ordained that the relapsed and apostates , should be punished by the penalty of banishment ; which declarations have also continued without effect , because those who were guilty of these crimes , betook themselves unto the chambers of the edict , notwithstanding the cognizance of that fact was appropriated by the said declaration , to our parliaments , to whom for this purpose we had addressed them , and that under pretext that we had not precisely forbidden the cognisance thereof unto the said chambers , to whom the jurisdiction thereof could not pertain , our edicts being not made in favour of them who were convict of such crimes , no more than of blasphemies and impieties uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion . know therefore , that for these causes and other good considerations thereunto moving vs ; by the advice of our council , and of our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , we have said and declared , and do by these presents , signed with our hand , say and declare ; we will , and it is our pleasure , that according to our said declaration , all who are guilty and accused of the crime of relapse or apostacy , shall be judged by the parliaments every one in his precinct , and the process by them made and perfected , according to the declaration of june 22 , 1665. as also in like manner , they who are convicted of blasphemy and impieties uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion , with prohibition to the chambers of the edict to take cognizance thereof directly or indirectly , under any pretext or occasion whatsoever , under pain of nullity , and evacuation of the proceedings , costs , damages , and interests of the parties , and greater , if need be ; which our attorneys of the said chambers shall take notice of , upon pain of answering therefore : giving commandment to our beloved and leige counsellors holding our courts of parliament , baylifs , stewards , and all other our officers and justices to whom it appertains , that they cause these presents to be registred purely and simply ; and the contents thereof to be executed , kept and observed according to the form and tenure thereof ; for such is our pleasure . in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be put unto these presents , to the copies whereof credit is to be given as to the original , given at st. germains in laye the second day of april , in the year of grace , 1666. and the twenty third of our reign . signed , louis ; and below . by the king phelypeaux . observations upon this second declaration . as this second declaration is brought forth in the same place and on the same day with the former , so is it conceived by the same spirit . for the clergy who suggested the former , are also the authors of this , and the character of the ecclesiasticks appears so visible therein , that one cannot read it without perceiving immediately that it is their work , and that the sacred name of his majesty was not set to it without a most evident surprize .. the style alone of this ordinance shews sufficiently from whom it doth proceed , we need only consider the terms it makes use of , to avouch that it is not the king that speaks therein . for the p. r. r. is therein called heresie ; they that have quitted it , and return thereto , are named relapsed : the priests and monks which embrace it , apostates and sacrilegious ; and those that speak at all as they think of matters in controversie , are qualified as blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . all france knows that since the edicts of pacification , our kings have never expressed themselves in this manner , and there is not found any declaration , decree or publick act , that have used these injurious terms . on the contrary , the edict of nantes in its second article hath forbidden all those of the one and other religion to outrage or offend one another in word or deed , enjoyning them to contain themselves and to live peaceably together as brethren , friends , and fellow-citizens , upon pain upon the transgressors to be punished as infringers of the peace and disturbers of the publick repose , which was no other than a renovation of the ordinance made in the year 1570 , by charles the ninth , confirmed by henry the third in his edicts of 1576 , and 1577. and found so just and necessary by lewis the thirteenth father of his majesty , that he would expresly re-iterate the same in his declaration given at blois , in the year 1616. how is it possible to cause this prohibition to be executed , and to hinder them of the catholick apostolick religion from outraging in word and in deed these of the p. r. r. if the declarations themselves which bear the kings name , treat the religion and belief of the latter as heresie ? for is it not to authorize the other to call them hereticks ; a term which without contradiction is an injury of all other most outragious , and most capable to wound the hearts and provoke the spirits of men : and so far off is this odious name from consisting with the design of their living together as friends and brethren , that it is certain that it is capable to make brethren and themselves irreconcilable enemies . the wisdom and justice of our kings have caused them to condemn formally this factious name of hereticks , and sometimes to imploy the authority of their ordinances to banish it from the writings and language of their subjects , in respect of them who profess the p. r. r. this may be seen by the answer of henry the great to the fourteenth article of the paper presented unto him in 1602. by those of the p. r. r. who complained that contrary unto the tenure of the seventeenth article of the edict many preachers , and the advocates of the parliaments of tholouse , bordeox , province and britain , and other benches of their precincts did licence themselves to hold scandalous discourses , calling them of the said religion hereticks , whereupon it was enjoyned the attorneys general and their substitutes thereof to inform ex officio on pain to answer it in their own proper private names . it may be seen also by the answer of the same king to the sixth article of the paper of 1604. for they of the said religion having conceived that in the great church of bazas , there was left an inscription made , during the troubles , in which were these words , ab hereticis huguenotis ; it was said that a commission should be given out to the steward of bazas for to cause them to be put out . above all , the answer of lewis the just to the third article of the paper of 1615. reviewed and ratified by that of the third and sixth of may 1616. is extreamly considerable . for they of the p. r. r. who saw that the clergy would serve themselves of the oath which the king made at his coronation to extirpate heresies to animate him unto their ruine , demanded that it would please his majesty to declare that this oath did not respect them at all ▪ nor imported any prejudice to the liberty of the edicts of pacification made in favour unto them ; it was answered in these terms , the king hath not intended in the oath which he took at his coronation to comprehend those of the p. r. r. living in this realm , under the benefit of his edicts . is it not then a thing wonderful strange that against the settlement of so many edicts ; against the declarations of four kings , and particularly those two great princes , the grand-father and father of his majesty ; against the usage of so many years , and sentiment of a whole age , the ecclesiasticks have enterprized to give the p. r. r. the defaming title of heresie , and to cause them who make profession of this doctrine to pass for hereticks in a royal declaration ? they have done it without doubt to make themselves a dispensation from the observation of the seventeenth article of the edict , which forbids all readers , preachers and others who speak in publick , to use any words , talk , or discourses tending to stir up the people to sedition ; enjoyning them to contain and comport themselves modestly , and to say nothing but what might tend to maintain the repose and tranquility established within the kingdom . for having by surprize caused the kings declarations to talke after their manner , what will they not allow themselves in their chaires ? what licence will they not inspire into their auditors ? what aversation and hate will they not draw upon those whose peace the edict did intend to procure ? since after this their countrymen considering them under the masque of heresie , will look on them no longer but with horror ; and the example of the parliament of bretaigne , testifies very well how far this impression may carry men . for amongst the parliaments of france this is one of the most eager against them of the p. r. r. and the condemnation of mounseiur de la touche whom they caused to be taken and burnt with cruel torments for a crime whereof he never had a thought , and of which the providence of god was pleased to justifie him after his death in an admirable manner , is but too sad a proof ; and others no less convincing may be also alledged . these transports are the consequents of the licence which this parliament hath alwayes given it self to treat them of this religion as heretick , of which it hath taken so strong a habit , that it condemned the last year by a decree , the bayliffs deputy of the town of vitre in 21 livers fine , for having ordained joyntly with other two catholick judges that the term of heresie imployed in the writs of a conplainant should be rased out . they of the said religion complain unto his majesty of this unjust decree , and humbly demand of him the revocation of it ; and they also at the same time do beseech him to prohibit the ecclesiasticks and all others , and particularly the writer of the gazets , whose writings are the more dangerous , because they pass into all places of europe , to blast them by the name of hereticks , being it cannot but tend to cause sedition in the estate , and to make union and concord amongst his majesties subjects to become impossible . but though the stile of this declaration in which it delivers it self be strange , certainly the settlements which it contains are no less , and the passion of the ecclesiasticks is here manifested without any converture . for herein they speak of three sorts of persons , of the relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers of the mysteries of the catholick religion . the two first are condemned to be banished out of the kingdom ; and the cognizance of the process to be made against all the three , is taken absolutely from the chambers of the edicts , and attributed intirely to the parliaments . so it is , that the clergy thrust forward and advance alwayes their enterprizes against them of the p. r. r. to throw them at last , if they can , into despair . for in the month of april , 1663. they have gotten a declaration by surprize , against those whom they call relapsed and apostates . but that said nothing at all of those others whom they call blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . afterwards in the month of june 1665. the clergy suggested another declaration to express and fix the penalty which they would impose upon these pretended relapsed and apostates , causing them to be condemned unto perpetual banishment . but the chambers of the edict were not forbidden to take cognizance thereof . in the end the animosity of the clergy being not yet satisfied , and fearing they had not yet got force enough to banish those out of the realm whose abode in france is to them insupportable ; they would give them the last blow in 1666. procuring this declaration , which leaves them no means who shall be accused for relapsed or apostates , or blasphemers against the catholick religion , to bring themselves before the chambers of the edict , to the end they may find no shelter any where against the ardour of the pursuit of their adversaries . it is easie to shew that in all these heads the king is imposed on , and that they have surprized him in his religion and equity . of the relapsed . as for the relapsed , the ecclesiasticks have given his majesty to understand , as it appears by the first declaration of the month of april 1663. that he should not suffer the profanation and impiety of those who for the considerations of marriages and other like motives , after they had made abjuration of the p. r. r. and profession of the catholick religion turned to their first error . and certainly it is true that those who out of an impious and profane spirit , sport themselves so with the mysteries of r. or that seek only to deceive the world with a dissembled profession and for interests meerly humane , are infinitely condemnible and deserve to be punished exemplarily . but under this pretence , the clergy , by a visible artifice have caused a general law to be made against those who would return unto the profession of their first belief , whatsoever their motive be , and although their return be altogether disinteressed , and though they have no other end of their change than the repose of their consciences . in this the surprize appears manifestly . for , is it credible that the king would force by the severity of his ordinances and by rigorous penalties , a person wounded in his soul , to stay against its resentments in a religion which it esteems not good , and wherein it hath no hope to be saved ? if a man through infirmity , or ignorance , or by some temptation which dazles his spirit and surprizes his heart , suffers himself to be transported to quit his religion , and afterwards a serious reflection , or more ample instruction , give him apprehensions , and perswade him that he cannot be saved but by re-entring into the church from which he was departed ; is it possible that any should desire either to constrain or punish him whilst he acts by this principle , and hath no other motive but the discharge and duty of his conscience ? his majesty knows that of all things in the world , conscience is most free , and that the authority of those soveraigns whose yoak is born by the whole earth , pretend not to have a right to constrain it . if st. bernard had not said it in his time , that faith is to be perswaded and not to be commanded , ( fides suadenda est non imperanda . ) reason it self hath spoken it enough ; and the example of the king of kings affords us thereof a good proof . for this adorable master to whom the whole world oweth obedience , hath never imployed the terror of his thunder , nor the greatness of his authority to oblige men to believe his gospel . he hath not used in this his design any thing but the truth of his mysteries and the preaching of his apostles . faith ( saith st. paul , rom. 10. 17. ) is by hearing , and hearing by the word of god , he saith not that faith is by hearing of declarations , nor of decrees , nor of menaces , but of that divine word whose perswasion alone is capable to beget it in mens spirits . how then would they put on the king to enforce man by the terror of his banishments to continue in that religion which he approves not ? for what can come of this constraint ? but only that he should be inwardly of one religion ; and outwardly of another ; that is to say , that he should be an hypocrite , sacrilegious , and impious who prophanes two religions at once ; who doth violate the one by the thoughts of his heart , and the other by the words of his mouth , and actions of his body . or to speak more truly , he will be a man without religion . for he that serves himself of two religions at once hath none at all , and differs very little from an atheist . the king himself cannot have confidence in him , nor be assured of his fidelity . for how shall one believe that his obedience was sincere towards his prince , whilst it is dissembled towards god ? finally , the edict of nantes needs only to be considered , for to avouch that the declaration intituled against the relapsed , can be nothing else than a surprize . for it is manifest that that edict gives an entire liberty of conscience without exception to them of the p. r. r. without distinguishing of those that are born in it , and those that come over to it , betwixt them that have alwayes followed it , and those that return after they have quitted it for some time . the sixth article of the generals expresseth it self in these terms , that we may not leave any occasion of troubles and differences amongst our subjects , we have permitted and do permit them of the said p. r. r. to abide in all the towns and places of this our realm and the countries under our obedience , without being inquired after , vexed , molested , nor constrained to do any thing in the matters of religion against their conscience , nor by reason thereof to be sought out in their houses and places where they are pleased to dwell . according to this article then all those that are of this religion of what sort soever they be , may dwell safely and peaceably in their houses ; and the declaration on the contrary banisheth them from all places of the whole realm , one part of them of that religion , i. e. those who return thereto after some slight change . the first article of the particulars is also more considerable and more express . for it gives such an extent to this liberty of conscience , that no person is therefrom excluded , making use of these words , the sixth article of the said edict , touching liberty of conscience , and permission to all his majesties subjects to live and abide in this realm , shall take place and be observed according to its form and tenure , as well for ministers and schoolmasters , as for all others who are , or shall be of the said r. whether they be inhabitants of this kingdom , or others . it cannot be doubted , that this settlement doth comprize those whom they call relapsed , since it speaks not only those which are , but those also which shall be of the p. r. r. authorizing also those persons that may return thereunto hereafter , as well as those who have not departed from it at all . this hath been so constant from the time of the edict , that the edict it self wills , that this liberty of conscience should be extended unto those who before were returned to the p. r. r , and that it hath in it one article to hinder all inquiry after them , notwithstanding any security that they might have given for assurance of the contrary . this is in the ninth article , which imports , that those of the p. r. r. should not be any ways constrained , nor continue obliged , by reason of any abjurations , promises , or oaths which they have made heretofore , or securities that they had given , concerning any matter of religion , and that they might not be molested or troubled therefore in any sort whatsoever . it is therefore without all reason that any one should make use of this article against them , who after the edict , re-assume the religion which they had abjured , as if the intention of the law-giver had respected that only which was past . for before the edict , the liberty of conscience not well established throughout the realm , and the records being full of decrees , of arrests against the bodies , and other rigorous sentences against those , who notwithstanding their abjurations and securities had changed once more , it was therefore necessary to provide for that . but by the edict this liberty being so plainly and generally granted to all people , as is seen by the articles already rehearsed ; the thing was not afterwards any more in question , and there were no more sureties to be taken of those who after their abjuration should change in the future , for that they were comprised in the common liberty of all persons within the realm . it is not possible to have any doubt of this matter , when it is considered , that until the declaration 1663 , there was never any inquiry nor pursuit made against those who returned in this manner . an indubitable proof that they were within the terms of the benefit of the edict . otherwise we must accuse all the attourney-generals , and all their substitutes to have been ignorant of their duty , or not to have executed their office for so long a space of time . and how come the ecclesiasticks that are so active , and so vigilant against those who depart from their communion to enter into another which they hate , to have slept so many years without enterprising to disquiet them by justice ? that decree it self given by the council of estate , september 18 , 1664 , to declare that the ordinance of the king against the relapsed , might have no effect retroactive against them who before were returned from the p. r. r. is an evident testimony , that this is a new law contrary to the intention of the edict , that since the edict until then there had been no pursuit made against these persons , and that they had not pretended only so much as to have right to do . for he that hath acted against the law , is a debtor to the law. being then they have let pass sixty five years , without demanding any thing against the pretended relapsed , it is concluded that they were not debtors , and that they had not transgressed the edict ; satis est argumenti nihil esse debitum naevio , quod tam diu nihil petivit . orat. pro quinctio . it is argument enough that there is nothing due unto naevius , because of so long time he hath demanded nothing . as the roman orator speaks . of apostates . the same reasons which have been alledged for those whom they named relapsed , serve equally for those whom they qualifie as apostates . for the liberty of conscience is acquired by the edict to all sorts of persons , whether ecclesiasticks , or laicks . where the question was of regulating the interests of the ecclesiasticks , who before the edict changed their religion , there was nothing at all touched concerning their subsistence , or abode within the realm , because that was presupposed as certain and assured , by the liberty of conscience given universally unto all ; but provision was only made for their marriages to declare them good and valid ; and the succession to their moveables , purchases and acquisitions were confirmed to their children by the thirty ninth article of the particulars . is it possible that the condition of these persons is made worse by the edict which is the foundation of the publick liberty ? this is a thing not conceivable ; and notwithstanding that would come to pass , if the marriages of the ecclesiastick and religious persons which were before the edict , being authorized ; it were not permitted to others who would imitate them at this day , to live only in france , and to continue in the possession of their goods . this were to bring them back to be under the yoak of the edict of charles the ninth , that edict which was made in 1563. in the midst of the height of the wars , and in the greatest aversation of spirits . for in the twelfth article it is ordained , that the professed religious men and women who had liberty given them to depart ( out of their monasteries ) during , and since the troubles , should return to their monasteries , to live there according to the constitutions of the c. a. r. c. otherwise they should be obliged to depart the kingdom . it s known that this edict and all those that followed were abrogated by that of nantes , in the ninety first article ; so that this were to bring back the settlement of the edict 1663. and to evacuate that of nantes which had annulled the other . the ecclesiasticks themselves ought to hinder them of their orders from being thus handled , by the maxim which they teach , that the intention of the priest is necessary to the sacraments . for what intention can they have who are retained by constraint in a religion which they believe not to be orthodox ? for this cause it is to be hoped that his majesty seeing things by lights much clearer than those of passionate persons , will re-establish that liberty which they inforce themselves to very ill purpose to destroy , and that he will find that it will not be just to condemn unto banishment the ecclesiasticks who would embrace the p. r. r. being they recompence the ministers who abandon it and allow them priviledges , and assign them yearly pensions . of blasphemers of the mysteries of the catholick religion . we cannot promise our selves less justice towards those whom they would have to pass for blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . this is a point of the highest importance , and which throws them of the p. r. r. into mortal allarms . for by these mysteries of the catholick religion , they mean without doubt the doctrines and ceremonies with which they of another communion do not accord . so that all the sermons of their ministers , all their books of controversie , all private discourses of these disputed matters , shall hereafter be treated as blasphemies and impieties . so that they may never hereafter pretend neither to speak of these things in their chaires , nor to write thereof in their books , nor to conserr about them upon the most just and inevitable occasions . there must therefore be no more liberty for them in the kingdom . there can be no more for them any sort of security . they must of necessity either be cowardly or prevaricators , in not daring to speak of their faith ; or miserable , in exposing their lives at every word which they shall dare to pronounce in maintainance of their belief . to establish this rigour were infallibly to banish them all out of the state , which is a rigour impossible to be reconciled with his majesties intention . for being in france , the liberty is left them of the p. r. r. to believe and to profess their doctrine , it follows of necessity that that of speaking also be allowed unto them . the language of the mouth ought to be conformable to the apprehensions of the heart , and the profession of any doctrine cannot be otherwise made than by words , which are thereof the natural image and portraiture . this is the reason also why the clergy knowing well that the pretended crime of a blasphemer against the mysteries of the catholick religion , even as those of the relapsed and apostates , were no other than supposed crimes ; they believed that to attain to their design , of causing them to be punished , it was necessary to take away the cognizance thereof from the judges who are obliged to keep close to the edict , and who knew how they of the p. r. r. ought to live and ought to speak ; upon this account they have caused the chambers of the edict to be prohibited to judge in these matters , that they might attribute it only unto parliaments , and to the great chambers , as the declaration imports , of which complaint is now made . of the prohibition made to the chambers of the edict , to take cognizance of the relapsed apostates , and of blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . of all complaints which can be made by them of the p. r. r. there is not any that can give them more fear and more disquiet than this , and therefore they cast themselves in this matter , at his majesties feet , beseeching him with extreme consternation that he would have pitty on them . for to send these back unto the parliaments , of whom this declaration speaks , is an assured means , not only to destroy them , but to destroy all those of that religion ; for hereafter to destroy a person of that profession , it will need only to impute unto him that he hath held some discourse against the mysteries of the catholick religion , to the end that he may be brought before the great chambers , whereof the greatest part of the judges are so animated , that it sufficeth with them to be of the p. r. r. to make him criminal and punishable in their spirits . they will mingle also this ingredient even in all the causes of them of the said religion , so that there shall not be any more any chambers of the edict for them , and all their affairs shall be brought before the parliaments . this is to repeal the great design of the edict , and to give them of the p. r. r. cause to fear that they shall not be suffered any longer in france . for that they might enjoy any repose , the edict of nantes judged it necessary to take them out of the hands of the parliaments , and to allow them particular chambers , where justice might be done them without suspition or hatred , as the thirtieth article of the generals doth speak . how great then hath the surprize of the clergy been in this point ? and of what reason can they serve themselves to cause the chambers of the edict to be prohibited to judge of those whom they name relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers ? for being they have given unto these people such names as they pleased ; and conceived an action against them under the idea of the greatest crimes , therefore the rather according to the edict , ought the chambers ordained for them of the p. r. r. take cognizance thereof , with exclusion of the parliaments . for the thirty fourth article of the generals imports , that the said chambers should take cognizance , and judge soveraignly and with final determination by decree , privatively to all others , the process and differences moved and which shall be moved , in which they of the said religion were parties , principal , or security , plaintifs or defendants in all matters civil or criminal . the fifty second article in confirming this settlement , addes thereunto a clause decisive in these terms , the article of the jurisdiction of these chambers ordained by this present edict , shall be followed and observed according to the form and tenure even in what concerns the execution and not execution or violation of our edicts , when they of the said religion shall be parties . from this an invincible argument may be drawn ; for the action of them whom they call relapsed , apostates and blasphemers , is either a violation of the edict or not : if it be not , then is it not to be inquired after , nor condemned , nor punished . if it be , it ought then to be sent back to the chambers of the edict , to whom alone , as competent judges belongs the jurisdiction of the inexecution or violation of the edicts . one may say , that the law-giver foreseeing these very assaults which the clergy would one day make against the jurisdiction of these chambers , he hath been desirous to prevent them by all means possible . for not content with the two articles which have been already represented , he hath made another also , which is as it were the last seal of his will : inhibiting , saith he , and forbidding all our soveraign courts and others of our realm , to take cognizance of , or judge process civiles or criminals of those of the said religion , whose cognizance is by our edict attributed to the said chambers , provided that the reference thereof be by them demanded . art. 64. can there be now a contrariety more formal than that of this article and the declaration ? that prohibits all the soveraign courts of the realm to take cognizance or to judge of the criminal process of them of the p. r. r. and this ordinance reversing it , wills that all guilty and accused af the crime of relapse , apostasie , or blasphemies uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion , shall be judged by the parliaments every one in his precinct ; with prohibition to the chambers of the edict to take cognizance thereof directly or indirectly , under what pretext or occasion soever , upon pain of nullity , evacuation of proceedings , expenses , charges , damages and interests of the parties , and greatter if need require . the ecclesiasticks then can never attempt any thing more highly against the edict , then in suggesting this declaration ; and it is clear that they had not pursued thus far , but to the end their prey might not escape them , because the animosity of the parliaments is so great against them of the p. r. r. that they are infallibly lost , if they be left in their power . there have been infinite vexatious experiences had of this ; and that we may not pass from the matter that is here in question , a decree was made by the parliament of tolouse , feb. 23 , 1665. against one named john gayrard , who had forsaken his religion , and was returned on the second of april , 1662. a year before the first declaration against the pretended relapsed . notwithstanding by this decree , he was condemned to be delivered into the hands of the executioner of the haut justice to be led with a halter ahout his neck , in his shirt , his head and feet bare , on a lords day before the cathedral church of montauban , at the close of the great mass ; where being on his knees , he should ask pardon of god , the king , and justice for his misdeeds , be banished the town and shrievalty of montauban , for three years , and condemned in a hundred livers for a fine , and in the charges , and sent back to the consuls of montauban to cause this decree to be put in execution . in pursuit whereof , having been re-closed three months in the prisons of tolouse , he was led to that of montauban , where he hath been ever since , and there he is at present . so it comes to pass that this parliament gives it self all license , not only to surpass the rigour of the declarations , in turning one part of his banishment into a reparation much more infamous and insupportable ; but which is more , they have condemned a man , who according to the decree of the council of estate , of the 18th of september , 1664. ought to have been absolved and discharged of all penalties , because he was re-entred into his religion a year before the first of the declarations by which they would prevail against him . but we need not be surprised at this proceeding of the parliament of tholouse . for in all times it hath made appear in all sorts of occasions and excessive hate against them of the p. r. r. so far , that king charles the ix . having ordained by his edict of 1570. that untill such times as the chambers of the edict should be established , they of the said religion might refuse in the parliaments four judges of the chamber , wherein their process were depending without expressing any cause , and without prejudice to the ordinary right of chalenges , but as for the parliament of tholouse , it was declared to be wholly refusable in process , wherein they of that religion were interested . and in case they could not agree of another parliament , it was ordered that the parties should be sent back to the court of requests , to be there judged with final determination . afterward in the year 1573. when the towns of the p. r. r. gave hostages to the same king , it was decreed that they might be sent to any town of the kingdom which it pleased him saving that of tholouse ; the royal authority , the publick faith , and the law of nations , being not judged a sufficient warrant from the violence of that parliament . also in the edict of 1577. which in the 32 , and 33. articles did import that the catholick officers serving the chambers of the edict were to be taken from the parliaments , that of tholouse was excepted , and it was ordained that the catholick commissioners of the chamber of the edict in languedoc , should be taken from other parliaments , or from the grand council , which was executed in that sort , till the parliament being displeased to see themselves so chastized , promised to moderate it self and to do justice . but they have not observed their promise , and have alwayes continued to give such great proofs of their ill will , that there is now no more cause to trust them than heretofore . the grief is , that the other parliaments have imitated their example , and a certain spirit of fierceness and aversion hath so pre-possessed them for some time , that they of the p. r. r. can well say , that they and their liberties are at an end , if they must abide under a jurisdiction so contrary and averse . witness the decree of the parliament of remes against james caillion seiur de la touche , and the parliaments of pau , bordeaux , and rouen , have done of late things which render them no less formidable . the king therefore who will not see his subjects to perish miserably , of whom he knows himself that he hath no cause to complain , will be pleased to revoke this rigorous declaration which subjects them unto parliaments , in many of which there are not so much as any counsellors of the p. r. r. for to defend their innocence . he will maintain of his justice and equitable goodness , the chambers of the edict in their power , without permitting any breach to be made upon their jurisdiction . he will remove the prohibitions gotten by surprize against those who are painted out under the name of relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers , leaving to all his subjects full liberty of conscience , which the edicts confirmed by his majesty have established throughout the realm ; and for that person named gayrard in particular , your majesty is besought to cause him to be freed from prison , by evacuating the decree made against him by the parliament of tolouse , and ordaining that the warrant of his imprisonment be cancelled and the gaoler constrained by all sorts of means , and even arrest of his body it self to suffer him to depart . a brief table of the estate of those of the p. r. r. after all these several observations which a hard necessity hath in a manner haled from the breast of those of the p. r. r. it is now easie to judge unto what extremity they are reduced , and how deplorable their condition is , if the king to whom they look as their only support on earth do not suffer himself to be touched with their supplications and their tears . for at length , what can be thought of their estate ? they behold the most part of their temples to be condemned and demolished in all the provinces of the realm , so that a possession of threescore and ten years and titles authentick could not save them . they dare no more correspond one with another , nor write of their affairs . their ministers dare not preach , without exposing themselves to the peril of being informed against to the justices , for not having spoken with all respect of the catholick religion . they cannot any more cause any books to be printed to defend their doctrine , without the permission of the magistrates and consent of his majesties attorneys , which makes the impression impossible . they have no more liberty to hold their colloquies for the conduct of their flocks , and for the exercise of their discipline . in the interval of provincial synods , it is forbidden them to receive any candidates , to the end that their churches may often remain whole years without ministers ; and consequently without consolation , without sermons , without sacraments . the synods national are refused them , or consented to at such distance from one another , that they serve for little else than to make them feel their misery ; and in the mean while they hinder them from calling one provincial synod after another , for the affairs for which they provide . the schools are taken from them in all places , and they cannot any longer cause their children to be instructed by masters unsuspected . their children themselves are ravisht from them every day to be thrown into cloysters , and to heap up the measure of this evil usage which is sufficient to cause pity in the most insensible , their fathers are condemned to pay a pension to those places where they behold them with most bitter sorrow . all wayes of getting their liveli-hood are denyed them . for they are excluded from all charges , from all professions , from all arts , from all the most mechanick trades ; and if one of them be received into any mystery , it is a grace so rare as it doth not deserve to be accounted of , and is bought so dear that the profits of his trade will not of a long time equal the expence he must be at to enter it . they have not only taken from them the means to gain their bread , but they have also brought in innovations to hale from them that little estate which they possess , by constraining them to contribute to the charges of chappels and guilds , to the re-edifications and reparations of churches and parsonage-houses . they are not assured of their lives themselves , because that in criminal process they do not permit them to be brought before the chambers of the edict , and they subject them to the presidial courts in cases provostal , or to parliaments and great chambers in pretended crimes of religion . the liberty of conscience which is granted unto them is so straitned , that it is no longer a liberty , but a rack ; because they that persist in their belief , do not speak of it without fear of being accused of blasphemy , those who quit it cannot return to it without being driven out of the kingdom for ever : and the ecclesiasticks who would embrace it , have not at all permission to say it , so that they are necessarily obliged to chuse banishment or dissimulation ; credidi , propter quod locutus sum , psal . 116. i have believed , therefore have i spoken , is no more a good maxim for them , they must hold the quite contrary ; credidi propter quod tacui , i have believed , therefore have i been silent . the sick of this religion themselves cannot be comforted in repose . the parish priests may trouble them without penalty in their very beds ; and there procure unto them agonies more cruel than those of death it self , finally , they are still pursued even after death , and cannot promise themselves to be quit of their travels in their coffins . because for the most part they take away their burying-places , and they must sustain incredible pains who bring them to their graves , so difficult do they make their interrments . see here a lively picture of the unhappy state of those of the r. r. they present it to his majesty , with assurance that it need only to make him know these things for to receive the effects of his justice . hitherto the church-men have hindred him from seeing the miseries of those whose ruine they desire . they themselves who suffer have been silent out of respect , hoping that their patience would sweeten or weary the hatred of their adversaries : but the excess of their grief hath this day constrained them to speak , and to offer this sad draught to the eyes of their prince . they hope he will have compassion of their misery , and his royal goodness having a sence of their evils , will consent unto some remedy . and that which principally promotes this hope is , that the remedy which is necessary for them is the self-same which the king hath protested to have in his intention , to wit , to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed . this is all they demand of his majesty ; they require of him no other favour at all than the observation of that important edict , which the best and most zealous catholicks have named the establishment of the kingdom of god amongst the french , the law of concord and union , the true cement of peace , a holy and sacred law , a work worthy of the great king who made it , and which deserves not only to be imprinted in books , but also to be engraved in the memories of all them who desire the peace and welfare of france . but seeing it is the kings pleasure to cause the edict to be religiously observed , they of the r. r. will to that end address here two supplications to this great monarch , with all the respect which is due to his sacred majesty . 1. that the ecclesiasticks hereafter may not be permitted to make themselves their opposite parties neither in the council , nor in parliaments , nor before other jurisdictions when any thing is in hand that concerns the execution or violation of the edicts : for it cannot be hoped that the edict ever will be observed hereafter in the kingdom while these church-men ( whose authority is so great , and whose name alone is so puissant and revered by the spirits of the judges ) shall become adverse parties against them , whose religion renders their persons odious and prejudiced . this is one of the principal springs of the grievances and griefs which are brought upon them , and there can never be peace nor repose for them in the nation , if this manner of dealing take place ; for the ecclesiasticks do hate them with an ardour which is almost unseparable from their characters ; if they continue in this allowance and liberty , to make themselves ex professo , their adverse parties , as if it were a duty incumbent upon them , they will bring thus , suits and vexations against them to an infinite number . this also the edict of nantes did provide for . for in the 17 , 20 , 21 , 29. articles , where it speaks of inquiries touching the violations of the edict , it is always said , that it should be by the kings officers , to exclude therefrom the ecclesiasticks . and by the answer of lewis the 13th . unto the 12th article of the paper of 1611. it is expresly imported ; that the parish priests should not make themselves parties in the non-observation of feasts , agreeable to the 20th article of the edict . if the parish priests be excluded from this inquisition , because they find it to make for their interest , to make processes against the protestants upon this point ; by the same reason ought not the clergy in general to be rejected as uncompetent prosecutors , touching the violations of the edict , being it is their great interest and one of their principal satisfactions to trouble them of this religion , and to ruine them with all their powers ? the order of justice also requires , that ecclesiasticks meddle not with things but what are purely spiritual . it cannot be without passing their bounds and without attempting an enterprize dangerous to the estate , for them to intrude themselves into politick affairs , such as are the violations of edicts . it is their part to defend their doctrine by their sermons and writings , but as for the interests of state , it becomes the kings ministers and officers only to manage them . the ecclesiasticks have no right , they have no qualification or call to this affair ; all that they have to do is to become denunciators against them that are culpable . but the action and the pursuit belongs unto his majesties officers , and the clergy cannot pretend to it , unless they will confound spirituals with temporals ; the distinction whereof is so necessary for the weal of kings and kingdoms . to the end therefore that these things may be left in their due order and station , and that the root of a thousand troubles otherwise inevitable may be pulled up , they of the r. r. do instantly beseech the king , that the ecclesiasticks may contain themselves in the functions of their charges , and that if any be guilty of any violations of the edicts , the enquiry after them only may be made by competent parties , who are the kings attornies , as it hath been always practised . 2. the other supplication they present unto his majesty is , that he would take care to recall or reduce the two declarations of april , 1666. ( and others such like made since ) to the terms of that inviolable edict , by revoking those things which are contrary thereunto , and that he would be pleased at the same time to make known his will therein , by the means and way of a declaration . for that shall quiet all and stop the mouth of both catholicks and religionaries , it will reduce them to their former state of tranquility and quietness , which they injoyed on both sides for many years ; else such new surreptitious orders drawn from your majesty ( without due and impartial information ) will be a precedent and inlet for a thousand more , that will totally subvert a fundamental law and edict established by your famous and wise predecessors , with the full advice and consent of the states of the realm , and which was by your majesty often allowed and ratified ; so that thence would follow a thousand secret and publick oppressions , without the redress or due representation to your majesty , which would bring the judgments of god upon your majesties kingdoms and throne , ( which god forbid ) and might destroy and scatter a great part of your subjects , and reduce their adversaries to those extremities against them which disquieted this nation for many years , and that could have no end but by establishing that impartial reconciling and sacred edict of nantes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38821-e210 mem. of rohan . and others . notes for div a38821-e3000 mathieu in the history of henry the fourth book 2. notes for div a38821-e10560 beloi . mathien conference des ordonances & edicts royaux , &c. the life of john baptist colbert, late minister and secretary of state to lewis xiv, the present french king done into english from a french copy printed at cologne this present year, 1695. vie de jean-baptiste colbert. english courtilz de sandras, gatien, 1644-1712. 1695 approx. 430 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 135 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34769 wing c6599 estc r8430 11982055 ocm 11982055 51877 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34769) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51877) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 61:4) the life of john baptist colbert, late minister and secretary of state to lewis xiv, the present french king done into english from a french copy printed at cologne this present year, 1695. vie de jean-baptiste colbert. english courtilz de sandras, gatien, 1644-1712. [15], 246, [8] p. : ill. printed for r. bentley [and 4 others], london : 1695. first ed. of this translation of: la vie de jean-baptiste colbert. advertisements on p. [14]-[15] at beginning. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng colbert, jean baptiste, 1619-1683. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the life of mons r. colbert . the life of the famous john baptist colbert , late minister and secretary of state to lewis xiv . the present french king. done into english from a french copy printed at cologne this present year 1695. london , printed for r. bentley , in covent-garden ; j. tonson , at the judge's-head in fleet-street ; h. bonwick , at the red-lion in st. paul's church-yard ; w. freeman , at the bible , against the middle-temple-gatein fleet-street ; and s. manship , at the ship in corn-hill , 1695. the author's preface . whatever may be said of the performance , there can be no objections made against the seasonableness of my present vndertaking : for if the publication of this little work had been longer delay'd , it wou'd have been a hard task for the author to have acquir'd the reputation of an exact historian ; and every reader wou'd have pretended a right to dispute , or at least to suspect the truth of his relation . 't is an obvious remark , that the memory of even the most publick transactions is of a very tender constitution , and seldom or never retains its integrity , if care be not taken to preserve it , while 't is fresh and unfaded ; in some measure resembling summer fruits that must be either hastily gather'd , or eaten corrupted , if i may be allow'd to borrow the thought of a * modern historian . besides the vndistinctness , which is the common inconveniency of remote views . they who undertake to write an account of a man●s life , after a long series of years has in a manner set him out of our reach , are oblig'd to depend on the credit of an uncertain tradition , that confounds real with imaginary events , and not unfrequently suppresses the most remarkable actions of the person , whose memory it pretends to preserve . in the midst of so much confusion 't is impossible to avoid mistakes : for that which bears the nearest resemblance to truth is frequently observ'd to be only a well-contriv'd lye ; and oftentimes a seeming fable after a diligent enquiry , is found to be a certain truth . the life of great persons is full of contradictions ; and those characters of em , and judgments concerning their actions that are founded on the idea they give of themselves on certain occasions , rarely amount to more than false , or at best uncertain conjectures . on the other side , if i had publish'd this history sooner , it might have been suspected of flattery . the ministers of great princes are no less terrible than their masters , and if ever an impartial historian runs the hazard of an unjust and rigorous treatment , for a faithful representation of the management of affairs , 't is when he attempts to unskreen the designs of those who are the present dispensers of rewards and punishments . if m. colbert's life had appear'd while his sons were actually possess'd of the highest posts in the government , the reader might have justly suspected me of a design to make my court to the children , by writing a panegyrick on the father . but the present posture of affairs leaves no room for any suspicion of that nature ; and therefore i expect to be believ'd when i protest that the only motive which engag'd me in writing the history of that great minister , was my desire to acquaint posterity with the most memorable actions of his life . and as i began the work without the least curb upon my sincerity , so in the prosecution of it i have confin'd my self to a scrupulous observance of the truth : nor have i been less careful to expose his faults , than to do justice to his perfections . the reader will easily perceive that i never take the liberty to wander from my subject . for he must not expect to find in this treatise a continu'd history of the reign of lewis xiv . but the life of one of his chief ministers of state , who sustain'd not the entire burthen of the government , but was confin'd to the management of certain particular affairs : and i have endeavour'd with all possible exactness , to trace him thro' the whole course of his life in the discharge of his peculiar employments , without taking notice of those general affairs that were not properly a part of his province , any further than he had a share in ' em . i cou'd not forbear adorning my work with large and exact descriptions of his majesty's principal buildings , that were erected under the inspection of this minister : for besides that relations of this nature are extremely agreeable to the curious and ingenious part of mankind , these admirable works are so many convincing proofs of the activity , vigilance , and indefatigable diligence of him to whose care they were committed . the discharge of so important a trust might have been the entire and glorious occupation of an ordinary genius ; but it was the least part of m. colbert's task . for besides , he had the management of naval affairs , and of the king's revenue , which he still found means to encrease by some new expedient . he was also entrusted with the care of promoting trade , and of improving ingenious arts : and 't is the duty of every frenchman to acknowledge that the industry and politeness of our artizans is an effect of the admirable conduct of that minister , and that he depriv'd our neighbours of the servile tribute which our wasteful luxury paid to the arts that flourish'd among ' em . but our gratitude to m. colbert must not betray us into a disingenuous partiality : neither ought we to be so dazzled with the pleasing view of the shining part of his life , as to forget or dissemble his faults . for 't is certain that he never scrupl'd to commit any act of injustice that might serve to enrich his sovereign ; and that notwithstanding his affected probity , and seeming neglect of his own interest , he omitted no opportunity to fill his coffers by indirect methods . this is the dark and blemish'd reverse of his character ; and the truth of these assertions will appear evidently to the attentive peruser of the following treatise . to the history of m. colbert i have added that of his eldest son , the marquess of seignelay , who succeeded him in the offices of secretary of state , and of commander and great treasurer of his majesty's orders . at present there are none of his sons alive but james-nicholas , archbishop of rohan , and lewis , colonel of the regiment of champaign . books lately printed . the present state of persia : with a faithful account of the manners , religion and government of that people . by monsieur sanson , a missionary from the french king. adorn'd with figures . done into english . the present state of the empire of morocco : with a faithful account of the manners , religion and government of that people . by monsieur de s. olon , ambassador there in the year 1693. adorn'd with figures . the life of the famous cardinal-duke of richlieu , principal minister of state to lewis xiii . king of france and navarre . in two volumes . 8vo . letters , written by a french gentleman ; giving a faithful and particular account of the transactions of the court of france , relating to the publick interest of europe . with historical and political reflections on the ancient and present state of that kingdom . by the famous monsieur vassor . the roman history , from the building of the city to the perfect settlement of the empire by augustus caesar : containing the space of 727 years . design'd as well for the understanding of the roman authors , as the roman affairs . by laurence echard , a. m. of christ-college in cambridge . a new voyage to italy : with a description of the chief towns , churches , tombs , libraries , palaces , statues , and antiquities of that country . together with useful instructions for those who shall travel thither . by maximilian misson , gent. done into english , and adorn'd with figures . in two volumes . 8vo . now in the press , and will be speedily publish'd . a new voyage to the levant ; containing an account of the most remarkable curiosities in germany , france , italy , malta and turkey : with historical observations relating to the present and ancient state of those countries . by the sieur du mont. done into english , and adorn'd with figures . the compleat horseman : discovering the surest marks of the beauty , goodness , and vices of horses , and describing the signs and causes of their diseases ; and the true method both of their preservation and cure. with reflections on the regular and preposterous use of bleeding and purging . together with the art of shooing , and a description of several kinds of shooes , adapted to the various defects of bad feet , and for the preservation of those that are good ; and the best method of breeding colts ; with directions to be observ'd in backing 'em , and making their mouths , &c. by the sieur de solleysell , one of the heads of the royal academy . at paris . the eighth edition , review'd and methodically augmented ; done into english , and adorn'd with figures . folio . the life of john baptist colbert , minister , and secretary of state . there is something so singular and surprizing , both in the quickness of monsieur colbert's advancement , and the grandeur of his fortune , that after-ages will hardly be induc'd to give credit to that part of our modern history , if they be not inform'd by what steps and methods he rais'd himself to so high a degree of power . he was of a middle stature , rather lean than fat ; his hair was black , and so thin , that he was oblig'd to begin very soon to make use of a cap. his mien was low and dejected ; he had a gloomy air , and stern aspect . he spoke little , and would never return a present answer , till he had first receiv'd a particular account in writing of what was propos'd to him . he manag'd business with unweary'd application , and a surprizing exactness : the clearness of his judgment enabl'd him to expedite all sorts of affairs speedily , and without confusion . he was of a slow conception , but spoke judiciously of every thing , after he had fully comprehended it . he was a lover of learning , tho' he never apply'd himself to the study of it . he was a great pretender to probity ; but tho' he endeavour'd to perswade the world that he neglected his own interest , and seem'd resolv'd to owe his riches merely to the king's bounty , he scrupl'd not to fill his coffers by indirect methods . he affected a great deal of moderation in the beginning of his ministery ; but assoon as he saw his fortune secur'd by great offices and powerful alliances , he gave a full career to his vast designs , and spar'd nothing to advance his glory , tho' he manag'd his private affairs with a great deal of frugality . he sacrific'd honour , integrity , gratitude , and every thing else to the interests of his ambition . the hardness and inflexibility of his temper was altogether insupportable . he beheld without concern the misery of an infinite number of families , whom he had ruin'd to enrich his master's treasury . but though he never employ'd his power for the good of others , it must be acknowledg'd that he never shed the blood of his enemies . he was crafty and subtil : his outward behaviour was modest , accompanied with a great deal of seeming plainness and simplicity . he lov'd , and was acquainted with ingenious arts : he slept little , and was sober . though he was naturally sowre and morose , he knew how to act the part of a lover in the company of those ladies who had touch'd his heart ; but he always treated 'em in publick with his accustom'd gravity , that he might not be thought capable of suffering himself to be govern'd by the fair sex. he was the son of nicholas colbert sieur de vandieres , and of mary pussort ; and was born at rheims in champaigne , in november 1625. his grand-father was a wine-merchant , and his father at first follow'd the same occupation ; but afterwards he traded in cloth , and last of all in silk . our future minister was very young when his father sent him to paris , to be instructed in the arts of merchandizing : from thence he went to lyons , but falling out with his master , return'd to paris , where he was first clerk to a notary , and then to biterne , attorney of the chastelet , whom he left to serve sabathier , treasurer of the money rais'd by the sale of offices , in the quality of a commissary or deputy . in the year 1648. his kinsman john baptist colbert , lord of s. poüange , preferr'd him to the service of michael le tellier , secretary of state , whose sister he had marry'd ; and the youth was quickly taken notice of for his diligence , and exactness in executing all the commissions that were entrusted to his care. one day his master sent him to cardinal mazarin with a letter written by the queen-mother , and order'd him to bring back the letter after that minister had seen it . colbert arriving at sedan , where the cardinal then was , presented the queen's letter to him , with another from le tellier , to his eminency ; and returning the next day for an answer , he receiv'd only a seal'd packet ; but not seeing the queen's letter , he ask'd the cardinal for it , who told him that all was in the packet , and bid him return to his master . the wary messenger not satisfi'd with that answer , broke up the seal in the cardinal's presence , who being surpriz'd at his boldness , chid him for his sawciness , and snatch'd the packet out of his hand ; colbert , not in the least daunted with so rough a treatment , reply'd , that he believ'd his eminency had entrusted the care of closing the packet to one of his secretaries , who , probably , had forgotten to put in the queen's letter . the cardinal pretending business put him off till the next day , but at last , after several delays and denials , seeing him always at the closet-door , he restor'd the letter , which colbert view'd very attentively , to see whether it was the same he deliver'd ; and went away without seeming to take notice of the cardinal's anger , who ask'd him whether he thought him capable of so much baseness as to counterfeit a paper . some time after the cardinal returning to court , and wanting one to write his agenda , or memorandums , desir'd le tellier to furnish him with a fit person for that employment : and colbert being presented to him , he had still some confus'd remembrance of him , and was desirous to know where he had seen him . colbert was afraid to put him in mind of sedan , least the remembrance of his importunacy , in demanding the queen's letter , should renew the cardinal's anger ; but his eminency was so far from hating him for his faithfulness to his late master , that he receiv'd him on condition , that he should serve him with like zeal and fidelity . colbert apply'd himself wholly to the advancement of his master's interests , and gave him so many marks of his diligence and skill , that after the death of joubert his eminency's intendant , he was chosen to succeed in that post . he accommodated himself so dexterously to the inclinations of that minister , by retrenching his superfluous expences , that he was entrusted with the management of that gainful trade of selling benefices and governments . it was by his counsel that the cardinal oblig'd the governours of frontier places to maintain their garrisons with the contributions they exacted ; and his eminency was extremely pleas'd with that advice . he was sent to rome to negotiate the reconciliation of cardinal de rets , for which the pope had shew'd some concern , and to perswade his holiness to consent to the dis-incamerating of castro , according to the treaty concluded with his predecessour urban viii . at his return , to requite his good services , he was made secretary of the queen's dispatches , which office he afterwards sold to brisacier , master of the court of accounts , and bought that of president in the same company , who happily for him , but unhappily for themselves , would not receive him ; for he became their greatest enemy , and depriv'd 'em of the profit of the debets of accounts , for which he made a bargain with vilette , and afterwards with others , to the great prejudice of the chamber , tho' the king did not receive much advantage by the alteration . assoon as he saw himself in favour at court , he began to think of a convenient match , and took to wife mary charon , daughter of james charon , sieur de menars , a native of blois , ( who of a cooper and wine-broker , was become pay-master of the infantry ) , and of mary begon his wife . charon had higher designs , for he look'd upon his daughter as one of the richest matches in paris , by reason of the great legacies and inheritances that would fall to her : but at last he consented to this proposal , that he might be exempted from a tax with which he was threatned . the great respect which colbert shew'd to his wife did not hinder him from gratifying in some measure his particular inclinations , and from yielding to the charms of frances de godet , widow of john gravé sieur de launay , a norman lady , of a smooth and insinuating temper , the usual character of those of her country . she was of a graceful stature , and majestick gate : her face was round , her complexion white and clear , her hair light , and her eyes blue . launay gravé a rich partizan marry'd her after the death of his first wife , whose servant she had been , and left her a great estate . colbert took care to introduce his mistress to the queen and cardinal mazarin , with whom he made her play very frequently ; and she made use of those privileges for the advantage of him who procur'd 'em to her ; for being of a quick and piercing wit , she gave him notice of every thing she heard , that had any relation to his interests : nor was he ingrateful to one that had done him so considerable service ; for he contriv'd a way to make her the wife of anthony de broüille , marquess of piene , knight of the orders , and governour of pignerol . the marchioness of piene was not the only person that touch'd the heart of colbert : for besides her , he made love to ann margaret vanel , wife of john coissier , master of the court of accounts , a young lady of a low stature , but extremely pretty , and adorn'd with all the advantages of a gay humour and lively wit. his frequent visits , and supping at her house were ascrib'd to his intimate friendship with her father-in-law , who had been receiver of the consignations with betaut , and to the lessons of politicks he usually took from her husband , who was perfectly well acquainted with all the negotiations and intrigues of the treaty of munster , as having been secretary to the embassy under abel de servien , whose deputy he still was in the super-intendancy . but our states-man was soon weary of the levity and fickleness of that lady , and resign'd his pretensions to his brother edward francis colbert , whom he had made captain of the guards , to rousserau cardinal mazarin's secretary , and to the commander of gault , who had more time to bestow on their amours . ambition was the predominant passion of john baptist colbert , and though he had not yet arriv'd to that eminent height of grandeur , to which he afterwards attain'd , he had already advanc'd all his brothers . for he had obtain'd the intendancy of alsatia , with the dignity of a president à mortier in the parliament of paris , for charles colbert , and the bishoprick of luçon , with the office of the king's library-keeper for his brother nicholas . mazarin at his death recommended colbert to his majesty , as a fit person to regulate affairs relating to the finances which stood much in need of reformation : for nicholas fouquet , who was then superintendant , had borrow'd such vast summs , that he was above four years behind-hand . he had rais'd rents on the third peny and a half , which nevertheless yielded no more than the seventh peny , because only two quarters were paid , and even that was very much . he had also erected offices without charge , and had deliver'd blank patents , which the purchasers were to enjoy without supplying the places , so that the king was depriv'd of his right to surrenders . and besides there was a third part remitted at each bargain , which oppress'd the people without the least advantage to the king. the edicts were chang'd to bills or tickets , which were afterwards cut into so many pieces , that 't was impossible to know the original : and he paid so excessive rates of interest for the loans he receiv'd , that the crown must have for ever remain'd unable to discharge the summs , if a quick stop had not been put to these disorders . the king resolv'd to entrust the regulation of his revenue to colbert , having already receiv'd some marks of his frugality : for he remember'd that he had sav'd him a considerable summ of money , by changing the fine silver edgings that were fitted to the ribbons with which the habits of the hundred switzers were adorn'd , to counterfeit lace : and therefore his majesty made him intendant of the finances , together with breteuil , marin , and hervard ; and erected a chamber of justice , compos'd of six counsellours of state , six masters of requests , four counsellours of the parliament of paris , two counsellours of the great council , two masters of the court of accounts , two counsellours of the court of aids , and a counsellour out of each of the other parliaments , to call to an account , and arraign such farmers as were guilty of misdemeanors . the chamber , for a specimen of their justice , and for an example and terrour to the rest of these officers , caus'd some of the meanest of 'em to be hang'd : and these executions made way for the imprisonment of the superintendant , the three treasurers of the exchequer , and the richest partizans or farmers . before they proceeded to secure fouquet , he was dexterously perswaded to resign the office of attorney-general of the parliament of paris , lest he should claim the privilege which that dignity gave him of being try'd by the chambers in a full assembly . he was apprehended at nantes on the fifth of september , 1661. whither the court was remov'd to quiet some disorders in bretaigne : he was afterwards carry'd from thence , and committed close prisoner to the castel of st. anger 's , where he was seiz'd with a very dangerous sickness . at the same time the papers which he brought along with him were secur'd , and the seal affix'd to his houses at paris , s. mandé and vaux , and to his apartments at the louvre . his papers that were seiz'd at nantes , with those of his deputy pelisson , were examin'd for several days by boucherat , counsellour of state , pellot , master of requests , and colbert ; and afterwards transmitted to fontainbleau without taking an inventory of ' em . the seal was affix'd on his house at paris by the lieutenant-civil , assisted by the king's advocate of the chastelet , for the interest of the publick , and in presence of the prisoner's domestick servants . the same ceremonies were not observ'd at fontainbleau ; and because they mistrusted the exactness of poncet , who was one of the commissioners , they sent him to assist at the taking of the inventory of s. mandé . barin de la galissoniere was substituted in his place , but d' aligre , director of the finances , and colbert , manag'd the affair alone , and proceeded with so much eagerness and diligence , that they spent even sundays and holydays in that occupation . the greatest part of 'em were not subsign'd , and even they carried the bundles to his majesty's closet without marking their numbers . as for the papers at s. mandé , poncet had brought 'em to fontainbleau ; but after he had acquainted the king , that , according to the forms of justice , they ought to remain in the place where they were found , till the person who own'd 'em was brought to an account , his majesty commanded 'em to be carry'd back to s. mandé . the king had appointed the lieutenant-civil to affix the seal to that house ; but colbert suppress'd a second order , which gave that commission to benard and l' alleman , masters of the requests . by virtue of this last order , the seal was affix'd on the 8th of the same month of september , by those commissioners , in presence of charles de la nouë and jacob bezemont , the prisoner's servants . but colbert suspecting 'em of remissness and neglect , obtain'd a new commission for lauzon and la fosse , counsellours of state , who with poncet were appointed to take the inventory : after which , the first commissioners having own'd and recogniz'd their seal , deliver'd up the keys of the doors , trunks and cupboards , to those who were appointed to succeed 'em , who affix'd a new seal , though their power did not reach so far , and put the signet ( which they ought to have kept ) into the hands of foucaut , clerk to the commission , and colbert's creature , who by this means became master of all the papers , since the keys were entrusted to his clerk. and therefore assoon as he was inform'd that foucaut was master of all , leaving his business at fontainbleau , he went immediately to s. mandé to be present at the taking of the inventory , tho' he had no authority to go thither . the reason that made him so desirous to seize on these papers , was not only to deprive fouquet of what might serve for his defence , but also to secure himself against all accusations by suppressing those papers which might have discover'd his guilt . for , during the life of cardinal mazarin , the administration of three fourth parts of the charge of superintendant , and the receipt and disbursement of the best part of the money in the kingdom , was manag'd in that minister's palace , and according to his orders , by colbert , who , if his bills had been inserted in the inventory , would have been oblig'd to give an account of all that was contain'd in ' em . the papers found in the house at vaux were put in two trunks , before any inventory was taken of 'em , and deliver'd to foucaut , with orders to bring 'em to the castle of the louvre : nor were they put in order till three months after , when la fosse and poncet made a list of 'em with as little regularity ●s they had observ'd at s. mandé . in the mean ●●me , while the commissioners were employ'd ●n taking the inventories , the prisoner was ●emov'd from anger 's to amboise , and from hence to vincennes , about the end of december , ●661 . hitherto he had been kept in prison , ●hough he could not be reputed a criminal , ●ecause he had not yet been proceeded against according to the forms of justice . they began not to inform against him till in the year 1662 , by virtue of an order dated march 3. and no decree pass'd against him till the 17th of june . the order awarded that his person should be secur'd , and committed during the king's pleasure to the inner tower in the castle of vincennes . fouquet was not only accus'd of misdemeanour in the management of the finances : they also laid to his charge , that he had drawn up in writing the beginning of a scheme , instructing his friends and relations what to do , in case he should be apprehend●d ; that he had fortify'd belle isle , and furnished it with cannon ; that he had been possess'd of the government of concarnau ; and had made several persons by written obligations , engage themselves to advance his interest . as for his cheating the publick , or embezling the treasure of the kingdom , 't was pretended that he had taken interest under the pretext of forg'd loans ; that he had advanc'd money which he ought not to have done , as being the disposer of it ; that he had confounded the king's money with his own , and embezled it to his private use ; that he had acquir'd an interest in the farms , and made bargains under borrow'd names ; tha● he had purchas'd rights and estates of the king at under rates ; that he had taken pensions and gratifications from the farmers and purchasers to let 'em have a cheaper bargain● of their farms and purchases ; that he had reviv'd several expir'd notes or tickets bought at the thirtieth peny , and had made 'em pass at their full value ; that he had renew'd on certain funds illegal tickets , arising from orders granted to farmers for the re-imbursement of treaties or leases that were made void ; and that he had made treaties or agreements disadvantageous to the king , and wasted 'em in idle expences . colbert , who accus'd fouquet for taking pensions of the farmers , had himself receiv'd one of fifty thousand livres a year from claude girardin , in consideration of which , and of a hundred thousand livres paid to cardinal mazarin , 〈◊〉 lease of the aids was adjudg'd to girardin for five hundred thousand livres less than forco●● and his associates had paid for it , though there was no pretext to dispossess ' em . to conceal that bribe , colbert rais'd the cardinal's benefices a hundred thousand livres , which girardin at the same time took to farm . since fouquet had no hand in that affair , there was no mention made of it at his trial , though it was a part of his charge . 't is plain from what happen'd on occasion of the woods of normandy , that colbert was as much concern'd as fouquet in treaties of that nature : for berrier and bechamel who farm'd 'em , seeing an action brought against 'em in the chamber of justice , threaten'd , that if he did not put a stop to the prosecution , they would produce their agreement of partnership , in which his share alone equall'd both theirs ; after which the whole business was hush'd up . on the 4th of march , 1662 , fouquet was examin'd the first time by poncet , master of requests , and renaud counsellour in the parliament of paris , on articles resulting from the informations that were brought against him , and others alledg'd by denys talon , advocate-general of the same parliament , and attorney-general of the chamber . the examination lasted above a month , and they proceeded no farther till june . fouquet had all along refus'd to own the authority of the chamber ; and though the king's council had by several orders confirm'd its jurisdiction , and commanded him to submit and give in his answer under pain of being proceeded against as mute , he still persisted in his plea , declining the authority of the court. yet his process was appointed by an order of the chamber , dated october 4. 1662. and referred to le fevre d' ormesson , master of requests , and cornier de sainte helene , counsellour in the parliament of rhoan . fouquet was brought from vincennes on the 14th of november , 1664. to the chamber of justice in the arsenal , to be examin'd on the criminals seat ; and the examination continu'd till the 4th of december , when d' ormesson began to make his report , adjudging him to perpetual banishment , and his estate to be forfeited to the king , paying a fine of a hundred thousand livres . sainte helene , who was also empower'd to make the report , voted for death , adding , that though the evidence was strong enough to convict him of peculate or of robbing and embezelling the king's treasure , which ought by the law to be punish'd with hanging ; yet he was of opinion that the prisoner should only be beheaded . sainte helene was follow'd , and his judgment confirm'd by pussort , colbert's uncle , and counsellour in the great council ; feriol , counsellour in the parliament of mets ; gisancourt , counsellour in the great council ; noguets , counsellour in the parliament of pau ; heraut , counsellour in the parliament of bretaigne ; and de la toison , counsellour in the parliament of dijon . roquesante , counsellour in the parliament of provence , who voted next , was of ormesson's opinion ; as were also du verdier , counsellour in the parliament of bourdeaux ; de la baume , counsellour in the parliament of grenoble ; masenau , counsellour in the parliament of tholouse ; le ferron , counsellour in the court of aids ; de mousy , master of the court of accounts ; catinat and renard , counsellours in the parliament of paris ; benard de rezé , master of requests ; and philip de pontchartrain , president in the chamber of accounts , poncet and voisin gave judgment of death , as well as the chancellour ; but it was carry'd for banishment by four voices ; after which sentence was given on the 20th of december , 1664. according to d' ormesson's verdict . the king being inform'd of the nature of the sentence , and considering that it might be a thing of dangerous consequence , to send a person out of the kingdom , who was so particularly acquainted with the most important affairs of the state , chang'd the punishment to perpetual imprisonment , and order'd him to be carry'd to pignerol on the frontiers of piedmont , whither he began his journey two days after , under a guard of a hundred musquetiers , and there ended his life in the year 1680. immediately after his condemnation , his mother and wife receiv'd orders to retire to montluçon in bourbonnois , with his brother fouquet , the king 's first gentleman of the horse . his son-in-law , the marquess of charôt , with his wife , were order'd to anceni in bretaigne ; and bailly , advocate-general of the great council , was commanded to retire to his abbey of st. thierry , because he pleaded for him with too much eagerness . the difference between the tempers of colbert and fouquet , appears plainly by their carriage to the author of the burlesque gazette , who besides a pension of two hundred livres from mademoiselle de monpensier , had another of two hundred crowns allow'd him by fouquet . this gazetteer after his unfortunate benefactour was apprehended , spoke advantageously of him in his gazette , protesting that though he would not meddle with affairs of state , he cou'd not forbear expressing his gratitude for the obligations he had receiv'd . colbert , knowing that he had a pension , took it from him ; which fouquet , who was then in the bastile , had no sooner heard , but he resolv'd to make up that loss with advantage , tho' he was depriv'd of all his estate , and in a condition that requir'd vast summs of money to defray his necessary charges . for mademoiselle de scudery , at his desire , sent fifteen hundred livres to loret by a trusty messenger , who after he had discours'd with him for a considerable time , took occasion to leave that summ in a purse without his knowledge . bruant des carrieres , master of the court of accounts , and fouquet's first deputy , made his escape out of the kingdom , and retir'd to liege assoon as his master was secur'd . but the chamber indited him for contempt , and condemn'd him to be hang'd ; after which his office in the court of accounts was suppress'd . he had bought of margaret ranchin , widow of claude vanel , a house in new-street in the little fields , for 150000 livres , in the name of joan de chaumont , widow of claude girardin . this house stood very convenient for colbert , who liv'd in another contiguous to it , which he had purchas'd of batru : and the temptation was so strong , that he us'd all his art to make himself master of the house , without putting his hand in his purse . at last he took advantage of several orders or sentences of the chamber of justice , by which the widow and heirs of vanel were fin'd in 350000 livres , and under that pretext procur'd widow girardin to be assign'd in a declaration of mortgage . but since these proceedings were of no greater force in law than the judgment of the same chamber , by which a great tax was already laid on claude girardin , the son of joan chaumont , colbert tax'd or assess'd the inheritance of claude girardin , the father , at a hundred and twenty thousand livres , though he had never been concern'd in the king's affairs , nor had ever enjoy'd any other office than that of comptroller of the sallaries of the officers of the parliament at rhoan , for which he was not at all liable to account . by virtue of these sentences a decree was obtain'd , no less irregular than the rest of the proceedings , and the house was adjudg'd to colbert , against the heirs both of vanel and girardin , for a hundred and twenty thousand livres , deducting the summs due to the king : but colbert suspecting the validity of his title , procur'd a grant of it from his majesty . during the prosecution of fouquet's deputies and farmers , bruant stay'd at liege , where he performed such considerable services to the state in 1672 , that he obtain'd a pardon , and returned to paris after colbert's death , thinking to be reinstated in the possession of his house : but he had only the advantage of venting his passion in his writings , for the council would not meddle with what had been decreed by the chamber of justice . paul pelisson had the good fortune to escape the fate of his fellow-deputy : for colbert's ambition to be thought learned , and to acquire the esteem of those who were really so , prompted him not only to procure his liberty , but to take him into his own service , after his late master's condemnation . pelisson was the younger son of a counsellour in the court of judicature establish'd by the edict of castres : his patrimony was inconsiderable , but his learning and politeness supply'd the defects of his fortune . his elder brother bought a counsellour's place in the supreme court of bresse , which was afterwards united to the parliament of mets : and our cadet went to paris with isarn , brother to the clerk of the above-mention'd court , instituted by the edict . these two adventurers were intimate friends , and there was a great affinity between their tempers : they were both remarkable for sweetness of conversation , and could write as well in verse as in prose . but there was not the same resemblance between their faces ; for the small-pox had very much disfigur'd pelisson's , ( whose features were not very regular before , ) by leaving marks of its fury on his fore-head and cheeks , and so distorting his eye-lids , that the white was too much uncover'd . on the contrary , isarn was form'd for love , his stature , complexion , features , hair ( which was black , curl'd , and in great abundance ) , and every thing else were graceful and agreeable . they address'd themselves both together to mademoiselle de scudery , and endeavour'd to divert her with the productions of their wit : pelisson made stanza's on a linget that was her favourite ; and isarn wrote the louis d' or , a small miscellany of prose and verse . but at last she declar'd for the former , and preferr'd his linget to the other 's louis d' or. she describ'd in her cyrus her amours with pelisson , under the names of sappho and phaon ; and to shew that her passion was beyond the reach of matter , and would never make her throw her self into the sea after the example of that learned graecian lady , she drew in her clelia a scheme of her love , which she call'd tender friendship . and even she could not forbear discovering to pelisson her inclination toward him , in these extemporary verses . enfin , acanthe , il se faut rendre , vôtre esprit a charmé le mien ; je vous fais citoyen de tendre , mais de grace n'en dites rien . at last , acanthus , i must yield , charm'd by the beauties of thy wit ; but never let it be reveal'd , that i to tender thee admit . this union of minds was so much taken notice of at paris , and seem'd so pleasant an adventure , that it was made the subject of a song , which grew very common . l'amour met tous sous son empire , et ce n'est pas une chanson ; sapho même soùpire pour le doctè pelisson ? what man is he that dares defie the universal monarch , love ; who makes platonic sapho sigh , the learn'd pelisson's heart to move ? but that learned person had too great a mind to be satisfy'd with such trifles . the french academy had so great an esteem for him , that they admitted him into their number , though there was no place vacant . he wrote the history of that society , enrich'd with an account of its institution and statutes , and the lives of its members : the subject he undertook is describ'd with a great deal of exactness , and the reader is sometimes diverted with a pleasant mixture of praise and satyr , as in the account of voiture . this work was very much esteem'd , and rais'd the reputation of its author : fouquet , who had read it , receiv'd very favourably the proposal which mademoiselle de scudery made him , of making that historian one of his deputies ; and from that time entrusted him with the care of framing the draughts of all the letters of importance , which he was oblig'd to write . he plac'd an entire confidence in him , and bestow'd on him a newly-erected office in the court of accounts , aids , and finances at montpelier , where he was receiv'd in november 1659 , when the court pass'd that way . he gave him a very signal mark of his affection , when , upon his bare recommendation , he protected de mance , farmer of the gabels in languedoc , with so much zeal and eagerness against the whole province , who had conspir'd that officer's ruine . nor was pelisson an ingrateful servant ; for 't is well known with what vigour and eloquence he vindicated his master from the crimes that were laid to his charge . colbert , who had seen the collection of all those pieces , printed in holland in six volumes , conceiv'd so high an esteem for the author , that he resolv'd not only to set him at liberty , but to gain him entirely , by bestowing favours upon him : and pelisson transferr'd all the fidelity with which he had serv'd fouquet , to his new master . 't was he who inspir'd that minister with a desire to be admitted into the french academy , into which he was receiv'd in the place of silhon , an. 1667. colbert entertain'd also in his service des chiens , another of fouquet's deputies , but for a different reason ; for he thought he ow'd no less a recompence to one that had done him such acceptable service , by furnishing him with instructions against his master . but 't is impossible to love a traitour long , and colbert shortly after turn'd away that unfaithful servant . notwithstanding my resolution to observe the order of time with as much exactness as a work of this nature will admit , i thought fit to make an uninterrupted relation of the fall and disgrace of fouquet and his deputies ; i shall in the next place , give an account of the new regulation of the finances , and the advancement of colbert on the ruines of that unfortunate officer . immediately after fouquet's imprisonment , the office of superintendant was suppress'd , and a council of the finances establish'd , of which the mareschal de villeroy was declar'd the chief . colbert claim'd admittance into that council , not only as intendant , but also by virtue of his office of comptroller-general , which he enjoy'd alone , though it was formerly divided between bretenil and marin ▪ and the other three intendants , with the two directors of the finances , d' aligre and morangis , were also admitted into the council . though colbert had not the name of superintendant , he had all the power and authority that ever was enjoy'd by fouquet , only with this difference , that all his orders were presented to the king for his approbation . they left off discharging the old exchequer-tickets , which pass'd current in trade , at the rate of the tenth peny , because the farmers gave them in part of payment for their taxes , after the full pardon that was granted them on condition of discharging the tickets by an edict publish'd in december , 1665 , and verify'd by the parliament on the 21st , of the same month ; after which the price of these tickets fell so low , that one of a hundred thousand livres has been sold for fifty pistols . colbert took that occasion to buy up a great number of 'em , and by recovering their full value , made himself master of those immense summs , with which he purchas'd the marquisates of seignelay , and blainville , and the baronies of monetau , chesny , beaumont , and sceaux , with several other considerable estates . the new rents which yielded excessive incomes were suppress'd , and the proprietors ordain'd to deliver up their contracts to be discuss'd , to de seve counsellour of state , commission'd by the king for that effect . the reimbursement was intended for the payment of the taxes of those that were accountable , their heirs , deputies , and partners : and for those who had never been concern'd with the king's affairs , the possession was laid upon the actual payment of the finance , by which means the proprietors recover'd very little . nor was this all , for even those were tax'd who in their treaties had transferr'd reimbursements of rents or other rights and duties held of the king. and there was a particular office erected in the house of pussort , colbert's uncle , for re-purchas'd rents , in pursuance of an edict dated january 1665 , and verify'd or approv'd on the 14th of the same month. the suppression of the rents procur'd a great number of enemies to colbert : and even one day going to visit chancellour seguier , he was besieg'd in the court by the tenants who held the rents , some of whom had the confidence to threaten him . he seem'd to hear their reasons , but his design was to learn the names of the mutiniers : and at night he inform'd the king of what had happen'd , who order'd 'em to be apprehended . he thought the imprisonment of those who were most forward , would have impos'd silence on the rest ; but he was deceiv'd , for some one or other appear'd every day to fright him . his deputies , who were more fearful than he , endeavour'd to disswade him from proceeding in that affair , but could not prevail . it happen'd one night , that picon , his chief deputy , who had the misfortune to love wine too much , started out of his sleep , imagining that the tenants held him by the throat . the noise he made alarm'd the whole house , and colbert among the rest , who being inform'd of the occasion of the disturbance , turn'd away the poor drunkard next morning ; tho' , at the desire of some persons whom he could not deny , and on the assurance they gave him that the man was reform'd , he receiv'd him again some years after , and kept him till his death . 't was not thought sufficient to take the reimbursements for the payment of the taxations ; but the offices , lands , houses , and other immoveable goods belonging to the three treasurers of the exchequer , the two monerots , languet and bansse were seiz'd and adjudg'd to the king's use . several courtiers made advantage of these spoils : the house of sevre de monerot the elder was given to the duke of orleans , to be united to his park at s. cloud ; his house at paris to the duke of luxemburg ; and monerot the younger's house was bestow'd on the mareschal de gramont . they did not content themselves with seizing the estates of the actual possessours ; but the same judgment was awarded against children , even though they had renounc'd their fathers inheritance ; and against purchasers , who had paid the price of the estates in ready money ; nor could they prevent their ruine , by sheltering themselves under the authority of the decree , which clears all mortgages , and takes away all encumbrances . the sons-in-law of those who had been concern'd in these affairs , not only lost all the immoveable or real estates they had receiv'd in dowry with their wives , but were forc'd to pay the taxations that were impos'd on their fathers-in law , without the least regard to their dignities ; for soldiers were quarter'd in the houses of * presidents a mortier , merely because they had marry'd the daughters of farmers . thus 't is plain , that these persons could no longer be call'd the king's tutors , who attempted to usurp the sovereign authority during the king's minority . the offices of the treasurers of the exchequer were suppress'd ; and bartillac , who had been treasurer to the queen-mother , was made keeper of the royal treasure . these violent proceedings interrupted the trade of the kingdom , without bringing any considerable summs into the king's coffers , by reason of the great charge which the prosecution of the design requir'd : and therefore colbert perceiving that he had made himself the object of the publick hatred , agreed with twelve of the richest farmers , who undertook the affair on condition that they should be exempted from the payment of their own taxes ; like soldiers , who save themselves from the gallows by performing the office of executioner upon their companions . but in the midst of all those troubles , the family of launay gravé remain'd free from all manner of prosecutions : and colbert , who still retain'd a kindness for the marchioness of pienes , procur'd all her reimbursements to be given her ; a favour which she ow'd to his delightful remembrance of his old amours . hitherto i have shew'd colbert on the most disadvantageous side , but now i must turn the reverse of the medal . france is oblig'd to this minister for the establishment of her trade with the east and west-indies : he consider'd that the dutch , who inhabit a barren country void of all conveniencies , owe their power and riches to their trade ; from whence he concluded , that the king , who possess'd in his own dominions all that his neighbours wanted , had a much fairer prospect of success in such an undertaking . he form'd and brought together two companies , one for the east , and another for the west-indies , and the king declar'd himself protector of both , granting 'em great privileges , and obliging himself by contract , to lend 'em six millions , without interest . and besides , to encrease the fund , his majesty engag'd the judges and merchants in the same design , who were tax'd proportionably to their estates . these companies have since settl'd factories in the principal cities of the indies , and the king of siam , who is one of the most powerful princes of asia , sent ambassadours to his majesty in the year 1686. on the 8th of january , 1664. colbert bought of ratabon the office of superintendant of the buildings , and from that time forward apply'd himself with so much industry and success to the enlargement and embellishment of the royal houses , that they are at present so many master-pieces of architecture . he began with the palace of the tuilleries , to which he join'd the garden that was separated from it by the street . he order'd a large parterre or flower-garden to be made before the building , with three basons , dispos'd after the manner of a triangle . by his directions the bird-house , mademoiselle de guise's lodgings , and all the other houses as far as the gate of conference , were beaten down , to make room for the terrass that runs along the river , as there is another opposite to this , towards the manage of the great stables . a large alley was planted there with indian chesnut-trees , with two small ones on each side , reaching to renard's garden , which was taken in within the inclosure of the tuilleries , where the terrass is cut through the middle , to leave the prospect of the * cours unobstructed , with a passage to ascend thither on both sides , and a large bason or vase of a fountain in the midst of the garden , that takes up the greatest part of it . on the right hand a theatre was erected on a grass-plot , for the representation of comedies , separated by a kind of parterre , from an amphitheatre , which is capable of containing above a thousand persons , who may from thence conveniently behold the shows that are presented on the theatre . 't would be an endless labour to describe all the curiosities that are to be seen in the tuilleries ; such as the labyrinth , the orange-house , and the marble statue that represents time , treading on envy and falshood . in the year 1665. colbert sent to rome for cavalier bernin , to frame the design of the louvre , and procur'd him a pension of two thousand crowns . that illustrious italian , whose excellent skill extended equally to sculpture and architecture , made the bust or half-statue of the king , that adorns his majesty's cabinet . that admirable piece not only represents all the features of that great monarch to the life , but discovers that stately mien which makes his enemies tremble at the head of his armies , without losing the least grace of that mild and sweet air which charms his subjects : and besides it seems to express that vast and piercing judgment which was never guilty of an oversight , and that piety which excites him to leave nothing unattempted for the defence of religion . the same minister repair'd the royal houses of s. germain en laye , fontainbleau and chambord . he caus'd four additional buildings to be join'd to the first , which make that house a great deal more convenient than 't was formerly : and he made use of sir s. moreland an english mathematician , to embellish it with water-spouts of so extraordinary a height , that the chief of 'em is above 30. foot higher than the dome that contains the bell. as for versailles it may be said that he rais'd it from the ground , as it were by enchantment : 't was formerly a dog-kennel , where lewis xiii . kept his hunting-furniture ; and at present 't is a palace worthy of the great monarch that lives in 't . a long avenue of four rows of trees leads to it , on the right hand of which is the castle of clagny , which his majesty built for the marchioness of montespan . 't is seated near the ancient barony of clagny , at the side of a little and very old building , the beauty of which engag'd the king in this vast and chargeable design . the situation of this castle is almost the same with that of versailles ; the body of the building has no separate parts , but consists of a single piece , with two double turning wings , under which there are two other single oblique wings on the fore-front . the court is 30. * toises broad , and 32. deep , without reckoning a half-moon which encloses it before , and increases its largeness . you ascend to the lower story by five square steps , which raise the story between four and five foot high . here there is a large gallery 35. toises long , and 25. foot broad , compos'd of three halls , somewhat broader than the spaces left between ' em . the history of aeneas is describ'd in several pictures on the vault , and above the cornice that supports the frames , there are some complications of figures in basso relievo , representing several deities , the elements , seasons , and parts of the earth , with their respective qualities . the vault of the great hall in the middle , which is higher than the rest , is born by four tromps : at the end of the gallery you descend some steps to an orange-house pav'd with marble , 24. toises long , and 25. broad . the chapel is at the other corner on the right hand ; its ground-plot is round , and 30. foot in diameter . the great stair-case is in the right wing at the entry ; 't is of an unusual structure , and the stones are very ingeniously dispos'd : it leads to a porch join'd to the great hall that separates two apartments contiguous to two smaller ones ; from whence in tribunes or rail'd places , mass may be heard in the chapel . mansard was the designer and architect of this building . the great pavilion or apartment in the middle , is cover'd with a dome ; the ground-plot is square , and the rest of the castle is cover'd with parted roofs or timber-work , after the fashion introduc'd by mansard . the principal ornaments of the garden are a wood of high trees , several parterres interwoven with box into various figures , bowling-greens of several figures , groves and arbors of lattice-work embellish'd with architecture . there are also very fair hedge-rows of myrtles , which are full enough to contain chests full of orange-trees , and other shrubs , which seem to grow out of the hedge-rows , for the chests are not seen . the pond call'd de clagny serves also for a canal in sight of the castle . the ornaments with which colbert beautify'd this house , are not at all comparable to those with which he embellish'd versailles . the great avenue terminates in a spacious plot of ground that contains 180. toises in front , and two other avenues , which end in the same place , form a kind of figure resembling a goose's foot. here are the great and little stables , where all the officers have their lodgings , and these buildings are separated from the castle by the above-mention'd void place . each of the stables consists of five courts , the greatest of which is narrowest at the bottom , being only enclos'd before by a rail 32. toises in length , and the pavilions or additional buildings of 9. toises , which flank the wings that are 37. toises long , and return towards the bottom of the court , ending in a half-moon made by two arches of a circle , which join a large outer building in which is the principal gate . the two middle courts are surrounded with buildings 20 toises long , and 12. broad . on each side without is a little court for the dung-hills , containing 20. toises in length , and 9. in breadth , enclos'd before by a partition-wall equal in heigth to the first story . these buildings are contriv'd so low , as not to obstruct the sight of the castle ; for the level of the tops answers within a little to the marble pavement of the little court. from the great arch at the bottom of the little court , and in the middle of the outward court , you enter into a large cover'd manage 20 toises long , and 8 broad , at the sides of which are two stables . behind the stable there is a great manage for justs and turnaments , before which is the dog-kennel . as for the little stables , the coach-houses are under the arches of the half-moon , at the bottom of the court : from the gate of the front-building you enter into the largest stable between two ranks of horses , 25. in each ; and at the end there is a large cop or spherical vault , containing 12. toises in diameter , which separates the two other stables . there is an entrance into the dog-kennel on each side , where there is a garden rail'd in with balisters , that takes up all the front of the building . this structure is compos'd of a story next the ground , and another above that , without any apparent roof . the great court is oblique , and the passage to it lies thro' two other smaller courts . a draw-bridge leads into a large outward court , more long than broad , surrounded with iron rails , with two apartments one on each side , to which you ascend by two stair-cases of brick very large and uncover'd . here the cooks , the officers of the buttery , pantry , fruitery , and several other of his majesty's servants have their lodgings . at the other end of the outward court are two great arch'd gates , one on each side , which open into the town overagainst the church and market-place . from this court you pass into another square court , pav'd with black and white marble , with fillets of another sort of white and red marble : in the midst of this court there is a vase of white marble , with a groupe or complication of figures of brass , gilt . the building consists of two sides , and two wings , which look into the garden : the chapel is on the right hand towards the king's apartment , and all the ministers are lodg'd below , on the two sides . the stair-case that leads to the king's apartment is a master-piece of architecture . 't is 11. toises long , and 5. broad , comprehending the lower steps , and those between the stories or resting-places . three arches in front open an entry into a porch 39 foot broad and 13 deep , which below is adorn'd with compartments of marble . on the upper part of the stair and the vault , there are ornaments and trophies in basso relievo ; from hence you ascend by three steps , and three opposite arches , to the first landing-place or broad step , containing 15 foot in breadth , which is likewise overcast with compartments of marble . facing these arches , there is a stair-case in pannels of eleven steps of marble : the broad , or resting-place above is of eleven steps square . in the thickness of the wall there is a flat nich , and in it a marble vase supported by two dolphins of brass : two tritons which are above bear a double scallop or shell of marble , adorn'd with a head spouting water into a panier or basket full of shells , which forms a nape that falls into the marble vase , and runs thro' another head , and thro' the two dolphins . the whole is of brass . the spaces between the stories or landing-places , are ten foot broad , and consist each of twenty marble steps . the buttresses are of the same matter , supported by balisters of brass , cut into flowers and gilt . the two resting-places are also overlaid with compartments of marble , and ten foot broad ; on each of which are four doors richly adorn'd with sculpture , that lead into the apartments . on the same resting-places there are marble columns and pilasters of the ionic order , with bases and chapitres of brass , gilt . the bust of the king is plac'd against the wall , and accompany'd with several ornaments of the same matter . the four massive or solid places at the sides of the four doors of the apartments , between the pilasters , are full of ornaments and figures on a ground of gold , resembling tapestry . in the four middle spaces there are several pictures representing his majesty's conquests . in the intervals between the massives and middle spaces there are galleries on each side of the same ionic order , and after the same model , pillars on which are represented persons of several nations , as if they were going into the galleries . there are also galleries above the first cornish , and two more in the length of the faces supported by terms . on the angles and at the end are large sterns of ships , bearing four trophies of arms like to those of the four parts of the world. these sterns are supported with brackets in the form of arch'd buttresses , fortify'd with horns of plenty , and scallops of brass , at the sides of which are captives in sculpture , and underneath victory . the cieling is adorn'd with octangular basso relievo's full of figures suitable to the subject ; and the antique pieces are cover'd with large curtains , the strings of which are held by terms . in this stair-case they have also found room to place all the muses , the arts of painting and sculpture , captives , the four parts of the world with their several properties , all the kings actions , poesie , history , fame , and mercury . all these ornaments represent a festival solemniz'd by the deities of parnassus , who are met together to receive the king at his return from the war. 't is suppos'd that the painting is the work of genius's who appear in the air adorning the vault and all the rest of this magnificent place with festoons . his majesty is plac'd in the middle , to denote that the festival is kept for him : and the people of all nations who seem to pass into the galleries , being variously habited according to the fashion of their several countries , take a view of all these wonders , according to their respective characters in their passage to see that great prince whose reputation has charm'd ' em . all the pictures are by the hand of le brun , and the design of the stair-case by mansard . the great hall leads into the gallery which is 40 toises long , and 36 foot broad : here the history of the king is painted from the peace of the pyrenees to that of nimeghen , where all his majesties actions are represented under allegorical figures , by the hand of le brun. eight niches in the gallery contain the antique figures of apollo , venus of savona , diana of ephesus , venus of arles , bacchus , sleep , and two senatours . the three first were repair'd by girardin , who also fitted draperies of brass gilt after the manner of busts , to twelve heads of porphyry that represent the twelve caesars , and to four others of touchstone or jett , which are the heads of illustrious men. colbert took care not only of the building of this gallery , but of all its ornaments and furniture ; as vessels , boxes of orange-trees , cisterns , rows of stands for tapers , silver stands garnish'd with branches and candle-sticks of the same metal , vessels of porphyry plac'd above and under tables full of precious stones , which are multiplied by the glasses that surround the place . and he caus'd all those pieces of silver-work to be wrought and carv'd with inconceivable care and exactness . from this gallery , the way to the king's apartment , lies through the hall of mars , which is full of pictures , representing battles and sieges of towns under allegorical figures . the apartment contains a long row of pieces , and in the first place the throne , which is silver , and eight foot high . the seat and back are supported by children carrying baskets of flowers : and on the highest part of the seat which forms the back , stands apollo holding his lyre , and crown'd with laurel . on each side are justice and strength sitting , and below two silver stools with cushions : at the two angles are stands for tapers eight foot high ; and four branch'd candle-sticks supported by silver stands six foot high adorn the four corners of the room . the next chamber is that of mercury , then those of mars and diana , and the halls of venus and abundance . the last leads into the cabinet of knacks or little curiosities , so call●d because 't is full of 'em : 't is of an octangular figure , with niches in the angles ; the vault is fram'd dome-wise , and the light is in the middle . all the work in this cabinet is of sculpture , of which a great part is of brass gilt : 't is surrounded with glasses , and there are degrees in the niches before the glasses . the rest of the cabinet is full of brackets , which as well as the degrees in the niches are full of curiosities ; as agats of all sorts , and fram'd into a thousand different figures ; crystals of great value for the fashion in which they are cut ; little antique figures of brass , figures of gold cover'd with jewels , and a great number of curious works and precious stones of several figures . there is a very fine ship of gold ( for a device to cover the king's meat ) on the chimney , and a large and rich chest of drawers in the middle , full of an infinite number of ancient and modern medals . there is also a table eight foot and a half long , and two and a half broad ; the ground is of white marble , on which there is a map of france , compos'd of inlaid pieces of marble , according to the exactest and latest astronomical observations . each province is distinguish'd by a piece of marble of a peculiar colour , and cut exactly according to the irregular figure , which the frontiers of the provinces make by entering into one another . the names of the provinces are mark'd in capital letters of gold , and those of the principal towns in italick characters . the most contrary colours are plac'd next each other , to heighten their lustre : thus the isle of france is of a clear blue , champaigne of red porphyry , orleanois of opal , and beauce of a fueille-mort colour . but the curiousness of the workman appears particularly in the intersections which the earth makes with the sea , where all the capes and bays are observ'd with an unconceivable exactness ; and in the lakes and rivers that are preserv'd out of the ground of the table , notwithstanding the smallness of the lines which frequently exceed not the breadth of a thread near the beginning of the rivers , and their winding course . in the space of white marble that denotes the mediterranean , there is a mariner's compass of different pieces of marble curiously wrought ; and in the other space that stands for the ocean , there are two cartridges , in one of which is written carte de la france , with those words borrow'd from virgil , which make a kind of devise of which france is the body : has tibi exerit artes : the other cartridge contains the name of the person who gave this map to the king. the ocean is bounded on the north with the nearest parts of the coast of england . the border is compos'd of two fillets of blue marble ( one of which is accompany'd with a moulding or edging ) and one of black mark'd with the degrees of longitude and latitude by little oblong squares of white marble , preserv'd out of the ground of the table . above the king's apartment is that call'd the marble apartment , which is furnish'd with ornaments , and embellish'd with several columns all of precious marble . at the end of this is the cabinet of baths , where nothing appears but gold , marble , and very fine pictures , with all the ornaments and conveniencies suitable to such a place . the dauphin's apartment is on the left hand , opposite to the king 's , and compos'd of a like number of chambers , which are all lin'd and overcast with the same sorts of marble , but variously join'd and inlaid . the cabinet of knacks , or little curiosities , that belongs to this apartment , contains three rooms and a half-room , and the floor is inlaid . the painting of the cieling is by mignard ; and there is such a prodigious number of rarities in this place , that the astonish'd spectatour can hardly forbear concluding , that all the kingdoms of the east were drain'd to adorn it . the porch that fronts the middle of the little court , leads into the park ; and passing under vaulted galleries you come to the great terrass at the entry of the garden . and here it was that colbert display'd and even exhausted all the most pleasant and magnificent productions both of nature and art. the vast extent of this stately edifice comprehending the front and returning wing on that side alone which faces the garden , contains above three hundred toises , and more than four hundred and twenty large cross-barr'd windows , twenty outer buildings , with columns surmounted with figures , and over these , trophies intermixt with vessels plac'd along the balisters that surround the whole structure . the figures that adorn the side which faces the garden , are apollo and diana , the four seasons , and twelve months of the year ; along the gallery there are twelve figures of rivers , and nymphs of fountains ; the nymph echo , narcissus , thetis , and galataea , with hebe and ganymede in two niches : on the front of the king 's great apartment , on that side where the grotto was formerly , which faces the northern parterre , are pomona , vertumnus , one of the nymphs hesperides , the nymph amalthaea , thalia , momus , terpsichore , pan , flora , zephyrus , hyacinthus , clitia , and ( in two niches ) musick and dancing . these figures are on the wing that belongs to the dauphin : and that call'd the prince's wing is adorn'd with deities and the virtues , which are very numerous by reason of the length of that wing , over-against which there is another built since the death of colbert . the first piece that salutes those who descend from the terrass , is the vase of latona , in the midst of which that goddess is represented with her children apollo and diana : the peasants metamorphos'd into frogs are to be seen in several parts of the vase , and the borders of it are adorn'd with several figures of those animals . in the northern parterre before the terrass are two vases with tritons and syrens supporting rich crowns , and spouting water ; and at the end of it there is a long alley that leads to the canal , fenc'd on both sides with hedge-rows , along which there are several figures representing the four seasons , four parts of the world , four ages , four kinds of poesie , four parts of day and night , and the four elements . all these figures were design'd by le brun , and made after his models . there is another alley , call'd the water , or cascade-alley ; in the middle of which there is another form'd by two ranks of complicated figures , representing cupids , young boys and girls , little tritons , and terms , which are half-body'd figures , without arms : some of these carry on their heads great shells , in form of basons , fill'd with coral . and various kinds of shells ; and others bear baskets full of flowers , and several sorts of fruit. the water that flows out of these baskets and basons in form of a nape or table-cloath , gave this walk the name by which 't is usually known . at the end of this alley , you enter into that of the pyramide ; the fountain ( so call'd ) is compos'd of four basons of white marble , one above another , and decreasing gradually , according to their height . the first contains twelve feet in diameter , and a top or cover of one piece of marble , being supported by four tritons greater than the life ; and the rest differ only in the bigness of the figures and vessels . the whole work is of white marble , saving only the pedestals , which are of coloured marble : the figures and ornaments are of brass ; and altogether make a water-work resembling a table-cloth , thro' which the figures appear . the water is receiv'd below in a great square bason , adorn'd with a basso-relievo of eight or ten nymphs bathing themselves , who may be seen thro' the water that covers 'em in the form of a table-cloth : and besides , there are other basso-relievo's , representing rivers , nymphs , and children , all as big as the life , and made by girardon . on both sides of the great alley there are groves , enclosed with lattice-work , which are distinguish'd by peculiar names . the first that appears on the right-hand is the triumphal-arch , so call'd from the representation of one at the bottom : it contains three portico's , with seven basons above 'em , out of which arise as many water-spouts that fall back into the same basons , and from thence into several others on both sides , forming divers napes , or figures of a table-cloth : and in the midst of the portico's three water-spouts arise out of high basons , and make the same sort of water-works . you ascend to the portico's by several steps , which are also full of water-spouts that fall into a great bason below . on both sides of the triumphal-arch there are two obelisks between as many scabelons or pedestals fram●d like stools , on which there are basons that spout forth water . returning from thence , you meet with two high pyramids , consisting of several steps or degrees , and throwing up water in a square figure , which is divided into several spouts . on both sides of these pyramids are two other pedestals or stools , with basons and water-spouts : and besides , there are two obelisks , one on each side , between two scabelons , with ornaments , basons , and water-spouts , like the first . the fourth front which faces the triumphal-arch is beautifi'd with a great number of ornaments , tho' part of it is taken up with the entrance into that place : for on both sides there are pedestals , with basons , cascades , and figures representing the triumphs of france ; and the part that remains empty is fill'd with water , which mounting up into those void spaces , makes 'em appear like so many works of crystal , enrich'd with many ornaments , where gold is not spar'd . the whole was design'd by le nostre , intendant of the garden of the tuilleries . in your passage from the triumphal-arch to the theatre of water , you meet , in the first place , with the fountain of the dragon , in the midst of which there is a dragon of brass , that spouts water from several parts of his body ; and then with the bason of neptune , in which the figure of that deity is plac'd , with all its attributes or properties . the theatre of water derives its name from the various figures represented by the water-spouts , of which 't is full . first you perceive three alleys of water , in form of a goose-paw , border'd with a trellis ; they are on a rising ground , and higher than the part where you stand to view ' em . the middle alley is divided on each side from the other two , by a hollow place enclos'd , and surrounded with a trellis ; and before these enclosures , there are two basons containing other smaller and higher basons , disposed in such a manner , that the water-spouts which rise up from 'em , fall down again , and filling all the basons , makes napes of water all around . there are like works beyond the other two alleys , so that each alley has some of 'em on both sides . the middle alley is higher than the rest , containing cascades that make fourteen or fifteen napes of water one above another : and both the cascades and water-works are form'd by a great number of water-spouts , which running in five rows along the whole alley , divide it into six little alleys . at the end of it is a large bason , which takes up the whole front of the cascades , and receives their water ; and below that another bason fill'd by six great water-spouts . the other two alleys have each two rows of water-spouts , which divide 'em into three parts , or small alleys . they are in a bason which is continu'd from one end of the alleys to the other : and since their situation is sloping , by stopping the course of the water in several places , there are water-works in form of a table-cloth , and cascades form'd along the alleys that accompany those of the middle alley . between the trellises and the water-spouts of all the three alleys , there are six rows of small trees , variously cut , and representing several figures : and since the design of the contrivers was to imitate the embellishments of theatres ; these water-spouts undergo five several changes ; for they mount up streight at first , afterwards they bend into crooked figures , and form arbors on the in-side , and then behind , and at last they form circles before , which changing on a sudden , appear behind . the marsh of water is an oblong square , eight toises broad , and twelve long : in the middle there is a great oak-tree , encompass'd with the representations of all the usual productions of fenny-grounds ; and the banks are full of reeds , among which there are swans in the corners . all the branches of the oak , the herbs that surround it , with the reeds and swans casting forth water together , give the spectator the pleasure of seeing a million of water-spouts at the same time , some higher , and others lower , which form as it were a field of water , and washing the plants , make their greenness appear more natural . about the midst of the two wings of the marish , in two hollow places , there are two marble tables rais'd on some steps , and adorn'd with all the furniture of a cupboard : but since the greatest part of these ornaments have only circles , or other pieces gilt , the use of 'em does not appear , 'till the water begins to play . the situation of this grove is low , and the rising grounds that surround it are adorn'd with vessels of porcelain , on several sorts of pedestals before the trellises , which make a very fine and pleasant sight . in the same part of the garden there are two basons which are not enclos'd ; one is call'd the fountain of ceres , and the other has its name from flora. these basons , with those of bacchus and saturn , which are on the other side , are call'd the fountains of the four seasons . ceres with her sickle appears in the midst of a hexagonal bason , surrounded with ears of corn gilt . flora is in a leaning posture , environ'd with eight large water-spouts , and several other small ones , in form of a heron's tuft . the grove of the mountain of water , or of the star , takes its name from the five walks that represent a star , meeting near the principal fountain . the water-spouts that issue out of the rock on both sides of the alleys , fall into a little ditch in form of a shower , in the midst of which is the principal fountain surrounded with a trellis , adorn'd with architecture and pilasters : and about it there are hollow parts , enclos'd after the manner of portico's , and containing barriers that keep the same figure . the top of the trellises is adorn'd with vessels of several figures , full of flowers and green herbs . the water-spouts of the chief bason are unequal , and form a kind of mountain of water , from the top of which issues a large water-spout . at the two ends of the grove of apollo's baths , there are two square pavilions , equally rich and handsom , invented by mansard , each of 'em containing eight pannels , between fourteen and fifteen foot broad , and twenty foot high . they are of white marble , each being adorn'd with eight columns of colour'd marble , and pilasters cut out of the white marble . the ascents of the little pannels or pieces in the corners are full of trophies of brass , representing the arms us'd by several nations : and there are also like trophies on the out-side , between the pilasters . the domes are enrich'd with several metallic ornaments , and end in a vessel . over-against the entry of the grove , in the midst of the two sides , are the fine marble figures , made by girardon , representing the sun with thetis , and her nymphs washing his feet , pouring water upon him , and wiping him : and in the hollow parts of the sides , there are complicated figures of tritons holding apollo's horses . this grove is surrounded with a terrass , adorn'd with balisters of brass gilt : and the arms us'd in battle by all the nations of europe are represented in eighty two basso-relievo's about the terrass . in the middle of the spot of ground environ'd by the terrass , there is an octangular bason , surrounded with balisters of brass gilt , of a different design from those of the terrass : and every one of the pedestals that are scatter'd up and down in this place , spouts out water , which makes a little ditch about the balisters , from whence the water spreading it's self , forms a nape . there are also four large pedestals adorn'd with marble figures : on the first is the break of day , represented by a young man holding a flambeau , with clouds at his feet , an owl flying away , and zephyrus blowing . the morning is on the second , strewing flowers , and alighting from her chariot : on the third arion is represented , invoking the gods , and mounted on a dolphin : and on the fourth leucothoe , receiving offerings from the mariners . in the midst of a grove , adorn'd with trellis-work , there is a large bason , containing enceladus almost buried under the rocks he had pil'd up to scale heaven . that which appears of him is four times bigger than the life : he casts out of his mouth a water-spout twenty four foot high , and bigger than a man's arm ; and an infinite number of smaller streams gush forth among the stones that over-whelm him . besides these , several large water-spouts arise out of twelve heaps of stones that lie at some distance from the giant , surrounding the bason and arbors of trellis-work : and on a sloping grass-plot , there are divers little basons of pieces of rocks , in each of which there is a water-spout . the hall of feasts , or of the council , is more long than broad ; it has a grass-plot in the middle , surrounded with gravel-walks , at the four corners of which are round basons , jutting out over a ditch full of water that environs this place . the figure of the borders of the ditch is odd but pleasant ; for it comprehends in its circumference above thirty angles , stretching outwards , and as many bending inwards . over-against the midst of each side , there is a bason without the ditch , so that the hall seems encompass'd with basons , comprehending also those in the corners : and besides the water-spouts in the basons , the ditch is full of ' em . every spout both in the ditch and basons , proceeds from a combination of gilt figures of children in various postures . the draw-bridges by which you enter into the hall , are remov'd , and drawn under-ground by a sort of spring , so that you may be imprison'd in it . between this grove and the colomnade , you meet on the out-side with the fountains of saturn and bacchus , opposite to those of ceres and flora. saturn is in a round bason , accompany'd with several children , carrying the old man's properties , which cast forth many water-spouts . he holds a stone presented to him by his wife , who makes him believe she was brought to bed of it : this bason represents winter . that of bacchus , which denotes autumn , is of an octangular figure , where that deity appears , accompany'd with several satyrs , and surrounded with all his attributes ; and all together cast forth several water-spouts . besides , there are four other satyrs at an equal distance from him ; and every one of 'em spouts out water . the colomnade ( or range of pillars ) is in the place where the springs were formerly , on an ascent which at present makes a part of that grove . the enclosure is an exact square , twenty one toises and a half in diameter , environ'd with thirty two columns of several kinds of marble , of the ionic order , twenty inches about , and fourteen foot high , comprehending the attic bases , and the quadrangular chapiters of white marble . these columns are accompany'd with their pilasters , which stand by themselves , about two diameters and a half distant from the columns behind , they are both crown'd with entablatures , which are only cornices architrav'd , turning on each pillar , and leaning in form of a plat-band on the pilasters . the columns and pilasters are both plac'd on marble socles , somewhat higher than they are broad ; and the first are join'd together by arches , adorn'd with their archivoltes , with heads in their keys , representing the rural and marine deities , as the nymphs , naiads , dryads , hamadryads , sylvans , &c. the whole is crown'd with a corinthian cornice , which turning into it-self , makes a perfect circle . above the cornice is a socle adorn'd with gates in bas-relief ; and the socle turning round above each column , bears a vessel of white marble , carv'd , and ending in a pine-apple . the triangular tympans between the arches are adorn'd with thirty two bas-reliefs of children , among whom the sports and loves are represented . the whole machine is plac'd in a round bason or ditch that runs quite round , and receives the water that falls in form of a table-cloth from thirty one water-spouts , in a like number of basons of white marble , each plac'd on a foot adorn'd with three corbels . the entrance takes up the place of the thirty second bason , which stands before it in a nich of trellis-work , at the meeting of the two walks that lead to the place . the area in the middle is gravell'd , and shut up with five steps distant about thirteen or fourteen foot from the side of the ditch ; and that interval forms another gravell'd walk . the whole structure is built of solid white marble without incrustation ; the wood that surrounds it , and the trellis-work which adorn the twigs of the trees , make an excellent ground for the more distinct view of the architecture ; and this piece which was only design'd for magnificence , is no less admir'd for the neatness of the work , than for the richness of the matter . the water-gallery is full of antick statues , that form its wings , at the side of which there are two rows of trees , so cut as not to obscure or hide the figures . the statues at the two ends are not at all bigger than the life ; and the trees are succeeded by two rows of water-spouts . at each end of the gallery there is a great broad bason , into which the water falls back ; and the ends jut out at the middle . one of the basons contains three large water-spouts , and in the other a small high-rais'd bason , that forms a water-work in form of a table-cloth . the royal island is a large canal , in the midst of which there is an island eight foot deep , and one hundred and sixty foot long ; and there is another less canal at the end of this . in the place call'd the branch'd candlestick , the figure of the water-works is exactly suitable to the name . the hall of balls is hexagonal ; four advanc'd stairs of four steps each , open a passage to it , and 't is surrounded with a double ditch full of water of the same figure . the banks of the ditches are cover'd with shells , and there are several vessels of porcelain round the third enclosure that encompasses the hall. over-against the four perrons , or advanc'd stairs , there are two cascades , and as many entries : there are also six benches for seats , and this place is cover'd with a trellis . each of the cascades consists of seventeen rows of basons of shell-work , rais'd with seven basons one above another ; but five of the rows are compos'd of nine basons . the tops of those that have no water-spouts , are adorn'd with vessels of metal , four of which represent the bacchanalia on sea and land : these representations are very suitable to the design'd use of the place ; for the dancing-figures have so natural an air , that 't is impossible to look on 'em without feeling some motions of joy. under each cascade there are large taper-candlesticks for the conveniency of illuminations in the evening , for the glittering of the water contributes very much to please the eye of the spectatour . the sides of the two entries are adorn'd with hatch'd-work , and on the top with vessels . the last , and one of the greatest of these groves or little woods , is the labyrinth : it contains thirty eight fountains , contriv'd to represent a like number of aesop's fables , and embellish'd with many water-spouts . every fountain has a bason , in which its proper fable is represented by metallic figures in relief , with characters declaring the subject . the ornaments which resemble those of one of the arches enclos'd in the hedge-rows , are half-cover'd and environ'd with leaves and reeds spouting water . the greatest part of 'em are of tin or some other convenient matter , as well as the branches thro' which the water passes ; and painted green with so natural a verdure , that they seem to be re-really what they represent , till the spurting of the water undeceives the spectatour . the name of this place is a sufficient indication that 't is full of windings , and variously intermingl'd walks , which are so intricate , that those who are engag'd in 'em cannot without some difficulty avoid returning to the same parts they had already visited . the orange-house is one of the finest ornaments of versailles : it was design'd by mansard , and is so large and bold a structure , that the world cannot produce a more finish'd work of that kind . on the left hand 't is expos'd to the south , and supports the earth that encloses a large parterre , which fronts the lateral face of the castle , and that of the great isle or wing . this building consists of a large gallery 80. toises long , accompany'd by two others turning inwards of 60. toises each : the breadth of these galleries on the north-side of the wall amounts to 38. feet , and their height to the scutheon or key , to seven toises . the vault is divided into as many parts as there are cross-works by branches ogiv'd or semi-circular arches , supported by little buttresses that jut out the length of a foot : and the lateral galleries communicate with that at the end or bottom of the building , by two round towers or segments of a circle jutting outwards , and of equal breadth within to that of the galleries . on the side next the great isle , the body of the wall at the inward angle is adorn'd with two large niches ; and in the same place , at the other end , there are two arches with advanc'd stairs that lead into a hall or round porch , which is the principal entry into the orange-house from the park . besides those niches there is one in the middle of the main gallery over-against the great door ; it contains a statue of the king on foot of white marble , which was presented to his majesty by the late duke de la feüillade , who had caus'd it to be made with a design to erect it in the place of victories , in the room of that which is there at present . these niches are large enough to contain complicated figures of colosses , such as those of the baths of thetis and caracalla , where the statues of hercules and flora stood . the largest gallery receives light thro' thirteen windows taken out of the arches : the inside is not adorn'd either with architecture or sculpture , as the rules of that kind of building require : its main beauty consisting in the artificial contrivance of the vault . the outward decoration consists only of bossages of the heighth of one module , or half the diameter of the columns which are of the tuscan order , containing four feet and two inches in diameter , and their thickness being the seventh part of their heighth . there are but two outward or front-buildings , of which that in the middle consists of eight columns coupl'd together , and the other two of four columns each : and there are also two columns at the royal door of the hall or entry ; being of the same order , but of a less diameter . these columns are crown'd with a regular entablature , and the front-buildings on the sides are contiguous to that part of the level of the terrass which leans on the vaults ; so that by two large pair of stairs , each ten toises broad , you may descend to the lower part of the orange-house . the steps are interrupted by two landing-places ; and there are low or creeping arches under 'em to give light to the vault . all this great theatre encloses a parterre of compartments of turf adorn'd with a bason in the middle : the fore-part of the parterre is rail'd in with balisters on a sloping wall , that makes one of the sides of a little ditch or canal full of water ; the counterscarp is much lower than the wall , so that those who pass by on the high-way have a full and very pleasant view of the building . the principal entries are equal in breadth to the edges , and adorn'd with two great jaums of a wall , each of which is beautify'd with two distinct tuscan columns coupl'd together , and crown'd as well as the columns with a regular entablature . the north part of the jaums is cover'd above with bossages like to those of the orange-house , and under the columns is a socle of a medley of figures between the jaums , and from the hinder part of 'em to the foot of the stairs . the space between the stairs and the principal gates is inclos'd with an iron grate , so that you may go up to the parterre above , without entering into the orange-house . these grates are kept firm by stone pillars on which are plac'd vessels full of flowers and fruits : the gates are crown'd with rich iron-work in two divisions , with the king's arms ; and all the ornaments of the locks are gilded . the parterre is divided into six large squares with compartments of turf , separated by gravel of the same heighth with the walks : and in the midst of the squares , next the middle gallery , there is a round bason or fountain border'd with turf . in the cross-walk that separates these four pannels or squares from the other two , there is a great complication of figures of white marble on a pedestal , where fame is represented writing the history of the king. in her left hand she holds his majesty's picture in profile , in an oval medal , which she places on a book denoting history : she is represented by a great wing'd figure , magnificently apparell'd , and seated on trophies : she tramples on envy , who tears a heart , and with her left hand pulls fame by the gown , to hinder her from writing . among the trophies there are medals with the portraictures of the greatest princes , such as alexander , caesar , and trajan . this mass of figures stands by it self , and is bounded on all sides , making a very fine and glorious sight : it was made at rome by dominico guidi , of the dutchy of urbin , one of the most famous sculptors in italy , and disciple of alexander algondy , who was one of the best artists of his age. in this parterre the orange-trees are plac'd , when the season of the year permits . the kitchin-garden is without the limits of the park that includes the orange-house , being situated on the side next the great wing of the castle and parallel to the mall , from which 't is separated by a large bason of water : 't is a quadrangular enclosure a hundred and fifty seven toises long , and a hundred and thirty four broad , divided into thirty one little gardens separated from each other , and enclos'd with walls ; which communicating together encompass a large garden , containing 100. toises in length , and 84. in breadth , with a round fountain or bason of water in the middle , of 20. toises border'd with turf . the king enters into this place by a gate , called the royal gate in the walk parallel to the mall . the body of the edifice almost to the corner of the wall of the enclosure , consists of two sides or distinct structures , join'd together by two galleries one above another , call'd the figuerie , which is 25. toises long , and the garden usually known by the name of meloniere , or melon-garden , is also very large . all those gardens are appointed for fruit-trees , and so artificially dispos'd , that each row of trees enjoys the warmth of the sun agreebly to their peculiar natures , some more and others less , some at one time of the day , and some at another . every garden has also the conveniency of a fountain to furnish it with water , and of a terrass , under which are vaulted arbours that serve for fruit-houses in winter . the pond that separates the kitchin-garden from the mall , was dug by switzers , from whom it took the name that still it bears : 't is very large and ought rather to be call'd a lake or great pond , than a fountain or bason of water . colbert did not content himself with embellishing this garden with all the curiosities that europe could furnish ; he took care also to replenish the menagerie or vivarium with the rarest animals that were to be found in the four parts of the world. the great canal leads to that rural house on one side , and to trianon on the other : and tho' the former is design'd only as a lodge for animals , as its name imports , it has the stately aspect of a magnificent palace , and presents a lovely prospect of four pavilions and a dome to the eyes of the beholder . the passage to it lies thro' a large avenue or walk of trees , and in the first place brings you to a court enclos'd with iron-rails , from whence you enter into another , at the opposite end of which there is an octangular dome , that forms a hall of the same figure , whither you ascend by a few steps to an entry that leads into the hall that is surrounded with several chambers . beneath these there is a grotto with a wheeling water-spout in the middle that besprinkles the whole grotto ; and the floor is full of little holes , from whence there arises a shower of water . the hall is environ'd with an octogonal court , surrounded with iron rails , in which you meet with seven iron doors at a convenient distance from each other , that open into a like number of courts , some of which are appointed for stables , some for sheep-houses , and others contain stalls for several sorts of animals . in one of these courts there is a very fine bird-house , for those birds that must be kept in cages or coops ; and a fish-pond in another for the use of pelicans , and several other sorts of fowl that feed on fishes . on the right hand in places enclos'd with rails , such animals are kept that they may be safely suffer'd to range about ; for they may easily pass between the rails : here are to be seen in different lodges , ermins , civet-cats , castors , muscovia-cats and rats , and barbary cats . the left side of the same court is appointed for wild and voracious animals , such as lyons , tygres , leopards , lynxes , bears , and wolves . such beasts as are made use of for labour are lodg'd in another court , and next to that are mews for all sorts of fowls . trianon is seated on the other side of the canal . before that fine and pleasant house there is a hollow or bottom resembling a half-oval , with a door on each side , and one at the end , opposite to the entry , which leads into the principal court , as those on each side do into two other separate courts , that reach along the oval . at the end of these two courts , following the oval , you meet with two doors that open into the court , at the opposite end of which is the principal apartment consisting only of one story , and adorn'd on the outside with so vast number of vessels of several figures representing porcelane , that nothing else appears to the eye . the inside also is painted in imitation of porcelane ; the walls are all cover'd with looking-glasses , and the furniture is equally rich and genteel . the sides of this building are border'd with two square pavilions , built and adorn'd after the same fashion ▪ and there are two other pavilions lower down , which terminate the fore-part of the structure . this place was design'd for a magazine of all sorts of flowers , which are preserv'd here both in winter and summer . all the basons either are , or appear to be of porcelain , and water-spouts arise out of the urns. the flowers and shrubs are kept in pots of procelain , or in boxes that resemble it ; and there are long walks of orange-trees planted in the ground , with hedge-rows of jasmins and myrtles under a gallery of timber that remains open during the summer , but in winter is cover'd with dung , to preserve the trees from the cold. but colbert thought there were still some finishing strokes wanting to compleat the beauty of versailles . there was no other water but what was pump'd out of a pond , and from thence distributed by canals , to the places that requir'd its moisture ; nor was it free from the usual defects of stagnating water , stench , and muddiness . the consideration of these inconveniences made colbert undertake to bring water from the river eure to versailles , by an aqueduct , which reaches from the hill of picardon to the cisterns or reservers of water . five large basons contain both the water of that river , and that which supplies the machine of marly : four of 'em are oblong squares , eighty five toises loing , and fifty four broad , with pannels of eighteen toises at the outward angles ; and in the midst of these , there is a little bason of ten toises in diameter , call'd the receptacle of water , because it receives all the water , and distributes it to the great basons at the corners , which are hollow'd and fram'd into arches of a circle . these five basons are separated by walks of eighteen foot in breadth , and surrounded with another of eight toises , which reaches from the outward brink of the basons to the glacis of the earth that is enclos'd with a wall. the great basons are eighteen foot deep , and fill'd with water to the height of twelve feet ; so that each of 'em contains 8000 cubical toises of water , or 224000 muids , amounting in all the four to 896000 muids or hogsheads of water . to retain the water , there is a lay of clay eighteen inches thick , both at the bottom , and round the edges of the basons or reservers , supported by a wall four foot broad above , and five below , founded on a woodden grate laid over the clay with platforms ; 't is call'd the wall of douvre , and the talus or sloping is on the inside , by which it loses a foot of its breadth . the aqueduct is 500 toises long , and its greatest height amounts to fourteen or fifteen . the basis or ground-work extends to fourteen feet , which are reduc'd to six on the top ; and of that number the canal takes up three , in which breadth it contains 648 inches of water . the river eure is brought to versailles from pontgoin , seven leagues from chartres ; the canal between pontgoin and berchere la margot , containing 20000 toises . this canal is brought along the surface of the earth according to its level , and fifteen foot downwards : its height rises or falls , according to the situation of the ground ; and the talus or slopeness of the banks is double of the depth . in the bottom or valley of berchere , where the aqueduct of mason's-work begins , there is a bank or aqueduct of earth erected , which accompanies that of stone-work for the space of 3607 toises . the canal of this earthen aqueduct is fifteen foot broad at the bottom , and six , seven , or eight foot broad at the top , the talus being double the height . the sides or banks are supported by a causey nine foot broad , with a talus double the height , to keep the earth from falling . in the valley of berchere , the height of the earthen bank amounts to 100 feet , in other parts to 70 , 50 , 40 , and 20 feet ; and towards maintenon , where 't is joyn'd to the stone-aqueduct , its height rises to 79 feet . the stone aqueduct is 2960 toises long , consisting of 242 arches : the breadth of the arches amounts to forty feet ; their piles are forty eight foot long , and twenty four broad , with buttresses reaching eleven feet in breadth , and six in projecture , or out-bearing . in the deepest part there are three arches one over another , like those at pont du guard in languedoc . towards berchere there are thirty three single arches , seventy one double , forty six treble ; then seventy two double , and in the last place twenty single , which rejoin the earthen aqueduct coming from towards versailles , at the height of sixty five feet , which is gradually diminish'd for the space of 6055 toises , till it be reduc'd even with the terrasses , and from thence to versailles 't is brought along the surface of the ground , as between pontgoin and berchere , for the space of 25000 toises , unless in some parts where there is a stone aqueduct hollow'd in the ground . the greatest height of the aqueduct in the valley of maintenon , thro' which the rivers of eure and gaillardon pass , and where the treble arches are , amounts to 216 feet and six inches , to the pavement of the upper wreaths or edges , without reckoning the foundations , which are fifteen or sixteen foot deep , or the parapet of three foot and six inches . the height of the first or lower arches to the top of the concavity of the vault , amounts to seventy six feet , and to the pavement of the second arches eighty one foot and six inches . the second arches are seventy foot high to the top of the concavity , and eighty five to the pavement of the third , which are thirty foot and three inches high to the concavity of their vault , and nine foot nine inches more to the upper wreaths , on which there are parapets of three feet and six inches . the canal is seven foot broad at the bottom , and widens by degrees till the breadth is encreas'd to seven feet and seven inches at the height of four feet , where the sides begin to bow inwards , after the manner of a vault . on each side of the canal there is a corridore three foot , and a parapet seventeen inches broad : the piles of the arches are perpendicular above the ground on the inside , and both the sides . thro' the whole aqueduct every toise of work has an inch of talus or sloping ; but the buttresses have more above the first or lower arches ; for on each side , the reclination or narrowing amounts to about seven feet , and to almost six above the second arches . there is a door in the middle of each pile , both in the second and third arches , for the conveniency of passing along the aqueduct ; the doors in the second arches are four foot broad , and those in the third three foot six inches broad , and seven foot high . after the description of the castle of versailles , it will not be improper to subjoin a short account of the church that colbert caus'd to be new-built from top to bottom of hewn stone , in the ruë de paris , facing ruë daufine , which leads to the place or square of the same name . the portal , comprehending the two towers , is nineteen toises broad , embellish'd with four columns of the doric order in front ; over which are four other columns of the ionic order , crown'd with a fronton . the towers are adorn'd with the last-nam'd order , and the whole with sculpture ; the length of the church without the walls amounts to forty toises , and within , from the greater altar to the great door , to thirty . the nave is thirty two foot broad , and the cross is seventeen toises long . in the midst of the cross , there is a cupola vaulted with stone , six foot and a half high . the lantern contains twenty feet in diameter , and leans on the outside on a great square of stone-work eight toises broad . the height from the key of the vault on the inside , amounts to nine toises and a half ; and from the cope or cupola of the lantern to the pavement of the church , there are in all eighteen toises . the inside is adorn'd with the doric order ; and the great altar is enrich'd with forty corinthian columns of marble , containing two feet in diameter , and crown'd with their entablatures and frontons ; and besides , all the altars are garnish'd with pictures , by the best hands . at the side of the church colbert caus'd a great building to be erected , containing lodgings for the fathers of the mission who serve here . it runs parallel to the side of the church , reaching forty four toises in length , and is contiguous to the houses in the street . it encloses a low court , thirteen toises square , and the thickness of the building amounts to six toises and two feet . below it includes a great corridore , forty three toises in circumference , and twelve broad , with five great halls on the out-side . the refectory is at the foot of the great stair-case . the lowest and highest story have each a great corridore , and contain above sixty cells , and ten small apartments of two rooms . the whole building , including the places or rooms for the service of the house , contains above one hundred and fifty rooms , or distinct places . both the church , and the rest of the edifice were design'd by mansard . the machine to raise waters gave colbert occasion to embellish marly , whither the king frequently retires from the hurry of affairs , attended only by those who are capable of diverting him , and by his necessary servants . 't is seated in the park of versailles , and enclos'd with another distinct park on the road that leads to st. germain : at the end of the bottom where it stands , there is a view open'd to the castle of st. germain , and the places about it , which makes one of the loveliest prospects imaginable . the most considerable charge of this building was occasion'd by the draining and filling up of the fenny-grounds to clear a space for the garden , and to make so extraordinary a ground-plot as that of the situation of this house ; for the disposition of its plan is wholly singular . passing along the road of st. germain , assoon as you come to marly , you enter into a round court of fifty toises , with courts of guard , coach-houses , and stables ; and from thence you perceive the castle at the end of a long avenue or walk , of one hundred and fifteen toises in length , and ten in breadth , enclos'd with walls on each side , to keep in the earth , and planted with trees . this walk brings you to the outward court. the castle is a distinct building , separated from twelve other pavilions , six on each side , as they also are from one another . the greatest of these pavilions is twenty one toises large in all its dimensions , being a large and distinct structure , with four equal faces : you ascend to it by round steps bow'd inwards on both sides . the lower story is magnificent , containing four entries , which lead into a great octangular hall , and separate four large apartments , call'd the four seasons . the hall is the chief room , consisting of eight pannels , four great , and as many small ; 't is eight toises broad , and adorn'd with chanell'd pilasters of the compound order , with their ornaments . the doors of the four entries are in the large pannels ; and in each of the small ones there is a statue of marble , plac'd on a jutting pedestal . the order is crown'd with its entablatures , fram'd after an unusual manner with corbels . above is an attic adorn'd with half-body'd statues of women , sustain'd by garlands of flowers , and with their hands supporting over their heads an entablature consisting of an architrav'd cornice . the hall receives the light thro' four windows in the attic , under which , on the compound cornice in the inside , are four balconies born by eagles . the vault that begins above the cornice of the attic consists of eight pannels , which meet , and are united at a great round moulding , cut by a rich wreath of flowers , that serves for a cornice , and a spherical vault . all the ornaments of the hall are of * stuc , curiously wrought ; and in the midst of the vault there hangs a prodigiously big branch'd-candlestick of rock-crystal , ten foot high , and six broad , adorn'd with several rows of branches , supported by a large double eagle of crystal , and surrounded with eight other less candlesticks , after the manner of a crown . the four entries are longer than broad , with relation to their depth , containing four toises in one dimension , and five and a half in the other , and are embellish'd with architecture , sculpture , and marble busts . in each entry there are two great tables of precious marble , and two large pictures by vander-meulen , eight foot long , and five foot high , representing the sieges carry'd on , and cities taken by his majesty . every one of these great apartments is compos'd of three rooms , an anti-chamber , chamber , and closet ; and the upper story to which you ascend by two stair-cases , consists of four halls , one in the middle of every face . they are sixteen foot broad , and serve for anti-chambers to eight of the twelve little apartments , which consist of two rooms each . the dome of the great hall is surrounded with an octangular terrass twelve foot broad , and little corridores of half that breadth . the external decoration consists in pictures in fresco , after the italian manner , being a great corinthian order of marble pilasters , having only the cornice in relievo , to crown the mass of the building . on each face a fronton crowns the front-building , without any apparent projecture , but what it borrows from the shadows of the painting . between the windows of the first story that are even with the ground , there are basso-relievo's , trophies , and devises : and the angles are adorn'd with cleft stones ; because if the cieling were angular , the projecture or jutting forth of the bases and chapiters would appear mutilated . the whole edifice is terminated with balisters , and has no apparent roof : all the sculptures , bases , chapiters , and balisters are of brass gilt ; and the architecture is of marble of several colours . the other twelve pavilions are adorn'd after the same manner ; and six of 'em are of the ionic order : each pavilion contains two apartments , one below , and another in the first story ; every one of 'em has six toises in front , and they are thirty two toises distant from each other . besides these thirteen pavilions , there are two on the right side of the castle that faces the paterre , in one of which is the chapel , embellish'd in the inside with pilasters of the corinthian order ; and in the other , even with the ground , is the guard-chamber , and above that the officers lodgings . to these pavilions they have since added two wings , which being joyn'd to two walls built in form of an arch of a circle , form an outward court , containing thirty five toises in diameter . at the foot of the descent from the avenue on the other side , and over-against these two pavilions , there are two others of the like structure , which make one half of the building , and comprehend the kitchens , and other offices or work-houses , being thirty toises in front , and inclosing a court for that use . these two pavilions are adorn'd on the out-side like those that are opposite to 'em , and hide all that building which is appointed for the service of the palace : they are joyn'd together by a wall painted by rousseau in perspective , which surprizes and charms the beholder . all these pavilions , both the twelve of equal bigness , and those last mentioned , communicate together by trellis'd arbours , fifteen foot broad , which form a half-moon behind the castle , and all the arches of a circle that compose 'em , end in pavilions of trellis-work . the garden is so intermix'd with the building , that the coaches never pass beyond the grate between the two pavilions on the other side of the descent . 't is to be observ'd , that the disposition of the garden is as new as unusual , consisting of several falls of terasses , supported by sloping turfs , with ever-green trees , such as firs , yews , &c. and you descend from one to another by stone steps of an extraordinary bigness , and various contrivance . the parterres are enclos'd with basons of divers figures , adorn'd with several water-spouts : the bason behind the castle is most considerable ; 't is in form of a half-moon , thirty eight toises broad , and its water-spout rises one hundred foot high . the basons of the parterre are in number seven ; the first you meet with before the great descent of steps , has three water-spouts , and contains twenty toises in one dimension , and forty in the other . the greatest containing five water-spouts , is one hundred toises long , and fifty broad ; and the last consisting of pannels below , is seventy toises long , and thirty two broad , adorn'd with three water-spouts . the other four are round , of which two at the foot of the castle are smaller , each of 'em containing ten toises in diameter ; but the diameter of those above contains sixteen toises . both the terrasses and pavilions run sloping , tho' they are all plac'd level as well as the basons : and 't is impossible to behold at a distance without an agreeable surprize , that unusual scene of buildings , terrasses , and basons , variously intermixt , without confusion , like curious works appearing distinctly on an advantageous ground . the park of this house is enclos'd with a wall , and divided by cross-walks , some eight , and others six toises broad , where you have sometimes the prospect of the castle , and sometimes of the iron grates before its entry : and that none of the advantages of the situation might be lost , there are groves of divers figures contriv'd in the wood. the park-pale encloses several large ponds , among which there are three that have twelve foot of water ; the greatest is in the middle , and its superficial extent amounts to 18000. toises of water , whereas the other two together make but 2000 : and besides there are two other larger ponds , of a regular figure . the surface of the water in the first pond is higher than that of the last bason of the parterre by thirty three toises : and besides the cross-ways for coaches , there are walks along the walls of the enclosure , which open a passage thro' all the parts of the garden . the conveniency colbert had to make advantageous bargains with the work-men that were employ'd in building the royal houses , because they were oblig'd to address themselves to him for payment , gave him an opportunity to make his house of sceaux a magnificent palace . i will not trouble the reader with a particular description of all its beauties , but content my self with mentioning the finest parts of the garden . after you have pass'd thro' several lovely walks fenc'd with hedge-rows , you come to the pavilion of the morning , so call'd , either because the earliest glimmerings of the light are discover'd there sooner than in any other part , and that the morning seems only to break forth with a design to shine upon so beautiful a place , or because that goddess is painted there by the hand of le brun. this pavilion has twelve openings , reckoning that of the door ; and , since 't is somewhat rais'd , there are two stair-cases opposite to one another , by which you ascend to it . going from thence to the hall of chesnut-trees , you meet with a fine pond or canal , at the side of the castle : there are five lovely fountains in the hall , four towards the corners , and one in the middle ; and somewhat lower there is a little wood , made after the fashion of a labyrinth , and full of water . then you come to the water-walk , which is adorn'd on both sides with busts , plac'd on small pedestals like stools , and water-spouts mounting as high as the trellis . each water-spout appears between two busts , and every bust between two water-spouts . on each side of the walk there is a little ditch or furrow , to receive the water that falls from so great a number of spouts ; and at each of the four corners there is a great shell for the same use . behind the busts and water-spouts there is a green wall form'd by large trellisses ; and , leaving this beautiful place , you enter into the pavilion of the four winds , where you have a charming prospect . from thence you pass to the canal , and descending somewhat lower , you meet with a piece of water , containing about six acres , which fronts a cascade at the other end of the garden . 't is on the brow of a hillock , forming three water-walks , and adorn'd with several vessels of brass between the basons , out of which the water-spouts arise . it may be justly said to be altogether natural , for 't is fill'd with running water . colbert did not only design to make this place a house of pleasure ; for he annex'd a great revene to it , by transporting thither the oxe-market that was formerly kept at long-jumeau , to the prejudice of trade , which was diminish'd by that alteration . the desire that minister had to display in all parts , the grandeur and magnificence of his master , made him also form several designs , to encrease the beauty and conveniency of the capital city . he began the cours on ramparts with four rows of trees , reaching from the gate of s. honoré to that of s. anthony : and on the other side of the river 't was thought sufficient to make the descent of the hill somewhat easier between the gates of s. marcel and s. victor . he order'd the old gates of s. denis and s. martin to be beaten down ; and , instead of these , triumphal arches to be erected in memory of his majesty's conquest of the greatest part of the united provinces , in 1672. he built the key call'd pelletier's , or the new-key , with a parapet , from our lady's gate , to the greve or place of execution , which it encompasses on the side next the seine : and he caus'd the key to be lin'd with stone , from the first wicket of the louvre , near the watering-place for horses to the end of the old cours . the streets were also enlarg'd by his orders , which gave occasion to the president de fourcy to make two new ones , during the time of his provostship or mayoralty ; one of 'em reaching from s. anthony's street to the bridge that leads to our lady's island , and the other continuing the street des provaires to pont-neuf . the publick is oblig'd to the same minister for the establishment of the academy for painting and sculpture , in 1664. the king's painters and sculptors , with some others of the most skilful professours of those arts , being prosecuted at law by the master-painters of paris , join'd together , and began to form a society , under the name of the royal academy for sculpture and painting . their design was to keep publick exercises to improve those ingenious arts , and to advance 'em to the highest degree of perfection . they put themselves under the protection of cardinal mazarin , and chose chancellour seguier for their vice-protectour : after which they presented a petition to the king , containing an account of all the prosecutions that were set on foot against 'em , to the great prejudice of the art of painting and sculpture , which their enemies design'd to deprive of that noble liberty which is so natural to it , and to make it subject to the laws of a mechanical and servile trade . this petition was favourably receiv'd , and by an order of council , bearing date the 20th of january , 1648. all persons were prohibited to disturb or molest the academy in its exercises . the society was , in its infancy , compos'd of twenty five members ; twelve officers call'd elders , who were oblig'd to attend monthly , and give publick lessons ; eleven academicians , and two syndics . the twelve elders were le brun , erard , bourdon , de la hyre , sarrazin , corneille , perrier , de beaubrun , le sueur , juste d' egtimont , vanostad , and guillemin : the eleven academicians were du garnier , vanmol , ferdinand , boulogne , montpecher , hans , tertelin senior , gerard gosin , pinage , benard , and de seve senior ; and the two syndics , now call'd ushers , were bellot and l' eveque . not long after the promulgation of the order of council , 't was thought convenient to regulate the respective duties of the members of the academy , and of the students ; and in the february following , the society drew up thirteen articles of regulation , which were approv'd and ratify'd by letters-patents granted the same month. five or six years after 't was found by experience , that it was necessary for the advancement of the academy , to make some additions to the former statutes ; and twenty one new articles were presented to the king , and ratify'd by letters patents in january 1655. since that time his majesty perceiving with satifaction the progress made by the academy in the design of their institution , granted 'em new statutes much more ample than the first , supplying the omissions , and correcting the faults that were observ'd in the former regulation . and these three collections of statutes , with the several patents in confirmation of 'em , were register'd in the parliament , chamber of accounts , and court of aids , notwithstanding all the opposition of the master-painters . after cardinal mazarin's death , in 1663 , the academy begg'd the protection of chancellor seguier , and made colbert their vice-protector ; at whose solicitation they were finally establish'd by a patent , containing new privileges , in the year 1664. they were first lodg'd in the gallery of the royal college of the university ; but afterwards his majesty granted 'em more spacious lodgings near the tuilleries , and after that another more convenient place , in the gallery of the louvre . from thence they were remov'd to the palace brion , behind the palace royal ; and after that house was annex'd to the duke of chartres's lodgings , they were plac●d in the old louvre . there was also a fund settl'd by his majesty in the register of the royal buildings , to raise a considerable pension for the officers of the academy , and to defray the charges of models , and other necessary expences of that society . all suits and causes relating to their functions , works , and publick exercises , are to be examin'd by the council of state , and the academy it self being assembl'd , is declar'd judge of all differences that may arise about the arts of painting and sculpture . he that presides in the assemblies receives an oath of those that are deem'd capable of being admitted members of the academy : and the deliberations agreed on in these meetings , have the force of statutes . the academy alone is empower'd to lay down models , issue out advertisements , and give publick lessons concerning the arts of painting and sculpture , and what relates to , or depends upon ' em . and that none may be admitted to profess these arts by any other way or method , his majesty prohibited all persons whatsoever , to assume the title or quality of his painters , or sculptors , till they were receiv'd into the academy ; revoking and making void all grants or briefs that might have been obtain'd for that purpose : so that all those who were in that post were oblig'd to enter into that society , under pain of losing their places . besides , the academy may keep publick exercises in other places of the city , and erect academical schools in all the cities of the kingdom , by virtue of a patent , and order of regulation , granted by his majesty , in november 1676. the same monarch establish'd an academy at rome , where a model is kept , and pensions allow'd to young students , who travel thither to study these arts , after they have gain'd the prize in the academy ; and that society sends one of its rectors to preside there . those who are possest of the chief places and offices in the academy , to the number of forty , are exempted from all obligations whatsoever , to undertake the charge of guardians or curators , or to keep watch and ward , and have a right to the great committimus , or special privileges for that purpose . those who are brought up in those arts by any member of the academy , tho' they have not sufficient merit to be receiv'd into that society , are to be admitted to the office and dignity of a master in any place of the kingdom , by virtue of a certificate from the person by whom they were educated , seen and approv'd by the chancellor , and counter-sign'd by the secretary ; and that certificate has in all respects the force of a brief , or writ of apprenticeship . and the works of the members of the academy cannot be moulded or copied without their permission . the officers that compose this society are , first , a director , call'd by the first statutes the head , who may be chang'd or continu'd every year ; and the company may choose either one of their own members , or any other , whom they shall think fit to discharge that office : it was first possest by charmois , and in 1656 by ratabon , superintendant of the buildings . a chancellor , whose office is for life ; he approves all dispatches , and affixes the seal , which has on one side , the image of the protector , and on the other , the arms of the academy : this office was first executed by le brun , who not only as chancellor , but also as his majesty's chief painter , presided in all the assemblies , and receiv'd the oath . four rectors , also for life ; and two adjuncts , to supply the places of those that are absent : their office is to serve quarterly , and to meet at the academy with the professor , who is in waiting , to correct the students , judge of those who excel their fellows , and deserve some recompence , and to dispatch all other affairs . twelve professors , two of whom may be chang'd every year by lot ; and eight adjuncts : the professors are oblig'd to serve by turns monthly , and during the time of waiting , to give daily attendance at the academy , to correct the students , order the model and postures for designing , and to take care of other affairs . there is also a professor of geometry , and another of anatomy , who read lessons twice a week . a treasurer , who receives and distributes the king's pensions , and is entrusted with the principal care of the pictures , sculptures , furniture , and tools belonging to the academy . several counsellors , who are divided into two classes ; the first consisting of those who have already discharg'd the other offices , and the second of persons of merit , who for their love and knowledge of those arts , are receiv'd into the academy , under the title of counsellors , lovers of art ; but can never rise to any higher post , because their skill is confin'd to some part , and they do not profess the art in its full extent : all these counsellors have a deliberative voice in the meetings of the society . the secretary takes care of affairs , keeps the registers , and counter-signs dispatches . the academy may also have two ushers to serve them on all occasions , who are to enjoy the privileges of that society , if they be either painters or sculptors . the roman academy that has its name from st. luke , being inform'd of the erection of that of france , and of the merit of its members , was desirous to entertain a correspondence with 'em , both by way of friendship , and for the improvement of the arts they profess'd . and to engage the french to a complyance with her desires , she made the first step by choosing le brun for her head two years successively , tho' that dignity is never bestow'd on any person that lives out of rome . this advance gave the king occasion to grant letters of union of these two societies , in november 1676 , which were afterwards ratify'd by the parliament . the academy receives none into its body but those whose merit has rais'd 'em above the common excellencies of vulgar artists : those who profess the entire art , may aspire to the highest offices in that society ; but they who are only masters of some particular talents , and apply themselves wholly to pictures , landskips , flowers or fruits , tho' they may be admitted into the academy , can never rise above the degree of counsellors : and skilful engravers are also receiv'd on the same conditions . the order of their reception is thus : those who apply themselves to figures and history , are oblig'd to work a whole month after a model , in presence of the waiting-professor : after which there is a subject prescrib'd to 'em , describing the king 's heroical actions in allegorical figures . the piece being finished , is presented to the academy , who determine by plurality of voices , whether the design ought to be receiv'd : and if the candidate receive a favourable sentence , he is order'd to draw a picture of a certain bigness , and that being examin'd and approv'd by the majority of voices , he is sworn before the chancellor , and admitted into the academy . they who pretend only to some particular talent , present their works as the others , but are not oblig'd to draw from the life . colbert being made protector of the academy , after the death of chancellor seguier , thought fit that there should be a historiographer appointed , to collect all useful and curious observations that were made at the conferrences , and persuaded his majesty to create one , with a salary of 300 livres . this employment was bestow'd on guillet de st. georges , whom le brun presented to that minister ; and he has since acquir'd a great deal of honour by the works he has communicated to the publick ; and among others , by his ancient and modern athens , his dictionary of arts , and his history of sultan mahomet ii. he was receiv'd on the thirty first of january , 1682 , and made a very fine discourse in praise of the academy , and its protector . before i finish this account of the academy , it will not be improper to present the reader with a catalogue of the works of le brun , its first director . he painted the battle and triumph of constantine , the design of five pieces of tapestry , representing a like number of the most glorious actions of alexander , the battle of porus , the family of darius , the battle of arbella , the passage of the granicum , and that prince's triumph ; the angel's crucifix , the king on horse-back at large , a representation of the same monarch granting peace , the plat-fonds of vaux le vicomté , and of sceaux , the massacre of the innocents , the fall of the rebellious angels , st. stephen at nôtre-dame , the presentation of the virgin at the temple , christ in the garden of olivet , a crucifix , a magdalen , the descent of the cross , st. austin , st. anthony , the twelve apostles , the martyrdom of the jesuits in japan , christ in the desert serv'd by angels , the cupola of sceaux , st. teresa , st. charles , whose picture is in his chapel ; st. mary magdalen at the instant of her conversion , the brazen serpent at the house of the recollects of picpus , the pentecost at st. sulpicius's , and the sepulchre on the high altar . there are four of his pictures at the carmelites ; a presentation of the virgin at the capuchins church in st. james's suburbs , and the massacre of the innocents , in the possession of du mets , formerly treasurer of the money rais'd by the sale of offices . the president lambert's gallery , and that of apollo in the old louvre , were also painted by him . and there are some pieces begun by him at ramboüillet , in the guard-chamber of the palace-royal , at st. germans en laye , and at the house of the united farms , where chancellor seguier then liv'd . the learned world is also oblig'd to colbert for the erection of the academy of sciences , that meets twice every week in one of the halls of the king's library in the street viviene , and had made so many curious and useful discoveries . on wednesdays they treat of natural philosophy , and on saturdays of astronomy , and other parts of the mathematicks . they have invented a method to determine the longitude of places , which has been try'd in denmark by his majesty's order ; at cayene in america , and in several parts of the world , according to the directions of the astronomers . these observations were made , and are still carry'd on every year by picard , richer , and de la hyre , who are members of that body . and during the voyages that are undertaken on this occasion , cassini remains still in the observatory at paris , to make like observations at the same time with the travellers . they are all so just and exact , that the longitude may be certainly found out at any distance , without incurring an error of above one hundred toises , which bear no proportion to the greatness of the terraqueous globe . when the academy was founded , carcavy , intendant of the king's library , was made moderator of it , who was succeeded by the abbot de lanion , and he by thevenot . the present moderator is the abbot le tellier , who presides in that assembly , tho' he is very young . huguens , one of the astronomers , discover'd the ring of saturn , and one of that planet's satellites , and has oblig'd the publick with a treatise de horologio oscillatorio , which we call a pendulum : and it must be acknowledged , that 't is one of the most learned and ingenious pieces extant on that subject . blondel , camp-maréchal , and formerly teacher of mathematicks to the dauphin , has compos'd a course of architecture , with the solutions of the four principal problems of that science . cassini , who was esteem'd at bologna the chief astronomer of his age , has publish'd several treatises , and among the rest , one concerning the satellites of jupiter , with their ephemerides , the discovery of two satellites of saturn , different from that of huguens , a planisphere , and a discourse of the comet in 1680 , and 1681. picard wrote an account of his voyage to uraneburg , enrich'd with all the coelestial observations he made in the same place where tycho brahé contemplated the heavens . la hyre compos'd two treatises of conics , containing an explication of that hardest part of geometry , to which in 1679 , he added new elements of the conic sections , geometrical places , and the construction of aequations . roëmer invented two machines with wheels , the first representing in a moment the motion of the planets , and their aspects , for any year or day ; and the second shewing the day and hour in which eclipses either have happen'd , or shall happen . he left paris to return to the north , where he was born , the king of denmark being desirous to see him again . mariotte wrote three books concerning the organ of vision , a treatise of libellation , another of the collision of bodies , an essay of logic , a treatise of colours , and three small discourses or physical essays , of the vegetation of plants , the nature of the air , and of heat and cold. duclos is the author of two treatises , one of the mineral waters in france , and the other of salts . perrault translated vitruvius , and illustrated his author with learned annotations , and an explication of the terms of art ; besides which he publish'd three discourses , entituled , physical essays , of noise , of mechanics , of animals , and the circulation of the blood. dodard drew a scheme of plants . bailly apply'd himself with extraordinary success to the contriving of objective-glasses for telescopes , or large prospective-glasses ; and among the rest , he made one seventy foot long , which is at present to be seen in the parisian observatory . du verney labour'd to improve anatomy ; and bourdelin has made new discoveries in chymistry . the abbot gallois wrote the journal des savans , from the 4th . of january 1666 , to the 17th . of december 1674. du hamel publish'd , in the year 1670 , a treatise in two volumes , de corporum affectionibus ; and another also in two volumes , de corpore animato & de mente humanâ : and in 1682 , he communicated to the publick a work in five volumes , entituled , philosophia vetus & nova ad usum scholae accommodata . besides these productions of some of the members of the academy , the curious have been oblig'd with the anatomical part of the history of animals , publish'd in the name of the whole society . and to make this foundation more useful to the publick , colbert caus'd an observatory to be erected at the end of st. james's suburbs , in the year 1667. the observatory is situated in the highest place in the city towards the south , that the prospect of the stars , and especially of the planets which move towards that part of the heavens , might not be obstructed by the vapours of the river , or the smoke that ascends from the houses on the other side . 't is of a square figure , containing about fifteen toises on each side , with two octangular towers , at the corners of the south front , of seven toises in diameter ; and another square , and somewhat less tower in the midst of the opposite face , where the entry is : and all the three towers are of the same height with the rest of the building . the eastern tower is open from the second story ; and its two opposite faces that front the south and north , are cleft or divided , to make way for telescopes of above fifty foot in length , for the conveniency of observing the passage of the planets thro' the meridian , and on the north side to view the fix'd stars , at their coming to the meridian , both above and under the pole , in order to the finding of the latitude or elevation of the pole above our horizon . the tower in the north front is cover'd with flints by way of plat-form , as is also the body of the edifice on the east side : and the platform of the northern tower is open in the middle , that those who are employ'd in observing the stars may be shelter'd from the wind. the building below comprehends two stories vaulted with hewn stone , the walls being nine foot thick , and sixty six foot high , comprehending the rail'd gallery on the platform . the lower or half-story of the whole building , is on the south side , back'd with a terrass rais'd more than twenty foot high above the field ; so that the first story lies almost level with the terrass , where there is a pole or mast that carries a telescope seventy foot long , and a tower of timber-work one hundred and thirty foot high . the building rises ten toises and a half above the ground , but reaches deeper under it , because of the quarries on which 't is built : and at the bottom of these there are winding stairs , that seem to hang in the air by the middle ; where there is a void place fourteen toises deep . these stairs are directly under the middle of the building ; and there are round holes about three foot in diameter , both in the vault of the ground-floor , and in the vaults of the two stories , and also in the platform . the centres of these four holes are perpendicularly over the centre of the void place , in the winding stairs : so that all together make , as it were , one continu'd pit twenty four toises and an half , or one hundred forty seven foot deep ; which was design'd , and has been made use of , for the trial of several experiments ; as to examine whether the stars in the zenith might be seen in the day from the bottom of this depth ; to observe the degrees of acceleration in the descent and fall of bodies in the air , and the vibrations of pendulums under one hundred forty seven feet in length , without danger of any alteration from the motion of the air ; to make observations with barometers above eighty foot long , both with mercury alone , and water alone ; and to try with tin-pipes of the same length , what height of water is requir'd to break the pipes , that it may be known how strong those pipes must be made , that are made use of for the conveyance of water from a high place to another of like heighth . there were also chambers dug out of the quarries , that it might be observed whether grains and fruits cou'd be preserv'd in ' em . besides there have been enquiries made to discover the different properties of the free and open air , and that which is inclos'd under-ground ; and a hundred experiments have been try'd both with thermometers and hydrometers , to observe the various effects that proceed from the different degrees of moisture , driness , heat , and cold both in winter and summer ; which curious and instructive improvements of natural knowledge , may with excellent success be apply'd to the advancement of medicine . from the lower apartment you ascend to the first and second story , and even to the platform of the whole building , by a stair-case as large as 't is bold and beautiful ; 't is adorn'd with rich iron balisters , and seems to hang in the air , having a void place in the middle . since the faces of the building look directly to the four parts of the world , and the windows of the second story are each eight foot broad , and twenty six foot high , the inquisitive astronomer has a full prospect of the whole heavens , and enjoys the double conveniency of fixing his instruments in the walls , and of satisfying his curiosity in a cover'd room , with telescopes of fifteen or twenty foot ; for those observations that require instruments of a greater length must be made on the terrass . in this edifice there is a collection of all the machines us'd by artificers , and the warlike engines of the ancients ; so that here a man may in a little time be sufficiently instructed , and fitted either to serve as an engineer , or to teach the arts of fortification and navigation in an academy . here is also a burning-glass , that melts lead in an instant , assoon as 't is plac'd on its focus ; a planisphere , containing all the stars that are visible above the horizon of paris , and shewing their situation in the heavens ; and a copper machine , compos'd of the circles of the sphere , carrying an objective-glass one hundred and forty foot distant from the solar focus , which by the motion of a watch follows that of a star , when 't is only two or three degrees elevated above the horizon : the engine must be rais'd to the heighth of six or seven feet , till the surface of the glass be parallel to the disk of the star ; then retiring in a streight line to the distance of one hundred and forty foot , place the eye-glass , so that the four centres of the star , of the surface of the objective-glass , of the eye-glass , and of the opening of the ball of the eye be in one streight line : if the star be considerably elevated about the horizon , the machine must be rais'd proportionably in the air , by a rope , towards the angles or corners of the above-mention'd woodden tower , which is a hundred and fifty foot high , and stands before the south-front of the observatory ; but you must learn by several trials , and a long continu'd use , to follow the star with the eye-glass , so that the eye may describe a circle of almost a hundred and forty one foot of rays , of which the glass is the centre . here is also to be seen a large astronomical ring , that serves to find by the sun , the hour and minute , as well as the declination of the magnet , for the use of navigation ; a level with a prospective-glass , that comes quickly to an aequilibrium ; and a very exact figure of the moon , with all the hollow and rising parts that are observ'd in its surface . and besides , there is a machine for the planets ( fram'd according to copernicus's system ) which may be call'd a speaking ephemeris , to find the position of the heavens at any time propos'd , whether past , present , or to come ; the longitude and latitude of each planet , and consequently its true place in the heavens at any time whatsover , only by turning a handle , as in the above mention'd machine . it shews also the swiftness and slowness of each planet , its excentricity , and when it appears to us to stand still or move backwards ; for the machine is so contriv'd , that it must of necessity follow both the swift and slow motion of every planet , as it approaches to its nearest , or retires to its greatest distance from the sun. there is also a pneumatical engine for the experiments of vacuum ; a machine to make stuffs ; one to wind a hundred hanks of thread at once , another to cleanse sea-ports , and a catapulta of the ancients . by what has been said the reader will be easily convinc'd of the usefulness of the observatory , and that the ingenious world is highly oblig'd to colbert for employing his interest with the king , and his own care and industry for the foundation and erection of that edifice , according to the directions of those great men that are now lodg'd in it . but these are not the only obligations france has to that minister : she owes to him all the advantages she receives by the union of the two seas . the success of that attempt is so much the more surprizing , that it was always before esteem'd impossible . the glory of the invention is due to riquet , a native of beziers , a person of a happy genius , and an admirably quick and piercing judgment ; for 't was he that found the secret which had never before enter'd into the imagination of any man. the several offices he enjoy'd in that part of the country , gave him an opportunity to consider it with great care and attention ; and the exact knowledge he had of it convinc'd him , that the way that leads from higher to lower languedoc was the only thing that render'd the design practicable ; since on both sides there are mountains of a prodigious height , the pyrenean hills on one side , and on the other the black mountain , neither of which cou'd ever have been divided by the united labors of the whole kingdom . he discover'd also that there was only one place where the water of the rivers that fall into the ocean cou'd be united to those that fall into the mediterranean . that place is call'd naurouse , being a little eminency or rising-ground , bounded with two valleys , one of which runs sloping from west to east , and is wash'd by a little river that falls into the fresque , as that does into the river aude above carcassone : and the aude empties it self on one side , by its natural chanel , into the lake of vandres , that communicates with the mediterranean ; and on the other , is convey'd by an artificial canal to narbon , from whence it runs to the sea. the other valley that descends from east to west , is cross'd by the river lers , which enters into the garonne below tholouse . now the springs of these two little rivers of aude and lers , being at the head of the two valleys , about a quarter of a league distant from each other ; riquet concluded that if they were navigable , the boats that past along their chanels might be brought very near each other . all the difficulty was to know whether a bason or pond cou'd be dug on the eminency of naurouse , and two canals made to descend on one side to the head of the lers , and on the other to the source of the river fresques , that falls into the aude ; and supposing such a pond cou'd be made , whether it were possible to gather and bring together a sufficient quantity of water to fill the canals , and make 'em navigable . to clear these doubts , he visited all the neighbouring mountains , examin'd the height of the sources of several rivers that arise among 'em , run over all the country , consider'd every part attentively , and measur'd the ground so often , and so exactly , that he was at last convinc'd of the easiness of the attempt , to gather together the water of the little rivers of alsau , bernasson , lampy , lampillon , rieutort , and sor , which fall from these mountains into the plain of revel , and the other countries of laurageois . and besides , he concluded that by digging a canal along the side of the hills , the water of the rivers might be convey'd down to the hillock of naurouse , which he consider'd as the point of division from whence the waters might be distributed on both sides towards the ocean and mediterranean , to fill the canals that might be made for the conveniency of navigation . these considerations having encourag'd him to undertake the project , and convinc'd him of a possibility of success ; he address'd himself to colbert , with whom he prevail'd to mention the design to the king. but that minister being unwilling to engage his majesty in an unprofi●able expence , propos'd that there might be a tryal made with a little ditch , which was accordingly begun in the black mountain , above the town of revel , and carry'd on so happily , that it brought the water of the above-mention'd rivers to naurouse . so encouraging a success of the first essay , gave a reasonable hope , or rather assurance of the happy accomplishment of the main design , which was undertaken and carried on with vigour : and the little ditch was turn'd to a canal of a convenient largeness and depth , for the conveyance of a sufficient quantity of water . it begins near the forest of ramondins , a little above the head of the alsau , and descending to the little rivulets of comberouge and coudiere takes in the river of bernasson , with another brook of the same name a little lower , after which it receives the rivers of lampy and lampillon , with the brook costere , and empties all these waters into the sor above campinase . the whole course of the canal is full of windings , and contains 10761 toises in length . that the water of those rivers might enter into the canal , 't was found necessary to to stop their wonted course with several banks or dams of well-cemented earth , which were built of so convenient a height , that when the water rises too high , it may run over the banks , and fall into its natural chanels . nor was it design'd to leave the beds of those rivers perfectly dry , after the basons of communication were furnish'd with a sufficient stock of water ; and therefore there were several sluces made in the ditch , call'd in that country escampadous . the sor having receiv'd so considerable an addition of waters , carries 'em along with it for the space of 3449 toises , to the foot of the mountain , where its course is stopt by banks like to the former , to bring it into a new canal ; which , nevertheless , is only a continuation of the ditch , and creeps along the hillocks to naurouse , for the space of 19378 toises . but least the water of all those rivulets should not be sufficient to fill the ditch , especially in the summer when most of 'em are dry , 't was judg'd convenient to seek out a fit place in the mountain to make so considerable a receptacle , that it might be in a readiness on all occasions to supply that defect . the place appointed for this purpose is a valley , a quarter of a league below the town of revel , call'd the valley of s. ferreol , from a great farm of the same name in the neighbourhood ; and 't was presum'd that it might be fill'd with the water of the audaut that runs thro' it , together with that which proceeds from the snow and rains that happen very frequently in the mountain . the valley is 760 toises long , and 550 broad , being very narrow at the head , wide in the middle , and contracted again at the end , by the approaching mountains that bound it on both sides ; and to keep in the water in form of a lake , the mountains are join'd by a causey , which may be call'd a third hill , by reason of its great thickness and height . it s breadth amounts to sixty one toises , and its base is a solid body of stone-work , founded on the rock , and as it were mortais'd into it , having only one small opening or hole vaulted above , and level with the ground , to let out the water . 't was thought convenient to follow the course of the brook audaut that runs thro' the valley , and to contrive the passage on that side whither the stream naturally tends , to prevent the ruines or breaches in the work , that might have been occasion'd by a violent alteration of its course ; and therefore the passage was made nine foot broad , twelve foot high , and ninety six toises long , in a crooked line . on the body of stone-work there is a thick wall , reaching in a streight line from the head to the foot of the dam , and exceeding by some toises the height of the vaulted aqueduct . in the thickness of the wall there is another vault in form of a gallery , the entry of which is towards the foot of the causey ; and its height as well as breadth is parallel to that of the former . the gallery growing insensibly narrow towards the bottom , contains but one toise in breadth , and a toise and a half at the head of the work : 't is only sixty one toises long , because it runs in a streight line ; whereas the length of the aqueduct amounts to ninety four toises . above , or at the head of the causey , it answers perpendicularly to the orifice of the aqueduct ; and below 't is on the left side of its mouth . things being thus dispos'd , there were three cross-walls built from one end of the causey to the other , being founded on the stone-work that makes the basis of the structure . they are not only interlac'd with the stone-work of the gallery , thro' which they pass in form of a cross , but are also inserted into the two hillocks that surround the valley . the first wall at the head of the causey is seven toises high , eight or ten broad , and twelve foot thick at the end , being largest below , because of the slopeing . the second being the highest of all the three , is one hundred and eighteen toises long , fifteen foot thick , and sixteen toises and two foot high : 't is plac'd almost in the midst of the causey , at the distance of thirty three toises from the first ; and the length of it may be extended to two hundred ninety nine toises and more . the third makes the foot of the causey , and is thirty one toises distant from the second : 't is eight foot thick , and equal to the first in height and breadth . of the two above-mention'd vaults , the lower lets out the waters of the magazine ; and the other serves for an entry to those who go to open , or shut the passage of the water , by means of two brazen trap-doors , plac'd horizontally in a tower call'd the drum , which is join'd to the first or inward wall ; the openings of the two vaults being in the third or outward wall. as for the bason or pond of naurouse , whether the waters of the black mountain , and of the magazin of st. ferreol , are brought by the canal of derivation ; 't is call'd the point of division , because from thence the water is distributed on both sides , to the canals that convey it to the two seas . the figure of this bason is an octangular oval , its greatest diameter containg 200 toises , and its least 150 : 't is lin'd with hewn stone . it receives the water of the ditch by one of its angles , and distributes it by two canals , that issue out of the two other angles . one of these canals bends its course towards the ocean , and reaching the valley of lers , falls into the garonne : it has eighteen sluces , both double and single , which make twenty seven bodies of sluces in the space of 28142 toises , or fourteen french leagues . the other canal , which runs towards the mediterranean , to the lake of thun , contains forty six sluces , double , treble , quadruple , and octuple , in the length of 99443 toises , or almost fifty french leagues . besides these , there are two other canals , one to empty the bason when 't is too full , by discharging the superfluous water into the river lers : the second which is not united to the bason at its coming out of the ditch , to drain away the foul and muddy water , that the bason or pond receiving only pure and clean water , may be freed from the usual inconveniencies of other ponds that are apt to be gorg'd with mud , and must be cleans'd and hollow'd from time to time . the river garonne contributed very much to promote the design'd communication of the two seas , by opening a free and commodious passage to the ocean : but the same conveniency was not to be found among the rivers that fall into the mediterranean , along the coast of languedoc ; for the aude was not navigable above narbon , and besides it enters into the sea by the lakes of bayes and vandres , where the road or shoar is so shallow , that 't was impossible to make a haven . after an exact view of all the coast , there was no place found but cape de sete , of a sufficient depth for vessels of five or six hundred tun ; and therefore 't was resolv'd to make a harbour there . sete is a promontory , in the neighbourhood of the little town of frontignan , famous for its muscadine wine . the sea is on one side of it , and on the other it has the lakes of thun , maguelone , and peraut , border'd with the plains of lower languedoc ; and on the right and left-hand 't is bounded with the strand , between those lakes and the sea. this mountain thrusts a long point into the sea ; and on the other side the sea advances into the land , making a bay , where the above-mention'd depth was found . the shoar along the strand is full of sand , as are all the coasts of languedoc about the gulf of leon ; the cape sinks deeper , and all around the depth amounts to twenty or twenty four feet . now these lakes or ponds have no water but what they receive by the inlets or passages , which the sea makes when it beats strongly against the shore ; and these inlets that open a communication between the lakes and the sea , are chang'd according to the various alterations of the wind : so that there was only a passage for small vessels , by reason of the shallowness of most of the lakes , inlets , and parts of the sea where they enter : and therefore to accomplish the intended communication of the seas , 't was necessary to make a fit harbour for all sorts of ships . in order to the execution of that design , the lake of thun was chosen , as being the largest and deepest of all those lakes , and not far from the cape of sete : 't is of great extent , and is twenty five or thirty foot deep in several places : 't is equally safe and commodious for sailing , and in case of necessity might serve for a harbour . for these reasons 't was thought fit to bring the canals that come from naurouse , and communicate with the ocean , to the lake on one side ; and a canal was also dug between the other side and the mediterranean . the last canal is two toises deep , sixteen broad at the surface , and eight at the base , and about eight hundred in length . the whole work was begun in 1666 , after riquet had undertaken to warrant the success , and was finish'd before his death , which happen'd in the beginning of october 1680. tho' it was not brought to the utmost degree of perfection , till afterwards , by the care of his sons , bonrepos , master of the requests , and caraman , captain of the guards ; and his two sons-in-law , grammont , baron of lanta , and lombre●il treasurer of france at tholouse . after so many and so useful designs for the publick good so happily accomplish'd , colbert thought he might justly aspire to some distinguishing marks of honour ; and in that design , on the 27th . of august 1665 , he purchas'd the office of treasurer of the king's orders , vacant by the death of nouveau , superintendant of the post-office . the order of st. michael was instituted on the first of august 1469 , by king lewis xi . the number of the knights being fixt to thirty six , tho' it was afterwards encreas'd to one hundred . all the knights of the holy ghost are made knights of st. michael some days before they receive the collar of their own order . the order of the holy ghost was instituted at paris , on the first day of the year 1579 , by henry iii. in memory of his having been advanc'd to the crown of poland , and afterwards to that of france , on the festival of the holy ghost . the late king lewis xiii . conferr'd it on fifty lords , in the year 1633. there were seventy created in 1662 , and seventy four in 1669. the badge of the order is a cross of gold , fasten'd to a blue ribban four fingers broad , and one embroider'd with silver , with the holy ghost in the middle , on the justaucor . the four officers are the chancellor , master of the ceremonies , great treasurer , and secretary , who wear the same badges that are used by the knights , even after they have sold their offices . the liberty which the sons of the farmers of the king's revenue had obtain'd to possess employments in the superior courts , had rais'd the price of those offices so high , that the trade was considerably decay'd . the office of counsellor in the court of aids , was sold for 40000 crowns , that of counsellor in the great council for 50000 , of counsellor in the parliament for 70000 , of master of the court of accounts for 80000 , of master of requests for 100000 , and that of president à mortier for 400000. the king by colbert's advice , publish'd an edict in december 1665 , by which the rates of these offices were fixt ; that of president à mortier at 400000 livres , of president in the chamber of accounts at 300000 , of president in the court of aids at 200000 , of master of requests at 150000 , ( but was afterwards encreas'd to 200000 ) of counsellor in the parliament at 100000 , of counsellor in the great council at 90000 , of counsellor in the court of aids at 80000 livres , of president à mortier in the other parliaments , and president in the chambers of accounts at 40000 crowns , of the counsellors at 20000 crowns , except those of rhoan , that were rais'd to 70000 , and of mets , who were reduc'd to 36000. these regulations were not at first attended with the desir'd success ; for the purchasers eluded the force and design of the edict by private bargains , which rais'd the prizes very high above the appointed rates . and therefore colbert perceiving that there was no other way to moderate the prizes of those offices , resolv'd to lessen their jurisdiction . during the king's minority , the superiour courts were ambitious of raising their privileges , in imitation of the parliament of england , that claims a share in the royal authority . the king himself carry'd his edicts to the parliament , and sent 'em to the chamber of accounts by his uncle the duke of orleans , and to the court of aids by the prince of condé . the edicts were order'd to be register'd in the king's presence , after which the parliament examin'd 'em , and agreed to 'em with several limitations ; by that means assuming a kind of sovereign power , not much different from that of the crown . 't is true , the parliament of paris according to its original institution , had a right to take cognizance of all the affairs of the kingdom ; and that body being compos'd of the three orders , represented the states-general of france . at that time the authority of the parliament was both useful and innocent : nor could the power of the king be invaded by that assembly , since they met only at a certain time of the year , and their session was confin'd to six weeks . but after lewis hutin had render'd the parliament a perpetual and fixt court , he reduc'd its authority to a right of judging the differences of private persons : and this abridgement of its jurisdiction became still more necessary when henry ii. expos'd the offices to sale ; for merit was no longer a necessary qualification of the members of that assembly , and the secrets of the state could not be safely entrusted to young and unexperienc'd persons . besides , 't is certain that if the power and jurisdiction of the sovereign courts had not been restrain'd within their ancient bounds , france had not been at present a monarchical state , the government wou'd have been reduc'd to an aristocracy , and the king made a doge of venice . for 't is only that unlimited power he now enjoys , that has enabl'd him to execute those great designs which make his reign the subject of our admiration . the abuses that crept into the administration of affairs during the regency , made the government subject to two inconveniencies , that wou'd have infallibly ruin'd the best contriv'd projects : secrecy and diligence are two necessary qualifications in all those that are intrusted with the management of great attempts ; neither of which cou'd have been expected , if the king had been oblig'd to take the advice of the parliament . for what method cou'd have been taken to prevent the divulging of those deliberations that depended upon the votes of so many persons ? nor had it ever been in the king's power to take advantage of any favourable juncture , if he cou'd not have dispatch'd his orders without summoning a meeting of the chambers . the ease and interest of the people on which these innovations were pretended to be grounded , was a meer frivolous pretext ; and never were they so miserably oppress'd as in those unhappy times . these were the convincing reasons that colbert urg'd to his majesty , and in complyance with which , that monarch laid aside the usual custom of keeping his seat of justice in the parliament , and of sending the princes with his edicts to the chamber of accounts , and the court of aids : and besides , he sav'd 100000 livres which he must have given to the duke of orleans , and 50000 to the prince of condé . all the edicts pass'd without dispute : and the parliament was afterwards humbl'd to such a degree , that colbert contented himself with sending the edicts to that assembly by one of the conmmissaries of his nephew desmarets : and by this means the rates of offices in that company fell so low , that they are now sold for 70000 livres . about the same time a stop was put to the prosecution of the farmers ; and an amnesty was granted 'em by an edict in december 1665 , on condition they shou'd pay the summs at which they were assess'd . but all these important affairs of state cou'd not make colbert forget the embellishment of versailles . the architecture was already brought to perfection ; there was nothing wanting to compleat that vast design but suitable furniture , and the ornaments of the inside ; and these he resolv'd to make the object of his next care. he settl'd a manufactory at the gobelins , and committed the management of it to le brun , as the only fit person for such an employment : that place was already famous for dying of scarlet , the water of the river of gobelins being endu'd with a peculiar quality to brighten the colour , and give it that shining lustre which dazzles the eye of the beholder . there colbert order'd tapestry-hangings to be made for the king's use , after le brun's designs : and in the same place he employ'd artists about inlaid stone-work , of such exquisite and costly contrivance , that a square foot of it amounted to above 1000 crowns . only precious stones were made use of in this work , and some of 'em were cut so small , that 't was almost impossible to discern 'em before they were put in their proper places . this kind of work is very tedious , by reason of the hardness of the materials , and it requires several years to finish one square . there he also caus'd those vast pieces of goldsmith's-work to be made , that were since carry'd to versailles ; such as tables , stands , pitchers , bathing-tubs , boxes for orange-trees , and candlesticks , which were equally admirable for their largeness , and the curiousness of the sculpture . in the same place there was a gondola built for the canal of versailles , and all the ornaments were wrought for the great gallery . the pilasters , cornices , and generally all the parts of the architecture , and the body of the work is of lapis lazuli , garnish'd with ornaments of brass gilt , according to mansard's design . the great pannels between the pilasters are full of large looking-glasses , the junctures of which are hid by branches of ornaments and grotesque figures , spread over the glasses with so artful a negligence , that twenty of the largest of 'em seem to be only one piece . the difficulty of bringing those large glasses from venice , made colbert set up a glass-house in the fauxburg of st. anthony , which he committed to the inspection of ranchin , secretary of the council of finances , pecquot , clerk of the council of casualties , and poquelain . thither the rough and unwrought glasses are brought from normandy ; and there they are polish'd and sold . there also the quicksilver is laid on those that are design'd for looking-glasses , which are less chargeable , and some of 'em much larger than those that are brought from venice , tho' they are not so fine . at the same time he settl'd a manufactory of french point , to lessen the excessive chargeableness of the point of venice and genoa , the price of which was risen so high , that one pair of 〈…〉 was sold for 7000 livres . the count of marsan , youngest son of the count of harcourt , having sent to brussels for mademoiselle du mont his nurse , with her four daughters , petronille , manque , lisbette , and janeton : she intreated that prince , for a reward of the care she had taken of him during his infancy , to obtain a privilege for her to set up a manufactory of french point at paris . the count spoke to colbert in her favour , who , liking the proposal , settl'd her in the fauxburg of st. anthony , and gave her one of the king 's hundred switzers to guard her door . immediately she apply'd her self to the prosecution of her project , and gather'd together above two hundred young-women , among whom were several daughters of persons of quality , by whose assistance she made such fine work that the venice-point was generally slighted . the manufactory was afterwards remov'd to st. saviours-street , and at last to chaumont-house , near st. denis's-gate . mademoiselle du mont having marry'd her eldest daughter to a norman call'd marsan , went to portugal with manque and lisbette , and left the charge of her manufactory to mademoiselle de marsan . but as all modes and fashions are subject to frequent changes in france , people grew weary of this sort of point , both because of the difficulty of blanching it , ( for they were forc'd to raise the embroidery at each washing , ) and because its thickness made it seem less becoming on the face . there was spanish point made with little flowers , which being very fine , was esteem'd more graceful by the ladies : and at last the mechlin-lace coming in fashion , that manufactory was entirely laid aside . tho' colbert had no reason to doubt of his master's favour , he thought fit to secure his fortune by powerful alliances . on the 2d . of february 1667 , he marry'd his daughter joan mary teresa to charles honoré d' albert , duke de chevreuse , peer of france , knight of the king's orders , count of montfort , baron of chars , lord of marigni , maran , &c. and captain-lieutenant of his majesty's light-horse . the duke de chevreuse is the son of lewis charles albert , duke de luines , marquess d' albert , count de tours , baron of rochecorbon and samblancey , knight of the king's orders , and colonel of the regiment of auvergne , who after the death of his first wife , louise mary seguier , the only daughter of lewis seguier , marquiss d'o , which happen'd on the 14th . of september 1651 , took for his second wife , in the year 1661 , ann de rohan daughter of hercules de rohan duke of montbason , and of mary d' avaugour his second wife . charles marquiss d' albert , grandfather of the duke de chevreuse , favorite of lewis xiii , and constable of france , procur'd the baronies of luines , rochecorbon , and samblancey to be erected into a dutchy and peerage by the title of the dutchy of luines . the great charge the king was oblig'd to maintain during the war against spain , had oblig'd him to alienate the greatest part of his demaine : but colbert being desirous to clear his majesty's revenues , persuaded him to re-unite the alienated crown-lands to the rest of his demaine ; which was put in execution by virtue of an edict set forth in april 1667 , on condition to reimburse the purchasers ; but since most of 'em had been tax'd , the king had but little to pay . the same minister undertook the reformation of justice ; and the ill success of that design was , perhaps , owing either to the unskilfulness of pussort , and the rest whom he employ'd in compiling the code , or to their unwillingness to remove the foundations of wrangling , lest the officers of the courts of judicature shou'd remain without employment . to demonstrate the uselesness of the new regulation it must be observ'd , that the litigious wrangling of lawyers proceeds from four causes ; the various degrees of officers or courts of justice , the contests about their jurisdiction , frivolous suits and forms , and the confounding of matter of fact with matter of law , which makes it impossible to refer every particular to its proper head. the first inconveniency might have been easily remedy'd , by bringing the appeals from the sentences of the judges of signiories to the presidial courts , to which they are subordinate , where the cause shou'd be finally judg'd without any further appeal ; and by bringing the appeals from the royal jurisdictions immediately to the parliament , without stopping at the presidial courts . and if it be objected , that the parties wou'd by such a regulation be engag'd in long and chargeable voyages ; it ought to be consider'd , that there lies always an appeal to the parliament from the sentence of the presidial courts , that have condemn'd or approv'd the judgment of their subordinate royal courts of justice . and besides the jurisdiction or district of the parliament of paris , which is certainly too wide , might be divided into several parts , by creating two other parliaments , one at lyons , and another at poictiers ; as likewise lower languedoc might be taken from the parliament of thoulouse , by erecting another at nîmes . the contests between courts concerning their jurisdictions , are chiefly occasion'd either because the court of aids has a right to cite before it , all the causes in which the king's farmers are concern'd , or by reason of the audiences erected in the courts of inquest ; which , according to ancient custom , belong only to the great chamber , as that alone has a registry of enrollments ; for every court reclaiming its jurisdiction under pretext of some incidental controversie , there are an infinite number of disputes occasion'd . and besides these , contests are frequently owing to the opposition against sentences or decrees obtain'd for want of appearance , or of defending the farmer at the great chamber , tho' the petitions were presented to one of the chambers of inquest . the code requires these cases to be judg'd at the bar , which is the true way to make the decision of the incident or bye-matter last longer than the judgment of the main suit , because the advocates cannot be made to confer ; and there is always a return in law against the sentences given according to the opinion of the bar. the only way to redress these inconveniencies is , with respect to the first , to restrain the courts of requests of the palace , and other ordinary jurisdictions , from taking cognizance of matters belonging to the court of aids ; or else to hinder the court of aids from withdrawing a cause from the other courts of which they are actually possess'd . and the second might be easily remedy'd , by reducing the courts of inquest to their primitive state , and by ordering all incidents to be judg'd in the court call'd the chamber of the council , and all petitions to be carry'd thither ; and either join'd , if they have a relation to the main suit , or judg'd on the verbal relation of the reporter , if they be conditional or include a proviso . this regulation would also reddress another abuse : for the hearings at several courts of inquest falling out in one day ; and there being also an audience at the court , call'd the tournelle civile , at the very same hour , 't is impossible for the advocates or counsellours at law to be present in all those places at once , and therefore they are forc'd to incur the penalty for want of appearance , which might be prevented if there were no audiences at the courts of inquest , for then they wou'd all remain at the tournelle civile . 't is true , there are hearings at the same hour at the courts of requests , in the palace and in the town-house ; but that inconveniency might be also regulated , by excluding the advocates under ten years standing from the superior courts , and by restraining the old advocates from pleading before the subaltern or inferior courts . if we consider the idle and unprofitable pleadings or forms , it will appear that the code ought to cut off the contradictions , rejoinders , replications , and all the new or additional proofs and reviews , which only make way for the repetition of what had been urg'd a hundred times before . and besides there is another great abuse , concerning the defaults for want of timely defence ; for the attorneys to gain time , demand in the general a copy of all the instruments or pleadings , without mentioning particularly which are necessary to 'em , and after they have incurr'd the default , they are receiv'd as opponents , without any previous examination , whether their exceptions are well or ill-grounded . the only effectual way to redress this abuse , is to ordain that the cause shall be judg'd only by those pieces or instruments of which copies have been given , with an express prohibition to make use of any others ; and this being suppos'd , if the proctor or attorney do not put in his defence within the time limited by the regulation , that in that case he may and shall be fin'd in his own name ; and that it shall not be in the judge's power to moderate the fine . and besides the attorneys ought to be restrain'd from withdrawing their allegations , and oblig'd to communicate 'em to the reporter : for tho' the regulation has made 'em liable to a pecuniary mulct , instead of bodily restraint , they never pay any thing , tho' by this means they have gain'd a great deal of time . the last article is of greatest importance , since it relates to the manifestation of the truth , which the advocates endeavour to disguise with their forms and pleadings , so that 't is almost impossible for the judge to discover it . for 't is their constant practice to spend the time allow'd 'em in several audiences in the pleading of one cause , which is often referr'd , and in the mean time the claims are not dispatch'd ; besides that , the cause being put off from week to week , it becomes a hard task to remember what has been already alledg'd . and therefore to prevent such an useless waste of time , the plantiff ought to present an account of the matter of fact , which the defendant shou'd return corrected . and if the two proctors or attorneys cannot come to an agreement concerning the manner of pleading , the advocates shou'd endeavour to agree at the bar ; or if they cannot reconcile their differences , they shou'd sign a referment , which ought to be indors'd , and no cause brought to hearing , till the matter of fact be unexceptionably clear , and only some questions of law remain to be decided : then he that pleads first shou'd read the account of the matter of fact , and afterwards alledge his reasons , to prove his claim in law ; expecting the reply of the opponent . thus , only rare and nice causes wou'd be pleaded , and the audience being freed from the overwhelming multitude of suits , wou'd quickly dispatch all that came before 'em ; nor wou'd there be any occasion for rolls . besides , the same custom that is sometimes observ'd at the chastelet , ought to be be introduc'd into the subaltern courts : the attorneys shou'd be oblig'd to regulate petty affairs among themselves , and when they cannot agree , to referr the case to an old practitioner , endorsing the referment , from whence an appeal might be brought before the tournelle civile ; and since 't is to be suppos'd that only important cases wou'd be pleaded , a farther appeal might be made to the great chamber . i shall , in the next place , proceed to some particular instances , and consider the usual practice with relation to seizures , arrests , executions , and decrees or orders for sale of goods . as for seizures and attachments , when a man finds himself unable to pay his debts , he is reduc'd to beggary , with the seiz'd goods in his possession ; and during the time that is spent in the valuation , he becomes insolvent , or the summs that were seiz'd are consum'd by the charge of the distribution . this abuse might be prevented , by ordaining that the debtor should immediately consign , assoon as the goods are seiz'd in his possession ; and that the distribution be made by an old attorney , without any other charge than six deniers in the livre . as for executions , 't is certain that the charge of the sale consumes the greatest part of what it amounts to ; whereas it might be enacted , that he who procures the execution shall take the distrain'd goods at the price set upon 'em by the sergeant , and that the owner may claim and recover 'em , before a month be expir'd , if he can find one who will allow him a greater price . the case is still worse with respect to decrees for sale of goods , the charge of which amounts to excessive summs : but this grievance might be also redress'd , by granting to the attacher the enjoyment and possession of the seiz'd goods , who shou'd be oblig'd to restore the over-plus of the price , ( after the satisfaction of his own claim ) to be distributed among the opponents , on condition , that he may be cast by the same opponents within a year , reimbursing the principal summ , interest , and charge . i could add many other remarks on the forms of proceeding at law , but i have already said as much on that subject as the succinctness of my intended history will allow . about the same time nicholas de la regnie , then master of requests , and now counsellor of state , was made lieutenant of the polity or government of the city of paris , which would have certainly receiv'd great advantages by this new-created office , if a larger jurisdiction had been annex'd to it ; and if at the same time some necessary regulations had been made for the security of the city and of trade . 't is true , that new magistrate has redress'd several abuses , and in some measure suppress'd the insolency of robbers , which was grown so intolerable , that 't was not safe to walk in the night without a guard. but the city is not perfectly freed from that inconveniency ; for the watch-men are either robbers themselves , or in league with others that are so ; and the commissaries of the chastelet are too remiss in the performance of their duty in their respective wards ; either out of carelesness , or for fear of hazarding their lives nevertheless there might be several ways found out to put an entire stop to these disorders . the first is , to oblige the owners of houses , or their principal tenants , when the land-lords do not live in their own houses , to keep their doors lock'd after nine a-clock at night in winter , and ten in summer , so that none can go out or come in without their knowledge ; and to give notice to the lieutenant of the polity of those who are wont to go abroad too frequently in the night , that he may proceed against 'em as he shall think fit . in the second place , the land-lords or their chief tenants , might be enjoin'd to seize on all the fire-arms that are in their houses , and not to restore 'em to the owners , till they take horse to go into the countrey . thirdly , all persons should be forbidden to go to the places whither the people resort to smoke tobacco , under pain of being sent to the galleys ; for those places are the rendezvous of rogues and disorderly persons . the fourth and surest way to prevent these abuses , would be to put the government of the city into the hands of the citizens , who are most concern'd , and wou'd consequently be most diligent in the preservation of its peace and security : and , for that effect , 't wou'd be expedient in all the quarters or wards of the city , to establish captains with their officers , who might be chang'd every three years . these captains might be oblig'd to keep registers of all persons in their respective wards , of their age , profession , and estate ; whether they are boys or girls ; in the state of marriage or of widowhood : so that no person cou'd come to live in any part of the city without the knowledge and leave of the captain of that ward , who might be injoyn'd not to grant a permission to that effect , till a certificate were produc'd from the captain of the ward , where the new-comer had his last abode , testifying that there were no complaints against him all the while he liv'd there , and showing the reason of his removal . and if it be a stranger newly come to town , he might be oblig'd to bring a certificate to the same purpose , from the magistrates of the city where he liv'd . in the mean time , since the captain of the ward cou'd not be in justice oblig'd to undergo so much trouble without some reward , there might be a moderate fee appointed to be given for every certificate . and besides 't wou'd be convenient , in every publick place where streets meet , to set up a bell of a sufficient bigness to be heard at the captain 's lodging , and to ring an alarum on occasion of any disorder or tumult , whether by night or by day . and at the same time the citziens listed in the company of the ward might be oblig'd to take arms , and attend the captain , who is to march with his company to the place where the alarum was rung , to quiet the tumult , secure the authors of it , and draw up an information to be sign'd by all the assistants , and produc'd before the lieutenant criminal , as a sufficient evidence for passing sentence against the rioteers . besides , the captain alone should be impower'd to cause any citizen within the bounds of his ward , to be arrested or apprehended either for debt or crimes , and to serve executions on moveable goods ; which would be a means to prevent the roguish tricks of sergeants , who are oftentimes wont to rob those houses whither they are sent to serve an execution , or arrest a prisoner . and , finally , there might be a certain day appointed in every week , on which the lieutenant of the polity shou'd be inform'd of all occurrences by the captains of the wards , and give 'em such instructions and orders as he shou'd judge fit to be executed . there is also another abuse , no less intollerable than those already mention'd , relating to women that make a trade of debauchery ; who are treated either with too much rigour or indulgence on several occasions : for the commissaries are brib'd to connive at those infamous practices ; and if at any time they seize and imprison lewd women , they are commonly such as retain some sence of decency , whose houses are best stor'd with furniture , and their persons may be apprehended with less danger ; while common prostitutes are suffer'd to live unmolested , secur'd by their poverty , and their guard of bullies . nevertheless , 't is certain that this method is directly opposite to that which ought to be observ'd ; neither ought the officers to content themselves barely with dislodging those unhappy creatures , since they only remove to another street , where they set up the same trade as before . the care of redressing those abuses ought to be committed to the captain of the ward , who being inform'd of the lewd practices of those whores , and of the women that procure 'em , shou'd either banish 'em out of the city , or shut 'em up for ever in the hospital . this regulation wou'd be attended with two very advantageous consequences ; for paris wou'd at once be freed from debauchery , and dispeopl'd of ruffians , who are maintain'd by those women . but those who make a considerable figure in the world , if they occasion no scandal in the neighbourhood , and keep constant to one man , ought not to be molested ; and even they who take a greater liberty , and are not willing to be confin'd to one person , if they be rich , and receive none but civil persons into their houses , shou'd only be oblig'd to wear some marks of distinction , as at rome . thus they might be order'd never to go abroad in coaches or chairs , and never to wear hoods , coifs , scarves or gloves , that their character and occupation might be known by their dress ; for that wou'd be the most effectual method to lessen their numbers insensibly . the great fines that are impos'd on those who play at forbidden games , have in some measure produc'd the effect for which they were design'd ; yet there are still some houses where gaming is very frequent , and runs very high ; and ( which is worse ) there are profess'd rooks , who live on what they get by cheating , and are supported by their confederate hectors , with whom they share their dishonest gain . to suppress those abuses , 't wou'd be convenient to limit the summs that are hazarded , so that none might lose above ten pistoles at any sort of game , condemning those that suffer higher gaming in their houses , to be fin'd 1000 crowns , and those who cheat at play , to the galleys ; to be convicted by the complaints of the bubbl'd losers , and the testimony of the spectators . the captain of the ward might be empower'd and order'd to make diligent search after those who are guilty of these disorders , and to make his enquiry the more successful , the third part of the fine might be given to the informer ; and since there wou'd be a man out of each house , in the company , 't wou'd be impossible to conceal or disguise the truth . there cannot be a more pernicious practice than the usury of those who lend money on pledges : but the care that is taken to punish usurers , serves only to encrease the abuse . for since they dare not drive their trade openly , they make use of he and she-brokers , who bring the pledges , and carry away the money . now these brokers are mere pilferring vagabonds , who , having nothing to lose , assume a privilege to commit any villany . thus they give but a part of the money to the borrowers , and make 'em pay more than they receiv'd , when they are desirous to redeem their clothes , which are oftentimes utterly lost , because 't is impossible for 'em to discover whither the brokers carry'd ' em . so that 't were certainly better to tolerate the lending of money on pawns ; for then people wou'd give their clothes to responsible persons , who wou'd oblige themselves to restore ' em . there are also great abuses committed in the retailing of commodities , since the prizes are not fix'd , as they are in other countries . now the price of corn , and consequently that of bread , might be regulated immediately after harvest . and there ought to be only two prizes permitted to be taken for the wine sold in taverns , that is , from three to four sous for tradesmen , and from six to eight for the better sort of citizens : nor shou'd these vintners be suffer'd to escape unpunish'd , who mingle drugs with their wine , that are prejudicial to the health of the drinker . besides , about easter there ought to be a price set for the whole year on the meat in the shambles , by the pound ; and for the provisions in the market , 't is an useless precaution to restrain the cooks from buying till after nine a-clock , for the peasants will sell nothing to private persons till the cooks are provided . to prevent these abuses , the cooks shou'd be order'd in the morning to set a price on each sort of fowl , and a bill with the several prizes hung up at each end of the market : and the the country-people shou'd be oblig'd , under pain of forfeiting their panniers , to let private persons have their goods for two pence more in the pound weight ; and for the better execution of these regulations , a commissary shou'd be appointed to inspect the sale of provisions till eleven a clock . 't is an astonishing effect of luxury , to give 50 crowns for a * litron of green pease , as some persons have actually done ; and therefore 't wou'd be convenient to regulate the prizes of pulse and fruit , at their first coming into season ; and care shou'd also be taken to hinder the country-people from filling their baskets with leaves , and putting only so much fruit , as appears outwardly on the top. the usurpation of noble titles was none of the least abuses that crept into the kingdom , during the troubles . 't was the usual practice of those who were scarce gentlemen , to assume the title of counts and marquisses ; and the sons of merchants had the impudence to add a coronet to their coat of arms , because they were possess'd of some offices . these rhodomontado's occasion'd the pun of one of our comical poets ; depuis que dans paris on s' est emmarquisé on trouve à chaque pas un marquis supposé . in order to the redressing of this abuse , colbert order'd the claims of those counterfeit nobles to be examin'd : and all those who pretended a right to the privileges of the nobility , were oblig'd to produc'd their titles before the intendants of the respective provinces . and besides , they who had in publick deeds assum'd the title of knight or esquire , and were not able to prove their claim to those honours , were not only made liable to the common taxes , but were forced to submit to an extraordinory assessment . thus you see how diligently colbert apply'd himself to the reformation of the state , but in the mean time he neglected not the advancement of his family . the king had declar'd war against spain , in pursuance of his right to those countries in the netherlands that were laps'd and devolv'd to the queen ; and had already made himself master of several places , the principal of which were doüay , tournay , lille , courtray , oudenarde , and charleroy , with all the franche-comté . clement ix . who was lately made pope , had employ'd his ministers to negotiate a peace between the two crowns , and the conferences were appointed to be held at aix la chapelle . colbert procur'd the dignity of his majesty's plenipotentiary for his brother charles , who arriv'd at that city with a magnificent equipage , and was shortly after follow'd by the baron de bergeyk , sent in the same quality by his catholick majesty ; franciotti , the pope's nuncio , sir william temple , the english ambassador , and beverning , ambassador from the states-general , performing the office of mediatours . the french maintain'd that by right of devolution , which takes place and is in force in the dutchy of brabant , the lordship of mechlin , the marquisate of the holy empire , the county of aloste , high guelderland , of which ruremond is the capital city , the county of namur , the dutchy of limburg , the lordships of dalem , valquemburg or fauquemont , roder-le-duc , and other places beyond the meuse , the county of arlon , the dutchy of cambray , franche-comté and the dutchy of luxemburg , the daughters of the first marriage excluded the males born in the second . to this right the spaniards oppos'd the queen's renunciation by her contract of marriage , of her claim to the inheritance of the estates belonging to her father and mother , pretending that her renunciation was a part of the pyrenean treaty . the french wou'd not allow of that connexion , affirming that they were two separate acts , and besides , that the renunciation was void , as relating to an inheritance that was not yet fall'n , and that she cou'd not abrogate the local custom of those provinces ; especially since the condition of the renunciation was not accomplish'd , the dowry stipulated by the contract not being paid : and 't was further alledg'd , that she never renounc'd the inheritance of her brother , prince baltasar , who inherited the dowry of elizabeth of france his mother . tho' all these reasons were more than sufficient to assert the queen's right , and tho' the king was able to maintain her title by his arms , he chose rather to relinquish part of it for the love of peace . he offer'd to restore franche-comté , that belong'd to him both by right of succession and of conquest , and to content himself with the places he had taken in flanders . charles colbert made the spaniards and mediators so sensible of the reasons on which the king his master's claim was founded , that the baron de bergeyk receiv'd as a favour the offers of his most christian majesty . thus the treaty was sign'd on the second of may , 1668. and the brother of our minister by so successful a negotiation , open'd a way to a higher preferment . colbert had no reason to complain of the ingratitude of his master : he was made secretary of state in the room of guenegaud , and was entrusted with the management of affairs relating to the sea ; nor were his performances in that post unsuitable to the confidence his majesty repos'd in him . for he was so industrious to augment the naval forces , that the king may style himself master of the sea ; since in the time of peace there is no nation that dares refuse to salute his flags . that minister who made it his principal care to enrich his master , by suppressing all the rights and offices that might be chargeable to him , began with the parisis , and the rents upon the entries , that were created on the third peny and a half , and yielded interest at the seventh peny , there being only a fund for two quarters . the duties on the gabels of languedoc , and the offices of the king's advocate and attorney , for the garners and chambers of that province , had the same fate : and since he cou'd easily exact the taxes impos'd on those who had been concern'd in publick business , out of the reimbursements that were due to 'em from the suppress'd rights , rents and offices ; he procur'd by the edict that abrogated the chamber of justice , all those that were tax'd to be restor'd to their lands or immoveable estates , that had been seiz'd , and even order'd to be sold ; contenting himself with retaining their reimbursements . but he excluded from receiving any benefit by that act of grace , the three treasurers of the exchequer , the monerot's , languet , bance , and the heirs of girardin , for the reasons alledg'd in the beginning of his life . in the mean time , perceiving the king's zeal for the extirpation of heresie , he suppress'd the chamber instituted by the edicts of paris and rhoan , tho' they were not equally divided as those of castres and guien ( which were abrogated some years before ) , but admitted only one huguenot , counsellour , every year . 't is true , there was also one of that perswasion in each of the courts of inquest , but afterwards as their places became vacant , they were supply'd by catholicks . at the same time there was a tournelle civile erected , to judge of all causes under 1000 crowns , to ease the great chamber and courts of inquest , whither all the suits were transferr'd , that were depending in the chamber of the edict at the time of its suppression . and besides , the form of the court of vacations was chang'd ; for whereas formerly each president à mortier presided in it for the space of a week , and affairs of small importance were determin'd there , by a definitive sentence : two presidents were appointed every year , one to preside in the others absence , from the 9th of september to s. simon and jude's day , and its jurisdiction was confin'd to matters implying a condition or proviso . these new creations are of no great importance , nor do they afford matter for variety of reflections : but 't will not be improper to insist somewhat longer on the examination of the criminal code , the regulation of the council , and the orders for the committimus or special letters of priviledge . the criminal code is as useless as the civil : for affairs of small importance are oftentimes kept longer in agitation , than prosecutions for the most enormous crimes ; and the judges neglect these cases in which the publick is most deeply concern'd , especially if there be no private person to carry on the pursuit at his proper cost . these abuses proceed from a twofold cause : first , the lieutenant criminal of the chastelet is overcharg'd with multiplicity of business ; for i mention only that officer , because in other courts of justice , affairs are dispatch'd with greater expedition . secondly , the forms of proceeding are too long , both at the first hearing , and after an appeal . now to enable the lieutenant criminal to use greater expedition in the dispatching of all sorts of affairs , and not to neglect those that are not manag'd by a private person , i wou'd appropriate to the courts of request in the palace , the cognizance and judgment of all actions and pursuits against gentlemen ; and to restrain private persons from entering their accusations against noble persons before the above-mention'd officer ; i would have the courts of request in the palace abrogate and cancel all that is done at the chastelet to the prejudice of their jurisdiction ; and if gentlemen be not directly comprehended in the accusation , but involv'd in it by the examination of others that are accus'd , in that case the lieutenant criminal shou'd be oblig'd to remit the process to the courts of request , and in case of failure shou'd be liable to be call'd in question , and even interdicted by those courts if they think fit . i wou'd also appropriate to the provost of the isle of france , and the lieutenant of the short robe , the cognizance of all causes and criminal actions against persons that have no habitation , in which number shou'd be comprehended all pages or valets de chambre , servants that wear livery , and vagabonds that have no other employment than to wander about the streets , tho' they lodge not in a furnish'd room : one of these officers might be appointed to judge and take cognizance of all crimes committed in the country , and the other , of those that are committed in the city ; with an express prohibition to the lieutenant criminal , and commissaries of the chastelet , to proceed against persons of that character . and to oblige the king's attorney and lieutenant of the short robe not to suffer those to go unpunish'd who are not charg'd by a private person ; i wou'd have all those that are condemn'd to undergo corporal punishment by the lieutenant criminal or courts of request , to be fin'd also in considerable summs ; which shou'd remain as a fund in the hands of the receiver , never to be diverted to any other use , but only for the payment of the charges and damages of those who shall pursue these vagabonds , who have nothing to lose , and can make no reparation : for private persons wou'd willingly become prosecutors , if they were sure to recover their damages . as for the forms of proceeding , 't wou'd be convenient to abolish all assignments or appointments over , to be heard on a personal summons , and from the summons on an order for corporal seizure . if there be no cause to require a warrant for corporal seizure , 't wou'd be sufficient to take out an order of the judge to cite the person accus'd to appear before him , on such a day and hour , there to be examin'd and interrogated ; and in case of non-appearance , for the profit of the failure , the reparations awarded by a definitive sentence might be adjudg'd to the king's attorney and the accuser , without leaving room for an appeal . but the judges ought to proceed with more caution , in issuing out orders of corporal seizure against gentlemen , and never to give any such warrants but in case of capital crimes : whereas , on the contrary , the prosecution of vagabonds shou'd begin with seizure of their bodies , which shou'd be immediately follow'd with examination on the complaint made against 'em , and that with information . banishment is , in my opinion , a punishment that ought never to be inflicted on those who have no reputation or sense of honour ; for to what purpose shou'd a sentence be given against a criminal who is neither afraid of its execution , nor will perform what it ordains . 't is plain then that 't wou'd be a great deal better to order the men into the king's service , and the women to be imprison'd , or ( for great offences ) to be transported to the american colonies : and the best way to punish those that are rich , is to drain their purses . as for prosecutions of persons without a particular description of the party accus'd , the action ought never to be prepar'd for hearing , nor proceed further than a bare information ; for under that disguise a design may be carry'd on against persons of quality , to charge 'em with crimes of which they were never guilty . and besides 't wou'd be highly convenient to regulate the jurisdictions of courts and officers of justice , that there might be no contests between 'em , either by settling the extent of their authority , or by ordaining that every action shou'd remain where 't was first enter'd , till it be determin'd by a definitive sentence . as for the council , i wou'd take away all evocations or removals of causes from one court to another , and the rules of judges , which put the parties to a vast charge , without deciding the main suit ; and create for that effect a court of evocations , to sit at lions or poictiers , which shou'd be compos'd of a president à mortier , and two counsellours of the parliament of paris , a president and two counsellers of the great council , a president and two counsellours of the court of aids , and two counsellours out of each parliament and court of aids in the kingdom , to be taken , one from the seniors , and another from the juniors , and chang'd yearly . this court shou'd judge all causes remov'd or transferr'd from any other court whatsoever ; and to avoid troublesome enquiries into contested parentages , all the officers of each company shou'd be oblig'd to remit their genealogies into the hands of the attorney-general , containing 16. quarters , of which a book shou'd be compos'd and re-printed every year , as the state of france , with all the changes and alterations happening by death , marriage , or sale of office. thus when a cause shou'd happen to be transferr'd , the book of the genealogies of the company , where the cause was in dependence , might be consulted for a proof of the controverted parentage ; and without further trouble , letters might be granted under the great seal , importing a referment to the court of evocations . as for the rules of judges , assoon as a conflict is form'd , instead of taking out a writ in pursuance of a judge's rule , letters of referment wou'd be dispatch'd to the court of evocations . the same court might also be impower'd to judge of reviews or appeals of judgment ; after the council , upon a petition communicated to the party , and his answer , without any other instruction , shou'd conclude that there was an overture for a repeal or review . the constitution of this court wou'd be attended with one very considerable advantage , as being compos'd of officers belonging to all the other courts , so that they cou'd not be ignorant of the customs and manner of proceeding in the companies from whence any suit might happen to be transferr'd ; which is the usual inconveniency of the removal of a cause to another parliament or court of aids , tho' next to that where the cause was depending ; since 't is certain that the parliament of paris is not better acquainted with the customs and manner of proceeding in the parliament of rhoan , than with those that are observ'd in the parliament of thoulouse ; and the same remark is equally applicable to the rest . as for the reviews of judgment , since they are remitted to the same chamber , the sentence formerly given is very rarely annull'd afterwards . it must be acknowledg'd that the new regulation of committimus's , or special commissions in behalf of priviledg'd persons to their proper judges , has in a very considerable measure taken care to prevent the abusing of that privilege , by depriving those who have a right to it of the power of making use of it for small summs , or of lending their name to their friends , since they are oblig'd to signifie and give notice of the assignments they have obtain'd , a year before they can put in their claims at the courts of requests either in the palace or town-house , for the payment of what is made over to ' em . but 't is no less certain , that many important additions might be made to that regulation ; for tho' the officers of the king and princes , and other priviledg'd persons ought not to be diverted from giving personal attendance , by going to manage law-suits in places remote from the court , yet their privileges are attended with this inconveniency , that many persons are forc'd to relinquish their undoubted rights , merely to avoid a chargeable journey to paris . and therefore there ought to be a middle way found out to save the privileges of one party , and the rights of the other . thus the intendants of the place where such differences arise , might take cognizance of those cases , and endeavour to reconcile the contending parties : but if the agreement seem impracticable , the same officers might transmit to one of the masters of requests , the respective instructions and claims of both parties , with an extract of 'em , and their own opinion at the end of it : and a report of those pieces might be made to the council without further charge or other writings , on which a mandamus might be issu'd out . in the mean time , since the courts of request in the palace ought not in justice to be left without employment , besides the right of judging in criminal cases , in which gentlemen are concern'd , these courts ought to have the first hearing of all suits and cases relating to marriage , separation , controversies about estates , reclaiming of vows , testaments , substitutions or deputations , deeds of gift , and all other provisional cases , whether the parties concern'd have a right to the committimus or not . for 't is not suitable to the dignity of these courts , that consist of members of parliament to determine controversies concerning heirs , seizures , repairing of houses , conditions of service , servants wages , and other petty cases that ought not to be remov'd out of the chastelet . besides since there are two of those courts , they might by turns , and from month to month , take cognizance of civil and criminal cases : and 't wou'd be sufficient for the courts of request in the town-house , to meddle only with those cases which they are empower'd to determine sovereignly , and without appeal . there were also two edicts publish'd in 1669 , one for the controllment of warrants or dispatches , and the other relating to the fines that are to be consign'd for appeals . the first is most certainly advantageous to the publick , because it prevents ante-dates , which were very frequent before ; tho' at the same time 't wou'd be no less convenient to hinder the counterfeiting of warrants , which might be easily done , by obliging the sergeants to cause 'em to be sign'd by those on whom they are serv'd , or in case of refusal , by any other persons , who might be call'd for that purpose , and the refusers might be fin'd on the verbal report of the sergeant , attested by two witnesses signing the same with him . but the same character cannot be given of the other edict , which augments the charges of those who have the best right ; since they must advance the fine before the appeal can be judg'd . and therefore to make this edict useful , it ought to be provided that the sentence might be executed without giving bail , till the appealer had consign'd the fine , which wou'd be more effectual if it were augmented : and besides 't wou'd be convenient to oblige the opponents to acquiesce in the sentence , and the rest to consign before they be admitted to oppone : for such a regulation wou'd lessen the number of judgments on default . the parliament of thoulouse resolving to hinder the execution of the edict for the controllment of warrants , issu'd out an order to oblige those who were appointed to levy that duty , to restore a horse , that had been sold for the payment of the fine awarded against deficients . the first president was not accessory to the passing of the order ; but colbert gave him to understand that 't was expected the parliament wou'd cancel it , unless they were resolv'd to draw a severe punishment on the whole body . the same minister wrote also to the sollicitor-general , and to the advocates-general , exhorting 'em to a more diligent performance of their duties for the future . the parliament endeavour'd to ward the blow , and propos'd several other expedients ; by which they thought to save their honour , yet at last they were oblig'd to buy their peace by cancelling the order . but they were not the only objects of colbert's severity ; for the lieutenant of the polity met with a no less rigorous treatment , for endeavouring to oppose the lease of the little shops that belong to the king's domaine , under pretext that it wou'd occasion a mutiny among the herring-sellers : nevertheless the lease pass'd , and the lieutenant was forc'd to truckle . the main design of that minister in reforming the manner of proceeding at law , was to give the people more leisure to apply themselves to trading ; for the advancement of which he procur'd an edict , containing 29 articles , to be register'd the same year , importing the creation of a company or office , for ensuring the adventurers of france in the city of paris . several merchants had found a way to avoid considerable losses , by paying moderate rates for ensuring their vessels and goods . and that all traders might have the same advantage , of lessening the hazards they run in the ordinary course of their trade , for their further encouragement to undertake and carry on considerable adventures with more ease and security ; colbert caus'd a company for a general ensuring-office , with common stock and seals , to be incorporated and settled in st. martin's-street , which being in the middle of the city , was the most convenient place for all parties concern'd . there a house was hir'd and meetings held , to treat of the affairs of the society , with a permission to the merchants , adventurers , and others of the cities of rohan , nantes , st. malo , rochel and other places , who were already engag'd in a like project , to continue the same , as before . the edict requires , that there be a principal stock or fund of 300000 livres , and that the company shall consist of thirty officers , five of 'em to be elected by plurality of voices , to execute the office of directors for a limited time ; two of the five to be remov'd six months after their election , three more after other six months , and so every six months successively , a like number being always chosen to succeed 'em ; so that there are still two or three directors who cannot be continu'd for above two successive elections , and in that number there must always be three traders . the contract of the society containing 43 articles , was presented to the king by the thirty associates : whose names are here inserted ; de lagni , director-general of trade ; soulete desvieus , le fevre , rousseau , le javiel , matry , de vitri la ville , t. de lile , charles le brun , chauvin , tardif , poquelin , hebert , p. chauvin , cl. le brun , pasquier , paignon , a. pelletier , molliere , barry , cousinet , n. soullet , gaillart , de loubert , franchepin , herson , de la rivoire , de meur , and ceberet . amidst such a vast multiplicity of business colbert was still mindful of his being a parent of children , as well as a minister of state. on the 21th of january , 1671. he marry'd his daughter henrietta to paul de beauvilliers , duke of s. aignan , peer of france , knight of the king's orders , first gentleman of his majesty's bed-chamber , governour and lieutenant-general of the town and cittadel of havre de grace , camp-master of the regiment of s. aignan , son of francis de beauvilliers , count and afterwards duke of s. aignan , and of antoinette de servien , daughter of nicholas servien , counsellour of state , and of mary groulard . the country of s. aignan fell to the house of beauvilliers , by the marriage of emeri de beauvilliers , bayliff and governour of berry , with loüise de husson-tonnere . hitherto colbert seem'd to have made it a main part of his care to ease pleaders , by abridging the tedious and wrangling forms of law , and preventing abuses ; but the bringing in of mark'd paper and parchment rais'd the charge of suits to so prodigious a heighth , that it ruin'd most of those who were engag'd in ' em . if it had been only appointed to be us'd for writing the instruments or deeds of notaries , and sentences , it might have been look'd upon as an invention to prevent ante-dates , since by reason of the frequent alteration of the marks , 't wou'd be hard to find immediately any paper or parchment that was in use at the time of the false date . but to what purpose shou'd petitions , inventories , and replications be written on mark'd paper ? and why shou'd the grievance be made still more intolerable , by obliging attorneys not to exceed a certain number of lines in every page , and even fixing the number of words that are to be contain'd in each line ? colbert , who was desirous to obtain the reversion of the office of secretary of state for his eldest son , the marquess de seignelay , sent him abroad to visit the principal courts of europe , under the inspection of isarn , who was recommended to him by pelisson . the young traveller took a view of italy , germany , and england , and on his father's account was receiv'd every where with extraordinary respect . his tutor isarn , had the misfortune to die in an inn at his return to paris ; for the door of his chamber being double-lock'd , and the key carry'd away by the marquess's servants , he was suddenly taken ill , and having in vain attempted to come forth , he fell down dead as he was endeavouring to call out for assistance . the marquess at his return from his travels , eas'd his father of part of that prodigious load of business he was oblig'd to sustain ; as being entrusted with the care of all the home-affairs of the state. the earnest desire he had to compleat the reformation of abuses , made him perswade the king to suppress the courts of justice that were kept by several lords in paris , because of the contests that usually happen'd between the chastelet and the judges of those courts , about their authority and jurisdiction ; and besides , those judges were apt to be corrupted , as knowing that they were only to execute their office , during the life of their masters . the archbishop of paris had his bayliff , and king's attorney at fort l' evêque , the abbot of s. germain in his abbey , the grand prior of france at the temple , and the abbess of montmartre at ville-neuve . the chastelet being over-crowded with affairs after the suppression of these courts , was divided into two parts , their jurisdictions being separated by the river . the lieutenant-civil , lieutenant-criminal , lieutenant-particular , and king's attorney of the new chastelet , were to serve by turns from year to year in the in the old ; and those of the old to remove to their respective places in the new. peter girardin was made lieutenant-civil of the new , antony le ferron lieutenant-criminal , lewis de vienne lieutenant-particular , claude robert king's attorney , james brichard and nicholas meraut advocates-general . the new chastelet sate at the abbey of s. germain , in the hall of the bailiwick , till the building began at the old was finish'd : after which both courts sitting in one place , the advocates and attorneys cou'd with more ease and conveniency go from one audience to plead at the other . while colbert was busi'd in regulating the state at home , a war broke out between france and the house of austria , occasion'd by several actions of the dutch , to the prejudice of the kings of france and england . a league was concluded between those two monarchs by the mediation of the dutchess of orleans , and by virtue of the treaty which they sign'd , the united provinces were to be divided between ' em . but the king of england growing jealous of his most christian majesty's victories , who in 40 days conquer'd 4 provinces , and took 40 cities , withdrew from the league , and became the mediator of a peace . the conferences were begun at cologn , and interrupted by the carrying away of william egon of furstemberg , plenipotentiary of the elector of that name , the marquess de grana having arrested him by the emperour's order . but the treaty was again set on foot by the pope's mediation , and all the potentates concern'd in the war sent their plenipotentiaries to nimmegen , the place appointed for the new conferences . charles colbert went thither for france , with the marechal d' estrade , and the count d' avaux : and while he was at nimmegen his brother procur'd for him the office of president à mortier in the parliament of paris , vacant by the resignation of nicholas potier , lord of novien , who was made first president . at the same time john baptist colbert was made minister of state ; and forgetting his birth , and the modesty he had till then affected , assum'd the title of grandeur . his office of counsellour of state in ordinary , was given to claude pelletier , counsellour of state de semestre , or for six months , and bignon , formerly advocate-general in the parliament of paris , was made counsellour de semestre . at the same time colbert obtain'd the reversion of the office of secretary of state for his eldest son , the marquess de seignelay , and that of the superintendancy of the buildings for his younger brother , julius armand colbert , marquess of ormoy . this marquess , who was no enemy to love , cou'd not resist the charms of mademoiselle de la sale , a young lady of quality , but of small fortune , and the youngest of three sisters . she cou'd not boast a regular beauty , for her mouth was somewhat large , and her complexion too ruddy , but she had the advantage of a fine sett of teeth , and sparkling eyes ; her hair was of a lovely light ash-colour ; she sung prettily , danc'd with a becoming grace , and her pleasant humour made her conversation very agreeable . her large stature , and fine shape appear'd with advantage in the habit of a man , in which dress the marquess of ormoy made her often come to versailles , and even gave her a key to the park , that she might go there to wait for him . it happen'd one day , that she made use of her key to introduce her into that place , when the king had given orders to suffer no person whatsoever to enter . bontemps , governour of the park , perceiving her at a considerable distance , took her for a man ; and coming up to her , ask'd her how she came thither . so unexpected a salutation put her out of countenance , and not being able to conceal her sex , she told him , that her mother having attempted to force her inclinations in the choice of a husband , she came to beg his majesty's protection : and the governour assur'd her , that he wou'd do her all the service he cou'd , and speak to the king in her favour . nor was he unmindful of his promise , for he acquainted his majesty with the adventure , whose curiosity at the hearing of so rare an accident , was so great , that he went along with bontemps into the park to discourse with her . she repeated to him the story she had invented to conceal her intrigue with the marquess , and he promis'd to enquire into the matter , and to secure her from any violence that shou'd be offer'd to her . in the mean time he told her that 't was fit she shou'd have some regard to the decency of her sex , and desir'd her to go to bontemps's house , who wou'd furnish her with a more suitable dress , and after dinner conduct her to a convent , where she shou'd be safe from her mother's persecutions . in obedience to the king's desire , the governour carry'd her home with him ; where having chang'd her habit , she was put into one of his majesty's coaches , and conducted by two soldiers of the guard , to the monastery of benedictin nuns , at argenteüil , where she liv'd two years at the king's charge ; who being afterwards inform'd that the relation she made him of her fortune was a mere contriv'd story , order'd her to be set at liberty ; after which she return'd to her mother . in the mean time , so long an absence had wrought such a perfect cure on the marquess , that he never thought of renewing his intrigue ; and she repair'd the loss of that lover with fresh conquests . colbert's sister made a better use of the company and example of the bernardin nuns ; for she was admitted into their society at port-royal , a convent of the same order . her own piety and modesty recommended her no less effectually than her brother's interest to his majesty , who made her abbess of lys , near melun . she receiv'd the benediction at port-royal from the archbishop of paris , in may 1667 , and the whole court assisted at the ceremony . after colbert had considerably augmented the number of the king's vessels , his next care was to furnish 'em with artillery . about six years before , there was a manufactory of iron-guns set up in some forges in nivernois , those especially that are next to the city of nevers , and river of loire : but the hope of success in that undertaking was much abated , after 't was discover'd that the metal of the mines in that country was so little fit for such an use , that the cast pieces were not able to abide the tryals which the king's commissioners requir'd to be made of 'em , before they wou'd receive 'em on board . at last , in 1678 , two strangers and a man of dauphine undertook to correct the fault of the metal ; and for the accomplishment of their promise , submitted to a tryal , which was perform'd by commissioner du-clos , with a great deal of exactness and rigour . all the guns that were made by the strangers burst at the first shot ; and those that were cast by the native of dauphiné were thrice discharg'd without receiving any damage . but this trial did not satisfie du-clos , who cou'd hardly give credit to his own eyes ; he appointed two other days , when they were charg'd , and shot off with the greatest exactness imaginable , and the same success as before : yet he still suspected the event , till on the third day he saw 'em bear the shock of twenty discharges that were made one after another , without suffering the guns to cool . at last one and twenty of 'em were sent to brest , to be put on board the ships , and were there try'd by the captains , with as much exactness as if they had never been discharg'd before : for most of the other guns that were brought from nivernois were so shatter'd and weaken'd by du-clos's tryal , that they cou'd not endure a second at brest without bursting to pieces . prior frantot was the inventer of this secret ; he had four brothers kill'd in the king's service , and was a soldier himself , till several wounds he receiv'd in the wars , oblig'd him to leave that profession . several other ingenious persons came afterwards to assist him in his work at nevers ; and a gentleman of his own country brought thither a certain powder , being a secret of his invention , to refine and purifie the mines . nicholas desmarets , the eldest son of mary colbert , sister of the minister of that name , had for some time serv'd his uncle in the quality of his chief commissary , tho' he was already one of the masters of requests , and marry'd to the daughter of lewis bechamel , secretary to the council . but colbert resolv'd to raise his nephew's fortune higher , and procur'd him the office of intendant of the finances , vacant by the death of claude marin : and by the same minister's interest , james desmarets , the intendant's brother , was made agent of the french clergy , with the abbot of bezons ; a preferment that is usually a step to a bishoprick . james nicholas colbert , the minister's second son , licentiate of the sorbon , abbot of bec , and prior of la charité , was the same year receiv'd into the french academy in the room of esprit , and in the presence of several persons of note . anthony martin colbert , his third son , who follow'd arms , was admitted knight of malta very young , tho' 't is plain by the account of his descent in the begining of this work , that he cou'd produce but very slender proofs of his nobility ; but his father's grandeur supply'd that defect , and his proofs were receiv'd without a rigorous examination . some time after he obtain'd the commandery of boncourt , and was afterwards made colonel of the regiment of champaign . on the 12th . of february 1679 , mary ann colbert , the minister's youngest daughter , was marry'd at st. germain en laye , to lewis de rochechoüart , duke of mortemar , and peer of france , who had obtain'd a right of survivorship to the office of general of the galleys , and was the son of lewis victor de rochechoüart , duke of vivone , peer and mareschal of france , and governour of champaign and brie , and of antoinette louise de mesmes , daughter of henry de mesmes , lord of roissy , second president in the parliament of paris , and of mary de la vallée-fossez , marchioness of everly . abbot colbert was receiv'd doctor of the sorbonne , in the following april ; and the ceremony of giving him the cap was perform'd by francis de harlay de chanvalon , archbishop of paris . the treaty of nimmeghen having put an end to the war , colbert gave orders to du mets , keeper of the royal treasury , to repay the summs that were lent in 1674 , by the officers of the civil government to his majesty , for supplying the necessities of the state : and those who were unwilling to receive their reimbursements , had rents assign'd ' em . the archbishop of paris perceiving that colbert's power , and favour with his master encreas'd daily , took occasion to oblige him in the person of his nephew , the abbot desmarets , on whom he bestow'd a canonship of nôtre-dame , vacant by the death of the abbot salo , counsellor in the parliament of paris . charles colbert at his return from nimmeghen , took possession of his office of president à mortier in the parliament of paris , in september 1679. the marquiss de seignelay having had only one daughter ( who died in her infancy ) of his first wife mary margaret , marchioness of alegre , was marry'd a second time , on the sixth of the same month , to catharin teresa de matignon , daughter of henry count of thorigny , his majesty's lieutenant-general in normandy , and of frances de luthumieres . on the 11th . colbert carry'd all the company that were present at his son's marriage , to sceaux , and regal'd 'em with a magnificent treat . the family of matignon is one of the most ancient houses in normandy ; and the count of thorigny can reckon five or six knights of the order among his ancestors , since the time of maréchal de matignon , who was one of the greatest men of his age. his mother eleonora of orleans , was a princess of the house of longueville , and daughter of mary or margaret de bourbon , henry iv's aunt . the marquiss de seignelay , after a short stay with his bride , took post for marseilles , where he arriv'd on the 25th . of the same month ; and having visited the arsenal , took a review of eight galleys that were ready to depart ; after which he proceeded on his journey to dauphiné , stopping at toulon , and some other places where his presence was necessary ; and having seen the above-mention'd guns of a new invention at st. servais , above st. marcellin , on the banks of the isere , he return'd to paris by the way of lyons . during his abode at toulon , he order'd two companies , of one hundred men each , by the name of soldiers , guardians of the ships , to be levy'd under the command of the captain of the port , and of the chevalier de levy , aid-major of his majesty's naval forces . the last of these officers rais'd his company of one hundred chosen men , who had serv'd in the marine , consisting of twenty five sergeants , as many corporals , and fifty private centinels , all neatly cloath'd . at the same time the president colbert took journey for munich , to treat of the dauphin's marriage with the princess of bavaria . assoon as he had concluded the match , he sent an account of his negotiation to his brother , who receiv'd it before that which was directed to his majesty came to the hands of pompone , secretary of state , who was gone into the country , where he had order'd some buildings to be erected . colbert went immediately to compliment the king on the happy success of the treaty , who was extreamly surpriz'd that he had not the first notice of it ; and when pompone came afterwards to give him an account of it , his majesty told him , that he might return home , since he was so full of business ; and that in the mean time he would take care to put another into his place , who wou'd be more diligent in the performance of his duty . 't is thought this affair was concerted between the two brothers , and that a courier was dispatch'd to colbert before there was one sent to pompone ; to lay a snare for that minister , that his disgrace might be a step to the advancement of the president 's fortune . however , 't is certain that colbert obtain'd the vacant place for his brother , and perform'd the duties of it during his absence . there was no need of this new accession to that vast load of business he was oblig'd to sustain ; for his mind was so fatigu'd with such a multiplicity of cares , that , notwithstanding his accustom'd gravity , he chose rather to commit an action that was equally inconsistent with his dignity , and the rules of civility , than to bear the importunity of a lady of great quality , who was one day urging him to do her a piece of service which he judg'd to be impracticable . the lady perceiving his inflexibility , threw her self at his feet in the hall of audience , in the presence of above one hundred persons , and bursting forth into tears , cry'd out , i beg your grandeur , in the name of god , to grant me this favour : and he kneeling down over-against her , reply'd in the same mournful tone , i conjure you , madam , in the name of god , not to disturb me . francis de roxel de medavy de grancey , archbishop of roüen , having demanded a coadjutor to assist him in the government of his diocess , colbert obtain'd of the king the nomination to that dignity for his son , the abbot . and while that prelate was expecting his bulls from rome , his brother-in-law , the duke of mortemar , began his travels to italy , with a resolution to visit all the courts in that countrey . he began with that of savoy , and from thence passing to parma and modena , he went to bologna , where he was receiv'd with great marks of honour by the cardinal guastaldi , legat of that place . proceeding on his journey , he visited the great duke at florence , and arriving at rome , met with a very favourable treatment from pope innocent xi . in consideration of his father , the mareschal duke de vivone , who was generalissimo of the galleys of the the holy see at candy . the marquess de seignelay , immediately after his return from provence , began another journey to rochefort , bourdeaux , and bayonne ; and after he had given some orders concerning those places , he accompany'd the king in his progress to the coast of picardy . his majesty began with the port of ambleteuse , the situation of which he examin'd with the marquess de vauban , mareschal de camp. from thence he went to the port of wissan , two leagues from ambleteuse ; and after he had visited the fort of mulon , arriv'd at calice , from whence he return'd to versailles . thus colbert had the pleasure to see how well his relations employ'd their time , and with how much care and success they made their court ; but his joy was moderated by the news he receiv'd of the death of his sister , the abbess of st. clare at rheims , who was much lamented by all the nuns that were under her government . in the mean time the king persisted in his resolution to extirpate heresie , and by colbert's advice , establish'd a regulation concerning the royal farms or leases , ordaining that none but catholicks shou'd be afterwards admitted to take either farms , or under-farms ; and that no protestants shou'd be employ'd as directors , commissaries , or in any office whatsoever , for the levying and collecting of money . the abbot colbert having receiv'd his bulls , was consecrated in the church of the sorbonne , titulary archbishop of carthage , by the archbishop of rohan , assisted by the bishops of bayeux and lizieux his suffragans ; after which he set forward to take possession of his coadjutorship of rohan , accompany'd by the coadjutor of arles , the bishop of lizieux , and the abbot of grignan , nam'd to the bishoprick of eureux , and arriving at gaillon , was receiv'd with a great deal of magnificence by the archbishop of rohan , to whom that house belong'd , and there complimented by lewis le blanc , intendant of the generality of rohan , and mascarany , great-master of the waters and forests . the next day in the after-noon he departed with the bishop of lizieux , and arriving about five a-clock at port st. oüen , was attended by above thirty of his canons , with several persons of quality : proceeding further , he was met by claude pelot , first president of the parliament , and several of the most considerable members of the other companies , who made a convoy or cavalcade of above fifty coaches , to conduct him to his archiepiscopal palace , where he arriv'd on the 28th . of september , 1680 , and after he had given audience to the deputies of the chapter , went to st. heibland , where he was receiv'd by the curate of the parish . there he put off his shooes and stockings , and clothing himself with a rochet and camail , march'd barefoot towards the cathedral , accompany'd with the priors and monks of the abbey of st. oüen , all in copes , the ancient and reform'd monks having each their prior. he found all the way from that parish to nôtre-dame matted , and was receiv'd at the gate by bretel de gremonville , dean of the chapter , with all the canons and curates of the chapel , in rich copes . after the dean had presented the holy water , and given the cross to the coadjutor to kiss it , the prior of the ancient monks , addressing himself to the whole chapter , we give you , said he , our archbishop alive , and you shall restore him dead . the meaning of that expression depends on the usual custom of exposing the bodies of the dead archbishops in state at this monastery . that ceremony being finish'd , the dean presenting his church to him , ask'd his protection , and made him swear the usual oath on the gospels . then the coadjutor put on his shooes and stockings at st. peter's altar , after he had offer'd a crown of gold at the altar of vows . at last having been receiv'd into the chapter as a canon , and into the pontifical chair in the choir as archbishop , he heard mass sung , and afterwards treated the whole chapter at three tables , which were serv'd with equal delicacy and profusion . that prelate's father having accompany'd the king in his journey to the netherlands , was attack'd with a fever , the fits of which lasted fifteen hours : he was cur'd with the peruvian bark , prepar'd by an english physician ; and so considerable a success brought that remedy into vogue . about the same time the marquess de torsy , son of charles colbert , secretary of state , defended theses dedicated to his majesty , which he presented to the whole royal family , in magnificent boxes . there that monarch was represented , giving peace with one hand to europe , who was arm'd to denote power , and accompany'd with a tiara and keys , to signifie that it was the christian part of europe . discord , and the fury of war , whom the king had vanquish'd , were under his feet ; and with his other hand he stopp'd the course of victory , who was inciting him to new conquests . love and peace held his majesty's thunder ; and the latter was follow'd by abundance , magnificence , and tranquillity . above the king was glory setting a crown on his head , and the love of immoratality holding another , and just ready to crown him . behind glory appear'd piety and mildness , who was busy'd in shutting the temple of janus . on the other side was fame displaying the banner held by victory , to expose the history of those actions to be read which she had already publish'd with her trumpet . below , philosophy was represented by a venerable woman , to whom nature imparted all her secrets : nature appear'd under the figure of another woman , crown'd with the zodiac , and accompany'd with a lion for the symbole of fire ; fruits and fruitful animals , representing water ; and a vultur devouring a bird , to signifie the perpetual round of things , which nature re-produces by their destruction . all these figures seem to be enlighten'd and discover'd to the spectator by a flambeau , held by the love of wisdom , who shew'd the king the beauties of philosophy , and display'd her mantle , the folds of which were as so many steps to ascend to the top or perfection of wisdom : and the same love represented the genius of him who defended the theses . colbert continu'd still to apply himself with a great deal of industry and diligence to the management of naval affairs : and in pursuance of that design , he employ'd some persons at versailles , under the inspection of the chevalier de tourville , now mareschal of france , to build a frigat after a new contrivance , which resembl'd the english way of building , but was thought to exceed it , both with respect to the materials , and the frame of the vessel , to make her carry her sails well , and render her light , tho' she were loaded with a great number of guns . this frigat being only thirty foot in the keel , cou'd nevertheless carry sixty guns ; and if that design shou'd be brought to perfection , as it afterwards was , 't was resolv'd that she shou'd serve as a model for the future . this undertaking was attended with extraordinary success ; and trade encreas'd so fast , that in the year 1681 , the town of st. malo alone set forth in one month sixty five well-rigg'd ships , the least of 'em being of 150 tun , for the fishery of cods at newfoundland , without reckoning those that were employ'd in the levant , spanish , and west-india trade , besides ten that were on the stocks . st. malo is a little town in bretaign ; its situation is admirable , by reason of the rock on which 't is built ; and the inhabitants are entrusted with the guard of the city , as a privilege due to their unshaken loyalty . the advancement of trade was not the only object of colbert's care and application ; for he made his majesty's arms as terrible at sea , as they were already at land. to make the reader sensible of the truth of this assertion , 't will be sufficient to put him in mind of the duke of mortemar's expedition with his majesty's galleys in june 1681. no sooner did he appear before majorca , but the pyrates of that island deliver'd all their french prisoners , according to the list drawn up by the deputies of marseilles , and gave money for those that cou'd not be found . then the general returning to marseilles , left the ten galleys that were under his command , and immediately put to sea again with a like number of others . he gave chase to the pyrates , and having secur'd the peace and tranquillity of the mediterranean , was returning from corsica to marseilles , when before leghorn he fell in with a fleet of 9 dutch merchant-ships , from 25 to 40 guns each , under the convoy of two men of war of 60 guns , commanded by the count of stirum , vice-admiral of holland , who refusing to salute the reale , the duke resolv'd to bring him to reason ; and having secur'd the advantage of the wind of all the ships in the road , he order'd his men to take breath ( who had row'd all the way from porto-ferrato to leghorn ) that they might be afterwards in a condition to attack and burn the vessels , and drive 'em foul of each other . but the execution of his design was prevented by the arrival of the captain of the port in a felucca from the city , with advice that the dutch were resolv'd to comply : and after several messages , 't was agreed that the count of stirum shou'd salute the reale with nine guns , and only be answer'd with two , which was accordingly executed . the terror of the king's flags was not confin'd to the mediterranean : the chevalier de bethune , captain of a frigat call'd the mutine , set sail from port-lewis , on the 23d . of june , to rejoyn the chevalier de château-regnaut , and rang'd the coast to the road of cascais , about seven leagues distant from lisbon , where he anchor'd july 1 , and the next day set sail again , on advice that captain bart , commander of two dunkirk frigats , had taken a vessel belonging to the pyrates of salley ; and that there was another of 16 guns on the coast of portugal . the vessel which bart forc'd ashore , was mann'd with 103 moors , who escap'd to land , but were afterwards deliver'd up to him by the orders of the prince-regent : the nephew of the governour of salley , and some of the most considerable persons of that city , were found among the prisoners ; and eighteen christians were set at liberty . the chevalier de bethune being inform'd of that action , cruis'd on the coast of portugal till the fourth of the same month , when about ten a-clock in the morning , he descry'd a ship at the height of 40 degrees , five or six leagues south-south-west of the berlingues . he chas'd her till eight at night , when being too near the shore , he gave orders to tack about for sea-room : next morning about half an hour after four , he perceiv'd the pyrate sailing close by the shore , in chase of a portuguese caravelle , whom she left when she saw the mutine stand in after her , and endeavour'd to escape ; but finding that she cou'd not otherwise avoid fighting , she chose rather to run a-shore about half an hour after two a-clock in the afternoon . before she took that resolution , she fir'd ten or twelve shot , without reaching the frigat ; and then tack'd towards the shore , five leagues south ( declining a little towards the west ) of montaign . assoon as the vessel struck a-ground , all the men leap'd over-board except eighteen christians , whom they had taken and made slaves . immediately the frigat cast anchor in seven fathom water , and denoy , one of the lieutenants , with six or seven soldiers of the marine guard , went in the boat to see whether there were any turks in the vessel ; where they learn'd that there were 125 of 'em , and that they had all made their escape . after the boat went off from the frigat , the baron des adrets , lieutenant , the chevalier de blenac , ensign , and the chevalier de la barre , with some soldiers , mann'd the pinnace , and stood away to join denoy , whom they found on board the pyrate . then they began to consider whether the vessel cou'd be gotten off , but the sea was so high , and she had receiv'd so violent a shock , that they quickly lost all hope of saving her . finding none but christians in the vessel , the baron des adrets , and the chevalier de blenac , with some soldiers of the marine guard , went a-shore in pursuit of the turks , if perhaps they cou'd meet with any of 'em straggling : and in the mean time denoy , and the chevalier de la barre endeavour'd to set fire to the ship ; but finding they cou'd not compass their design , the chevalier went back in the pinnace with ten frenchmen , to the frigat , and return'd with the master-gunner to burn the ship with artificial fire-works ; but she was so over-set , that 't was impossible to get on board ; and immediately after she was broken to pieces with so much violence , that nothing but her flags cou'd be sav'd . denoy and six or seven more , who were with him in the vessel , leap'd over-board , and got to the shore ; and the chevalier de la barre finding that he cou'd not approach so near as to take 'em in , return'd with the pinnace to the frigat . two days after , the chevalier de la bethune went to d. pedro , the prince-regent , now king of portugal , to demand the turks who had thrown their arms into the sea , and made their escape a-shore : his request was granted , and the infidels were deliver'd to him . the marquess du quêne , lieutenant-general of his majesty's armies , chas'd some tripolin pyrates into the port of chio , where he cannonaded 'em , and almost quite destroy'd the fortress , because it fir'd some guns at the fleet under his command . the pyrates offer'd to buy their peace at the rate of 300 french slaves , to be restor'd without ransom , and were at last constrain'd to deliver 'em all to the marquess . 't was stipulated by the treaty with the divan of tripoli , that all the french that were to be found in their squadron , or on board any ship that had come out of their port that year , shou'd be set at liberty ; that captain courcillier's ship which had been taken under french colours , and was at that time in the port of chio , with 16 guns mounted , shou'd be restor'd , with her men , arms , and ammunition ; that the ship call'd europe , taken under the colours of majorca , and then in the port of chio , shou'd remain under the authority and protection of the captain basha , till it shou'd be decided whether she ought to be reckon'd a french vessel ; that no tripolin ships shou'd search any vessel trading under french colours , nor injure or molest the persons , ships , or goods of those who shou'd produce a pass-port from the admiral of france ; that all strangers who shou'd be found on board any vessel bearing french colours , shou'd remain free and unmolested , both with respect to their persons and goods ; and likewise frenchmen who shou'd happen to be embark'd on vessels under strange colours , tho' enemies to that state ; that neither french slaves , nor prizes taken by the enemies of that kingdom , shou'd be permitted to be sold in the ports of the kingdom of tripoli ; that a french consul shou'd be settl'd there ; and that no prize shou●d be taken within ten miles of the coast of france . colbert was not unmindful of james desmarets de vauburgh , brother to the intendant and abbot of that name : for to recompense the care he took to ease him in the discharge of his ministry , he bought for him one of the places of master of requests , vacant by the death of peter forcoal . desmarets was , by his uncle's interest , admitted to the exercise of that office , tho' he was not above 25 years old , as he had already been receiv'd into the parliament as the age of 22. he marry'd afterwards the daughter of de voisin , another master of requests , who had successively executed the offices of intendant of picardy , normandy , and tourain . the ceremony of the marriage was perform'd in st. bennet's church , and the feast of the wedding was kept in the house of daniel voisin , the bride's uncle , who had been * provost of the merchants . vousy , the intendant's fourth brother , was first lieutenant , then captain of a ship , and was now made captain of the guard. there were two other brothers , one of whom di'd in candie , and the other perish'd at sea. and of the three sisters , two are nuns at nôtre-dame de soissons , and the other was marry'd to andrew jubert de bouville , master of the requests , who was since made intendant of limosin ; but by reason of his indiscreet zeal in the defence of the lieutenant-general of limoges , who was accus'd of bribery and exaction , was suspected by the whole province to have shar'd the booty with him whom he protected . on the 16th . of december , 1681. the king came to paris , and visited the orchard or nursery of fruit-trees for the use of the royal houses ; from whence he went to the louvre , where he saw his cabinet of pictures , and from thence to his library in the street vivienne , where the coadjutor of rohan shew'd him the most curious books , and the cabinet of ancient and modern medals , and engrav'd agats . his majesty went also to the academy of sciences , the chymical laboratory , and the rolling-press for prints , and expressed a great deal of satisfaction at the sight of so many marks of colbert's diligence in ordering all things that were committed to his care. at the same the marquess de seignelay went to dunkirk to be present at the tryal of some newly-invented machines , the success of which gave a fair prospect of great advantages in time of war. the frigat call'd echole was set apart by his order for the instruction of the young officers of his majesty's ships and the marine guards , and disarm'd by the chevaler le bret of flacourt , who had commanded her , and cruis'd six weeks on the coast about rochefort . and the same officer was made captain of the marine guards on that side . the terrour which the king's galleys had spread over all the mediterranean , occasion'd an embassy to his majesty from mula ismael , king of morocco , and brother of muley axid , who was called king of tafilet . that country is of a considerable extent , being part of the ancient numidia , at present call'd biledulgerit , and is situated between fez and the mediterranean . the above-mention'd king of tafilet , who was one of the greatest conquerours in afric , as he was one day managing his horse , struck his head against the branch of a fig-tree , and receiv'd a mortal blow , of which he died some days after ; tho' others say he was poison'd by one of his concubines . but whatever was the occasion of his death , 't is certain that when he felt it approaching , he deliver'd his sword as the badge of royalty to his brother mula ismael , telling him that his two sons , ( the eldest of whom was but 4 , and the other 3 years old ) were incapable of sustaining the weight of a crown ; and that he foresaw that all the countries he had conquer'd wou'd revolt after his death . nor was he mistaken in his prediction ; for the people took arms ; and mula at the head of the negro's and some other troops , was oblig'd to re-conquer the kingdoms of fez and morocco , the principalities of tetuan , salley , and arcassa , and a part of the kingdom of sus. his subjects are compos'd of several nations , of which i shall only name some of the most remarkable . the cities are inhabited by the moors , who are the posterity of the ancient saracens . the barbarians live in houses conver'd with stubble , on the vast mountains of atlas , which cross the whole country . the alarbs or arabs possess the plains , and are divided into tribes : the head or oldest man of a family , is the commander , and is call'd the checq or captain . they pass their whole life in tents made of wooll and goat's hair , and the plains are strew'd with their adoüards , which are a sort of hamlets , consisting of 40 or 50 tents , set up together in a round figure : and some of the most numerous tribes inhabit 50 adoüards . to all the conquests i have already mention'd , mula ismael added that of mammora on the ocean , which he took from the spaniards , and of tangier , the metropolis of mauritania tingitana , which the english were forc'd to abandon . he is of the race of mahomet surnam'd cherif , whose name he bears in his signet in the arabic tongue , together with that of the saviour of the world , whom the moors call cydy nayssa , but only acknowledge that he was a great prophet . in the same signet is the name of god , and of mahomet , the author of their religion : for all other coats of arms are forbidden by their law , which expresly prohibits all sorts of figures . they pretend to be the only professors of the true mahometan religion , and affirm that 't was begun by christ , whom they make the first of all the moors , and the inventer of their usual habit . they wear neither gold , silver , nor silk , and are only cloath'd with a piece of stuff , wrapp'd two or three times about their body , and leaving their arms and legs bare ▪ they call this garment a hocque , and it ought always to be made of white stuff . nor are they less religious observers of that part of their law which contains regulations about meat , for they eat no flesh but of such beasts as are kill'd by persons of their own sect. he who supplies the place of a butcher , presents the animal with its throat towards mecca , saying , my god , behold a victim which i am going to sacrifice to thee , i pray thee that our eating of it may be for thy glory , and then cuts its throat . they perform their sala or devotion , exactly five times every day : first they wash their feet and legs up to the knees , and their hands and arms to the elbows ; then seating themselves on the ground , with their face turn'd east-ward , they invoke their cydy mahomet , and afterwards cydy bellabec , ( whom they interpret to be st. augustin ) and several others . among their saints they reckon also cydy nayssa , for so they call the saviour of the world , who , they believe was born of a virgin , and conceiv'd by the breath of god , but they cannot comprehend that breath to be the holy ghost , and consequently that there are three persons who are one god. mula ismael perceiving that the squadron of six ships commanded by the chevalier de château-regnaut , had quite ruin'd the trade of his kingdom by lying before his ports , resolv'd to send an ambassadour to his majesty ; and gave that commission to hagdi mehemed thummin , governour of tetuan , who embark'd on the vessel commanded by la barre in château-regnaut's squadron , and arriv'd at brest , where he stay'd for his majesty's orders , who was then at strasburg , and came afterwards to paris , by the way of vannes , nantes , anger 's , saumur , blois , and orleans . his wit was every-where admir'd , and convinc'd those who convers'd with him , that he was master of all that politeness for which the ancient moors were famous . in every town thro' which he pass'd , he made a queen and an ambassadress : one day a lady , whom he had honour'd with the first of these titles , seem'd to be jealous , and complain'd , that she whom he call'd ambassadress engross'd all his eloquence and kindness : you are queen , reply'd he immediately , and my duty is to admire you in silence ; after which he continu'd his discourse with the ambassadress . another lady blaming the custom of his country men who take a great number of wives . if our women were as handsome as you , answer'd he , we wou'd never marry more than one . after the king had granted him audience , colbert de croissy , secretary of state , and the marquess of seignelay were appointed to hear his poposals . at last he concluded a treaty for commerce , and left france , extremely pleas'd with the country , and charm'd with his majesty's grandeur . we have already seen with what zeal colbert apply'd himself to the advancement of some of his relations ; and he was not less mindful of his brother edward-francis . in the year 1658 , he marry'd him to mary-magdalen bautru , daughter to the count of serran , chancellor to philip of france , duke of orleans , the king's brother , and made him buy the county of maulevrier . he procur'd him to be made captain-lieutenant of the second company of his majesty's musquetiers , maréchal de camp , and afterwards lieutenant-general ; and at last obtain'd for him the government of tournay , in may 1682. tournay is a very strong place , defended by a castle , which is said to have been built by the english : 't is seated on the scheld , and is the metropolis of a little territory call'd tournaisis . besides the cathedral-church of nôtre-dame , which is a very fine structure ; it contains ten parishes , two abbeys , and several other religious houses . in the year 1521. the emperour charles v. took it from the french , who had seiz'd it three years before : it was again conquer'd by his majesty in 1667. and yielded to him by the treaty of aix la chapelle , as i intimated before . this city is very ancient , and its bishop is a suffragan of the archbishop of cambray . the insolence of the pyrates of algier , who wou'd not be taught wisdom by the example of those of tripoli , provok'd the king to send thither the marquess du quêne with his squadron . he sail'd from the port of thoulon , july 12. 1682. on the 18th . he join'd the galleys that expected him at yvica ; and on the 23. anchor'd before algier , where the galleys stopp'd a bark they had taken by the way , which was bound with provisions for the city . the marquess du quêne was join'd in the road by some men of war and bomb-vessels ; so that the whole fleet consisted of 15 galleys , 11 men of war , 5 bomb-vessels , 2 fire-ships , and 3 arm'd barks , besides tenders and other vessels laden with ammunition . the coast of afric makes a crooked line in this place , and forms the bay of algier ; the city is built on that part of the shore that reaches from south to north , and looks towards the east . it s situation on the brow of a hill yields a very pleasant prospect to those who are at sea ; for they have a full view of all the houses which are roof'd with terrasses and whited without . 't is defended with strong walls , and several irregular works all of different figures : besides , there is a castle in the highest part of the city , and on the fortifications which reach along the shore there are above 50 pieces of cannon mounted . the harbour is overagainst the middle of the city , and cover'd on the side next the sea with a little island fortifi'd with several works , and about 50 pieces of cannon . at the north end of the island is the watch-tower , furnish'd with 27 piece of cannon on three batteries : on the north sides the harbour is cover'd by a mole that joins the island to the city , and shut up with a chain toward the south . about 1000 paces without the city on the north side , there is a little fort , call'd the englishmens fort , defended by 10 or 12 pieces of cannon ; and nearer the city is fort babaloüet with 15 pieces of artillery . on the south side of the city near the shore , stands the fort of babassan , where there are 10 or 12 great guns ; and there is also another fort on the top of the hill call'd the emperour's fort , from charles v. who encamp'd there at the time of his unfortunate expedition in 1541. thus 't was impossible for the french to bombard algier , without exposing themselves to the fire of above 160 pieces of cannon , 80 of which carry'd from 24 to 60 pound ball. all the forces of the state were in the city , and all the vessels of the pyrates , except one galley , left the sea assoon as the king's ships appear'd , and got into the harbour , where they were disarm'd , and the chain drawn up . besides the road is very dangerous , and pester'd with a great number of rocks : the currents that run there almost perpetually , and the east , south-east , north , and north-west winds , which usually reign there , make it very unsafe for ships . but the marquess du quêne was so far from being deterr'd from the prosecution of his design by the discouraging prospect of so many difficulties , that he only waited the conveniency of calm weather to put it in execution . the galleys were to tow in the ships and bomb-vessels within half cannon-shot on the north side of the city ; and the greatest part of 'em were to draw up in a line in figure of a half-moon on the north-east , and the rest along the shore to batter the englishmens fort , and that of babaloüet , while the former play'd on the city . on the 6th . of august the weather was calm , and immediately the marquess du quêne gave orders to prepare for the cannonading of the city . but the galleys and galliots had hardly weigh'd anchor , when there arose such a fresh gale , that they were oblig'd to defer the attempt : and on the 13th . there happen'd so violent a storm of wind from the west-south-west , accompany'd with thunder , that they cou'd not without a great deal of difficulty , get clear of the shoar . the marquess seeing the weather so rough , the season of the year so far advanc'd , and the miseries with which the galleys were threaten'd for want of water , sent 'em back to france on the 15th . and after their departure resolv'd to make use of the galliots to throw bombs into the city . and that they might stand in , and come off without danger , he commanded forant , a captain of a ship , to cause five anchors to be let down on the north-east side of the city , to which there were cables fasten'd of 1500 fathoms in length , their ends being distributed among the vessels call'd the vigilant , valiant , prudent , laurel , and star , commanded by the chevalier de tourville , lieutenant-general of the navy , captain beaulieu , lery , commander of the squadron , and the captains , forant and bellile . the first of these officers was posted on the south , and the last on the north ; and the cables were appointed for the conveniency of sending in and bringing off the galliots or bomb-vessels . while they were executing these orders , the algerines fir'd above a hundred cannon-shot , of which the ship call'd the holy ghost , receiv'd one in her top-mast , and the assuré , two under water , and one in her sails . the 22th . in the evening , the weather proving fair , with a perfect calm , the five ships stood in to come to an anchor in their respective posts , and the five bomb-vessels approach'd the town till they were a-peak of their anchors ; the cruel , commanded by ponti , was posted on the south , and after her in order , the menaçante , commanded by goetton , the bombard by de combe , on which comarin , captain of the bombardiers , was embark'd ; the thunderer by du herbier , and the brulante , by beaussier . when all things were in a readiness , and the bomb-vessels were moor'd without the least opposion from the algerines , they threw some bombs , to try the reach of the mortars . but 't was found by experience that they were at too great a distance , since few of the bombs reach'd the city ; and therefore all the vessels came to an anchor the same night in their usual posts . afterwards lery and bellile undertook to carry the anchors nearer the town ; the first caus'd the anchor of the three first bomb-vessels to be dropp'd on the east side of the harbour , and the second that of the two last on the north-east ; tho' during the execution of that attempt , the enemy made a continual fire with cannon and musquet-shot . the 30th . in the evening the weather proving fair , the marquess de villefons , du chalard , the chevaliere d' aire , and several officers of the marine guards , besides voluntiers , went on board the bomb-vessels which stood in to their posts , and were by the marquess du quêne's orders , supported by two arm'd barks , ten pinnaces , and the prize which he had order'd to be arm'd . the bomb-vessels being moor'd began to throw their bombs with very good success , for in four hours they threw in 120 , which almost all reach'd the city . in the mean time the enemy made a continual fire with musquet-shot , for the space of an hour , without doing the least execution , because the bomb-vessels were at too great a distance ; and besides they fir'd 1000 or 1200 cannon-shot , taking their time to fire always when the bombs were discharg'd , that the flashing at the touch-hole might serve 'em for a mark to level at . about two hours before day they were hal'd off , and there was not one man kill'd or wounded in the whole action . the marquess du quêne was not long ignorant of the successful effects of the bombs , for the approach of the fleet gave an opportunity to a considerable number of slaves to make their escape ; and those who came off the day after the action , among whom was an english captain , whose ransom was fixt at 6000 crowns , related that the bombs had kill'd several persons , and thrown down a great number of houses ; that one of the bombs falling into the great mosque , where the people of the town were at prayers , kill'd above 100 persons , and ruin'd one side of the building ; that the town was in a great consternation ; that the women and children were sent away ; that several turks and moors were retir'd to the fields , and that a considerable party in the town had already declar'd for a peace . the night between the third and fourth of september , the bomb-vessels stood into their former posts without any opposition , but they had scarce thrown two bombs , when they begun to cry , a galley , a galley ; and the alarm proving true , all things were put in a fit posture to receive the enemy . the galley follow'd by three brigantines and some barks , advanc'd towards the nearest bomb-vessel call'd the cruel , on board of which were renard and landouillet , commissioners of the marine , and discharg'd a broad-side of cannon and musquet-shot against her , which kill'd only one soldier . in the mean time the marquess de la porte had got into the cruel , and she gave the galley so warm a return with her musquets and great guns charg'd with small-shot , that she stood off to attack the second bomb-vessel call'd the menaçante , where she thought to meet with less resistance . immediately beaulieu , captain of the valiant , who was order'd to support that vessel , got on board with major raymundis and the chevalier de comenge , leaving his pindace under the command of his lieutenant isarn de monclair . the musquet-shot on both sides lasted about a quarter of an hour , and the patereroes and cannons of the bomb-vessel play'd with very good success . beaulieu himself levell'd a cannon so exactly against the galley , as she was closing with the menaçante to board her , that he cover'd the whole vessel with small-shot consisting of broken pieces of iron , kill'd and wounded a great number of her men , and so shatter'd her , that she bore away as fast as she cou'd , without once tacking about . and she was even in so great a disorder , that if the bomb-vessels cou'd have follow'd her , she might have been easily taken . she had not yet enter'd the port , when the bombs began to flie at the town , which very much surpriz'd the enemy , who concluded that their galley had at least brought off two of the bomb-vessels . they left off shooting till their galley was got into the harbour ; but assoon as they saw her safe , they began to shoot from their batteries , and fir'd five or six hundred cannon-shot . this night there were almost eighty bombs thrown into the city , with no less success than before : in the coming off , du herbier receiv'd a cannon-shot in his poop , which burst one of his guns , kill'd six men , and wounded two : but in the whole action there were only fourteen men kill'd , besides some that were wounded . the next day , being the 4th . of september , the algerines sent to the admiral to desire a peace : the missionary le vacher was entrusted with that commission , who before the rupture executed the office of consul of the french nation in that city . he deliver'd his message from the divan , who had order'd him to desire a cessation , and that some person might be sent to treat of the conditions of a peace : to which the marquess du quêne made answer , that if they had any proposals to make , he wou'd hear 'em on board his ship , and that he was resolv'd to continue the bombarding , and all other acts of hostility against 'em , 'till they grew tamer , and were willing to submit to reasonable conditions . le vacher added , that the bombs had ruin'd above one hundred houses , and kill'd above seven hundred men ; that several others were buried under the ruines ; and that the shore was cover'd with dead bodies , which were order'd to be laid there by the dey , baba hassan , least , if they were brought into the city , the sight of 'em shou'd cause an insurrection . the same day in the evening about seventy bombs were thrown in , which were almost all levell'd at the harbour with a design to burn the ships . one of the bombs sunk a bark ; and another falling between two vessels , broke off a part of their keels . but the season of the year being far advanc'd , the marquess du quêne return'd to toulon , leaving lery with the ships commanded by st. aubin , bellile , and bellefontaine , to cruise before algiers , and curb the insolency of the pyrates . nor did they alone disturb the commerce of those infidels ; for a vessel call'd the regle , which they had seiz'd near maromas , was retaken by forant , commander of one of his majesty's ships . they had sold her to two jews , who mann'd her with dutch seamen , and sent her to holland to be laden with war-like ammunition , and other furniture for ships . in her return she joyn'd in company with a fleet of thirty dutch merchant ships under the convoy of three men of war , and arriv'd in sight of alicant about the begining of november 1682. forant and s. aubin , who were cruising in those parts , had notice of her arrival , and sent their pinnaces to discover her with some seamen of s. malo , who found her ridingat anchor between the forts of alicant and the fleet. the night between the 18 and 19th . of the same month , they mann'd their two pinnaces , and sent 'em under the command of pallieres and sainte maure , with orders to seize on the vessel ; which they executed very happily , and without noise , and tow'd her out thro' a fleet of above fifty vessels of divers nations . the commanders of the dutch men of war sent to expostulate with forant , complaining that he had seiz'd on a ship that carry'd the colours of the republick , and was under their protection : but he reply'd , that the vessel belong'd to the jews of algiers ; that she was bound thither , and had neither a protection , nor bill of lading . these reasons were unanswerable , and the commanders permitted the ship to be carry'd off . colbert , who neglected nothing that might tend to the promoting of trade , being inform'd that that there were very fine horses in the isles of antilles , communicated that advice to coulon , master of an academy in the rue ferou in the fauxbourg s. germain , who in compliance with so advantageous a proposal , sent his kinsmen , pair , and du cornet , two of his majesty's grooms , to the islands of bonaire , curassol , and roubes , from whence they brought horses of an admirable beauty , and surprizing fleetness . gabaret , commander of a squadron , was sent to the antilles with three ships , the furious , pearl , and tempest , under the command of the chevalier d' arbouville , d' amblimont , and machaut : this squadron sail'd from the river charante , on the 8th . of may 1682 , and anchor'd in the road of rochel , at the point call'd chef de bois , from whence they set sail on the 25th . for martinico , where after forty days sailing , they arriv'd on the 5th . of july , and anchor'd at fort-royal , to salute the marquess of blenac , general of the isles . the pearl sailing close by the shore to get the advantage of the wind , touch'd on certain rocks , from which she got clear by the help of her anchors ; but tho' she felt no dammage at present , she was afterwards sensible of the ill effects of that accident . next day they weigh'd anchor , steering towards fort s. peter , where they arriv'd betimes . this is a considerable place with respect to its inhabitants , but inferiour in strength to fort-royal . martinico is the chief of all the american islands that are inhabited by the french : 't is all over mountainous , and full of wood , but extremely fertil in sugar-canes , from which the inhabitants draw their principal revenue . it produces good melons , and a most pleasant kind of fruit call'd anana ; besides several other sorts of fruit , as gogaves , potato's , banana's , and figs , which are different from those of france . the squadron sail'd from hence on the 15th . of july , and arriv'd on the 17th . at granada , an island inhabited by the french and the wild natives , abounding with sugar-canes , tobacco , and tortoises , and defended by a fort of no great strength ; from whence they continu'd their course with a fore-wind to the lee-ward ( for the land stretches westerly , and the eastern winds reign perpetually in those seas ) and had so quick a passage , that on the 24th . they descry'd cape de la velle in new-spain , and afterwards discover'd at a great distance mount st. martha , call'd in that country sierra neuada , or the snowy hill , which is the highest mountain in the world. it lies in the torrid-zone , in the 303 degree of longitude , and 8 of latitude , containing about thirty or forty leagues in circumference . 't is sixty leagues from the sea , and yet may be distinctly perceived from cape s. tiberin in dominico , at the distance of 150 leagues . it s perpendicular height from the top to the level of the sea , is reckon'd to amount to two leagues , tho' geographers affirm , that there is not a hill in the world half so high : but the snow that covers its top , notwithstanding the excessive heat of the climate , is a convincing proof of the truth of this computation . it s foot , and part of its sides are inhabited by people of a very low stature , who may pass for the pigmies mention'd by pliny . they never venture their little bodies beyond the confines of their own territory , nor entertain any correspondence with their neighbours ; for the sight of a man of ordinary stature puts 'em to flight , and they run into their holes at his approach . during the excessive heats , they leave their usual habitations , and live higher up in the mountain ; but assoon as the weather begins to grow cold , they return to their former abodes . they live on a sort of grain of which they make both bread and drink ; and their ouicou , or drink is also made of the root of a shrub , after they have press'd out the poisonous juice . their religion is only known to themselves , and never any traveller cou'd hitherto discover its nature . on the 26th . the squadron rode an hour or two before cartagena , bringing the ships to a lee without cannon-shot of the town , which is seated in a peninsula , the harbour being on one of the sides . 't is a city of indifferent bigness ; and its figure is as irregular as its fortifications : 't is commanded by a rising ground , where there is a fort flank'd with four bastions lin'd with earth . it stands in 300. degrees of longitude , and 10 degrees , 30 minutes of north-latitude . on the 29th . they set sail to discover the coast of nombre di dios , and the same day anchor'd before portobelo . this is a little , but very famous city , and one of the most considerable places of the spanish dominions in america , both for the advantage of its harbour , and the conveniency of its situation : for 't is but eighteen leagues distant from panama , where all the peruvian riches are unladed , to be afterwards transported on mules to portobelo , where they are embark'd for havana , and from thence carry'd to spain . the harbour is very large and fair , and so clear of sands or rocks , that there is every where safe anchorage for ships of the greatest burthen . when the french squadron arriv'd , there was a laden ship in the port ready to sail , under the convoy of a great galeon , which cou'd not protect her from the bucaniers , who took her in her passage . 't is a surprizing neglect of the spaniards , that they take no care to fortify a place of so great importance ; for the entry of the harbour is defended only by a paltry fort of a very irregular figure , nowhere flank'd , and commanded by the hillock at the foot of which 't is built . the town which is at the bottom of the bay , and appears not to those who are at sea , till they come just before it , has no walls , and is only cover'd with two small works on the above-mention'd hillock . 't is altogether defenceless on the side next the mountain , and on the other two sides , by which it communicates with the land. the side next the sea is only flank'd with two small bastions , containing about nine foot in the flank ; and at the end of the bay there is a redoubt about twelve toises square . i have nothing more to add to this succinct description of portobelo , but that the spaniards pretend it will be quickly fortify'd with a cittadel of six bastions , between two rivers , half a cannon-shot from the forts . the squadron anchor'd near the fort that defends the entrance into the harbour , where the spaniards keep always a guard , which was doubled during the stay of the french. gabaret , to discover the humours and inclinations of the spaniards , immediately after his arrival , sent septeme , major of the squadron , who having spoken with the commander of the fort at the entry , was sent forwards to the governour . as he drew near to the city in his boat , with his colours display'd , he was met by a pinnace with spanish colours , which came to receive him : and having had audience of the governour , he return'd to give gabaret an account of his negotiation . the subject of that conference , and of those that were afterwards manag'd by other deputies , was never perfectly known : only 't was given out that septeme was sent to enquire after french prisoners , and that he was told there were none in the town . nevertheless , the same night very late , there came a man swimming to d' amblimont's ship , which rode next the shore ; and that officer receiving him into his boat , sent him immediately to gabaret , whom he inform'd that there were seventeen or eighteen frenchmen in the town , but said nothing of their being prisoners . next morning the commander sent to discover the truth of what he had learn'd , and to demand the frenchmen of the governour , who acknowledg'd that there were some of that nation in the town , who were not kept prisoners , but serv'd for wages ; adding , that the commander might , if he pleas'd , carry 'em along with him ; and accordingly those ragged , lean , and disfigur'd creatures were restor'd and distributed among the three ships . this accident was not attended with the least disorder ; for the affair was transacted on both sides in the most amicable manner imaginable ; and their only contest seem'd to be to out-strip each other in civility . the governour made the first step , by sending a present to gabaret of two fat oxen , spanish wine , sweet-meats , oranges , and citrons ; and the french officer in his turn presented the spaniard with a case of pistols , a castor , and other things of that nature . the deputies of the squadron were regal'd on shore , and those that were sent to the commander were treated on board his ship , where they drank several times to the health of the two kings of france and spain with the usual ceremonies , making a confus'd , but not unpleasant , noise , by striking a knife against a plate . the place where the french cast anchor at their first coming into the harbour being somewhat incommodious , the governour very civilly sent 'em a pilot to bring 'em farther in , to a place where they might anchor more safely . two armadilla's that were unrigg'd , began to put themselves in a posture of defence , assoon as the squadron appear'd , but resolv'd to stay in the harbour . on the second of august the french left portobelo , and were by contrary winds carry'd in sight of the cattives , which are above fifty inhabited islands . on the 11th . they made the isle of rotan , in the gulf of honduras , which lies in 286 degrees of longitude , and 16 of latitude , and is only inhabited by pyrates , who land there for the conveniency of refreshment . here the french found a forsaken ship , and concluded that her men were either taken , kill'd , or drown'd , and that the vessel was a prize , taken by the bucaneers from the spaniards . for besides a great number of horse-shooes that remain'd of her cargo , there were several jars of spanish wine , and letters in that language , by which it appear'd that she set out in june , and consequently that she had been taken not long before . the 13th . they discover'd a small pyrate cruising about that part , and wou'd have chas'd him , if the booty cou'd have made amends for their trouble ; for he wou'd not come near the squadron , tho' the usual signal by the firing of a gun was made for him to approach . the passage from portobelo to rotan is dangerous , by reason of the banks of sand with which those seas are pester'd ; and the water is so shallow , that the pilots are oftentimes puzzl'd to find the chanel . the 25th . they made the isle des pans , and the capes of las corrientes , and sant-anton , at the western end of the island of cuba , and were oblig'd to wait several days for a favourable wind , before they cou'd double the last of those capes . the 3d. of september they past by porto cavano , in the same island ; and on the 6th . came before havana , which is the metropolis of the island , and the usual residence of the captain-general . the spaniards have been very diligent in improving the fortifications of so considerable a place : for its harbour is the rendezvous of all the galeons that bring the silver from the indies , and of all the ships that come from st. martha , cartagena , nombre de dios , portobelo , vera cruz , campesche , and all the other ports of mexico . the 7th . they anchor'd at las matanças in the same island , where they took notice of the comet that appear'd in france , and was illustrated with several observations : they perceiv'd it first in the night between the 25th . and 26th . of august , its head being north-north-east , and its tail south and by west . here they stood into the bay to refresh themselves , and took in fresh water , wood , flesh , fish , and all other necessary provisions . the bay is large , but not every-where fit for anchorage ; nor is that its only inconveniency , for t is wholly destitute of inhabitants ; but those defects are in some measure supply'd by the great abundance of all sorts of game , as wild oxen , herons , parrots , and a prodigious number of other fowls that are sit to be eaten . among other animals , there are certain rats much larger and thicker than our cats , that sit on trees along the rivers , and are not scar'd at the sight of the hunters . and for the refreshment of those whose stomachs are disorder'd after a tedious voyage , there is a sort of colewort that grows on the top of a very spongy stem , from thirty to fifty foot high , and may be eaten several ways , as in sallads , broth or pottage . the bay abounds with excellent fishes , and those who take the diversion of fishing in the rivers that fall into it , may gather as much cresses as they please , which is like to that we have in europe . and besides all those marks of the bounty of nature that appear in this place ; it yields store of salt , and produces several kinds of fruits , among which there are plums call'd mourbin , and two sorts of grapes . this pleasant country is , as i intimated before , a part of the island of cuba , which , according to the observations of geographers , contains 280 leagues in length , and 40 in breadth , extending between 289 and 300 degrees of longitude , and from the 20 to the 22d . degree of latitude , its northern side being 30 leagues distant from the tropic of cancer . on the 19th . the french set sail from matanças , standing in to the frith of bahama , where the north-wind being imprison'd between the coast of the main-land , and that of the islands , which bound the straight on both sides , breaks forth with so violent an impetuosity , that the ships which are engag'd in this dangerous passage , run the hazard of being dash'd to pieces on one of the opposite shores : and besides , the agitation of the sea by those tempestuous winds , is encreas'd by the rapidity of the currents , which are oftentimes fatal to such small vessels as those that compos'd this squadron : yet they had the good fortune to escape the danger of this canal , which is 60 leagues long , and 25 broad , between 24 and 27 degrees of latitude ; and afterwards sail'd along the coast of florida , to the height of the bermudas , where they met with a fair wind for martinico , which they discover'd on the 24th . of october , and anchor'd the 26th . at fort s. peter . the 2d . of november , they set sail for granada , to bring the governour of that island , who was gabaret's brother , with his wife , to martinico , where she was desirous to lie in . in their passage they descry'd a small skiff , and made towards it by gabaret's orders , who was extremely surpriz'd at the sight of four or five wretches , that cou'd hardly stir an oar to approach the ship , being starv'd , and quite spent with hunger , thirst , ill weather , and the beating of the waves . at last he receiv'd 'em on board , and learnt that they were englishmen of the isle of tabago , where they were so cruelly us'd , that in a fit of despair , they resolv'd to commit themselves to the less-dreaded fury of the waves ; and that their small stock of provision was consum'd five days before they were taken up . on the 5th . of december , gabaret arriv'd at s. christopher , where he left the englishmen ; and the next day sail'd for france , directing his course to the port of brest , where he landed . the favourable treatment which gabaret receiv'd from the spaniards in america , was a glorious effect of his master's power : and the kind reception of the french ambassador at the court of morocco , is a convincing proof of the awe and respect with which that great monarch inspires the most barbarous nations . the count of s. amand embark'd on the valiant , a ship of 60 guns , commanded by beaulieu , and came before algier , where he was present at that memorable action i have already describ'd . from thence he set sail for tetuan , where he arriv'd on the 2d . of october 1682 , and sent some persons a-shore in his pinnace , who were inform'd by the turks that were come to the sea-side , that for two months they had been daily expecting the ambassador's arrival , and that they had orders to intreat him not to land , till they had heard from the vice-roy of the province , because they cou'd not receive him according to his dignity , during the absence of that alcayd . the 4th . mehemed thummin , who was formerly ambassador in france , came on board , with the lieutenant-governour , and the commander . they were saluted at their entry with the firing of eleven guns , and conducted to the council-chamber , where they were receiv'd by the count of s. amand , accompany'd with eight officers of ships , twelve of the marine guards , and several gentlemen . after they had all taken their places , the ambassador began the discourse with telling mehemed thummin , that at his return from the campaign in chio , he had heard of his being in france , and was a witness of the universal acknowledgments that were paid to his wit and merit . thummin reply'd , that he was oblig'd for so flattering a compliment to that candor which is so natural to the french nation : and those mutual returns of civility were continu'd for some time on both sides . then the ambassador took occasion to discourse of the king of morocco's greatness , of his conquests , and of the titles of his predecessors . the moors were very attentive to what he said on that subject , extolling their prince's valour , to whom they always gave the title of emperour . after they had been entertain'd with a collation , the ambassador shut himself up with 'em , making use of la croix for his interpreter , with whose performance he was very well satisfy'd . the conference lasted an hour and a half , and 't was so late before they came out , that the moors were forc'd to lie on board . they order'd a clean table-cloth to be spread on the boards , and stepping upon it with their bare feet , began to pray , crying often alla , alla , which signifies god ; and kneeling thirty times in the space of a quarter of an hour . they sate upon their heels , and from time to time stretch'd themselves on their left side ; and after they had remain'd a moment in that posture , they stroak'd their forehead and face with their right-hand , which is the badge of their religion , as the sign of the cross is of christianity . the next day after dinner , which was only a banquet of fruits , they visited la gallissoniere , who conducted 'em to the shore , and at their landing were saluted with eleven guns . at the same time a bark appear'd under algerine colours , without a skiff , standing into the mouth of the river ; she was known to belong to salley , and had taken a french vessel laden with cod-fish . the 6th . the ambassador wrote to mehemed , requiring satisfaction for the injury done to his nation ; and was answer'd , that the master of the bark was arrested , and that the prize shou'd be restor'd . the 7th . a messenger was dispatch'd to tetuan , which is situated two leagues from the shore , for the french consul , who sent word that he cou'd not come without the governour 's permission . the same day mehemed gave the ambassador notice that he had receiv'd an answer from the alcayd , who had desir'd him to carry his son on board , and therefore he entreated the pinnace might be sent a-shore next morning . his desire was granted , and the pinnace waited upon him at the time appointed ; but he was forc'd to embark alone , for the youth was afraid to venture on the sea , which happen'd at that time to be very rough . in the mean time the alcayd wrote to the ambassador , to congratulate his arrival , assuring him that he wou'd come with all possible haste to receive him , and that the emperour his master had commanded him to treat him with the highest respect . the 9th . several boats came to the ship to land the ambassador's retinue ; and mehemed went on board to compliment him in the name of the alcayd , who waited on the shore to receive him : but 't was so late that the ambassador thought fit to put off his landing till the next day , assuring mehemed ( who resolv'd to lie that night on board ) that at sun-rising he wou'd give orders to salute the alcayd with thirteen guns , and a triple discharge of musquet-shot ; and the same evening he sent two officers to compliment him . next morning the promis'd salutation was perform'd ; and after the ambassador had heard mass , and din'd with mehemed , he embark'd with all his retinue , besides several officers of the ship and marine guards , and landed about nine a-clock . he found the shore lin'd with 400 musquetiers , and was met by the alcayd and his son , at the head of 200 horse . at their meeting , he told that officer , that he was glad he had the good fortune to enter the dominions of the emperour of morocco in a place that was under his government . the alcayd reply'd , that he was welcome , he and all his company , and enquir'd concerning his health . he was cloath'd in yellow , with a little cowl or hood of the same colour on his head , and a lance of the length of a pike in his right-hand . one half of the horsemen carry'd lances , and the other fire-locks , which they discharg'd , and were follow'd by a volley from the infantry , then the squadron broke , and some of 'em gallop'd along the shore , turning and managing their horses with a considerable dexterity . at the same time the ambassador was conducted by mehemed to the alcayd's tent , where there was a large table-cloath spread on the ground , with an indian cloth , and a coverlet over all , of the same largeness . assoon as the ambassador enter'd , he sat down on the coverlet , and cushions were brought to the alcayd : then the ambassador rose up , saying , that frenchmen were not accustom'd to sit so low ; but the alcayd , who knew his meaning , reply'd , that this enterview was not to be made a precedent , and that he did not pretend to entertain him with all the ceremonies of a formal reception ; in the mean time he order'd two cushions to be laid one above another , and the ambassador sate down upon ' em . after they had discours'd a quarter of an hour , the collation was brought in , consisting of march-panes , which were taken out of a wicker-basket , and laid upon a piece of spanish-leather after the manner of a table-cloth , adorn'd with some cyphers : then they presented nuts and raisins , with very white , but very bad , bread. all the company drunk outof the same pot or dish , which was made of wood in form of a porringer , and adorn'd on the out-side with silver-gilt . the banquet ended , they mounted on horse-back , the infantry marching in the wings , and the horse in the front , who , as often as they met with plain fields , divided themselves into two squadrons , representing the moorish way of fighting with lances . some of the bravest of 'em broke out of their ranks , and having darted their lances into the opposite squadron , gallop'd back to their own , with some of the other party at their heels . then the whole squadrons engag'd without observing any order , and after they had fir'd , the commander , who march'd in the front , fell back to the rear , galloping , and calling on his men , whom he rally'd , and put into order : and sometimes one of the squadrons kept their ground , expecting the assault of the enemy . they engag'd after the same manner nine or ten times before they reach'd the town , where the french arriv'd about four a-clock , and the ambassador was carry'd to a little and ill-furnish'd , but not unpleasant , house , which they told him was the king's . there is a bason or pond surrounded with orange-trees before the gate ; and the garden is adorn'd with several arbours of fruit-trees . the alcayd sent to inform the king of the ambassador's arrival , and receiv'd an answer on the 4th . of november ; but the bad weather which lasted till the 14th . and the ambassador's indisposition retarded his journey for some time . mehemed brought the horses that were prepar'd for him , magnifying the care he had taken to procure so great a number : and when he was ready to depart , the alcayd came to him on horseback , and enquir'd whether he wanted any thing ; after which he went to the alcayd's house , and thank'd him for all his civilities ; and that officer not only return'd a very obliging answer , but offer'd the ambassadour three or four thousand crowns , if he stood in need of such a summ. then the company took horse , and the musquetiers who were at the gate , saluted the ambassador , as he pass●d by , with a volley of all their musquets . the first village they saw on the road is call'd dezutburg , where the lord of the place accommodates all persons with lodgings gratis , and has sometimes fed two hundred at one time . they travell●d till the 14th . thro' a mountainous and almost uninhabited country , where there is no water , but great abundance of partridges . the 14th . they encamp'd near alcaza , where the ambassador was complimented by the alcayd , brother to him of tetuan . he wore a large robe or gown of black velvet spangl'd with gold , and rode on a very fine horse , who was of a large size for one of barbary , and magnificently harnass'd with red velvet , adorn'd with little plates of gold : two slaves held the reins of his bridle , and there was a great deal of massy gold on the head-stall and throat-band . he was accompany'd with his son , who was mounted on a horse of the same kind ; and his train consisted of 100 horse , and a like number of foot. after some mutual compliments he retir'd , wheeling , and managing his horse , he and all his horsemen , as his brother and his company did at tetuan . the whole journey to salley was very troublesome to the ambassadour's retinue ; the ways were generally hard to be found , the meat was bad , and they were forc'd to keep themselves always in a posture of defence , both because of the robbers , who came very near their tents in the night , and the lions with which that country abounds . on the 20th . they were met by midy aly manino , lieutenant of the polity or civil government of salley , and brother of the alcayd of that city , where they arriv'd in the evening , and abode two days , their tables being much better furnish'd than they were upon the road. the ambassadour , according to the usual custom , receiv'd many compliments and presents of passara , dates , and some hens , and sheep . the inhabitants of most of the villages thro' which they pass'd , receiv'd 'em with loud acclamations of joy , some of 'em shew'd their dexterity in leaping , and horse-races were never omitted . they found neither bridges nor boats on the rivers , but were forc'd to pass 'em on leathern bags stuff'd with wind. two days before they arriv'd in the camp , they pass'd by a place where there are 150 wells or pits , call'd in the map , centum putei , which are of great use in a country wholly destitute of water , but that which proceeds from rain , and is preserv'd in those pits . the 9th . of december they pass'd by a paltry fort , where the grand vizier lay , having been lately wounded with a musquet-shot by a certain moor , who fled to muly hamet , king of suz : and they observ'd a guard of 150 musquetiers at the gate . the 10th . the king sent four horse-men for the ambassadour , who immediately set forward , and arriv'd in the camp on the day of the great festival of the bayran , which the moors were celebrating with many expressions of joy , and sacrifices of camels and sheep . as the french approach'd the place of sacrifices they perceiv'd four men mounted on mules full of little bells , who were stain'd with the blood of victims which they had sacrific'd before the king. all the alcayds of the kingdom are oblig'd to be present at that solemnity , and that monarch sent to tell the count of s. amand , that he might advance further and take a nearer view of the ceremonies . assoon as he approach'd , the king retir'd unseen , and put himself at the head of 2000 horse , with whom he attack'd a like number of others : the engagement lasted 3 hours , and they fir'd their musquets charg'd with powder in one anothers faces ; after which the king sent an alcayd to compliment the ambassador , and to acquaint him that by reason of the solemnity of the festival he cou'd not give him audience till the next day . then the ambassadour with his train was carry'd to a place 50 paces distant from the camp , where he was attended next morning by an alcayd , who conducted him to the audience . all the company took horse , and alighted when they drew near to the king's tent , who when he perceiv'd the ambassadour at the distance of 10 paces , said to him thrice , cayba , which signifies , you are welcome . then all the ambassadour's attendants put on their hats ; and the king surpriz'd at their boldness , broke forth into this expression , that the french were not cowards like those of other nations : after which preventing the ambassadour he said , that he was glad to see him in good health ; that the country from whence he came was much more remote than constantinople ; that he was resolv'd to execute the treaty of peace concluded by his ambassadours ; and that the mussulmans were always religious observers of their word . then he enter'd into a discourse concerning religion , saying , there was only one god , the lord of all things ; and the ambassadour answer'd , that the christians were of the same opinion . the king reply'd , that what he said was only in obedience to the precepts of his religion , which oblig'd him to advise all men to embrace the mussulman faith , which he believ'd was the best : and the ambassadour answer'd , that he was extremely oblig'd to his majesty for his kind intentions ; but that he was resolv'd never to forsake that religion in which he was educated . then the king , insisting still on that subject , ask'd the reason , why christians believe that there is a god the son : but the ambassador being persuaded that 't wou'd be in vain for him to return a formal answer , reply'd , that he cou'd not pretend to so much skill in divinity , as to dispute with his majesty about those controversies . he had prepar'd a harangue , but the king always interrupted him with asking questions , and at last told him , that he was sensible of the difference between the emperour of france and other monarchs , who do not govern by their own authority . the ambassador reply'd , that 't was very reasonable that two so great emperours , who agreed in their opinions , and observ'd the same methods of government , shou'd be link'd together by the mutual ties of a perfect friendship . then he presented his majesty's letter , enclos'd in a case of leather brought from the levant , embroider'd with gold and silver , together with the interpretation in arabic characters . the king of morocco receiv'd it smiling ; and smelling the case as he open'd it , after he had admir'd the embroidery , he ask'd , whether they dress'd leather with amber-grise ; and the ambassador answer'd , that he was wholly ignorant of those matters . then the king call'd two english renegado's , his secretaries , and order'd 'em to read and interpret the french letter , which he heard with a great deal of pleasure , expressing his satisfaction by the motions of his head , and spent some time in considering his majesty's subscription , and the seal which was in a distinct paper , cut all around into the figure of a sun , and enclos'd in the letter . after which he said , that he knew very well that the king was descended in a right line from heraclius , and that never any emperour before him , had advanc'd the glory of the french monarchy to so great a heighth . the ambassador answer'd , that he was not ignorant of his majesty's royal descent , and that from aly , who marry'd the daughter of the prophet , all his predecessors were the off-spring of kings . the king reply'd , that he was not of the royal family , but of the race of the prophet , adding that he sent into france agy-aly manino , who was of one of the greatest families in the west , without mentioning agy mehemed thummin , who pass'd for the ambassador . the count of s. amand was inform'd , that in the king of morocco's letter to his majesty , the name of mehemed thummin was put instead of aly manino , by the interest of his patron , the alcayd timur , who is the most powerful subject in the kingdom . the ambassadour in answer to the king 's last compliment assur'd his majesty , that mehemed thummin was universally admir'd in france for his politeness , and skill in the management of state-affairs . then they brought some dates that were newly gather'd , and the king invited the ambassador to eat ; and after they had done eating he mounted his horse , telling the ambassador that he was going to run with lances , and desiring him to keep his eye upon him . these exercises lasted about two hours , tho' it rain'd all the while , after which he gave orders to retire . not long after the presents were brought to him , consisting of two fusees very finely wrought , two cases of pistols , two large pendulums for a closet , two dozen of watches , twelve pieces of gold brocard , as many pieces of very fine english cloth , and some bottles embroider'd with gold , of the same leather with the letter case , which was brought from constantinople . he admir'd above all a cannon six foot long , which was not mounted ; and , kissing the ground , said , he perceiv'd by those presents that the french were men ; for they call all other nations gyon , that is , a nation less than men. the letter-case was put into a jubira or little bag of mo-hair , and order'd to be safely preserv'd . the rest of the day was spent in discourses concerning the ratification of the peace : and the alcayd aly , who was appointed commissioner for that purpose , with aly manino and mehemed thummin went to the ambassador's tent , and confer'd with him till two in the morning : but they were so far from coming to any conclusion , that they tore all that they had done , alledging that the ambassador's proposals did not tend to a peace . on the 12th . the alcayd aly with his two associates return'd to the tent , and after they had spent two hours in a private conference , took horse to attend the king , and know his pleasure . three hours after aly manino brought back word , that his majesty was resolv'd to grant all that the ambassadour shou'd desire , and even more if it was possible . the next day the alcayd aly return'd with aly manino , and concluded the treaty with the ambassador , who , two hours after , went to receive his audience of leave . he found the king on horse-back , engag'd in his usual exercises , which lasted till night , after which his majesty sent word to the ambassador , that 't was the hour of prayer , and that he wou'd speak with him at his coming out ; and assoon as he came forth he sent the alcayd lucas , who had been ambassador in england , to acquaint him that he had granted all his proposals . the ambassador reply'd , that he had nothing more to desire of his majesty , and that he esteem'd himself too happy in being an eye-witness of so firm a peace concluded between two such potent emperours : after which the alcayd lucas return'd with that answer to the king , who order'd him to bring the count of s. amand before him . he found his majesty standing in the midst of his camp , who receiv'd him in a very kind and friendly manner , and after the ambassador had thank'd him for the favourable treatment he had receiv'd in his dominions , that monarch charg'd him to salute the emperour of france in his name , and to give him the salutation of peace , which is esteem'd a very eloquent phrase in that country to express a sincere affection , nor do they ever use it in speaking to christians . the king of morocco is of a middle stature , neither too great , nor too small ; his air is courteous and inspires respect , his gate lofty , and his mouth somewhat little ; he has black hair , sparkling eyes , and a hawk-nose . he had on his head a red cap wrapt about with a muslin turbant , a dara of a sort of very white wooll , with another about it of yellow damask . the habit he wore consisted of a cafetan of nut-colour'd cloth , a wide and sleeveless coat of gold and silk , and under that a haique of white muslin girt round his body like a cloth , with a shirt of mail to secure him against private attempts , a piece of caution that may be excus'd in one that has been three or four times in danger of assassination ; a green wast-coat , and then a shirt with sleeves like those of a surplice . his boots , or rather buskins , were of red leather plaited all over ; and his spurrs of iron gilt , with a prick as long as a bodkin . he had about 200 horses who were not very beautiful , but they were of a large size , and seem'd to be very good . his army consisted of between 40 and 50000 men , encamp'd ( as they fight ) without any order , on mount atlas . sometimes he puts himself at the head of 10000 horse to enure 'em to war , for they are only a sort of undisciplin'd militia . his usual guard was then compos'd of 7000 negro's , and 300 renegado's cloath'd in red and green , besides 200 pages both moors and blacks , who are his slaves . the ambassador in his return was conducted by bengaraya son to the king of talmenin , who provided much better entertainment for him on the road , than mehemed thummin did in his journey to the court , tho' he was treated with all possible civility in france . it happen'd by the way , that one of the ambassador's servants was slightly wounded by a barbarian , with a fire-lock charg'd with hail-shot : immediately bengaraya , without speaking a word , laid his hand on his horse , and drawing out his scymitar , cut off the heads of three men , without once enquiring who discharg'd the piece , and ask'd the ambassador whether he wou'd have him cut off fifty heads more , who reply'd that he was more than satisfi'd with what he had done already : then , said he , you must give me an acquittance under your hand , for , without that , if the king shou'd be inform'd that i have only cut off three heads , he wou'd certainly take off mine . the ambassador granted his desire , and learn'd afterwards that the bassa of morocco , who commands under the king's brother , passing by the place where the accident happen'd , had caus'd 20 barbarians to be beheaded , and sent 50 more to morocco , where they were kept prisoners . in most places the ambassador was receiv'd with extraordinary respect , and even the women came forth to meet him shouting for joy , tho' that honour is by custom appropriated to the king. he arriv'd at tetuan on the 19th . and the 22th . the consul of salley , aly manino , benachey , the admiral ben joseph , and the alcayd lucas , keeper of the seals , gave him the letters directed to his majesty , which were seal'd on the out-side . and after he had receiv'd satisfaction for the vessel taken by the salley-bark , he went on board the valiant , and arriv'd at toulon on the 14th . of april 1683 , with twenty french slaves , whom the emperour of morocco sent for a present to his majesty . at the same time that colbert neglected no opportunities of displaying his master's grandeur in foreign countries , he apply'd himself with his usual diligence to the regulation of affairs at home : he injoyn'd a rigorous execution of the orders that exclude those who are not arriv'd at the age appointed by law , or have relations in the prohibited degrees already in office , from being admitted into the superiour courts : but when he perceiv'd how much the offices of judicature were disregarded since their prices were fixt , he thought fit , in some measure , to mitigate that severity ; and to facilitate the filling up of those places , he persuaded the king to grant dispensations till the end of the year 1686 , at the rate of 1500 livres for each prohibited relation , and as much for the defect of age. the same minister being inform'd that the money rais'd by the duties granted to the cities and corporations for the payment of their debts , was diverted to other uses , procur'd an order of council bearing date the 13th . of march 1683 , by which the mayors , echevins , consuls , and other officers who had receiv'd those summs , were oblig'd to give an account of 'em in three months , before the intendants of their respective generalities . colbert obtain'd also the publication of another edict , to restrain those that were possess'd of offices in courts of judicature , from making use of their authority to defraud their creditors : and the better to regulate the distribution of the valuation , 't was ordain'd by the same edict , that opponents to the seal shall be preferr'd before all other creditors , tho' they be priviledg'd persons , who have neglected that circumstance , and even before those who have obtain'd an actual seizure of the benefits of the offices ; and that of those opponents such as are priviledg'd shall be first paid ; that afterwards the mortgagees shall be rank'd according to the order of their respective mortgages , and that the overplus of the valuation shall be shar'd among the creditors that have only bills or notes for their assurance . the same edict ordains , that six months after the seizure of the benefits of offices in superiour courts , and three months in the subaltern courts , the creditors may obtain an order , obliging the titulary possessor to constitute an attorney ad resignandum , in default of which , the judgment awarded shall have the force of a warrant of attorney ; and that three years after the declaration of a judgment , if it be confirm'd by a sentence , or if there be no appeal made from it , the officer shall remain absolutely prohibited and incapacitated to discharge his office. colbert being inform'd that the pyrates of algiers continu'd still to disturb his majesty's subjects in the prosecution of their trade , resolv'd either to destroy 'em irrecoverably , or to force 'em to beg a peace : and in order to the accomplishment of that design , he sent his son , the marquess de seignelay , to provence , to hasten the departure of the fleet. immediately after his arrival at marseilles , he took a review of the galleys , which he found in very good order , especially the sixteen that were fitted out by his majesty's orders . he visited also the harbour , magazins , and hospital , and then went to toulon , to dispatch the marquess du quêne on the design'd expedition , with the galleys and other vessels of his majesty's navy . after the departure of the fleet , the chevalier de lery , by the way , took a pyrate of algiers , of eighteen guns , and one hundred and fifty men , in which he found thirty christian slaves , whom he set at liberty . and the marquess d' amfreville sunk a bark belonging to the same pyrates , and retook a vessel laden with marble , which they were sending to algiers . the news of this expedition drove all the pyrates into their harbour , except two caravells , two barks , and another vessel , that were sail'd to constantinople . the marquess du quêne set sail from toulon , may 6th . 1683 , with six men of war , having order'd the galleys , bomb-vessels , pinnaces , and other vessels , to meet at the islands call'd fromentieres , near yvica . some days after he met with a storm , and was forc'd to spend some time in refitting his ships ; after which he set sail on the 18th . and arriv'd on the 4th . of june at the appointed rendezvous , after he had scowr'd the coast of catalonia . he was joyn'd on the 9th . by the bomb-vessels and pinnaces , and proceeded on his intended voyage without the galleys , who were not yet come up . on the 18th . he discover'd the road of algiers , where he found the marquess d' amfreville , who had lately retaken an english ship from a pyrate that pretended to belong to tetuan , but had a commission from algiers : and in the same place he was joyn'd by septeme , vilette , du merré , and s. mars-colbert . he order'd his ships to anchor as near the port as they cou'd , but without cannon-shot , and posted nine of 'em at equal distances , in a crooked line , resembling the figure of the mole . these were the fleuron , firm , syren , prudent , amiable , vigilant , laurel , sea-horse , and star , commanded by the count d' etrées , the chevalier de tourville , the count de sepville , the chevalier de lery , septeme , the marquess d' amfreville , the marquess du quêne the son , bellile , and the commander des goutes . the seven first were order'd to carry each an anchor , with middle-siz'd cables , having one end fasten'd to the ship , within 600 toises of the mole , to serve for the towing of the galleys to their respective posts ; and the sea-horse and star had orders to carry their anchors for towing nearer the town than the other seven , that advancing by the help of their anchors , they might lie on the wings and flank , and support the bomb-vessels , if they shou'd be attack'd by the enemy ; for the marquess du quêne had receiv'd advice , that the algerines had prepar'd two arm'd galleys , and other light vessels for that purpose ; and besides , he order'd the anchors to be cast nearer to each other than the distances between the men of war , that their front being contracted , they might be more easily supported by the men of war posted on the wings , and that the vessels might not be endanger'd by the changes of wind and tide . the bomb-vessels were the fulminant , thunderer , brulante , bombard , cruel , menaçante , and ardent , commanded by chevigny , piaudiere , la motte d' eran , de combes , de poenti , goestin , and du quêne-monier . besides the usual complement of the galleys , the marquess order'd ten soldiers of the marine guard , ten granadiers , and as many chosen soldiers to embark on each of 'em ; and appointed two pinnaces or arm'd boats to attend each bomb-vessel , and two corps de guard of those boats to support the rest . the 21st . and 22d . were spent in taking up the posts , and other necessary preparations . the 23d . the captains of the ships carry'd in their towing-anchors ; the chevalier de tourville carry'd the anchor of the vessel that was to be posted next the north , and the marquess d' amfreville the anchor of that which was to be posted towards the south . the chevalier de lery carry'd the middle anchor ; and those of the intervals were carry'd by the commanders of the ships to which the cables were fasten'd . all these orders were executed without the least opposition from the enemy , who imagin'd that the french made these motions only to observe the mole , and try the reach of their guns ; for the work was carry'd on with so much exactness , that the enemy saw neither the anchors nor cables . the rest of the day was spent in preparing the bombs and mortars ; and in the evening raymondis , major of the fleet , receiv'd orders to appoint a guard of pinnaces to prevent the enemies from weighing the anchors during the night ; but they kept close in the port. the 24th . no attempt cou'd be made , by reason of the bad weather , which continu'd also on the 25th , but at night was succeeded by a perfect calm ; and therefore the marquess du quêne gave the signal for the bomb-vessels to advance in order ; the men of war took up their posts on the wings , and the major sent part of the arm'd boats towards the vessels on the north , and the rest towards those on the south . each bomb-vessel was accompany'd with two boats , and two others were plac'd near the entry of the port , with two light boats furnish'd with matches and trains , which they were order'd to fire if the enemy shou'd venture out of the port , for a signal to all the arm'd boats on the wings to advance to the relief of the galleys . the bomb-vessels did not begin to play till one a-clock in the morning , because the roughness of the sea hinderd their approach : they continu'd firing two hours , and threw ninety bombs , which fell ( at least almost all of 'em ) either in the port , on the mole , or in the city . in the mean time the chevaliers de tourville , and de lery , with the principal officers , went about in their boats to give necessary orders , with an extraordinary bravery and diligence . assoon as the enemy saw the mortars planted , they play'd furiously with their great guns , and fir'd above 600 shot . they had kindl'd great fires on the mole , to discover the bomb-vessels and boats ; and always when they perceiv'd the fire of the mortars , they immediately discharg'd all their guns , but without doing any execution . the bombs made a prodigious havock , as the slaves afterwards related : several arm'd barks that were in the port were sunk in an instant . some of the bombs falling on the batteries , dismounted several pieces of cannon ; and those which fell into the city kill'd a great number of persons . several houses were thrown down , and many of the inhabitants buried under the ruins . after the bomb-vessels had continu'd firing for two hours with so great success , the marquess du quêne thought fit to give the signal of retreat by firing two guns , because there arose a land-wind which wou'd have endanger'd the bomb-vessels . the 27th . in the evening , perceiving the sea to be calm , he commanded the bomb-vessels to advance in the same order as before ; and they threw in about 120 bombs with extraordinary success , while the enemy made a continual fire with their cannon . the french lost only choiseul d' ambouville , ensign of the prudent , who was kill'd , with two soldiers in a boat , by the same shot . some of the enemy's bullets reach'd the bomb-vessels , and the ardent , commanded by du quêne monier , which lay next the mole , receiv'd several shot without any damage , by reason of the singlar artifice with which she , as well as the rest , were contriv'd . at last there arose so furious a land-wind , and the sea grew so rough , that the bomb-vessels were forc'd to retire to the ships that supported 'em , because all the towing-anchors were set a-drift by the storm . the bombs that were thrown this night did greater execution than before : for one of 'em falling upon the watch-tower , and rolling downwards , disorder'd the batteries , and kill'd several officers of the artillery ; and most of the rest fell either into the city , or upon the mole , which were very much shatter'd by ' em . assoon as the galleys retir'd , there arose a mutiny in the town , and a great number of women , not able to support the cruelty of their disasters , went in a desperate manner to the bassa , dey , and principal officers , some carrying their mangl'd children , and others the arms and heads of their husbands and relations that were kill'd by the bombs . the soldiery were also accessory to the mutiny , and accus'd baba-hassan in a threatning manner , as the author of the breach with france , and consequently of the misery of algiers : their commanders protested they were and wou'd always be ready to march against their enemies , but added , that they wou'd not be thus kill'd in their houses ; and went boldly to the bassa's house , requiring him to inflict a due punishment on baba-hassan , and make a peace with france . in compliance with their desires , the bassa , whose office does not entitle him to an absolute authority in the city , call'd a meeting of the divan , on the 20th . early in the morning , and after he had prepar'd their minds with a pathetic declamation against baba-hassan , he endeavour'd to convince 'em of the nenecessity of desiring a peace from the general of the french fleet , adding , that if they refus'd to take that course , which was the only way to save the city from utter destruction , he was resolv'd to retire to tunis , and write to the grand signior that baba-hassan had ruin'd algiers , and made it incapable of paying the usual tribute to his highness . the principal members of the divan and military officers were so mov'd by these remonstrances , that they agreed unanimously to follow his advice : and in pursuance of that resolution , they deputed a particular friend of baba-hassan , whom they sent , with an interpreter , in a pinnace with a white flag , and oblig'd the missionary le vacher , to accompany him . they arriv'd about nine in the morning , at the admiral 's vessel , who without suffering 'em to come on board , order'd 'em to retire behind the ship , where they might deliver their proposals , and receive an answer from the deck : but being inform'd by le vacher , of the secret of the message , he permitted the deputy and his interpreter to come on board , and answer'd 'em in writing , to prevent both mistakes and misrepresentations ; that he wou'd not hearken to any proposals of peace , till they had freely discharg'd and set at liberty all their french slaves , and even those of other nations whom they had taken on board french ships . at last , after several comings and goings , 141 slaves were brought on board the admiral , among whom was beaujeu , a captain of one of his majesty's ships , who was taken in a small vessel , and sold for 11200 piasters ; and the deputy who accompany'd 'em , assur'd the admiral , that there was orders given to gather together all the french slaves , and those that were taken under the banner of france , and to restore 'em without delay . he demanded also ( in baba-hassan's name ) the liberty of the reys , and other algerines that were taken by de lery in his way to algiers , but cou'd not obtain a favourable answer . on the 30th . of june , and 1st . of july , he brought 276 slaves more ; and after several earnest solicitations , obtain'd the liberty of the reys . the remaining slaves were also freed , and brought on board before the 5th . and among the rest , four women , one of marseilles , and three of messina . thus his majesty humbl'd the insolence of those haughty pyrates , who imagin'd themselves to be secur'd from the danger of being attack'd in their port , after the unsuccessful attempt of the emperour charles v. the joy with which colbert receiv'd the news of the happy success of his majesty's arms at sea , and his desire to outstrip the marquess of louvois , who for a long time had been the object of his jealousie , made him strive with so much eagerness to discharge the duties of so many several offices , that at last he sunk under that perpetual and insupportable load of cares , and the fatal violence of his last disease , occasion'd by a stone in the kidneys , which put an end to his life on the 6th . of september 1683 , at the age of sixty four years . he was assisted at his death by cornoüaille , vicar of st. eustachius , and that celebrated preacher , father bourdaloüe , the jesuit : and the ceremony of his interrment was perform'd in the night , under a guard of the soldiers of the watch , to prevent the fury of his implacable enemies , the inhabitants of paris . his children erected a stately monument to his memory , in the church of st. eustachius , where his bust of white marble is to be seen , of very curious workmanship . his death was made the subject of many verses , of which those that follow are agreeable to the account of his birth , in the beginning of this history : colbert's dead — i 'm sure he 's dead ; i saw his breathless body laid on a bed of mournful state , with all the solemn pomp of fate . i softly walk'd , and often stood , and long the pleasing object view'd . each room death's sable liv'ry wore , and all the marks of sorrow bore ; splendid sorrow reign'd o'er all ; sorrow cover'd every wall. at last i spy'd a fellow grinning , and heard him whisper out his meaning : pray , sir , what makes you look so sullen ? d' ye grudge the waste of so much woollen ? cou'd less be done , good mr. gaper , in honour of old dad the draper ? the manuscripts and most curious pieces of that numerous collection of books which he left , were taken out of cardinal mazarin's library , who entrusted him with the administration of that part of his goods : for he sent only the most common pieces to the college of the four nations , contrary to the will of his benefactor , who left his library for the use and instruction of the students of that college . his offices were divided after his death : that of comptroller-general of the finances was given to claude le pelletier , counsellour of state , who had formerly been counsellour in the parliament , president of the court of inquests , provost of the merchants , and was afterwards made counsellour of state in ordinary : he had also been tutor to the children of john-baptist gaston , duke of orleans , and acquir'd a great deal of honour by his wise management of that trust . he was an exact and judicious person , and a good judge ; but his unacquaintedness with the affairs of the finances made him so slow in dispatching 'em , that no less skilful a successor than pontchartrain , cou'd have prevented the ill consequences of his remissness . the office of superintendant of the buildings was bestow'd on michael-francis le tellier , marquess of louvois , minister and secretary of state , with the protectorship of the academy of painting ; tho' julius-armand colbert , marquess of blainville , son of the deceas'd , had obtain'd the reversion of the office of superintendant . so that of all his places , only the offices of secretary of state , and of commander and great treasurer of his majesty's orders remain'd in the family , which were given to the marquess of seignelay , whose character was perfectly opposite to that of his father . for the son's magnificence was as remarkable as his father's frugality : his table was sumptuous , and his furniture splendid and rich : he had a closet set round with looking-glasses , and another wainscotted with calamba-wood , which was brought by his orders from siam : he bought of alvarez a collection of italian pictures and statues , to the value of 300000 livres , part of which he paid in pass-ports , and in the ships that he lent him . he was master of a great deal of learning and politeness ; but never any man exceeded him in vanity ; and he was an immoderate lover of pleasures . he was twice marry'd , first with mary margaret , marchioness of alegre , whose fortune amounted to above 60000 livres , yearly revenue , and after her death with katharin teresa de matignen , daughter of the count de thorigny , his majesty's lieutenant-general in normandy , and of frances de le luthumiere . the marchioness of alegre cou'd not easily be persuaded to marry a husband of so mean birth , but colbert had gain'd the marquesses d' alegre and d' urfé , the uncles and guardians of that rich heiress . in consideration of this match , the bishoprick of limoges was bestow'd on the count de sommerive , the son of the latter ; and the father obtain'd recommendatory letters to the principal officers in the parliament of bourdeaux , where he had an important suit depending , against his nephew the count de mailly , about the inheritance of the dutchess of crouy . the marchioness de seignelay's contempt of her husband occasion'd frequent quarrels between 'em ; and the marquess , who was naturally of a haughty temper , was once so transported with fury , that he gave her a blow , which cost him a drubbing that his father bestow'd on him , for the improvement of his manners : but the bastinadoe produc'd no other effect on him , than the indian root , with which boccace's joseph attempted to cure his wife of her sawciness . after that lady's death , the duke of bournonville offer'd his daughter , who was also very rich , to supply her place ; but colbert refus'd the match , knowing that the duke ( who was fouquet's intimate friend ) hop'd by that means to be reinstated in the government of paris , which he injoy'd during cardinal mazarin's life . the marquess de blainville having lost all hope of his superintendantship , resolv'd to depend on his sword for the advancement of his fortune , and contented himself at present with the mean preferment of a lieutenant's place in the regiment of picardy . anthony martin colbert , tho' scarce a gentleman , was ( as i hinted before ) receiv'd knight of malta , during the life of his father ; and a commander , to flatter both , said aloud at his coming out , that the young pretender had pass'd his four quarters . moreri derives colbert's pedigree from an ancient scotch family that settl'd in champaign in the xiii . age , according to that author's opinion , which he grounds on the epitaph of richard colbert , at the church of the cordeliers at rheims , accompany'd with the arms of that family : but that proof is of no force , for the alledg'd inscription was placed there , when colbert design'd to procure the honour of the maltese knighthood for his son , as appears by the testimony of the old inhabitants of that city , who affirm that formerly there was no engraving on the tomb. giles menage , a profess'd wit , and one of colbert's pensioners , attempted to squeeze some new favours out of him by composing his genealogy , which he deduc'd from the ancient kings of scotland ; but that minister perceiving the obvious grossness of the flattery , instead of rewarding his zeal , depriv'd him of his pension . a memorable example for those designing panegyrists , who over-act their parts , and injure their patrons by strain'd and fulsom encomiums . the chevalier colbert was so fortunate in his new dignity , that he was made grand croix de grace , and general of the galleys of the order : but that preferment serv'd only to hasten his disgrace , by discovering his unfitness for the suitable discharge of so great a trust : for with seven galleys that were under his command , he had not the courage to attack three tripolin vessels which he found becalm'd ; and his cowardice wou'd have infallibly ruin'd him , if he had not been protected by the authority of his brother , the marquess de seignelay . after that disaster he left the sea-service , and endeavouring to recover his honour , lost his life at the head of the regiment of champaign , of which he was colonel . james nicholas colbert , at present archbishop of rohan , tho' he had renounc'd the fair sex , by entring into the episcopal order , cou'd not forbear espousing the quarrel of his old mistress , la certain , and even carry'd his complaisance so high , as to punish the inconstancy of her new lover , lully , who had forsaken her for the young brunet , by making the marquess de seignelay give him a severe reprimand , and causing him to be shut up in st. lazarus's . the difference that happen'd shortly after between the king and the republick of genoa , gave the marquess de seignelay an opportunity of discovering the extent and variety of his abilities . his majesty complain'd that the genoese entertain'd a closer correspondence with the count de melgar , governour of milan , than was consistent with the neutrality they promis'd to observe between the two crowns ; that they were fitting out four new galleys to join those they usually kept in his catholick majesty's service , under the command of the duke of tursis ; that they sent powder and bombs to the algarins , for the burning of his majesty's galleys in the port of marseilles ; that they refus'd to grant a passage for the transportation of the salt , that by virtue of an agreement with the duke of mantua , was to be carry'd thither from france , and wou'd not suffer him to settle magazins at savona ; and that they wou'd not do justice to the count de fiesque , by restoring to him the inheritance of the count de lavagne's estate . the marquess de st. olon , the french resident at genoa , represented all those injuries to the senate , demanding satisfaction in his master's name , and at last declar'd , that if they persisted in their resolution to launch four new galleys , his majesty wou'd interpret that as an act of hostility , and command his subjects to seize not only on these vessels , but on all that belong'd to the republick . but all his remonstrances and threatenings were slighted by the genoese , who wou'd not be persuaded to give his majesty any satisfaction ; and therefore the resident took his audience of leave , and the marquess de seignelay was order'd to make necessary preparations for a naval expedition , and even for the landing of some forces , if the obstinacy of the genoese shou'd constrain his majesty to use 'em with the utmost rigour . assoon as the marquess receiv'd these orders , he wrote to bonrepos , intendant of the marine , to put 'em in execution , without acquainting him with the design ; and not long after set forward for toulon , where he arriv'd on the 26th . of april 1684 , and took a review of the ships and galleys . on the 5th . of may he embark'd for the isles of hieres , where the general rendezvous of the fleet was appointed ; and set sail on the 12th . with fourteen men of war , three light frigats , ten galiots or bomb-vessels , two fire-ships , eight fly-boats , seventeen tartans , end twenty galleys . the men of war were the ardent , ferme , valiant , vigilant , amiable , parfait , assuré , fortuné , s. jacques , fleuron , aquilon , indien , capable , and bizarre , commanded by the marquess du quêne , and the chevalier de tourville , lieutenant-generals ; the marquess d' amfreville , and the chevalier de lery , commanders of a squadron , s. aubin , the commander des goutes , belle-ile-erard , the chevalier du mené , septeme , the marquess de la porte , the chevalier de bellefontain , forant , la motte , and chaumont . the three light frigats , the vipere , trompeuse , and subtile , were commanded by clarier , flôte , and pelerin . the galleys were the reale , patrone , invincible , forte , victoire , reine , valeur , sirene , grande , belle , françoise , hardie , amazone , galante , ferme , dauphine , fleur-de-lis , couronne , and perle ; under the command of the duke de mortemar , general of the galleys ; the chevalier de noüailles , lieutenant-general ; the chevalier de bethomas , the chevalier de breteüil , the chevalier de janson , montaulieu , le sornier , forville , maubousquet , the count de beüil , the chevalier de pennes , the chevalier de s. herem , the chevalier de rochechoüart , montfuron , the chevalier du cher , the viscount de lauzun , the chevalier de la fare , the count du luc , bourse ville , and the chevalier de tancour . the fleet arriv'd before genoa on the 17th . of may , and the ten bomb-vessels which carry'd two mortars each , were drawn up in a line at the distance of cannon-shot from the walls , stretching from the watch-tower on the left , to the fauxbourg de bisagno on the right . the men of war made another line behind the bomb-vessels , at the distance of 200 toises , with the galleys divided into two squadrons . the day after their arrival , the senate deputed six of their body to offer proposals , by way of excuse , to the marquess de seignelay , which he rejected , because there was no mention made of giving satisfaction to his majesty . and they were even so little inclinable to an accommodation , that after the deputies were return'd , they began to fire at the french fleet ; which was a sufficient provocation to oblige the marquess de seignelay , to begin the bombardment , with the success of ruining several palaces , and other buildings in the prado . the 20th . some of the bomb-vessels were order'd to stand in nearer the harbour , to play upon those parts of the city that had not yet receiv'd any damage ; and one of the bombs that were thrown in after that motion , fell upon a palace at a great distance , whither several ladies of quality had retir'd ; nor was the havock they made in the port less considerable , where several barks were shatter'd to pieces . the french bombs wou'd have quickly frighted the genoese into a complyance with his majesty's desires , if they had not been animated by the spaniards whom they had receiv'd into the city . and therefore the marquess de seignelay seeing that they persisted in their obstinacy , resolv'd to make a descent , in order to destroy the fine palaces in the fauxbourg of s. pietro d' arena . to execute this design , 1500 men were detach'd from the men of war , and 2000 from the galleys , under the command of the duke de mortemar , and the chevalier de tourville : and at the same time a false attack was made with 700 men , towards bisagno , by the marquess d' amfreville , who executed his commission with a great deal of vigour , tho' in the beginning of the engagement he receiv'd a wound in the thigh , which was very troublesome to him for a long time after . they who were appointed to carry on the true attack , in the first place made themselves masters of a fort that might have cut off their retreat , and afterwards drove the enemy from house to house , possessing themselves of the same posts which they abandon'd . and after they had almost wholly ruin'd that fauxbourg , they retir'd on board the ships , having lost the chevalier de lery , and four or five inferiour officers . the 29th . of the same month , the fleet set sail , and arrived at toulon on the first of june . the pope offer'd his mediation for a treaty of peace , which was concluded on the 12th . of february 1685 , on the terms propos'd by his majesty . for to obtain an entire cessation of all hostilities , the genoese submitted to , ( and afterwards punctually perform'd ) these conditions ; that the doge , accompany'd with four senators , shou'd come in person to give satisfaction to his majesty , and at their return , re-enter into the possession and exercises of their offices ; that the republick shou'd dismiss all the spanish troops , reduce the galleys to their ancient number , restore or make good all that they had taken from the french , and pay 100000 crowns to the count de fiesque . the marquess de seignelay was so pleas'd with the happy success of this expedition , that 't was almost the only subject of his discourse ; and he caus'd his picture to be drawn , as he stood in the reale-galley , with a general 's batoon in his hand . the first office of state that he perform'd after his return , was the giving audience to the ambassadors of siam . for that prince being inform'd that his first ambassadors to france were unfortunately lost at sea , made choice of two officers of his houshold to undertake that voyage in the same quality , and to settle a free trade and commerce between his subjects and the french east-india company . and the confidence he repos'd in the apostolical missionaries that were in his dominions , made him desire the bishop of metellopolis to appoint one of these fathers to accompany his ambassadors in their voyage to siam . in complyance with so just a desire , that prelate made choice of vachet , an old missionary of cochin-china , who , with the two ambassadors , okoane pichey vallite , and khonne pichise or aiti , six other siamese , and an interpreter of the same nation , embark'd on an english vessel january 13. 1684. which brought 'em to england , from whence they pass'd to calice , where they were receiv'd by the marquess de seignelay's order , and conducted to paris at the king's charge . afterwards the marquess sent two coaches to bring 'em to the audience he had granted 'em , and receiv'd 'em in his closet . the ambassadors at their entry bowed thrice with their faces to the ground , and their hands joyn'd and lifted up to the crown of their head , after the fashion of their country : then they sate down on a piece of tapestry , and having repeated the principal articles of their commission , regulated some of the articles with him ; after which they had audience of the marquess de croissy , with whom they concluded the treaty . the marquess de seignelay , who succeeded his father in the management of affairs relating to trade , procur'd an order of council , bearing date january 6 , 1685 , by which his majesty not only confirms the licence granted to the senega-company to trade on the coast of afric , from cape-blanc to the river of sierra-leona ; but expresly prohibits all other persons whatsoever , to drive any trade or traffick in those parts , under the pain of forfeiting their ships and commodities , and paying a fine of 3000 livres : revoking , nevertheless , the privilege granted to the same company , to engross the whole trade of the coast of guinea , to the cape of good hope ; and giving free leave and permission to all his majesty's subjects to trade on any part of the coast between the cape and the river of sierra-leona . in february the marquess de blainville purchas'd the office of great master of the ceremonies , of the marquess de rodes , and took the usual oath before julius-henry , then duke d' enguien , and now prince of condé , great master of the king's houshold . about the same time the king call'd a meeting of the clergy at st. germain en laye , to conclude on the most proper methods for the utter extirpation of calvinism out of his dominions . his majesty sent lewis boucherat , at present chancellor of france , and claude pelletier , with the marquess de seignelay , to communicate his design to the prelates and other members of that assembly ; and on the 14th . of july the clergy sent deputies to acquaint his majesty with their resolutions , who were conducted to their audience , by the marquess . in pursuance of that advice , the king set forth an edict , revoking and abrogating the edict of nantes in 1698 , that of nimes in 1629 , and all other edicts and declarations granted in favour of those of the reformed religion . the principal traders of the city of paris , professing that religion , met according to the edict , in the marquess de seignelay's house , and in the presence of achilles de harlay , then attorney-general , and now chief president in the parliament of paris , and of nicholas de la reynie , lieutenant of the polity , promised to embrace the catholick faith ; and their example was follow'd by a great number of the masters of the incorporated companies of trades-men . the king resolving to sup at the marquess de seignelay's house at sceaux on the 16th . of july , 1685. the marquess prepar'd to regale him with his usual magnificence . his majesty arriving about half an hour after six , was receiv'd at his coming out of his coach by the marquess , who conducted him to the garden , where he with the dauphiness , and the dutchess of orleans , took their seats in a large chair with four places , and as many umbrella's , carry'd by men ; and the rest of the ladies of the court took the conveniency of other chairs which they found there , the princes and lords attending his majesty on foot. first they enter'd into the pavilion of the morning , where in a corner there were some of the most able masters of instrumental musick , who diverted the court with their consorts for a quarter of an hour , after which they continu'd their walk . when his majesty arriv'd at the cascade he heard the agreeable noise of several haut-boys mixt with the murmuring of the water ; the musicians walking behind the hedge-row , which kept them a long time from being perceiv'd , and the same diversion was renew'd in several places of the garden , where the flutes and haut-boys lay conceal'd in the thickets ; in the orange-house his majesty was regal'd with a consort of musick prepar'd for that occasion . the seats were taken out of the gallery that ends in the orange-house , and was separated from it by large pilasters of marble , leaning on façades to which five great candlesticks were fasten'd , it being already dark . the same order was observ'd throughout , and at the end of the place there appear'd two benches or stools , on each side along the declivity of an amphitheatre , above which there was a gallery ; all these parts were lighted by an infinite number of little lamps . the fronts and pilasters were adorn'd with flat pieces of gold-smiths work , and candlesticks for tapers ; the rest of the orange-house was hung with tapestry representing a hunting match , and the twelve months of the year , and embellish'd with two rows of lamps from one end to the other . the consort being ended , his majesty came forth at a great door in the middle of the orange-house , and saw on his right-hand several walks of orange-trees , adorn'd with a great number of lights plac'd before the boxes ; and after he had march'd about 30 paces in in one of those walks , he discover'd a table in a green arbour . the table was four foot and three inches broad , reaching quite round the canal , but cover'd only in those places that were under the arbours on the banks of the canal , to the angles on those parts of the flanks that were form'd into an amphitheatre , descending by three degrees towards the water . the king took his seat at the table in the midst of an arbour , at one of the ends of the canal , and the dauphin was plac'd in the opposite arbour , so that there were 38 foot of water between 'em ; the two sides of the table were adorn'd with a wreath of baskets and vessels of porcelane full of flowers , between the branch'd candlesticks , and other machines of goldsmiths-work carrying 25 tapers ; besides which there were others somewhat lower . the machines of light were all of a different contrivance , representing his majesty's actions under allegorical figures ; and the other two degrees were adorn'd after the the same manner . the arbours at each end of the canal , which cover'd the two parts of the table where his majesty and the dauphin sate , were 18 foot high , being arch'd after the manner of a porch , and so artificially contriv'd , that the cornices and other parts of the architecture were easily distinguish'd . the plafond of the place where the king sate was encompass'd with a rais'd work , but those of the two wings were flat , and all the portico's were arch'd and adorn'd with his majesty's arms and cyphers in the middle . several busts and garlands of flowers hung also in the middle of the arches , and the king's arbour was cover'd with the like ornaments . all the cornices were border'd with 150 branch'd candlesticks , bearing six tapers each , with a silver basket full of flowers between every two candlesticks . all the arches were furnish'd with damask curtains , ty'd back to the pilasters , to preserve the company from rain , if there shou'd be occasion ; and over-against the sides of the table there were two cupboards of state , supported by great arches , and crown'd with arbours , containing 20 foot in front , and rising by three degrees , adorn'd with multiplying-glasses , besides several curious pieces of gold and silver-work , among which there was a great number of branch'd candlesticks , carrying several tapers , and besides they were border'd with boxes of orange-trees . the entertainment consisted of five courses of the rarest kinds of meat and fruit which cou'd be procur'd in that season . the king was serv'd by the marquess de seignelay , the dauphiness by le bailly colbert , and the duke of orleans by the marquess de blainville ; and at the other end the dauphin , and madam by the marquess de maulevrier , during the repast , they were by turns diverted with the harmonious sounds of trumpets , violins , flutes , hautboys , and kettle-drums ; and at the same time there were two tables prepar'd in the castle , with twenty or thirty cover'd places at each , for persons of quality attending on the court ; and several others were plac'd in the garden and court for the officers , not forgetting even the foot-men . whilst the marquess de seignelay was displaying his magnificence at home , his brother-in-law the duke de mortemar , gave illustrious proofs of his vigour and conduct in the treaty which he concluded with the pyrates of tripoli . he arriv'd before that place the 28th . of july , 1686 , and sent such a peremptory letter to the dey , that he assembl'd the divan the same day ; where 't was resolv'd to grant all that the duke demanded , excepting only the entire payment of the 60000 crowns , being part of the summ which they were oblig'd to pay by the treaty concluded in 1685 : for they were not then able to advance so considerable a summ , by reason of their bad harvest , and of the civil war that had harass'd their country since that time , and was just then terminated by the death of the dey , whom the moors endeavour'd to make sovereign of the country . in the mean time they laded one of the king's ships with ●orn ; and since they cou'd not restore seven of the frenchmen that were ask'd of 'em , whom they had sold in several parts of the levant , from whence they cou'd not possibly bring 'em back , they deliver'd thirty strangers instead of the twenty french slaves that were demanded of 'em , with eleven young ship-boys of provence , whom they had forc'd to renounce christianity , which they had never before granted by any treaty whatsoever . the duke de mortemar at his arrival , found five venetian men of war and fly-boats that were come to land the garison and inhabitants of navarrens and modon , which were surrenderd on articles to the generalissimo morosini . the commander of this squadron had retain'd some women , under pretext that they were willing to embrace the christian faith ; and the dey of tripoli , on the complaints made to him by the husbands and relations of those women , had , by way of reprizal , seiz'd on the whole crew of a pinnace belonging to the venetians . but the difference was accommodated by the duke's mediation , the women being restor'd to the turks , and the mariners of the pinnace to the venetians . after which the duke wrote to the dey of tunis , who sent in the vessel call'd the granade ▪ the rest of the slaves that were taken under the banner of france . the next year the dey , divan , and soldiery of tripoli sent to france , khelyt aga the bassa's deputy , and hector aga , a naval officer , to present to his majesty , by way of tribute , two dromedaries , six of the finest horses in the country , and some ostriches . these envoys arriv'd at toulon on the 3d. of may , 1687 , where they were receiv'd by vauvre , intendant of the marine , and maintain'd at the king's charge , with their eight attentendants , during the forty days they remain'd in that place , to repose themselves and those animals who had suffer'd very much in the voyage . at last they set forward by an order from the court , accompany'd by de magrie , a marine officer in the toulon division , and antonio boyer , a native of malta , to perform the office of an interpreter on the road. on the 10th . of august they came to charenton , and de magna went immediately to inform the marquess de seignelay of their arrival . the 22d . they were brought to versailles , and introduc'd to his majesty's presence by the marquess . after they had made their compliment in turkish , which was interpreted by dipy , they presented the animals to the king ; after which a moor about eighteen years old , of a very large stature both for height and thickness , mounted one of the dromedaries , harness'd after the mode of the country , and galloping about the court , he rais'd himself with wonderful agility on the back of that animal , and having made several whirling turns , fell back into his former posture . some days after the ambassadors went to see the marquess de seignelay's house , where they were regal'd by his officers , tho' they had receiv'd neither orders for the entertainment , nor so much as notice of their coming . at their departure the marquess gave each of 'em in the king's name , a gold chain and medal , with his majesty's picture . in october 1689 , the marquess de seignelay was made minister of state ; but he did not long enjoy that dignity , for he dy'd the next year , three months after the dauphiness , as his father deceas'd some days after the queen . his death was believ'd to be occasion'd by his debauches , and especially by the excesses he committed with women . he was extremely in love with one of his mistresses , but did not take care to raise her fortune , tho' it was not suitable to her birth . when she was inform'd that there was no hope of his recovery , and that he suffer'd no ladies to be brought into his presence , she disguis'd her self in the habit of a courier , and pretending that she had a pacquet concerning some important affair to deliver to the marquess . she was introduc'd into his chamber , where she discover'd her self to him , and told him , that hearing he was about to undertake a long journey , she cou'd not forbear bidding him adieu before his departure ; and withal , intreated him to remember her condition . he easily understood her meaning , but having more pressing debts to pay , sent her away with a promise that he would think of her . the abbot de fenelon gave him notice of his approaching death ; and he was so much the more surpriz'd with so unwelcom a message , that two days before he had spent eight hours in doing business with his commissaries . his body being open'd , there were found twelve small and very hard glands in his breast , and the rudiments of some others in his kindneys ; his lungs were found sticking to his sides , all his blood was congeal'd , and his stomach so hard , that they cou'd not open it without some difficulty . the inventory of his estate amounted to 1700000 livres , and might have been much greater , if his expences had been less extravagant . he left five boys , of whom the eldest , call'd the marquess de loure , being then about seven or eight years old , some time after obtain'd the reversion of the office of master of the wardrobe , at present in the possession of the marquess de la sale. lewis phelippeaux , count of pontchartrain , was made minister and secretary of state , in room of the marquess de seignelay . he had already pass'd thro' the offices of counsellor in the court of requests in the parliament of paris , master of requests , first president in the parliament of bretaign , and intendant of the finances , and was then ( as he is still ) comptroller-general of the finances . the marquess de louvois had the titles of governour of the fortifications of maritime places , and of the ancient fortifications ; great master of the races , and director of the cloth-manufactory . and the office of commander and great treasurer of the king's orders , formerly in the possession of the marquess de seigdelay , was given to his uncle , the marquess de croissy , minister and secretary of state. of all colbert's sons , at present there are only two remaining , james nicholas , archbishop of rohan , and lewis , formerly abbot of bonport , and prior of nogent le rotru , who after the death of his brother charles count de sceaux , who was kill'd in flanders at the head of the regiment of champaign , left a religious for a military life , and was made commander of the same regiment which the marquess de blanville had commanded before him . the end . the table of the contents . colberts's character page 1 his birth and education 3 his advancement to the service of le tellier , secretary of state ibid. an instance of his exactness and fidelity to his master 4 cardinal mazarin receives him into his service 5 his marriage and mistresses 6 , 7 he is made intendant of the finances 9 an account of the proceedings against fouquet , superintendant of the finances 10 , &c. fouquet's kindness to the burlesque gazettier 18 colbert's avarice ibid. pelisson comes to paris 20 his amours with mademoiselle de scudery 21 he writes the history of the french academy 22 he serves fouquet ibid. and afterwards colbert 23 the council of the finances erected 24 the new regulation of the finances page 24 colbert hated and affronted 26 his violent proceedings against the officers and farmers of the revenue 27 he settles the east and west-india companies 29 enlarges and beautifies the tuilleries ibid. a description of the king's statue made by cavalier bernin 30 colbert repairs s. germain , and other royal houses 31 the castle of clagny describ'd ibid. an account of versailles 33 , &c. — of trianon 63 — of the aqueduct of versailles 64 , &c. — of a church built by colbert 68 — of marly 70 , &c. — of colbert's palace at sceaux 76 colbert's care to adorn the city of paris 78 the academy of painting and sculpture erected by his interest 79 of the origin , constitution , and progress of that society 80 , &c. a catalogue of le brun's pieces 87 an account of the academy of sciences , with the works and inventions of its members 88 , &c. a description of the parisian observatory 91 , &c. the uniting of the two seas undertaken 97 an exact account of that work 98 , &c. colbert purchases the office of treasurer of the king's orders 106 of the institution of the orders of s. michael , and of the holy ghost 106 , 107 the prices of offices regulated 108 the authority of the parliaments lessen'd page 108 , &c. several fine pieces of workmanship made by colbert's order for the embellishment of versailles 111 , 112 he sets up a glass-house 112 and establishes a point-manufactory 113 his daughter marry'd to the d. of chevreuse 114 he undertakes the reformation of courts of justice , but without success 115 the causes of the litigious wrangling of lawyers , and other inconveniencies relating to the civil code , with their proper remedies 116 , &c. proposals concerning the government of the city of paris , and the redressing of several abuses that are usually committed there 123 , &c. of lewd women 125 , 126 of gaming 127 of lending money on pledges 128 of regulating the prices of bread , wine , flesh , &c. 128 , 129 colbert examines the usurpation of noble titles 130 of the treaty at aix la chapelle 131 , 132 colbert made secretary of state 133 suppresses several offices ibid. excludes protestants from the courts of justice 134 proposals for several new regulations concerning criminal courts 135 , &c. reflexions on two edicts 142 colbert's severity to the parliament of tholouse 143 he procures the erection of an ensuring-office page 144 another of his daughters marry'd to the duke of s. aignan 146 the inconveniencies of mark'd paper ibid. colbert sends his son , the marquess de seignelay , to travel 147 he suppresses private courts of justice ibid. of the treaty of nimmeghen 149 colbert made minister of state ibid. an amorous adventure of the marquess d' ormoy colbert 150 , 151 colbert's sister made an abbess 152 an account of the casting of great guns for the navy ibid. colbert's care to advance his family 154 he marries his youngest daughter to the duke de mortemar ibid. the marquess de seignelay twice marri'd 156 colbert's brother negotiates and concludes the treaty of marriage between the dauphin and the princess of bavaria 157 and is made secretary of state 158 colbert's incivility to a lady ibid. the marquess de seignelay accompanies the king to picardy 159 colbert excludes protestants from the royal farms 160 his son , the abbot , made titulary archbishop of carthage , and coadjutor to the archbp. of roan ib. the ceremonies of his reception at rohan 161 theses dedicated to his majesty , and presented in magnificent boxes , adorn'd with emblematical figures 162 a frigat built after a new model page 163 encrease of trade at s. malo 164 the duke of mortemar's expedition with his majesty's galleys 165 the chevalier de bethune takes a pyrate of salley 166 the marquess du quêne chases some vessels of tripoli into the port of chio 168 the articles of the treaty of peace between the french and the divan of tripoli 169 colbert's kindness to his nephew desmarets 170 of colbert's three sisters ibid. the king views several curiosities at paris 171 the marquess de seignelay goes to dunkirk ib. a brief account of the present king of morocco's accession to the throne , his wars and conquests 172 the various customs and habits of his subjects 172 , 173 some of their religious rites , with their opinion concerning christ 174 the king of morocco sends an ambassador to france ibid. some instances of the wit and politeness of that envoy 175 colbert promotes his brother edward francis ib. a short description of tournay 176 the marquess du quêne's expedition against algier ibid. an account of the fortifications of the town and port 177 an exact relation of the bombarding of that city 178 , &c. an algerin ship taken by the french pag. 185 fine horses brought from the american islands 186 gabaret's voyage to martinico ibid. a description of that island , and granada 187 of mount s. martha , the highest hill in the world ibid. of the nation of pigmies that inhabit the skirts of the mountain 188 portobelo describ'd 189 description of havana 193 of the bay of las matanças in the island of cuba 194 of the streight of bahama 195 a desperate action of 4 or 5 englishmen 196 the french king sends the count of s. amand ambassadour to the king of morocco ibid. his arrival and reception at tetuan 197 he sets forwards to alcazan 203 and arrives at salley 204 of the manner of rejoicing , and sacrifices of the moors 205 a particular relation of the first audience , and of the discourse that pass'd between the king and the ambassadour 206 an account of the presents 209 of the audience of leave , and the conclusion of the treaty 210 the king of morocco's person and habit describ'd 210 , 211 of his forces and guard 211 an instance of moorish severity 212 the ambassadour returns to tetuan ibid. colbert regulates some abuses page 213 and procures an edict about the payment of debts 214 the marquess du quêne's second expedition against algiers , with a particular account of the bombarding of that city 215 , &c. the algerines beg a peace , and restore the french slaves 222 colbert's death and burial 223 his monument 224 verses on that occasion ibid. his library ibid. how his offices were divided after his death 225 the marquess de seignelay's character 226 his first and second marriage ibid. he beats his wife 227 of colbert's pretended descent from a scotch family 228 the preferment , disgrace , and death of one of his sons , who was made a knight of malta 228 , 229 an instance of the archbishop of rohan's affection to his mistress 229 the causes of the french king 's quarreling with the republick of genoa 229 , 230 an account of the bombarding of that city ibid. &c. the conditions impos'd on the genoese 234 of the arrival and negotiation of the ambassadors of siam 235 the new regulation of the african trade 236 the revocation of the edict of nantes 237 the king is magnificently regal'd by the marquess de seignelay page 237 , &c. the duke de mortemar compels the tripolins to restore their french slaves 241 , 242 an embassy from tripoli to france 243 the marquess de seignelay made minister of state 244 his death ibid. a story of one of his mistresses ibid. of the dissection of his body 245. pontchartrain made minister of state ibid. the marquess de louvois's offices 246 of colbert's children , who are alive at present ibid. the end of the table . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34769-e300 * history of emeric count of tekeli , p. 2. notes for div a34769-e1910 * so called from a certain cap they usually wear . * this name is given to publick places of resort , ( such as hide-park ) where persons of quality take the air. * the toise commonly contains six feet . * a fine sort of clay or plaister . * somewhat more than a pint. * the provost of the merchants may be called , in some sense , mayor of paris . which is a kind of cloth. the acts and negotiations, together with the particular articles at large of the general peace, concluded at ryswick, by the most illustrious confederates with the french king to which is premised, the negotiations and articles of the peace, concluded at turin, between the same prince and the duke of savoy / translated from the original publish'd at the hague. actes et mémoires des négociations de la paix de ryswick. english. selections. 1698 approx. 501 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 155 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27483 wing b1994 estc r10805 11992855 ocm 11992855 52056 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52056) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 13:6) the acts and negotiations, together with the particular articles at large of the general peace, concluded at ryswick, by the most illustrious confederates with the french king to which is premised, the negotiations and articles of the peace, concluded at turin, between the same prince and the duke of savoy / translated from the original publish'd at the hague. actes et mémoires des négociations de la paix de ryswick. english. selections. bernard, jacques, 1658-1718. france. treaties, etc. savoy (duchy), 1696 aug. 29. england and wales. treaties, etc. france, 1697 sept. 20. [13], 223, 74-142 p., 2 folded leaves of plates : ill. printed for robert clavel ... and tim. childe ..., london : 1698. translation of: actes et mémoires des négociations de la paix de ryswick / collected by jacques bernard. la haye, 1699. advertisements on p. [13]. reproduction of original in newberry library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -treaties, etc. -savoy (duchy), 1696 aug. 29. treaty of ryswick (1697) 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the acts and negotiations , together with the particular articles at large , of the general peace , concluded at ryswick , by the most illustrious confederates with the french king . to which is premised , the negotiations and articles of the peace , concluded at tvrin , between , the same prince and the duke of savoy . translated from the original publish'd at the hague . london : printed for robert clavel at the peacock , and tim. childe at the white hart , at the west-end of st. paul's church-yard . 1698. preface . the title of this book informs the reader , that it contains the acts and negotiations of the general peace concluded at ryswick , and likewise of the particular peace concluded at turin , faithfully translated from the original publish'd at the hague : the editors of it in english thought they had good reason to put it into that language , because our nation hath , in this long and bloody war , contributed such mighty weights towards the reducing the kingdoms and states of europe to the happy ballance they at present enjoy . the efforts of the english nation , in concurrence with the illustrious confederates , have , in nine years time , broke those chains , which cost the expence of above 30 years in their contrivance , and by which the liberty of europe was so strangely and artificially entangled and encompass'd , that even well-meaning men thought it more advisable patiently to submit to the insuperable evil , than by vain attempts to hasten or exasperate the misery ; let the lyon sleep , say they , and let us by our gentleness and flatteries engage him so to do ; time may lessen or wear out that rage , which , should we provoke , we are not able to resist . thus while evil men cherish'd , and unthinking and mistaken men submitted , the mighty mischief grew and prosper'd : like some irresistible fleet it commanded and aw'd even those distant countries , that had not yet seen or felt its power . roman it was in the wisdom and conduct of its arms , but of how far different a spirit from that heroick common-wealth ? who with hardships to themselves conquer'd and subdu'd nations , with the same tender designs we chastise our children , only to make 'em better and more happy than they were before . in this disconsolate posture was europe , not expecting safety , the delay of its ruin seem'd to proceed but from the pleasure or frolick of the conqueror ; when crown'd heads and states were bid to hope for that liberty , which they before only durst secretly desire . this great design is laid by a prince , whose descent seem'd to entitle him to become a deliverer : his ancestors , of the same name , rescu'd his country from powers not indeed so well founded and numerous , but still as destructive , as these the distant nephew was to engage with ; providence foresaw the protection of seven provinces would not be work enough for so capacious a soul : hero's , through each degree , collect and gather their ancestors perfections , to which they add their own , therefore this prince is to be ally'd to the english crown , that this tie might engage him to extend his care to these islands , which by the supine negligence and superstitious bigottry of governors had been put into equal , if not more eminent danger , than the rest of the neighbouring world. impotence was their excuse , we had power , but the force and edge of it was turn'd upon our selves . a neighbouring flood , that with miserable great desolation had over-run part of europe , was with additional force too near approaching to us : what precaution did we use to prevent it ? our workmen were digging down the banks that should oppose and keep it out , and seem'd to invite the ruin. here this great prince interposes ; he opens the eyes of most , and holds the hands of those unfortunate men that still continu'd blind or engag'd , and kindly hinder'd 'em from doing things , that tended to the destruction of both themselves and their country . then in 1688. the mighty scene opens , in 1689. the war begins . power or heaven for some time seem'd to favour the mighty monarch , doubtless it was to try the opposer's constancy and let them know , that no disasters or disappointments should discourage engagements , founded upon the principles of justice and common safety . then for four or five years the bloody game seem'd doubtful , and the making of a stand look'd like a presage of victory : for when powers that assume to themselves the titles of insuperable strength and immortal glory , meet with difficulties , and are check'd in their ambitious progress ; this casts disparagement upon their high pretences , and makes suffering mankind hope they are not so great as they would willingly look to be : like men that affect the character of being rich , couragious or religious , yet are not really so , this assumed shape may for some time command awe and respect , but when at last , by the effects , the disguise appears , the hypocrites become more contemptible and ridiculous . i shall not say , that the events of the two or three last years of the war make it appear probable , this was the case of the enemies of our monarch and country , for they had substance , conduct and courage ; though i must take it to be as plain , that their power and these qualifications were by no means equal to the union form'd against 'em , and manag'd by the same incomparable head and hand that first gave it birth . for when savoy left the confederacy in 1696. one would have thought so considerable a weight taken out of our scale , would have given the contrary a mighty advantage ; and the costly and even mean flatteries and cares that were employ'd to detach that prince , and the triumphs us'd on that success , should confirm the opinion : but what effect had it ? none to the advantage of our adversaries . some casual deficiencies at home defeated the designs abroad , otherwise our enemies might in this last interval have felt more evils , then , i hope , we shall ever now have occasion to wish to ' em . for the great king condescends that the house of his majesty shall become the place of treaty for peace , and there settles to the empire and spain , barriers so firm and strong , that their enemies cannot by force , in ten years , recover what was by agreement restor'd to 'em here , except gross negligence , treachery or discord open their gates , which are evils the possessors only can provide against . for , in the present circumstances of europe , all any single state should reasonable wish , is , to be in a condition to prevent surprize from a neighbourhood , and to have a power sufficient to defend it self for some time ; and then doubtless those potentates whose interest it is , that the aggressor should not , by the ruin of another , grow too powerful , will come to the assistance of the oppressed : for the late celebrated league does demonstrate , that the gross of mankind seldom vary from their interest , when they know it and are at liberty to act as they have a mind to ; and this makes it probable france would never have submitted to terms so disadvantagious to her power , if she suddenly intended the like exercises of it , that have been practis'd some years before : therefore the reader may reasonably hope the duration of this peace will add to the glory of it ; he will admire the contriver of that wonderful machine , that made and forc'd a way for it ; he will wish the hero a long enjoyment of it , and this is for every english man's own interest ; for it may be this peace carries something in it resembling the nature of creation , its continuance may in some measure depend upon the being of its maker . the contents . the acts and negotiations of the peace of savoy . marshal catinat's letter to the marquiss of s. thomas , june 29. 1696. page 1 the marquiss of s. thomas's answer , july 3. 1696. 3 his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to the pope , concerning the proposals of france for peace and neutrality in italy . 4 the duke of savoy's letter to his imperial majesty on the same subject . 6 — his letter to their high and mightinesses the states general , upon the same . 8 — his letter to his highness the elector of bavaria . 9 his electoral highness the duke of bavaria's answer to the duke of savoy . 10 his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to his serene highness the elector of brandenburg . 12 his electoral highness of brandenburg's answer . 14 the duke of savoy's letter to his majesty the king of spain . 15 the conditions of the treaty between his most christian majesty and his royal highness the duke of savoy . 16 the articles of peace and neutrality for italy between his most christian majesty and his royal highness the duke of savoy : concluded on and signed at turin , aug. 29. 1696. and deliver'd at the hague to the high allies aug. 15. 1697. 17 the proclamation of peace publish'd at paris , sept. 10. 1696. and also at turin , and at the head of the army the same day . 30 the letter of the most christian king to the archbishop of paris , to cause te deum to be sung for the peace with savoy . 31 the act of remission of the country and estates of savoy , made by his most christian majesty lewis xiv . king of france and navarre , to his royal highness victor amadaeus ii. duke of savoy , prince of piedmont , king of cyprus , &c. sept. 28. 1696. 23 acts and negotiations of the general peace concluded at ryswick . the preliminaries of the peace . 38 a description of the palace of ryswick , and of the first conferences held there . 40 a memorial of the plenipotentiary of lorrain , presented and read in the congress of the high allies , jan. 16. 1697. 45 another memorial which the same monsieur canon , presented to the same assembly of the allies , may 22. 1697. 49 the regulation of the publick ceremonies , and the order to be observ'd by the domesticks of the plenipotentiaries . prescrib'd by the mediator may 29. 1697. 51 the project of the peace to be made between the emperor and empire on one part , and the most christian king on the other part ; deliver'd by the ambassadors of france , july 20. 1697. to which is added the answer of the ambassadors of his imperial majesty , given in aug. 5. 1697. 59 a declaration made by the ambassadors of his most christian majesty , but rejected by the emperial ambassade . 100 a memorial of the ambassadors of the most christian king for a general peace , deliver'd to the ambassadors mediators at the palace of ryswick , sept. 1. 1697. 102 articles of peace between the most serene and mighty prince william iii. king of great britain , and the most serene and mighty prince lewis xiv . the most christian king , concluded in the palace at ryswick the 10 / 20 day of september , 1697. 105 the substance of the full power of their excellencies the plenipotentiaries of his britannick majesty , 117 the full power of their excellencies the french plenipotentiaries , 122 the substance of his britannick majesty's ratification , 125 the ratification of his most christian majesty , 128 the articles of peace between his catholick majesty and the most christian king , concluded and signed at the palace of ryswick in holland , the 10 / 20 of september 1697. 129 separate article . 149 his catholick majesty's ratification . 151 his catholick majesty's ratification of the separate article . 152 his most christian majesty's ratification . 153 his most christian majesty's ratification of the separate article . 155 a list and declaration of the re-unions or occupations made by his most christian majesty in the provinces of the low countries belonging to his catholick majesty , since the treaty of nimeguen . 157 a list of exception , of the places which the ambassadors of france pretend to reserve . 172 the treaty of peace between france and the duke of savoy . 174 the full power of their excellencies the ambassadors of his catholick majesty . 186 the full power of their excellencies the ambassadors of his most christian majesty . 189 articles of peace made , concluded and agreed on at ryswick in holland the 10 / 20 day of sept. 1697. between the ambassadors of his most christian majesty on one part , and the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the lords the states general of the united netherlands on the other part . 192 the full powers of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the most christian king. 205 the full powers of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the lords the states general of the vnited netherlands . 208 separate article , 214 his most christian majesty's ratification . 216 the ratification of the lords the states general of the united netherlands . 218 the ratification of his most christian majesty upon the separate article . 220 the ratification of the states general upon the separate article . 222 articles of peace between the emperor and empire on one part , and france on the other part ; concluded at the royal palace of ryswick in holland on the 30th of october 1697. n. s. 75 the full powers of the emperor's ambassadors . 112 the general full power of the deputation of the empire . 116 the full powers of the french ambassadors . 118 separate article , 120 the names and qualities of their excellencies the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries , publick ministers , envoys , &c. who were present at the congress for a general peace , held in the palace at ryswick call'd newbourg-house . 126 advertisement . books newly printed . the pantheon ; representing the fabulous histories of the heathen gods and most illustrious heroes , in a plain and familiar method by way of dialogue . written by fra. pomey , author of the french and latin dictionary for the use of the dauphin . the second edition , wherein the whole translation is revised and much amended , and the work is illustrated and adorn'd with elegant copper cuts of the several deities , &c. 8 0. printed for robert clavel at the peacock in s. paul's church-yard . joan. clerici ars critica , in qua ad studia linguarum latinae , graecae , & hebraicae via munitur : veterumque emendandorum & spuriorum scriptorum à genuinis dignoscendorum ratio traditur . editio altera priori emendatior . apud robertum clavel ad pavonem , & timotheum childe ad album cervum in coemeterio d. pauli . the acts and negotiations of the peace concluded between the french king and the duke of savoy . mareschal catinat's letter to the marquiss of st. thomas , dated the 29th of june , 1696. it was not possible for me sooner to satisfy his royal highness's desire of knowing the advantages which the king is pleased to grant him , in case his royal highness consents to joyn with his majesty , either to procure a peace or a neutrality in italy , because i had then no orders to explain my self , farther than what was mentioned in the two letters i have had the honour to write to you . but as soon as i had given his majesty an account of the answers you made , he gave me leave to be more plain , and that in writing too , altho' it be not usual to lay open matters of this consequence in letters , especially since i know that his royal highness will certainly communicate them all to his allies . but , methinks , the contents of this i now write to you are of such importance that they ought to be managed with greater privacy . however , i am allowed to add thus much to what i have already writ to you , that the king is disposed to restore pignerol to his royal highness , together with all the dependencies which did formerly belong to the house of savoy ; yet so , as that all its fortifications shall be demolished . but in case the house of austria should be unwilling to agree to this neutrality , neither will suffer italy , nor the dominions of his royal highness especially , to be in peace , such measures will then be taken , as shall oblige them to it . and to that end his royal highness shall joyn his forces with his majesty's , giving the king only such security as shall be thought reasonable . his majesty moreover will afford greater demonstrations of amity to his royal highness , and kindness to the house of savoy , for his majesty intends to match the duke of burgundy to the princess of piedmont , and to take her into france , where they shall be immediately contracted , but the consummation of their marriage is to be deferred till they both come of age. his majesty likewise to satisfy his generosity is willing to give her a portion , and allow her a dowry , without putting his royal highness to any more cost or charges on her account . on these effects of his majesty's bounty will depend many other advantages in favour of his royal highness , provide he expresses himself but willing to lay hold on these offers in the answer he shall order to this letter . but in case of non-compliance , i assure you , his majesty will be so far incensed to see his kind proffers slighted , that his royal highness must expect no more favour , but to be treated as an obstinate enemy , although it should be never so prejudicial to the king. i am persuaded that his royal highness will make such due reflections on this affair as the importance of it , in respect to his own interest requires , i am , &c. monsieur st. thomas his answer . dated the 3d of july , 1696. his royal highness is as well disposed as you could wish , to lay hold on the generous offers , of his majesty , which you propose in the letter you did me the honour to write to me , on the 29th of the last month. but as he must acquaint his allies with the contents of it , he cannot reasonably expect their answers ( at least that from spain ) in less than six weeks , unless you will be pleased to send pasports for two couriers , the one to be dispatcht by his royal highness , the other by the marquis de leganez , to go through france ; during their going and returning , and while we wait for the answers they shall bring , his royal highness will keep the forces of the allies and his own beyond the river po , and you shall keep the troops under your command on this side of that river , without attempting any act of hostility , either against his royal highness's forces , or against any of his fortified towns , he being verily persuaded that you will retain your troops in such good order , as that on one side they may not want subsistance , and on the other , act suitably to those sentiments which you did me the honour to signify to me , who am , sir , your's , &c. his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to the pope , concerning the peace of italy . most holy father , i cannot but think my self oblig'd to acquaint your holiness ( who always vouchsafed to be so kindly concern'd for the welfare of my family ) with the first news of the offers that have been made me by mareschal de catinat , in order to establish a neutrality in italy . this humble letter is to let your holiness understand that count gubernati , my resident at rome , will declare to your holiness the particulars of this affair by word of mouth . the substance whereof consists in the restitution of all that has been taken from me during this war , and even of pignerol it self , whose fortifications are to be demolished , the importance of which place your holiness is well acquainted with . a marriage is also proposed between the princess , my daughter , and the duke of burgundy , to be consummated when they are of age , and in the mean time she is to be received and conducted into france , where the king assigns her a dowry , and gives her a portion without putting me to the least charges , besides many other advantages , ( which i need not here mention ) on condition that i shall concur to settle a neutrality in italy . but if the house of austria should delay giving their consent to it , after being thereunto exhorted by your holiness and the republick of venice ; in such case , i am to joyn my forces to those of france , in order to make them comply . having made serious reflections on this matter , and thinking that the house of austria can have no intentions to force me to reject these advantagious offers made me by france , i have taken a resolution to let the principals of the confederacy know that i cannot possibly let slip this present favourable opportunity of recovering pignerol ; neither can i think it proper to commit a matter of so great importance to the house of austria , to all italy , and to my self , to the uncertain event of war and futurity . it is to this purpose that i intend to write to the allies , especially to the emperor and to his catholick majesty , earnestly intreating them not to be against a proposal that is of such advantage to them as well as to me . the assurance i have that your holiness does extreamly wish for such a neutrality , has not a little contributed to determine me so much in its favour . it is also that which makes me most humbly and earnestly to beg of your holiness , that you will please to give orders to your nuncio's at vienna and madrid , to second your fatherly offices by their vigorous sollicitations for obtaining the speedy consent of those crowns for a neutrality in italy , which would be a welcome fore runner to acquaint the world with the so much long'd-for tidings of an approaching peace , whereof christendom stands so much in need . i wait impatiently for this favour from your holiness's bounty . as soon as your holiness's orders are come to my hands by this courier , i will forthwith send dispatches to the aforesaid courts . in the mean time i continue to implore the favourable influences of the paternal protection of your holiness , to whom i wish a long life , accompanied with all manner of prosperity , and i do also in a most humble manner kiss your holiness's most holy feet , as being turin , july 16. 1696 tour holiness's most humble and most affectionate son and servant victor amadeus . his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to his imperial majesty . your imperial majesty's extraordinary goodness , and the equity which appears in all the actions of your wise government , sufficiently convince me , that your clemency will never require of me that i should finish the ruine of this miserable country , neglect to accept the restitution of the territories that have been taken from me by the enemy , and refuse the offer of pignerol to be deliver'd up to me . your imperial majesty's generosity will not certainly suffer you to look on my losses with unconcern , especially seeing that the advantages propos'd to me , are perfectly consistent with your majesty's interest , without which i would not look upon them as such . i therefore most humbly intreat your imperial majesty to be pleased to give a favourable audience to my embassador , who will give your majesty an account of the proposals made me by mareschal catinat , and who will further urge such reasons , as will , i hope , incline you not to disapprove those offers . in the mean time , i protest to your imperial majesty , that the obligations i owe you , shall ever remain engraven on my heart in such deep characters as shall never be effac'd ; and i esteem this as one of the chief which i owe your majesty , that these advantagious proposals made me , are also the effects of your imperial majesty's protection , intreating your majesty to be assur'd , that no private interest shall ever make me swerve from the firm and inviolable stedfastness , which i shall always maintain for your imperial majesty's service , &c. turin the 4 th of july , 1696. his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to the states general . high and mighty lords , we cannot better begin our letter than by repeated acknowledgments of our obligations to your lordships , the sense whereof is always present in our thoughts , and which we shall ever keep in our minds ; i mean the remembrance of your generous succours afforded us in distress ; after which we earnestly intreat your high and mightinesses to take in good part , the notice we give you of the proposals made us by mareschal catinat , by order of the king his master , the particulars whereof shall be laid open to you by the councellor and president de la tour , our embassador : we hope your high and mightinesses great prudence , joyn'd with the affection which you are wont to bear towards our interest , will incline you not to disallow of the resolution we have taken , not to refuse the offer made us of restoring pignerol , with all the other places we have lost during this war , without depending in a matter of so great consequence , on the uncertain events of time , or the revolutions which may happen in france . the aforesaid count de la tour will also lay before your high and mightinesses , the reasons which oblige us thereunto . and the means you shall use towards promoting the execution of this design , will more and more increase our acknowledgments , which shall be always accompanied with an earnest desire of giving you pregnant proofs of our ardent wishes for compleating your prosperity and happiness , and that we are . turin , july 6. 1696. high and mighty lords , your's , &c. victor amadeus . his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter to his electoral highness the duke of bavaria . most serene electoral highness , the indissoluble ties of interest , consanguinity and affection , which engage me in so extraordinary a manner to your most serene electoral highness , make me to look on all that happens to you , as if it had been to my self : and i am also convinced of the share you have in all that relates to me . it is this confidence that makes me impart to your electoral highness the offers that have been made me by mareschal catinat , in his master's name ; and to give you likewise notice of a letter which that mareschal has writ to me , wherein he mentions the restoring of pignerol , after demolishing the fortifications , together with all the dependencies which formerly belong'd to the house of savoy . he proposes likewise a marriage of the duke of burgundy with the princess my daughter , to be consummated when they both come of age ; and to settle on the said princess a dowry and portion , to have them contracted forthwith , and she to be received immediately into france ; and all this on condition , that i shall concur to a neutrality in italy : of all which advantages , what seems most considerable in my eye , in the present conjuncture , is the surrender of pignerol to me . your highness knows well the importance of that place , and may judge how seriously i ought to think of this proposal , and not loose this favourable opportunity ; nor put a matter of so great consequence to the hazard of future events , or change of minds , which may happen in case i should delay to close with these offers , which being as advantagious to the house of austria as to me , i am apt to believe the princes of that family will not oppose me in it . i also hope your electoral highnesses prudence and goodness will incline you to acquiesce in my sentiments . in the mean while i wish your royal highness a continued series of happy successes , being with all imaginable fidelity and constancy , turin july 6. 1696. your electoral highnesses most affectionate servant and cousin , victor amadeus . his electoral highness the duke of bavaria's answer , to his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter . i shall always as largely participate in the good and bad fortune of your royal highnesses person and estate , as the obligations of consanguinity , and the particular amity of your royal highness to me do justly challenge . it would be therefore with an unspeakable joy , that i should look on the articles of an advantagious peace proposed by france to your royal highness , if i could be convinced , that the neutrality which is offered you , did truly tend to your royal highnesses greater good , or to the advantage of the common cause of the confederates . but because i do not question , but that such a neutrality will be extreamly displeasing both to his imperial , and to his catholick majesty ; therefore in answer to that letter wherein your royal highness communicated to me the proffers that are made to you by france , your royal highness will give me leave to exhort you to persevere in the league , and to continue the war with that constancy , which has rendred your name so glorious hitherto , and made your conduct to be highly applauded . i cannot deny , but that ( besides those other offers which france makes to your royal highness ) the restitution of pignerol , tho' demolish'd , is an article of great consequence . but , considering the magnanimity and generosity of the confederate princes , the great power of their armies , and what i know of their intentions , i think my self bound to promise your royal highness , that you shall at length , when the war is at an end , reap as great , nay far greater and more secure advantages , not only as to pignerol , but likewise toward●he raising of your family to a higher degree , and more agreeable to your interest . all which i re●er to the mature reflections your royal highnesses great prudence is capable of ; being always ●eady , with inviolable constancy , to render to your royal highness all possible service . from the camp at normont the 22 th of july , 1696 , &c. his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter , to his serene highness the elector of brandenburgh . the singular demonstrations of friendship i have received of your electoral highness , ( the acknowledgment whereof shall last to my death ) do engage me to conceal nothing from you of what happens to me ; so that i must by these lines inform you , of the offers which mareschal catinat has made me , by letters , which i have communicated to the principal heads of my allies ; those proposals i send , hereunto annext , together with the answer which i caused to be returned to them ; and i communicate the copies of them to your electoral highness , with as much confidence as i know i may put in the affection you bear me ; to which , i on my part , will answer by all the devoirs which may be most effectual to convince your electoral highness of my sincere and constant love. you will see in the said letters , that i am offered the restitution of all that has been taken from me during this war ; wherein no body but my self has lost so much ; that the important place of pignerol , shall be surrendred to me , tho' demolish'd , with all the territories that depend on it , which heretofore belonged to my ancestors ; that a marriage shall be agreed upon between the princess my daughter , and the duke of burgundy ; that a portion and a dowry shall be given her , without any expence to me ; and all this on condition i shall contribute to a neutrality in italy , which is equally advantagious to the house of austria , especially that pignerol be taken out of the french hands ; so that i hope your electoral highness will not condemn the resolution i have taken , of not rejecting the aforesaid offers , and not to put the recovery of such an important place as pignerol , to the uncertain contingency of time , or to the mutability of princes wills ; especially since this my country is reduced to that desolation , as makes it quite unable of longer bearing the charges of the war : your electoral highness is also to observe , that to secure the neutrality of italy , and before i can partake of these advantages offered me , the most christian king desires , that the confederate troops do withdraw , and that i reduce mine to seven thousand five hundred foot , and five hundred horse ; which , together with the loss of subsidies and taxes , that will be no longer continued to me , obliges me earnestly to entreat your electoral highness , to give such orders to your troops as are necessary , in order to withdraw them out of my country , so soon as i shall have given them the pay that was agreed upon . and i do assure your serenity , that the obligations your highness has laid upon me , shall be always fresh in my mind , and the lively sense i have of the same , shall for ever remain engraven on my heart , with an extream desire of finding the opportunities of giving effectual demonstrations to your electoral highness , of the steddy affection with which i shall continue till my last breath , turin , july 7 , 16●6 . yours , &c. his electoral highness the duke of brandenbourgh's answer , to his royal highness the duke of savoy . your royal highnesses letters of the 7th of july , brought to us by a courier , have informed us with the surprising news of your separate peace with the most christian king. the league into which your royal highness did enter with the emperor , the empire , with the kings , electors and princes , confederated in this present war ; and which your royal highness not many months ago , has by a solemn act given fresh promises of observing most exactly ; together with the liberal supplies of men and money , wherewith your royal highness has been abundantly furnished , did not permit us to have the least suspicion , that your royal highness could resolve , or even so much as think of abandoning so advantagious a league , by which we labour to secure the safety , liberty , and tranquility of europe ; and that too , without being reduced to it by any fresh necessity or extraordinary disaster ; but only on the single reason alledged in your royal highnesses letter , that is , that you may embrace the advantagious offers made you by france , which indeed are specious , and suited to take with your royal highness : but we question very much , whether you will find that safety , honour , and advantages in them , which you would find in the confederacy you were engaged in , if your royal highness had continued in it . we wait nevertheless to hear the opinion of the rest of the confederates , on this resolution of your royal highnesses ; and in the mean time we have sent orders to our general de varennes to bring home our forces ; not questioning in the least , but that though your royal highness has changed sides , you will nevertheless allow our troops what is due to them , according to the treaties made with your royal highness . god grant , &c. his royal highness the duke of savoy's letter , to his majesty the king of spain . sacred and royal majesty , your majesty's bounty is too great , to shew it self unwilling to give a favourable audience to my ambassador , which i beg of your majesty for him , when he hath the honour to give your majesty an account of the proposals made to me , by the mareschal de catinat , and of the reasons which prevail with me in this affair , which i hope will so far perswade your majesty , as not to refuse your approbation . i cannot certainly believe , that your majesty's goodness and equity , so generally esteem'd , would suffer you to give way , that this country ( which every one knows is brought to an extream and intolerable desolation ) should by my means be exposed to its utter ruine ; or that i should refuse the restitution which is offered me of all that has been taken from me , together with the surrender of pignerol ; seeing that those great losses , and these considerable advantages are of no less consequence to your majesty's interest than they are to mine , which shall be inseparable . i doubt not therefore , but that to the innumerable and perpetual obligations i owe to your majesty , you will add this one more , which i look upon as one of the chiefest . i beseech your majesty to be perswaded , that the deep sense i have of all the favours received at your majesty's hands , and the inviolable zeal i bear to your service , shall not leave me but with the last breath of my life , being your majesty's turin july 10 , 1696. most humble , and most affectionate servant and cousin , victor amadeus of savoy , king of cyprus . a copy of the articles of the treaty between his most christian majesty , and his royal highness the duke of savoy , as it was sent from madrid . i. the most christian king shall restore to the duke , all he has taken from him during this present war. ii. his majesty will restore pignerol , with all its dependencies , and the fortress , after it is demolish'd , receiving in exchange from the duke , the valley of barcelonetta . iii. the king will give the duke of burgundy in marriage to the duke's daughter , without expecting any portion with her . iv. to repair and make good the damages sustained during this present war , the most christian king shall pay to the duke four millions of livres . v. in case that any prince whatsoever shall undertake to make war against the duke , his majesty will assist him with eight thousand foot and four thousand horse , which shall be maintained at his majesty cost . vi. for the better security of this present treaty , the most christian king will give the guarrantee of the pope , and the republick of venice . the treaty of peace , and neutrality for italy , between his most christian majesty and his royal highness the duke of savoy . concluded and signed at turin , aug. 29. 1696. and delivered at the hague to the most illustrious allies , aug. 15 , 1697. the most christian king having all along during this war maintained a sincere desire of procuring the quiet of italy , and it having pleased almighty god to inspire his royal highness with the same thoughts , his majesty has given his full power , commission and command , to the sieur rené de troullay , count de tessè , knight of the orders of the king , lieutenant general of his armies , colonel general of the dragoons of france , governor of ipres , lieutenant general for the king in the provinces of maine and perche , and at present commanding for the king in the countries and places on the frontiers of piedmont . his royal highness having likewise on his part given his power and commands to the sieur charles victor , marquiss de saint thomas , minister of state , and his said royal highnesses principal secretary of state ; the said plenipotentiaries having reciprocally exchanged the original of their commissions , by virtue of which they treat , have agreed on these following articles . i. that there shall be from henceforth and for ever , a firm and a sincere peace between the king and his kingdom , and his royal highness the duke of savoy , and his dominions , as if the said peace had been never interrupted ; and the king resuming the same sentiments of bounty he hath heretofore had for his royal highness , which he desires his roval highness to be perswaded of ; his royal highness doth by this present treaty entirely renounce all engagements , and all treaties made with the emperor , with the kings and princes comprehended under the name of the league or confederacy ; and doth undertake to employ all his endeavours , and to do all that he can , in order to obtain of those sovereign powers , at least of the emperor and king of spain , a neutrality for italy , until the general peace shall be concluded ; and to signifie their consents by a particular treaty , which shall be made to that purpose ; or for want of such a treaty by declarations , which the said emperor and the king of spain shall make to the pope , and to the republick of venice ; and which shall be at the same time followed by the retreat and withdrawing of all the forces which the allies have at present in italy , as it shall be hereafter more particularly specified : and in case the abovementioned princes do not consent to such a neutrality in italy , at his royal highnesses instance , to the emperor and to the king of spain ; his royal highness doth engage to enter into an offensive and defensive league with the king , until a general peace be concluded , acting joyntly with his majesty's and his own proper forces , as becomes good and sincere allies for the common interest , and to make war against the state of milan , and against all those who shall oppose this present treaty's taking effect . and as an evident demonstration of a return of the king's amity towards his royal highness , his majesty does willingly consent , and doth promise , that the city and cittadel of pignerol , the fort of st. bridgit , the perouse , with other forts depending on the same , shall be demolished as to the fortifications only , at the king's charges ; and after the aforesaid fortifications are demolished , they shall all be restored to his royal highness , as well as all the territories and dominions comprised under the name of the government of pignerol , and which did belong to the house of savoy , before the cession or surrender , that victor amadeus , the first duke of that name , made unto lewis the xiiith . the which city , dismanttled cittadel , and demolished forts and territories , shall be likewise surrendred to his royal highness , to be held in soveraignty , and to be by him enjoyed fully and perpetually , by him and his successors from henceforth , as things to him of right belonging . by vertue of which present surrender , his royal highness doth engage and promise , as well for himself , his heirs and successors , or others by any ways claiming , neither to rebuild , nor cause to be rebuilt the aforesaid fortifications ; nor to cause any new ones to be built upon , and in the space and limits of the said territories , funds and rocks , neither in any place whatsoever , so surrendred by this present treaty ; according to which , his royal highness , or the inhabitants of the said town of pignerol , shall be allowed to inclose it with a bare wall only , not terrassed , and without fortifications . that notwithstanding these mentioned , his royal highness shall be free to build any strong places or fortifications in this said territory now delivered up , as he thinks fit , without the king 's taking any exception at it . that moreover , the king shall restore to his royal highness , the countries , castles and places of montmelian , nice , villefranche , suze and all other the conquer'd places , without exception , entire , and undemolish'd or damag'd , and with the same quantity of ammunitions of war , provisions , stores , canon and artillery , and such places to be left furnished , as they were when they fell into his majesty's hands ; and so that the buildings , fortifications , inlargements and improvements , made by his majesty , shall not be touched , but left as they are : after the said places are restored , it shall be lawful for his royal highness to repair and enlarge the fortifications as things belonging to himself , that the king may not therefore molest him , or be displeased thereat . provided nevertheless , that the king shall carry off from pignerol , all the artillery , ammunition of war and provisions , arms , and all movable effects belonging to him , of what nature soever they be . that as for the revenues and incoms of pignerol and of its dependencies , the king does yield them up to his royal highness in the same manner as the king injoys them at present ; and the leases or settlements which the king has made of any of the said lands , shall stand good , according to the form of the respective contracts , tenures or acquisitions : that the said restitution of these countries and places belonging to his royal highness , as also the delivery of pignerol with its dependencies above mentioned , shall be made after the signing of this present treaty ; the foreign troops being first quite retired out of italy ; and after that the germans , the troops of bavaria , the brandenbourg protestants in the english pay , and other auxiliary troops are actually arrived in germany ; and that the spaniards and others which are paid by his catholick majesty , are returned into the territories of milan ; so that the execution of any of these articles , nor the restitution of any of those places , shall not take effect till after the said troops are all of them , and entirely retired , in such manner as has been now exprest : which , notwithstanding , is to be so understood , as that the evacuation of the said foreign troops out of italy , shall be deemed to be fully compleated , although the spaniards should take out , as possibly they may , some men out of those foreign regiments , to fill up those that are in their own pay ; or that some of those foreign troops should list themselves , and enter on the territories of the republick of venice , it shall be taken as if they were arrived in germany , as soon as they are upon the venetians ground , and are delivered over to the service of that commonwealth : and after the ratification of the pesent treaty , labourers shall be immediately set at work to sink mines , and to do all other things that are necessary for the demolishing of the said city , citadel and forts of pignerol . but in case his royal highness should think fit to keep this treaty as yet secret , beyond the time limited for the said ratification , it is agreed upon , that to avoid the noise which the working of such mines might create , that they shall be begun but at such time after the ratification as his royal highness shall think fit : the said demolishing work shall continue and go forward in such a manner , as that in two or three months after the evacuation of the said troops above mentioned , all shall be delivered up into his royal highness's hands ; whereupon it shall be allowed to send a commissary to assist upon the place , until the execution of the said work. his majesty is also willing , for his royal highness's greater satisfaction , to send him , when he shall require it , two dukes and peers of france , to remain as hostages in his royal highness's hands , who shall treat them according to the dignity of their rank . ii. his majesty shall make no treaty of peace , or truce with the emperor , or the king of spain , without comprehending his royal highness , in suitable and effectual terms ; and the present treaty , as well as those querasque , munster , the pirenees and nimeguen , shall be included in the general peace , not only as to the four hundred ninety four thousand crowns of gold ( which are particularly mentioned in that of munster , in discharge of his royal highness , and for which the king continues to be still a guarrantee to the duke of mantua ) but also as to all other matters contained in the said treaties , not contrary to the present treaty , which are to be irrevocable , and to remain in full force and validity , notwithstanding the present delivery of pignerol and its dependencies : and as for other interests , claims , or pretensions which concern the house of savoy , his royal highness reserves to himself a power of treating about them by way of protestations , of memorials , or by envoys , so that this treaty may in no ways be prejudicial to the said protestations . iii. that a marriage between the duke of burgundy , and the princess , his royal highness's daughter , shall be treated on out of hand , to be consummated when they are of age , and the contract between them to be made so soon as this present treaty takes effect ; after publication whereof , the princess shall be put into the king's hands . that in the said marriage-contract , which shall be considered as an essential part of this treaty , and wherein the princess shall make the usual renunciations , with a promise to pretend to nothing of his royal highness's estate or succession , further than the following portion : his said royal highness shall give as a portion to the princess his daughter two hundred thousand crowns of gold ; toward the payment of which , his royal highness shall give a discharge for one hundred thousand crowns of gold , which remained due ( by france to the house of savoy ) as part of the dutchess-royal's portion , together with the accruing interest of that said sum , which was also promised to be paid : and the remainder , ( viz. one hundred thousand more , which the duke of savoy should pay to france , to make up the portion aforesaid ) the king doth remit , in consideration of the present treaty ; his royal highness engaging moreover , to give to the princess , his daughter , at the celebration of the marriage , that , which in the language of piedmont , is called fardle ; and in french , the bundle , or marriage present , for cloaths ; and in the contract of marriage , the dowry shall be agreed upon , which the king will give according to the custom of france . iv. that his royal highness , renouncing from this present time , truly , and effectually , and sincerely , ( as he hath done in the fore-mentioned articles ) all the ingagements which he might have had with the enemies , doth likewise hope , that his majesty will answer thereunto , with all the sentiments which his royal highness craves and wishes for ; and that having the honour to be so nearly related to the king , and of entring into a new and glorious alliance with him , his majesty doth grant and promise , to his royal highness , as he doth demand , his powerful protection , as formerly , in all its extent ; and as his royal highness is desirous to maintain a perfect neutrality with the kings , princes , and sovereign powers , who are at present his allies , his majesty doth promise , not to put any manner of restraint on the inclinations which his royal highness hath , of continuing and using towards them , all the external measures of decency and freedom , that are becoming a sovereign prince , who hath embassadors and envoys at the courts of those princes , and receives and entertains , at his own court , envoys and embassadors from them ; and that the king shall in no ways take ill his so doing : comprehending under that word princes , the emperor , kings , and sovereign powers of europe . v. his majesty doth ingage and declare that the ordinary and extraordinary embassadors of savoy shall receive at the court of france , all the honours without exception , and with all the circumstances and ceremonies that are paid to the embassadors of crowned heads , that is to say , they shall be received as embassadors from kings ; and that his majesty's ordinary , as well as extraordinary embassadors in all the courts of europe , without exception , and even the king's embassadors at rome and vienna shall likewise treat and use the said ordinary and extraordinary embassadors and envoys from savoy , as they do those from kings and crowned heads . but in regard that this addition of honour , as to the treatment of the embassadors from savoy , has been never hitherto settled nor raised to that degree that his majesty doth now allow it , his royal highness is sensible and doth acknowledge , that it is in consideration of this treaty , or contract of marriage of the duke of burgundy with the princess his his daughter ; and his majesty doth promise that this augmentation of honour shall take place from the day that the aforesaid treaty of marriage is signed . vi. that the trade between france and italy shall be renewed and maintained in the same manner as it was settled before this war , from the time of charles emanuel ii. his royal highness's father ; and the same shall be observed , and practised in all points , and in all places between the kingdom and the several parts of his majesty's dominions , and those of his royal highness's , which was used and practised in all things in the lifetime of the said charles emanuel ii. on the roads of suza in savoy , and pont beauvoisin , and villefranche , every one paying the duties and customs on both sides , the french ships shall continue to pay the ancient duties at villefranche , as it was wont to be paid in the time of the said charles emmanuel ; about which there shall be no contest or opposition made , any more than used to be done in those days . the couriers and ordinary posts of france shall pass , as formerly , through his royal highness's estates and countries , and according to the regulations there , they shall pay the duties for the merchandizes wherewith they shall be charged . vii . his royal highness shall cause an edict to be published by which he shall upon the penalty of severe corporal punishments , forbid the inhabitants of the vallies of lucern , called vaudois , to have any communication , in matters of religion , with the king's subjects ; and his royal highness shall ingage , not to suffer at any time from the date of this treaty , any of his majesty's subjects to make any settlement in the protestant vallies , under colour of religion , of marriage , or for any other pretence of settlement , conveniency , taking possession of inheritances , or any other pretence whatsoever , and that no protestant minister shall come from thence into any of his majesty's dominions , without incurring the severest of corporal punishments . that however , his majesty shall take no cognisance of his royal highness's usage towards the vaudois , in regard of their religion ; yet his royal highness shall be bound not to suffer the exercise of the reformed religion in the city of pignerol , nor in the territories that are restored to his royal highness , in like manner as his majesty neither doth , nor will allow the exercise of it in his kingdom . viii . that there shall be on both sides a perpetual act of oblivion and indemnity of all that has been done since the beginning of this war , in what place soever the acts of hostility have been committed ; that in this act of grace , all those shall be comprehended who have served his majesty in what station soever , although they were his royal highness's subjects ; so that no prosecution shall be made against them , neither shall they be molested , either in their persons or estates , by reprisals , executions , or judicial processes , or upon any pretext whatsoever ; and the king's subjects that have served his royal highness shall be used in the like manner . ix . that ecclesiastical benefices in such parts of his royal highness's country as hath been conquered by the king , having been filled up by his majesty from time to time , as the same became vacant , during the time that his majesty possessed the said countries ; it is agreed , that the said collation to benefices shall be valid , and the persons who have been promoted by the king , and invested by authority of the pope's bulls , shall remain in full possession thereof . but as to promotions to the livings belonging to the military order of st. maurice , or to places of judicature or magistracy , his royal highness shall have liberty to alter the nominations made by the king ; and all grants made by his royal highness of offices in the law , become vacant by the person 's leaving them during the war , shall remain good and valid . x. as for contributions that were imposed on the lands of his royal highness's dominions , altho' they are lawfully imposed , and are become due , and that they amount to considerable sums , his majesty does , out of his liberality , fully discharge his royal highness of them , so that from the day of this treaty's ratification , the king will not pretend to , nor require any of the said contributions , leaving his royal highness in full possession of his revenues throughout his dominions , as well as in savoy , nice , about pignerol , and suza ; his royal highness on the other side , not demanding any contributions of the king. xi . as to the pretensions of the dutchess of nemours on his royal highness , his majesty leaves those controversies to be determined among themselves by due course of law , without concerning himself further therein . xii . that it shall be lawful for his royal highness to send intendants and commissaries into savoy , the county of nice , the marquisate of susa and barcellonet , into pignerol and its dependencies ; in order to regulate his interests , rights and revenues , and to settle his customs and excises upon salt and other things . and the said deputed persons shall be admitted and authorised in their offices , immediately after the ratification of this present treaty ; after which the said duties shall belong to his royal highness , without exception or contradiction . xiii . that if the neutrality for italy be accepted , or that a general peace be concluded , as in such cases a great many troops would become altogether useless and chargeable to his royal highness ; and that besides the excessive charges requisite for the maintaining of them , they commonly become an occasion of creating a mis-understanding among princes , when more troops are kept on foot then are necessary in a state , either for its own conservation , or for the maintaining of the dignity of a sovereign prince ; his royal highness doth therefore oblige himself , not to keep in times of neutrality , any more than six thousand foot on this side the alps , and one thousand five hundred on the other side of the mountains , for the garrisons of savoy , and of the county of nice ; and one thousand five hundred horse or dragoons ; and this obligation is to continue only till the general peace be concluded . we the above-mentioned plenipotentiaries have agreed upon , and signed these present articles ; and we do promise and engage to procure them to be ratified and confirmed by his majesty , and by his royal highness ; promising likewise , that they shall be kept secret till the end of september next ; and if at that time new articles are made , to the same sense and purpose , then these shall be suppressed . dated at turin the 29th of august , 1696. rhene de froullay , and saint thomas , the proclamation of the peace , publish-at paris the 10th of september , 1696. n. s. as also at turin , and at the head of the army on the same day . be it known to all persons whatsoever , that a good , sure , lasting and solid peace , with entire amity , and sincere reconciliation has been made and agreed upon , by and between the most high , most excellent , and most powerful prince lewis , by the grace of god king of france and of navar , our sovereign lord ; and the most high and most powerful prince victor amadeus ii. duke of savoy , their vassals , subjects and servants , in all their kingdoms , states , countries , lands and lordships under their subjection , that the said peace is general and absolute between them , their said vassals and subjects ; and by vertue of the said peace , it is permitted to the subjects of both princes , to go , come , return , and sojourn in all places of the said kingdoms , states and countries , to negotiate and traffick , correspond , and have a free converse , the one with the other , in all freedom and safety , as well by land as by sea , and on rivers , &c. and in order to maintain the same , all manner of people , of what quality or condition soever they may be , are hereby strictly forbid to undertake , attempt , or innovate any thing contrary thereunto , upon the penalty of being severely punished , as disturbers of the publick peace . given at varsaille the 8 th day of december , 1696. signed lewis , and lower , philypeaux . the most christian king's letter to the archbishop of paris , to cause te deum to be sung for the peace concluded with savoy , &c. cousin , as in this war which i have alone sustain'd for these nine years past against the confederated force of europe , i had no other aim than to defend religion , and vindicate the majesty of kings : god has protected his own cause , he has guided my designs , and assisted my enterprises . the happy successes which have accompanied my arms , have been the more agreeable to me ; because i have always flatter'd my self they would conduce to a peace ; and i have made no other profit of those successes , than to offer my enemies conditions more advantagious then they could hope for , even tho' they had obtain'd that superiority over me , as i have gain'd upon them . i have omitted nothing that might advance the happiness of europe ; and i have made use of all means to convince my brother the duke of savoy , with what ardor i desired to see that good correspondence renewed , which has been established for so many ages , founded upon such bonds of consanguinity and friendship , and which had never been interrupted but by the artifices of our enemies . my vows have been heard ; this prince has at last acknowledg'd his true interest and my good intentions , and the peace is concluded . it is to be hoped , that the confederated powers , touch'd by this example , and the evils that their people suffer , will follow his example : or if they will still persist in the same sentiments , they shall more than ever be made sensible , that nothing is impossible to troops accustomed to victory , and which are conducted by a desire of peace . it is to give thanks to the god of armies , who has been pleased to shew himself a god of peace ; and to pray him to give to all europe a tranquility so necessary , and which he only can give ; that i have resolved to cause te deum to be sung in the cathedral church of my good city of paris , on the thirteenth of this present month , as the great master of ceremonies will more particularly inform you , whom i have ordered to invite also to this ceremony my courts , and those that use to assist at it . whereupon , &c. versailles , sept. 11. 1696. signed , lewis . and lower , philypeaux . an act of surrender of the country and estates of savoy , made by his most christian majesty , lewis xiv . king of france and navarre , to his royal highness , victor amadeus ii. duke of savoy , prince of piedmont , king of cyprus , &c. on the 28th of september , 1696. by his royal highness . be it known to all persons whatsoever , that in pursuance of a treaty of peace made and signed between his most christian majesty , lewis xiv . king of france and navarre , on the one part ; and his royal highness , victor amadeus ii. duke of savoy , prince of piedmont , king of cyprus , &c. on the other part , that his most christian majesty hath given orders to monsieur anthony balthasar , marquis de thoy , major general of the armies of france , and governour of savoy , to restore entirely to his royal highness , all the countries , places , castles , and fortresses of all savoy , except montmelian , and to draw out all the troops that are there , pursuant to his majesty's letters patents . to this end his royal highness hath sent the marquis of thana , captain of his life guards , major general of his army , and governour of savoy , with a power to receive , in his royal highness's name , all the said estates and places . the said marquiss de thoy having therefore personally appeared in the council-chamber of the town-hall of chambery , and having there assembled the nobility , the syndics , and counsellors of the said city ; and the said marquiss of thana there likewise appearing , did then and there receive from the said marquis de thoy , an absolute and full surrender , in the name of his most christian majesty , of all the countries , and of all the places of the dutchy of savoy , montmelion only excepted , according to the treaty of peace . the said marquiss de thoy expressing the same in these following words : viz. my lord marquiss de thana , in pursuance of an order from the king my master , and according to the power you have also received from his royal highness , i do hereby make an entire surrender and restitution to his royal highness in your person , of all the countries and places , and of all the dependencies of the estate of savoy , montmelian excepted , and his royal highness may accordingly dispose of the same , in like manner as he had done before those estates were conquered by the king 's arms. to which the marquiss of thana answered , that he received in his royal highness's name , the aforesaid countries , places and dependencies . this done , the marquiss de thoy repeated once more the words of the said surrender , and then went out of the town-house . of all the aforesaid transactions , both the said marquiss de thoy and thana , caused an act to be made before publick notaries , which was signed , as witnesses . syndics . favre de charmettes . perin . cugnet . tonce . thoy de pisien . & marquis de thana . i jasper chambet , notary and burgess of chambery , have receiv'd and passed the present act as required . signed , g. chambet . not. the acts and negotiations of the treaty of peace held at the palace of ryswick . together with a description of the palace wherein it was concluded . and a list of the names and qualities of all the plenipotentiaries that transacted it . london : printed for rob. clavel , and t. child . mdcxcviii . the acts and negotiations of the peace concluded at the palace at ryswick , in holland . before his imperial , catholick , and britannick majesty , with the other princes and states , their confederates in the war against the french king , would be prevail'd upon to depute ministers to treat of a peace , the french were obliged to set forth , and positively agree to ( by way of prelimenary ) the terms upon which the said peace should be made . which preliminaries being finally adjusted between messieurs boreel and dyckvelt , on the part of the confederates ; with monsieur caillieres , the french king's minister ; and his majesty , the king of sweden , being accepted by both parties as mediator , the illustrious allies were pleased to nominate their plenipotentiaries to assemble at his majesty , the king of britain's palace at ryswick , there to treat with the plenipotentiaries of the french king. the said preliminaries are as follows : an extract out of the register-book of the mediator , his majesty the king of sweden's publick minister . at the hague , february 10. 1697. this day , at eleven in the morning , monsieur caillieres , his most christian majesty's minister came in company with monsieur dyckvelt , to the house of the swedish minister the mediator , and having produced and shewed to the said mediator his full power , and that of his imperial majesty's minister being also read , and copies of both ( after being compar'd with the originals ) exchang'd ; he , the said monsieur cailleires , made the following declaration . preliminary articles . i. the king of france doth consent and agree , that the treaties of westphalia and nimeguen shall be the basis and foundation of the negotiations for a general peace with all the confederates . ii. to restore strasbourg in the same condition it was in when taken by his majesty . iii. to restore to the king of spain , luxemburgh in the condition it is now in . iv. also the cities of mons and charleroy , in the same condition they are in at present . v. the several places in catalonia that are now in the king's hands , being taken since the peace of nimeguen shall be restored in the condition they were in when taken . vi. to restore to the bishop of leige , the town and cittadel of dinant , in the same state they were in when taken . vii . to restore all places that have been taken by virtue of re-union , since the treaty of nimeguen . viii . and lorrain according to the condition of the said treaty of nimeguen . this done , the said minister of france and monsieur dyckvelt , went together to the house of monsieur boreel , who by reason of indisposition , was hindred from being present , and the swedish minister resorting thither also , the said ministers , boreel and dyckvelt , did declare to the mediator , in the presence of monsieur cailleires , that over and above the recited preliminaries , it was also agreed , that provided the peace be concluded , the most christian king shall at the time it is signed , own and acknowledge the prince of orange , as king of great britain , without any difficulty , limitation , condition or reserve ; to which the said monsieur cailleires did reply , and declare to the mediator , that in the name of his master , the most christian king , he did confirm and agree to what messieurs boreel and dyckvelt had said . after the preliminaries were adjusted , it was agreed , that the ambassadors and publick ministers of the allies should reside at the hague , but that the ambassadors of the most christian king should make their residence at delft ; and that the conferences for the general peace should be held at the castle of ryswick , from which both those towns were of equal distance . a description of the palace of ryswick , and of the first conferences that were held there . before we begin to give the particulars of the conferences held there , or produce the acts themselves , it will not be unnecessary to exhibit a description of the palace of ryswick , with a prospect or external view , and a plan or area of the inside in sculpture , by which the reader will be able to form the more exact idea of the ceremonies observed at the conferences . this house has sometimes the title of newburgh , because a duke of newburgh laid the first stone of it , when frederick henry , prince of orange caused it to be built : it is situate at about an equal distance between the hague and delft , a musquet shot from the village of ryswick , and but a little way distant from the road between delft and the hague . one might say that it was built on purpose for a place of treaty , so convenient it is for such a work ; as will be seen by observing the situation of the chambers , galleries , and closets , as they are laid down in the draught annexed , and by figures and letters are pointed to , thus : the royall pallace at ryswick where the conferences for a general peace were held . the palace at ryswick where were held the conferences for a general pece . 1. the palace . 2. the pavilions , or two wings of it . 3. the governors house . 4. the gardiners house . 5. the entrance for the allyes . 6. the enterance for the mediator . 7. the enterance for the french. 8. the bridge for the allyes . 9. the cheif bridge , wich the mediator passed over . 10. the bridge for the french. 11. the grove before the house . 12. the garden on the east side . 13. the garden on the west side . 14. the rocher ▪ 15. the m●lonry . 16. the dove house . 17. the fish ponds . 18. the garden behind the house . 19. lands belonging to his majestie . 20. lands of a●e ●●rve . 21. the small p●d to d●lft . 22. the city of ●lft . 23. the abreuv●s . 24. the canai delft . 2. the chamber where the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the illustrious allies assemble in conference , where they sit at a large table cover'd with a green carpet . 3. another chamber where the same ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the high allies assemble ; where they sit in a circle without a table . 4 & 5. are the chambers where the ambassadors of france assemble . 6.6 . are two closets where the mediator confers with the ministers of the confederates . 7.7 . two other closets wherein the mediator confers with the french ministers . and in that next to the mediator's chamber , the peace with france was sign'd by the plenipotentiaries of england , spain , and the states general , on the 10 / 20 sept. 1697. the chimney was cover'd with a tapistry that there might be no upper end of the room . 8. the mediator's chamber , where was a table cover'd with a carpet of green cloath . a. the great gate of the house at which the mediators enter . b. the gate at which the confederates came in . c. the gate for the french ambassadors to enter at . d. the gallery by which the confederates pass into their apartment . e the gallery which the french pass through into their rooms . f. the side of the house towards delft . g. the side of the house towards the hague . h. the front of the house toward the village through which the confederates pass . the french came in on the other side , except when the road is extream bad , and then they might pass through the village also ; but without insisting on it as their right , according to the regulation made to that purpose . the way through the village both from the hague and delft , is paved with brick for two small miles in length . the conferences began on the ninth of may in the afternoon . the baron of lillieroot , ambassador of sweden and mediator , entred the palace of ryswick at half an hour after three a clock , passing over the middle bridge , and through the great gate of the palace . he was in a coach with six horses ; he himself , and two gentlemen that were with him , being in mourning , but his coachman and valets in their liveries , their clothes not being yet got ready . the baron of preilmeyer ambassador and plenipotentiary of the elector of bavaria arriv'd about four a clock in a coach with six horses , having his son and two gentlemen with him . a while after came the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the states general , viz. mynheer's boreel , dyckvelt , and van haren , all three in one coach with six horses , wherein also were their gentlemen . the emperor's ambassadors arrived afterwards with five coaches , each drawn by six horses ; they had three coaches more with two horses each ; two grooms rid before them in count kaunitz livery . in the two first coaches were monsieur hayeck secretary of the embassy , with the other secretaries and gentlemen of their houshold . in the third coach , which was count kaunitz's , he rid himself with count straatman and the baron of seilern , followed immediately by two querrys and four pages on horseback . the five coaches that followed were taken up by count caunitz's two sons , the count de trautmansdorf , the count de harach , the count de dietrichstein , the count de questemberg , two counts de lamberg , with many other german gentlemen . the king of spain's ambassadors arrived a little while after in two coaches with six horses . in the first was don bernard de quiros , and the count de tirimont , there went before them six gentlemen on horseback ; in the second coach rode their gentlemen . after them arrived the ambassadors of england , having two coaches with six horses each . in the first were my lords pembrook and villers : in the second were mr. prior secretary , of the ambassy , and other secretaries and gentlemen . monsieur mean the elector of cologn's ambassador , and monsieur norf the prince of liege's envoy , came in afterwards in a coach with six horses ; and after them monsieur bose ambassador and plenipotentiary for the elector of saxony , in a coach with six horses ; the elector of brandenbourg's ambassador and plenipotentiary monsieur smetau rode with him in his coach , his own following empty drawn also by six horses . after these follow'd the president canon the duke of lorain's minister in his own coach. then came after him monsieur schrottemberg , plenipotentiary of the circle of franconia , in a coach with six horses ; he had with him monsieur hespen the duke of wirtemberg's envoy . all these ambassadors of whom i have now spoken , arrived in less than a quarter of an hours time , that is , from four till a quarter of an hour after it . they all passed over the first bridge , that was laid over the canal before the house , and came in at the first passage made in the wall which incloses the yard . the ambassadors of france arrived at three quarters past four , with three coaches drawn by six horses each ; monsieur de harley , the count de crecy , and monsieur de callieres , with monsieur de harlay counsellor of state , were in the first ; a gentleman on horseback riding before them . the two other coaches were fill'd with gentlemen . they entered by the third bridge , and at the second gap made in the said wall that compasses the court-yard . when they came to the bottom of the stairs they were received and conducted by mynheer rosenboom ( the states general 's agent , and their introductor of ambassadors ) into the apartments designed for their excellencies . the assembly of all these ambassadors held till a quarter past seven , they deliver'd their commissions setting forth their plenipotentiary power into the hands of the mediator , who was for the time in the middle hall , placed between the confederate ministers chamber , and that wherein the french plenipotentiaries usually met . they all went away about half an hour past seven . the emperor's ambassadors were the first that retir'd , and those of france were the last : but in the regulations it was before-hand agreed , that the coming or going away first or last was to be lookt upon as immaterial , and not to be drawn into any consequence , or precedency . they met again on the eleventh , at ten in the morning , and sat till two in the afternoon , and then agreed that their conferences should be held twice a week ; that is , on wednesdays at nine in the morning ; and on saturdays at four in the afternoon ; which they accordingly exactly performed . advertisement . his most serene highness , the duke of lorain's plenepotentiary , having intelligence that they had begun to treat with monsieur cailliere , then in holland , about the preliminaries , was the first who put in the pretensions of his most serene master , even before the preliminaries were finish'd and agreed upon . the memorial presented by the plenipotentiary of lorain , and read in the assembly of the high allies , on the 14th of january , 1697. the queen cannot consent that a congress be held concerning a peace , before the preliminaries of it be first made sure and setled , which ought not to be regulated according to the conditions mentioned in the treaty of nimeguen . i. no one goes to it but with the assurance of his preliminary . the emperor to have strasburgh and the re-unions restor'd . spain to have luxembourgh . the bishop of liege to have dinant restored . this is the method of treating that was demanded of france , and which is very commendable . but as it has been found necessary to require this security beforehand ( which has been termed a prelimenary ) i find it necessary to insist upon it , that the same may be done , in regard to the restitution of lorain . not according to the terms of the treaty of nimeguen ; because a restitution on such conditions , is not to be accepted of ; and the queen , both as a mother and a guardian of her children , cannot allow of it , and she cannot act contrary to the duke , her husband's deed , who was never willing to accept of a restitution on those terms . neither ought that treaty of nimeguen , to stand as a prelimenary or a foundation of this treaty , since the king of france himself , has in a manner disanulled it , by declaring by his ambassadors , that it was as if it had never been ; and the deceased duke of lorain on his part , made a declaration , that he would not be held by it . nevertheless , that pretended treaty , to which he had never consented , nor agreed unto , nor signed by his plenipotentiary , but on the contrary protested against , has been concluded notwithstanding his dissent : how then can that treaty be revived without him , and made use of it against an august widow , and four most serene orphans , whereof the eldest is duke leopold of lorain , the first of that name , descended of sixty seven dukes of a continued line , of so illustrious a blood , that there is no king nor prince in europe , now living , but has drops of it in his veins , and even the most christian king himself . whence it cannot be imagin'd , that his majesty could be willing that this most serene family , which has in former times rendered such signal services to the crown of france , should be now destroyed and brought to nothing . ii. by the laws of nature , for the sake of the quality of this illustrious house , and by the obligation of alliances , the high confederates ought to support its cause . the emperour hath made a solemn and authentick treaty with the states general of the united provinces , in which there is an express article , importing that the dukedoms of lorain and barr , with all the dominions and countries thereunto belonging , shall be fully restored to the late duke of lorrain , of glorious memory . he was then alive , and contributed very much to promote that treary ; and if that article which related to him had not been admitted to be comprehended in it , that treaty would have never been concluded nor ratified . mynheer hop , who was one of the publick ministers concerned in it , and signed it , knows this to be true . and the states general have the substance of what i have been saying , in their own records . the monarchy of spain , the crown of england , and other consederated powers consented to that treaty , did concur in it , or rather run to take upon them the common defence of it , and engaged themselves into the same obligation to see this article relating to lorrain duly performed , whereof they gave their particular assurances . there was no elector , prince , or state of the empire that opposed it ; on the contrary , the three colledges gave their votes and resolutions for this restitution to be made to the full , and with allowance for damages . these are the engagements of the high allies for the house of lorain , against which , france does peremptorily declare , by monsieur caillieres , that the king will not restore lorrain , but on the conditions mentioned in the treaty of nimeguen . does there need more arguments to move the allies to cause the restitution of lorain to be put among the prelimenaries , according to the tenour of their obligations ? before monsieur caillieres had declared this negative , he gave us some ground to hope by what he had said at meastricht and elsewhere , that lorain would be restored on certain conditions , or on terms more advantageous than those of the treaty of nimeguen . these advantages were then to be part of the preliminaries , in order to draw on this treaty . but that those fair promises were to be taken but for meer complements , appears at present plain enough , by this absolute negative of his , viz. the king will not : which may give sufficient warning to the allies , to make use of more precaution in their transactions , and this obliges them the more to make this so just a restitution part of the prelimenary , aad that without it the congress should not be held . seeing without it there can be no peace , unless that the king of france be permitted to triumph doubly over the allies , and subdue them , which i hope he must not expect , or pretend that they must not without his leave , keep their promises and ingagements . signed , canon . another memorial which the same president canon presented to the same assembly of the high allies on the 22d of may , 1697. gentlemen , &c. my age and ill disposition of body will not permit me to wrangle , nor use many words , and therefore all i shall say is , that we are come hither to make a peace , and not to dispute or regulate ranks and places . every one yields the first to the emperor only , and no body disputes it with him , no not our enemies themselves . we have , with common consent , and by the intervention of our mediator , made an act of reservation , because of the several titles ; which act has been thought very prudential and necessary ; for it is a precedent , and at the same time secures all other pretensions of place and precedency which every one may arrogate to himself . for my part , i do not intend to take place of any body : but at the same time i will not suffer any thing to be done that can prejudice the queen my mistress , or the most serene duke her son , who is a sovereign , and that 's enough . otherwise i shall call my self a representative of the king of jerusalem ; there shall come another that will entitle himself king of cyprus ; their lordships the states general will call themselves kings of several kingdoms in the indies ; for they are so indeed ; but that is not the question : gentlemen , as i said before , we are not here to dispute or regulate what is de gloria mundi , but only and solely to treat of the peace , which shall be concluded , and god almighty will send , if we have it first among us the high allies . the under-named minister and plenipotentiary of lorain , not to be tedious in the congress of the peace , and concur in it according to the wise direction proposed by his excellency the ambassador mediator , and agreed on by all parties now in war , claims from , and in the name of the queen his mistress , in quality of mother and guardian of the most serene duke of lorain and barr leopold first of the name , her son a minor , and of three other princes his brothers , all under age , all four her sons and lawful issue by the most serene duke of lorain and barr , lately deceased , of glorious memory , her husband ; the succinct and general demand here annexed , which her majesty has made herself , and signed with her own hand ; which monsieur caillieres , then minister of france , and now extraordinary ambassador and plenipotentiary in this congress having seen and perused , did not think improper to be presented to his most christian majesty , by means of a copy of it , which the sieurs boreel and dyckvelt , ministers of their lordships the states general , and now their plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors in this same congress , treating together , have given him . which demand therefore cannot be more anthentick , nor suit better with a most great and mighty king , to work upon his magnanimity and justice , the effect which that august queen expects for her four most serene orphans . with a proviso to add to it hereafter , what may concern their lawful rights and pretensions . demand of the queen . the queen demands the restitution of the dominions and countries belonging to the duke of lorain her son , with the soveraignty and rights upon the same depending . which she hopes from the justice of his most christian majesty , and the merits of her cause . given at vienna the 8 th of october , 1696. signed eleonora queen . a regulation touching publick ceremonies and order among domesticks , drawn up by his excellency the mediator . we the baron of lilieroot , extraordinary ambassador and plenipotentiary of his sacred royal majesty of sweden , for the mediation of peace , make it known and declare , that all the most illustrious and most excellent lords ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , who come to the conferences which are held here for the peace , have unanimously consented to , and approved the proposal we have made of reviving , and causing to be observed on this occasion , the regulations heretofore made at nimeguen concerning ceremonies and orders , with some additions or alterations which we have thought fit to be made , in order to make them more proper and suitable to this place and present conjuncture , and that upon mature deliberation the following articles have been agreed upon . i. that all notifications of the arrival of ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , and all visits , as well to be made and received , as to be paid and returned , and which may require some ceremony , shall be entirely left off and suppressed , and it shall be free to all to see and visit one another , when , and in what manner they please , but so that such visits shall not be exacted as a duty , or be a precedent for the time to come . however , those that shall come hereafter , in order to their admittance to the conferences , shall be obliged to communicate their full powers to his excellency the ambassador mediator , who shall impart it to their excellencies the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the allies that shall be of the assembly ; and it shall not be lawful for the new comers to be there present , before the same be perform'd . ii. that the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries shall come to the place of the conferences with no other retinue than a small number of gentlemen , one or two pages at most , and very few footmen ; that they shall suffer no other coach than that of their bodies to come into the court of the palace ; and if they had occasion for one or two coaches more for their attendants , these last shall stand without , that they may cause no confusion or stop : the same shall also be observed in all other publick places , where there may happen to be a greater concourse of people , as at plays , publick feasts , balls , &c. iii. that care shall be taken to prevent quarrels on both sides betwixt coachmen and other mean servants , who shall also be commanded to use one another with reciprocal civility and kindness , and to be ready in doing one another all sorts of mutual services and good turns upon all occasions . iv. that the gentlemen of the retinue of the ambassadors shall take care that the said servants do exactly observe the present regulation as to that particular , and shall cause those to be punished who shall act contrary to it . v. that the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries who assist at the conferences from the emperor and the allies , shall come into the court of the house where the conferences are held , by the gate made on purpose on the side of the said houses that looks towards the hague , and shall go up to their apartments by the stair-case on the same side ; and the ambassadors of the most christian king shall make use of the gate and bridge lately made , on the side of delft , as also of the stair-case adjoyning to their apartments , on the same side ; and the ambassador mediator shall go alone over the bridge and through the gate of the middle , and shall go up to his apartments by the great stair-case . vi. if two coaches happen to meet in a place too narrow for them both to go through at the same time , instead of disputing the wall , and thereby causing any stop , the coachmen on the contrary shall be oblig'd to open and make the passage easie reciprocally , as much as possible ; and he who shall have the first notice of the difficulty given him , shall stop and make room for the other , if it appears that he can do it more easily on his side . vii . in publick walks , such as the voorhout and malls , there shall be observed the custom established among those that meet there , which is to keep the right hand every one on his side , as well as in the streets and publick ways , and in general , wherever it may conveniently be done , without the least contest or affectation of precedence . viii . the pages , footmen , and generally all livery-servants , shall carry neither sticks nor arms , such as swords , knives , pocket-pistols , or others of whatsoever kind they may be , either hid or openly , both in town as in the walks , and when they go to ryswick . however , the pages shall be allowed , if they will , small sticks . moreover , all domesticks shall be forbid to go out of their houses in the night , unless it be by express orders from their masters , so that none may be found abroad upon any other account , at unseasonable hours ; and those that shall go contrary to this shall be severely punished , and turned out forthwith . ix . when any servant of an ambassador or plenipotentiary shall stand convicted of any crime capable of disturbing the publick tranquility , the ambassador or plenipotentiary to whom he shall belong , shall wave his right and priviledge of punishing him himself , and withdrawing his protection , shall cause him to be delivered into the hands of the ordinary judge of the place where the offence shall have been committed , either in the town or elsewhere , and shall even prosecute the offender according to the established laws : and if in the same case the criminal judge , vulgarly call'd schout , should arrest and take any one in the fact , either himself , or by his officers , or others , it shall be lawful for them to seize such a person , and even commit him to goal , although they known him to be servant , or of the retinue of some ambassador or plenipotentiary , till they can give notice of it to his master , which they shall be obliged to do forthwith , and without delay . after which , what the ambassador or plenipotentiary shall order , shall be punctually put in execution , whether he desires to have his servant kept in prison , or set at liberty . x. if any domestick of an ambassador or plenipotentiary should insult or quarrel with a domestick of another ambassador or plenipotentiary , the aggressor shall forthwith be delivered up into the power of the master of him that has been attacked and insulted , who shall punish him as he shall think fit . xi . all ambassadors and plenipotentiaries shall most severely and strictly forbid their domesticks , as well gentlemen as others , to have among them any quarrels or differences ; and if any should be discovered notwithstanding these prohibitions , and that any one should be so bold , as to endeavour to decide them by the way of arms , he shall instantly be turn'd out of the ambassadors house , and even out of the town , without any regard to what he could alledge for his excuse ; as the enormity of the affront put upon him , or his being assaulted first ; and he shall likewise be obliged to answer to the complaint that may be made before the tribunal of his natural prince , where he shall be punished according to the laws . xii . all the foregoing articles agreed on with common consent , for the good order of this assembly , shall not be alledged for an example , or be a precedent in any other place , time , or different conjuncture ; and no person shall take advantage from , nor receive prejudice by them upon any other occasion . given at the hague the 29 th of may , 1697. ( l.s. ) signed n. lilieroot . the project of peace between the emperor & empire on one part ; and his most christian majesty on the other part : as it was deliver'd in by the french ambassadors the 20 th of july , 1697. with the answer of the imperial ambassadors to the said project , given in the 5 th of august , 1697. translated from the latin. the conditions upon which his most christian majesty agrees to make peace with all the allies . the preamble . be it known unto all men , both present and to come , that in the course of a most bloody war , under which europe has so long groan'd , it has pleas'd divine providence to prepare at last for christendom a happy conclusion of its miseries , by inspiring an ardent desire of peace into the hearts of the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince , leopold , elected emperor of the romans , always august king of germany , hungary , &c. of the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince , lewis xiv . by the grace of god most christian king of france and navarre ; of the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince , charles ii. by the grace of god catholick king of spain ; and of their high and mightinesses the states general of the united netherlands : all of which princes and states , being equally desirous to concur bonâ fide , as far as in them lies , towards the re-establishment of the publick tranquility , they think of nothing less than rendering it solid and lasting by the equity of the articles in the ensuing treaty . whereupon in the first place their majesties and the said states general have for this purpose unanimously consented , to accept of the mediation of the most high , most excellent and most potent prince , charles xi . by the grace of god king of sweden , goths and vandals of glorious memory . but whereas an untimely death afterwards took away that prince , and disappointed the hopes , which all europe had justly conceived of the happy issue of his counsels and good offices , their said majesties and the states general being still resolved to put a speedy stop to the effusion of so much christian blood , have thought they could not make choice of a mediator more agreeable to all parties concern'd and interested in the war , than by continuing to acknowledge under the same character the most high , most excellent , and most potent prince charles xii . his son and successor , the present king of sweden , who has already us'd the same endeavours to promote the peace between his imperial majesty and his allies on the one part , and his most christian majesty on the other part , in the conferences actually held for this purpose in the palace at ryswick in the province of holland , between the ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiaries nominated and deputed by both parties . viz. on behalf of the emperor , count caunitz , count straatman , and count seylern , &c. on behalf of his most christian majesty , the sieurs harlay , count crecy , and cailliere , &c. on behalf of his catholick majesty , the sieurs don bernardo de quiros , and count tirimont , &c. on the behalf of the states general , the sieurs boreel , dyckvelt , and van haren , &c. who having implored the divine assistance , and communicated respectively their full powers ( the copies whereof are inserted word for word at the end of the treaty ) and having caused them to be duly exchang'd by the intervention and mediation of the baron of lilieroot , ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the king of sweden , who acquits himself in the office of a mediator , with all the prudence , ability and equity requisite for the re-establishment of a general tranquility , they shall agree together for the glory of god , and the welfare of christendom upon the articles of peace and mutual amity which follow . the answer of the imperial ambassadors to the project of peace deliver'd in by the french. answer to the preamble . according to established custom 't is requir'd , that in all treaties between the emperor and empire on one part , and france on the other , the latin tongue should be made use of , and especially that what is deliver'd in writing on either side should be in that language . therefore it was but reasonable for them to demand , that this custom might be observ'd with respect to the project , and in all future negotiations . tho' in this project there is no mention made but only of three allies , yet it is to be supposed , that the treaty of peace should be manag'd and concluded with all the allies engaged in the present war , and that several instruments should be drawn up according to the number of them . lastly , they will readily agree at the end of this negotiation to the remaining part of the preamble . article i. there shall be an universal , perpetual and christian peace , and a true and sincere amity between his imperial majesty and his allies on the one part , and his most christian majesty on the other part , their heirs and successors , their kingdoms and provinces , especially between the princes electors and other states of the empire comprehended in the treaty of peace , with their heirs and successors . this peace and amity shall sincerely and faithfully be observ'd and continued in such a manner that each party shall be for promoting the honour , welfare , and profit of the other . there shall be passed on both sides a perpetual amnesty and oblivion of all acts of hostility , exercis'd during the war , in what place , or howsoever committed : so that for the future no redress shall be sued for either by course of law or otherwise , within the empire , the kingdoms and territories of his most christian majesty , his catholick majesty , nor the states general and allies , notwithstanding all agreements , which may formerly have been concluded upon to the contrary . but all injuries , violences , hostilities , damages , and expences , without any distinction of things or persons , which may have been caus'd on either side , whether by words , writings , or deeds , shall be entirely cancell'd , so that whatever may be pretended under this colour by one against the other , shall be buried in an eternal oblivion . answer to article i. when this article was last debated , the imperial ambassadors urg'd , and the french agreed , that the empire and emperor should not be separated , but be joyn'd together according to ancient custom , and as it was observ'd in the treaty of the twenty years truce made at ratisbonne : that it was requisite , not only to express what might conduce to the preserving the peace , in order to observe it ; but likewise to take notice of what might obstruct or destroy it , in order to avoid it . that lastly , it would be no difficult matter to adjust a general amnesty , when once an agreement was made , about the reparation of the losses sustain'd , and the charges they had been put to : adding withal a necessary limitation with respect to ecclesiastical benefices to be hereafter mention'd . from these proposals two arcicles do arise : i. there shall be a christian , universal and perpetual peace , and a true amity between his sacred imperial majesty , and his successors , the whole roman empire , the kingdoms and hereditary dominions , his vassals and subjects , and all his allies , on the one part , and his . sacred majesty , the most christian king , and his successors , his kingdom and the subjects of france , on the other part . that this peace shall be maintain'd and preserv'd with that sincerity , that neither party shall attempt any thing to the ruin or prejudice of the other , under what pretence soever ; nor directly or indirectly aid or assist any person or persons who shall or may endeavour any thing to the prejudice of either party ; that neither party shall receive , protect , or abet the rebellious and refractory subjects of the other party ; but both shall promote and advance the welfare , honour , and interest of each other , all promises , contracts , and alliances made or to be made to the contrary notwithstanding , all which are null'd and made void by these presents : always provided that the amnesty granted by this peace , and contain'd in the following articles , shall remain in full force , and not be diminished in the least by this article . 2. there shall be a perpetual amnesty and oblivion of all acts of hostility on either side , in what place , and after what manner soever committed ; so that neither upon this account , nor for any other reason or pretence whatsoever , the one shall not raise , or cause to be raised , directly or indirectly , any enmity or disturbance against the other , under colour of justice or by matter of fact : but on the contrary , all and singular the injuries and violences , offer'd by words , writings , or deeds , shall be absolutely cancell'd , without respect to either persons or things , against whom they may have been committed : so that all pretences of either party upon this account shall be buried in an eternal oblivion . provided always that satisfaction be made for the losses and charges herein after to be mention'd . the benefit of which amnesty all and singular the vassals and subjects of both parties shall enjoy , so that no person shall be prejudiced or molested for having adhered to either party , but may be restor'd fully to all the estates and dignities which he was in possession of immediately before the beginning of the war. provided always and excepted , whatever shall be resolved in the following articles upon the account of ecclesiastical benefices , chattels and fruits . article ii. forasmuch as the treaties of munster and nimeguen ought to be the basis and foundation of the present treaty , and just as they are joyn'd to each other by that of nimeguen , so that this latter may be said to contain both : the foresaid treaty of nimeguen shall have the same force here , as if inserted word for word , and executed in all its points and articles , unless it be otherwise expresly provided . answer to article ii. it is very true , if things be duly consider'd , that the treaty of westphalia and that of nimeguen , may and ought to be reckon'd one and the same : since the former is so ratified and confirm'd by the latter , as if the instrument of the westphalian treaty , were inserted word for word in the treaty of nimiguen , unless in such cases wherein the former was abrogated by the latter : so that in effect , by promising to renew the one , it was likewise promised to renew the other . however , because in reality they were two distinct treaties of peace , made at several times and in several places , carried on by different ministers , for several particular reasons , and drawn up in different forms : it is likewise requisite , that in settling the foot of this present peace , which is the subject matter of this article , a particular mention should be made of both treaties ; since there are real differences in the second treaty , from what his excellency monsieur cailliere agreed to in the preliminaries , which were exhibited on the tenth of february last . article iii. whereupon there shall be an entire oblivion of all that has pass'd during the present war , and all things shall be remitted on either side , in the same state wherein they were by the foresaid treaty . article iv. to this purpose , whereas divers re-unions of several territories situated in the empire , have been made by the chambers of metz and bezancon , and the soveraign council of brisac , since the said treaty of nimeguen , of which his most christian majesty has been put into possession , his said majesty does covenant , that they shall be entirely revok'd , without regarding the sentences which have been pass'd by the foresaid chambers and council , and things shall be restor'd in the same state and condition wherein they were before the said sentences and re-union , and as they were at the time of the treaty of nimiguen . article v. his most christian majesty promises upon honour to withdraw his forces from all the countries and places they have been possess'd of in the empire during the present war. answer to article iii , iv , v. the former part of the third article has been already discussed in the second . what follows is part of the restitution to be made by the ensuing peace . in consequence whereof all decrees of union and re-union are to be cancell'd and abolish'd , some of which have been printed at paris , cum privilegio , and consequently by the king's authority ; among the rest two , whose titles run thus , a decree of the soveraign council of alsace sitting at brisac , importing that the king shall be put into possession of the soveraignty of the lower alsace , it bears date march 22. 1680. the other is entituled , a decree of the soveraign council of alsace , sitting at brisac , importing that the king shall be put into possession of the soveraignty of the lower alsace , and of other territories and seigniories situated in the upper alsace ; this is dated august 9. 1680. especially since these expressions , and others to be met with in the whole body of the decree , concerning the detaining and possessing of other territories at that time acknowledg'd , do sufficiently manifest the state of things by the then treaty of nimeguen , and the time ensuing . this likewise was evident , and particularly in the right pretended to strasburgh , landau , and cronweissemberg , by receding from performance of the peace of nimeguen , the first article whereof was drawn up in these terms . the emperor shall forthwith cause his forces and troops to withdraw from all the provinces of the empire , which do not by an hereditary right belong to the house of austria , namely from the circle of suabia and franconia , as well as from the electoral circle of the rhine , and from that of the upper rhine , and from the towns and forts situated thereon , from bon , strasburgh , offenberg , hockberg , landau , cronweissemberg , and in general from all such places , as neither by the treaty of munster , nor by that of nimeguen belong'd to his imperial majesty , so that immediately before the tenth of august , the said forces shall be drawn into bohemia , and into other of his patrimonial states . therefore 't is evident that bon , strasburgh , offenberg , landau , cronweissemberg , and all the other places of the empire , which were not look'd upon as belonging by an hereditary right to the house of austria , neither by the treaty of munster , nor that of nimeguen , were yet consider'd and absolutely esteem'd to be part of the empire , and comprehended in its circles and dependencies . from whence it plainly follows , that by the articles propos'd by the french ambassadors , all these places are to be restor'd and re-establish'd . since the case stands thus , and these places are the chief of what ought to be restor'd , the emperor's ambassadors , and those of the electors , princes , and other states here present , do reasonably hope that there will be less difficulty about the other articles to be agreed upon for the speedy re-establishment of a firm and lasting peace , and therefore they desire that an immediate consent may be given to the two following articles , as the foundation and general rule of the present peace . 1. the treaty of westphalia , together with that of nimeguen , shall be the basis and foundation of the present peace , which shall be executed with respect both to church and state , immediately after the ratifications shall be exchang'd ; and for ever after maintain'd in its full force , unless in such things as shall be otherwise provided for by the present treaty . therefore whatever after the said peace of munster , and the treaty of its execution made at nuremberg , has been to this present in the possession of his most christian majesty , under pretence of right , or by open force , or in any other manner whatever , and which was before possess'd by the emperor , or by the empire and the states depending thereon , including the three nobless , with their immediate dependants and vassals , such cities , towns , burroughs , citadels , castles , forts , villages , houses , territories , mountains , hills , forests , meadows , mines , quarries , lakes , rivers , islands , bridges , rivulets , jurisdictions , and rights , proper and in fee-simple , till'd and untill'd , shall be faithfully restor'd to their ancient proprietors , without demolishing the fortifications , or any publick or private houses , without rendring them in a worse state than they are at present , or exacting any thing for the charges they have been at upon them , without exacting any contributions by the army , or in their behalf : and this restitution shall be made without any delay , within ten days at farthest after the ratifications be exchang'd , or sooner if possible , together with all the artillery , ammunitions and provisions , as well such as were in the places when taken , and since quitted and demolished by the garrisons that were in them , and such as are in any other places whatever , together with all papers and writings , where and however seiz'd . that whatever alterations or innovations have been made , by his most christian majesty , after the said peace , and the treaty of execution made at nuremberg in civil or ecclesiastical affairs , under the name and pretence of suntgau , landgrave of alsace , provincial prefecture of haguenau , and the feudal union of dependencies , appendencies , submissions , surrenders , engagements , all manner of grants , whether absolute or limited , or upon any other cause or reason whatever , shall be cancell'd , and re-settled upon its first footing ; and after it has been thus re-settled , shall remain in the perpetual possession of his imperial majesty , as his property or fief . laws general or special , known or unknown , made publickly or privately by what person whatsoever , all edicts , priviledges , dispensations , concessions , donations , investitures , declarations , mandats , prohibitions , registers , incorporations , unions , re-unions , confiscations , arrests , decisions , decrees , sentences , homages , contracts , transactions , though ratified by the oaths and other pretensions of his most christian majesty , the royal family and kingdom of france , or of his feudatories and subjects , or the oppositions of any courts , councils , chambers , or states , either national or provincial , and all other pretences whatsoever past , present , or to come , to the contrary notwithstanding : the which laws , &c. are cancell'd and abolish'd , as far as they respect the present case ; notwithstanding likewise all that may be ever surmis'd , alledg'd or imagin'd to the contrary , and notwithstanding all other reasons whatever , which may seem to deserve a more special and particular mention , and to intimate that this present cancelling and annulling is void and of no effect . 2. for the farther illustrating the foregoing article ; and to cut off all occasion of future debates , without mentioning the reference to be made to commissioners , umpires , and their decisions ; it is farther agreed , that his most christian majesty , and the kingdom of france shall rest satisfied with what has been granted to them by the peace of munster in westphalia , namely , with the jurisdictions of the three ancient bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , as far as they had regard to them at the time of the said peace ; and likewise with the rights and priviledges of suntgau , the landgravate of alsace , and of the provincial government , in the same manner as they were formerly possessed by the most serene house of austria , and which are not to be alter'd upon the account of any compensation to be made for damages done , or for the sake of making the peace more firm and lasting ; and that they shall not pretend , demand , or exact from any state , vassal or subject of the empire , any oath , obligation , or dependence , except within the jurisdictions of the said three bishopricks , as far as they concern'd them at the time of the said peace , or except within the said rights possessed by the house of austria , and which are not at present alter'd , under any pretence , reason , or matter of fact or right whatever : the state of the case , as to the surrendring up of the rights of the house of austria , being the same now as formerly , except only the manner of possession ; forasmuch as what the most serene house of austria has receiv'd in fief from the empire , and held under its jurisdiction , shall be held and possess'd with the right of soveraignty , by the kingdom of france , and after the same manner as what belongs to the said three bishopricks within their jurisdictions , is therein included and comprehended . and by consequence all those in general which are reckon'd , and are of right the states , vassals , and subjects of the empire , whether such as are more particularly mention'd in the treaty of the peace of munster , or in the treaty of execution made at nuremberg , or in the treaty of nimeguen , all which are supposed to be repeated here , or such as were therein omitted , of what degree or place soever they be , shall from henceforward be ever exempted free from all obligation , tye , or trouble that may thence ensue , towards his most christian majesty and the kingdom of france . article vi. though the city of strasburgh was put into the hands of his most christian majesty , by a particular and voluntary agreement , and has been since possessed and fortified by the arms of his said majesty , even after the treaty of nimeguen , which his majesty is willing to observe in all its particulars , he consents to withdraw his forces out of the said city , on condition the fortifications made by his orders , as well about the said city as the citadel , be first demolish'd , the fort of kell , and other forts of the isles of the rhine , and of the said city of strasburgh , remaining for its fortification , in the same condition it was in before it was possessed by his majesty , and the city restor'd to all its rights and priviledges of an imperial city . and because the demolishing the said fortifications requires the space of about eight or ten months , his majesty promises to do it with all possible diligence , and likewise consents that the emperor may have a commissary at strasbourgh to be an eye-witness till the said demolishment be entirely finish'd . his majesty shall keep in the city , citadel and fort of strasbourgh , a sufficient garrison to carry on the work. to this part of the sixth article is annexed a collateral corolorary , which is as follows : whereas the city of strasbourgh was put into the hands of his most christian majesty in the year 1681. and continued in his possession till the expiration of the truce , in 1684. the emperor and his most christian majesty , for the mutual benefit of the frontiers of their states , are agreed with respect to that place , as follows : that the emperor for himself , his successors , and for the empire , shall renounce all rights of soveraignty over the city of strasbourgh , shall for ever grant for himself , his successors , and for the empire , to the king and crown of france the said city of strasburgh , with all its appurtenances and dependencies , to be injoy'd by the king and the crown , with all right of property and soveraignty , so as never to be molested therein for any cause , or upon any occasion whatever . in exchange , his most christian majesty shall surrender to his imperial majesty , the city and castle of friburgh , in the state they are in at present , together with the villages of heu , metshausen , and kirkzand , with all , and such rights of sovereignty and property as were surrendered to him by his most christian majesty , by the fifth article of the treaty of nimeguen . moreover , his majesty is willing to deliver up to the emperor the city of brisac , seated on the other side the rhine , in the same condition wherein it is at present ; with all its dependencies , except some villages in brisgau , which are on this side the rhine . and that the rhine may be the constant barrier between this place and his majesty's territories , it is agreed , that the new city of brisac , and the fort in the island , as also the bridge , shall be utterly demolished , never to be raised or re-built again ; but that the fort called the mortar , seated on this side the rhine , shall remain in the possession of his most christian majesty . his majesty also promises , to raze the fortifications that have been made at hunninghen , beyond the rhine , as also the horn-work of the island , and to demolish the bridge of that place which is upon the rhine . he likewise agrees to restore to the emperor and empire the fort of kell , seated at the end of strasburgh-bridge , and to raze those of the city , the islands , and the rhine , reserving only to himself the city and citadel of strasbourgh , and the redoubt on this side the rhine . he will also cause to be demolish'd the horn-work of the marquisate , and fort lewis upon the rhine , and all the works on the other side that river ; together with part of that bridge which has communication with the fort of that horn-work . he also engages to restore to the emperor the city of philipsbourgh , which has been possessed by his forces during this war : but to the end that the frontiers of france and the empire may be absolutely bounded by the rhine , the bridge of philipsburgh , and the fort at the end of the said bridge , on this side the rhine , shall be demolish'd . whereas the treaty of nimeguen has regulated the conditions , upon which the king is to restore lorrain to the deceased duke of that name : and whereas the duke his son , supported by the recommendation of the emperor , has desired his majesty to grant him new and more favourable conditions ; his most christian majesty , in consideration of the emperor's recommendation , and inclin'd thereto by the good will and affection which he bears to the duke of lorain , is willing to relinquish the conditions which were granted him by the treaty of nimeguen , and to re-enstate the duke of lorain in possession of his territories , such as his uncle duke charles possess'd in the year 1670. in manner following . to this effect his majesty will restore to him the old and new town of nancy , upon condition that the fortifications of the new town shall be entirely demolish'd , and never rais'd again for the future ; that the bastions and curtains of the city shall remain untouch'd , but the outworks and half-moons shall be raz'd : that the gates of the new town shall stand , and that the duke of lorrain shall be permitted to enclose the said new town with a dry wall , not terrass'd , and without a flank : that the roads which had been granted by the said treaty , and which were to remain in the sovereignty of his most christian majesty , to facilitate the passage of his troops from s. dizier to nancy , from nancy to alsace , from nancy to petzon , and from nancy to metz , shall be restored to the soveraignty and property of the duke of lorrain . his majesty desisting from all the rights which had been granted him upon the point by the treaty of nimeguen , upon condition however that the duke shall grant his majesty's troops a passage through his states as often as shall be requir'd , paying such duty as shall be agreed upon between his majesty's and the duke of lorrain's commissioners . his majesty also promising to withdraw his garrisons out of bisch and hambourgh , after having demolish'd the fortifications , which are never to be rais'd again . his majesty reserving to himself only saar lewis , which he caus'd to be fortified , in order to possess it hereafter as his soveraignty , with the compass of a half league round about , as shall be regulated by commissaries appointed to this effect by the king and the duke of lorrain . his majesty also by this present treaty confirms the sixteenth article of the treaty of nimeguen , touching the recompence which is to be given to the said duke of lorain for the city and provostship of longui , as if the said article were here set down word for word ; it is stipulated , that it shall have its full force of execution . the 20 , 21 , and 22th articles touching the provisions made for the benefices , sentences , and decrees given by the king's officers and judges , and the restitution of the archives and charters of the chambers of accounts of nancy and barr , may be re-settled , as they are in the treaty of nimeguen . answer to article vi. every body knows what was the opinion of the republick of strasburgh , when it was put into the hands of his most christian majesty after the peace of nimeguen , and also what was the opinion of all the inhabitants and bishops of the said city , of the count of hanault , of the baron of fleckensteim , and of the immediate nobless of the lower alsace , nam'd in the treaty of rendition , septemb. 20. 1681. and of all the other subjects of the empire , both mediate and immediate . and it is very evident by the preceding article , what upon the whole ought to be resolved , and what for the future ought to be had conformable to the treaties of munster and nimeguen , which are supposed in all these respects to be here repeated ; and more particularly with regard to the full and entire restitution of the city of strasburgh , with all its dependencies and appurtenances , situated on both sides the rhine , without demolishing or prejudicing the edifices or fortifications thereof , together with its arsenal , which has been transferred elsewhere ; and lastly , of all the rights which belonged thereto , before it was taken by france , and especially of its immediate dependance on the roman empire , which things are to be expresly set down in the treaty of peace ; rejecting all manner of equivalent that shall be offered , always excepting a more particular designation , as far as shall be judged necessary , and which shall at any time be produced . as for the affairs of lorrain , and others contained in this article , they are referred to the ensuing articles . article vii . and because his most christian majesty was constrain'd to seize upon the city of treves , his said majesty likewise promises , after the ratification of the present treaty , to restore it to monsieur the elector of treves . answer to article vii . according to what has been already determin'd , france is not only oblig'd to restore to his excellency the elector of treves , the city of treves , but also a full and entire restitution ought to be made to him of all that belongs to him , by virtue of the archbishoprick of treves , bishoprick of spires , abbey of prum , and provostship of weisemberg ; wherefore the following article is to be inserted in the treaty of peace , viz. the elector of treves shall be restored to all the places , fiefs , revenues , and rights , both ecclesiastical and secular , which belong to him by virtue of the archbishoprick of treves , bishoprick of spires , abby of prum , and provostship of weisemberg , and their dependencies , which either he , or his predecessors have enjoy'd and possessed after the execution of the peace of munster , whether particular mention has been thereof made or omitted , with all the acts and decrees , to be by him henceforward possessed and enjoy'd without any molestation or trouble to be given him by france on this account ; with satisfaction for the losses he has sustained , of which a separate article shall be made , and have the same force as the present treaty . article viii . whereas his majesty thought it requisite to fortifie montroyal , and the castle of traarback , he is pleas'd to oblige himself to demolish montroyal , and the new fortifications of traarback , leaving the castle in the same condition as it was before . montroyal also being so raz'd , and never to be fortified again , and the said castle of traarback being to be restor'd to the proprietors to whom they did belong , before they were possessed by the king's forces ; his majesty will do the same with respect to the forts of kirn and ebernberg . answer to article viii . an entire restitution of all that belongs to the empire , and consequently of all the places mentioned in this article , follows from what has been said upon the third and ensuing articles ; leaving it , as justice requires , to the liberty of the emperor and empire , to dispose of what is their own , as they shall think fit , in what place soever it lies . article ix . whereas by the fourth article of the treaty of nimeguen the most christian king had restor'd to the emperor philipsburgh , with all and such rights which his majesty had to the said place , his most christian majesty , to set things on the same foot with the said treaty of nimeguen , does promise to restore the said city , with all its fortifications , in the same condition as now it is , only destroying the bridge which his majesty had caus'd there to be built . answer to article ix . there is so little need to explain and prove the greatness of the damages , which all the members of the empire , and especially the emperor have suffered by the war , the necessity of redressing them , and the small demands that have been made on that account , that they need not fear to refer these things to the testimony and determination of france it self ; provided it would be induc'd to consider , what is so obvious to all the world , not with that exactness and perspicuity as is requisite , but only with half an eye . therefore , whereas after the entire restitution of friburgh , founded on the third and ensuing articles , with the three villages which depend thereon , and which , contrary to the intention of the peace of nimeguen , and the execution thereof , were possessed by france under the notion of appurtenances and dependencies , except the right of diocesan , and other rights and revenues reserved to the bishoprick of constance by the fifth and tenth articles of the treaty of nimeguen , they may and do accept as part of that satisfaction due to his imperial majesty , that which is offer'd afresh , and has formerly been possessed by the emperor and the most serene house of austria , viz. brisac and philipsburgh , without any prejudice to the bishoprick of spires . but upon the account of the manifest justice of the thing in debate , and to make the ensuing peace the more lasting , this restitution shall be full and intire , with all the fortifications which belong thereto on both sides the rhine , and the bridge , with all the ammunitions and provisions , which are therein at present : and justice likewise requires that a more particular regard should be had to what is contain'd in the tenth article of the demands of the imperial ambassadors : excepting always a more particular account of the damages and expences which the states of the empire have been at ; leaving the decision thereof ( for the sake of equity , and of a good and solid peace ) to the known affections and endeavours of his excellency the mediator . article x. the same treaty of nimeguen having regulated all the conditions upon which his most christian majesty oblig'd himself to re-invest monsieur the duke of lorain in his territories , his majesty being willing that the said treaty should have its full force , does yield that 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , and 22th articles of the said treaty of nimeguen , shall have the same force in the present treaty , as if they were inserted here word for word therein . article xi . his most christian majesty having caus'd saar lewis to be fortifi'd , shall keep that place in the same condition as it is , with half a league of country round about it , as shall be regulated by commissioners appointed by his majesty and mons . the duke of lorrain ; and the said duke shall surrender to his majesty the said place , and half a league round , to be enjoy'd for the future by his majesty , with all right of soveraignty and propriety : in exchange , his said majesty shall recompence the said duke in such a manner as shall be to his content and satisfaction ; and that which shall be given him in exchange , and which shall be likewise regulated by the said commissioners , shall for the future be possess'd by the said duke , with all the rights of soveraignty and property . answer to article x. and xi . as to what concerns the affairs of lorain , as comprehended under the protection of the empire , and as being a fief thereof upon the account of several parts of it , in the first place what has been said above concerning the vassals and clients of the empire , and particularly with respect to the unions and re-unions , ought to be apply'd here . in the next place , such things as are the proprieties of other states of the empire , ought not to be mix'd and confounded with the affairs of lorrain . much less by virtue of restoring lorrain , which by all manner of equity becomes due , ought they to detain strasburgh , which has nothing to do with lorrain , or any other places , which are alike to be restor'd to the empire , or to the states dependent thereon . in short , it is reasonable to have regard to what was formerly produc'd by the plenipotentiary of lorain upon this subject , as if it were here inserted word for word . article xii . his said majesty shall take out of all the places which he promises to demolish , or restore to the emperor , all the provision and ammunition , together with all the artillery , which shall be there at the time of demolishing or surrender . answer to article xii . instead of this article is repeated what had been express'd in the third , and which is founded on so much the clearer and more indubitable title , as that the artillery , the ammunitions and provisions which are at present in the places which are to be surrendered , or were there , when they were taken , or carried thither from other places of the empire which were ruin'd or deserted ; or which were rais'd in the countries belonging to the empire , or gain'd by the money or industry of its subjects , together with the fortifications of such places , as were rais'd , augmented or alter'd after the same manner , do belong of right to the empire without all dispute . not to say , that they may be look'd upon as a small recompence of the losses which it has suffer'd . article xiii . the elector palatine shall be resettled in the possession of the palatinate , as his predecessors have enjoy'd it since the peace of westphalia : and the dutchess of orleans her majesty's sister-in-law , shall be put into possession of all the rights , territories , and effects , which belong'd to her as heiress of the late electors palatine her father and brother , according to the laws and constitutions of the empire . answer to article xiii . since the daughters of the palatinate ( by the golden bulls of charles iv. and sigismund ; by the investitures of emperors and others ; by the common feudal rights ; by the wills of predecessors ; by the agreements pass'd and sworn to between the palatinate families of the branch of bavaria , of the electorate , of simmeren , of newburgh , and of deux ponts , sworn to and ratified particularly by the treaty of westphalia ; by the mutual substitutions of the males of the palatinate ; by the agreements concluded between the palatinate , and the house of baden ; by the advice and mediation of the counts of sponheim , concerning the mutual succession between the male-heirs of the county of sponheim ; by the renunciations of the daughters of the palatinate , to the making of which they were always oblig'd , and in justice are supposed to have made , without any reserve of their right to the jewels or money , unless in case the family of the palatinate be extinct ; and lastly by a perpetual custom of force in that family for several ages together , and founded on a great many examples both ancient and modern ) were excluded ( upon condition of a fixed dowry , which the father cannot augment ) from all succession to moveables or immoveables : and since likewise the most serene dutchess of orleans , by and with the consent of the duke her husband , and of the most christian king , has solemnly made these renunciations three or four times , according to the custom of the house palatine ; and since the elector philip william , for peace and quietness sake has already granted her , beside her dowry , more than ever has been , or could in justice be granted to any daughter of the house palatine ; she can have no right or title to the revenues or subjects possess'd by the electors her father and brother , and which are devolved to the present elector palatine . no body that knows any thing of the affairs of the palatinate or of germany , or who is minded to cast but the least eye on the genealogical tables of the palatinate house , can question any of these things . however , for the avoiding all manner of suspicion , and that the rights of the most serene dutchess may not in the least be diminish'd , nor those of the house palatine , in which every branch thereof is concern'd , be inhanc'd , it is absolutely necessary to cancel and abolish all manner of pretensions that may be advanc'd against this house , of what nature soever they be , and to resettle the said house palatine , according to the articles of the peace of westphalia , as contain'd in the ensuing article . besides , the elector palatine is not so far wedded to his own private interest , to which he has always preferr'd that of the publick , that though he has fuffer'd infinite losses , yet he is willing for the publick good , and for the particular respect which he bears to his most christian majesty to wave his pretensions , and to agree upon moderate terms , as to what concerns the quantum . the article relating to the palatinate . the most christian king shall restore to the whole house palatine all the states which he is possess'd of belonging to that house , either separately or conjunctly with others , more particularly the town and prefecture of germersheim , with the provostships and sub-prefectures therein comprehended , with all the fortresses , towns , burroughs , villages , hamlets , fiefs and rights , in such manner as they were possess'd by the said house , and restor'd thereto by the peace of westphalia , with all the writings and precepts taken from the archives , chancellor's court , feudal court , chamber of accounts , prefectures , or any other offices belonging to the palatinate , no place , matter , right , or decree excepted , annulling all manner of pretensions which may be made by france , or by the dutchess of orleans and her heirs . satisfaction shall be likewise made to the said elector , for the revenues withheld or taken away , and for all the losses he has sustain'd , about which a separate agreement shall be made . article xiv . the treaty concluded between his most christian majesty , and the duke savoy , in the year 1696. shall be comprehended in this treaty of peace , as if it were inserted herein word for word . answer to article xiv . his imperial majesty , for the kindness and affection which he bears to the most serene house of savoy , has already promis'd , that he will confirm by this peace , and comprehends therein , as well whatsoever is contain'd in the treaty of munster and nimeguen in favour of that family , as what has been concluded in the treaty last made between the most christian king and the duke of savoy , and the restitution of pignerol , and its dependencies , the ancient right of the empire being still establish'd and confirm'd . article xv. the cardinal of furstemberg shall be re-settled in all his estates , rights , priviledges , dignities and prerogatives of a prince and member of the empire , as well by virtue of his bishoprick of strasburgh , as by virtue of his abbey and principality of stavelo : and there shall be a general oblivion of all things that may have been decreed against his person and servants , and neither he nor his heirs , shall directly or indirectly be call'd to an account for the succession of the late elector of cologn , nor upon any other pretence whatsoever . article xvi . the canons and prebendaries of the chapter of cologn , who have been depriv'd of their prebends or dignities , for adhering to the said cardinal of furstemberg , shall likewise have the benefit of the aforesaid indemnity : and be restor'd to the possession of their benefices , dignities and estates , without any molestation whatsoever . answer to article xv. and xvi . it has been already often declar'd , that as all the states of the empire , so particularly the bishop and bishoprick of strasburgh , with the town of the same name , and others mention'd in the 87th section of the treaty of munster , viz. the bishop of basil , the abbots of murbach and luders , the abbess of andlaw , the monastery in the vale of s. gregory , of the order of s. benedict , the princes palatinate , counts and barons of hanault , fleckensteim , obersteim , and the nobless of all the lower alsace , together with the ten imperial cities , as has been mention'd in the third and following articles , shall be restor'd to all the places , rights , liberty , and possession of immediate dependence on the empire , which they formerly enjoy'd , annulling all acts made to the contrary , except the imperial decree of december 9. 1689. granted to the town of zellen am hammersbach upon the account of the valley of hammersbach , the which decree shall remain in its full force . the same is to be understood with respect to the abbey of stavelo . bus as to the hereditary right of the elector maximilian henry which is seiz'd upon , the opinion of those who are interested therein is to be attended , and afterwards immediatly declar'd . these matters being adjusted , if hereafter due respect be paid to the laws of the empire , as well cardinal furstemberg and his domesticks , as the canons and other members of the chapter of cologn , who have espoused his interest , shall have the benefit of the foresaid amnesty , without prejudice however to what shall be explain'd concerning ecclesiastical benefices , in the ensuing paragraph , which is agreeable to the 28th and 29th articles of the project of peace deliver'd in by the french , and which may be plac'd after the article of restitution , at the beginning of the article of amnesty drawn up in these terms . if notwithstanding the said ecclesiastical and catholick benefices , mediate or immediate , have been collated on fit and capable persons , by either party , in the places or dominions , which were then subject to them , according to the rule of their primitive institution , and conformably to the lawful statutes , general or particular , made by their subjects , the said benefices shall remain in the possession of the new incumbents , as well as those ecclesiastical and catholick benefices , which have been collated after the same manner before the present war , in the places which are to be restor'd by the present treaty ; so that they may and shall not be troubled or molested by any person whatsoever in the possession and lawful administration of the same , nor in the receiving the profits thereof : nor shall they upon this account , nor for any other cause past or present , be summon'd or cited , or any ways disturb'd or molested ; provided always that they discharge the offices incumbent upon them on the account of the said benefices . article xvii . and whereas the peace of nimeguen is to be the basis of this present treaty , and whereas his most christian majesty is willing to observe the said treaty in its full force with respect to his catholick majesty : his majesty therefore consents to settle all things in the same state wherein they were settled by the said treaty , renouncing the advantages which his arms have acquir'd during this war. to this effect his majesty agrees to restore to his catholick majesty the town of mons as it now is , with all its dependencies , such as they were before it was conquer'd by his majesty : and the town of charleroy in the state wherein it now is , with all its dependencies ; as likewise the town of courtray upon the same conditions . and for the greater proof of the sincerity of his majesties intentions for a peace , and the entire re-establishment of the treaty of nimeguen , his said majesty is willing to restore to the king of spain the town of aeth , tho' taken by his forces since the opening of the conferences for the peace . article xviii . his majesty likewise promises to restore to spain the towns of roses , gironne and belver in catalonia , in the same state they were in when taken by his majesty's forces . article xix . the most christian king will likewise restore to his catholick majesty the town of luxemburgh in the condition it now is , with the dutchy of that name , and the county of chiny . article xix . although the treaty of nimeguen is to be the basis and foundation of this , and accordingly the town and dutchy of luxemburgh , and the county of chiny ought to be restor'd by virtue of the said treaty , to the catholick king , yet by common consent it has been agreed to recede from the same , by the present article : therefore by the present treaty his catholick majesty yields and makes over to his most christian majesty the town and dutchy of luxemburgh , the county of chiny , and in general all that has ever been included in the said dutchy and province of luxemburgh , to be enjoy'd by his majesty with all right of soveraignty : and in exchange of the said town and dutchy of luxemburgh , the most christian king yields and makes over to his catholick majesty the towns of .................................... with the same rights of soveraignty which he acquired by the treaty of nimeguen ; of which his catholick majesty shall enjoy , &c. article xx. whereas since the treaty of peace concluded at nimeguen , several reunions of villages , towns , &c. situated in the dominions of the king of spain , have been made by order of the most christian king ; it is hereby agreed , that all such re-unions made since the said treaty of nimeguen , shall be absolutely repeal'd and made void ; and that the said villages , &c. shall be restor'd to to his catholick majesty to enjoy the same , as he did before the said re-unions . article xxi . but whereas by the fifteenth article of the treaty of nimeguen , it was agreed to appoint commissioners on both sides , to settle the limits of the states and dominions , which were to remain to his most christian majesty , and to the king of spain in the netherlands , as also to agree about all other difficulties that might arise upon account of the villages situated in these countries , which were then yielded to , or formerly enjoy'd by the most christian king ; and whereas commissioners being accordingly appointed on both sides to put the said articles in execution , the conferences which they had begun were interrupted by the troubles and wars that have since happen'd : it is now expresly agreed , that in execution of the fourteenth , fifteenth and sixteenth articles of the treaty of nimeguen , commissioners shall be appointed on both sides , two months after the publication of the present treaty , to regulate all the matters contain'd in the said articles . article xxii . but in case the said commissioners cannot agree about fixing the said limits and other points , their said most christian and catholick majesties do hereby agree to refer it to the determination and arbitration of the states general of the united provinces . answer to article xvii . and the five following . 't is reasonable to leave the discussing of what relates to the affairs of his catholick majesty to their excellencies the ambassadors of spain . however , they particularly insist upon the promis'd restitution of the town and dutchy of luxemberg , and the county of chiny ; and very strenuously oppose all manner of treaty , and so much as the bare mention of surrendring the said states , always reserving the right of his imperial majesty the empire , and the states dependent thereon . article xxiii . whereas the town and castle of dinant have been in the possession of the forces of his most christian majesty , both before and during the present war , his majesty is willing to restore them to the bishop and prince of liege , upon condition that the new fortifications made by his . orders be raz'd ; and the said town and castle shall be restor'd to the said bishop of liege in the same state wherein they were , before they were taken by his majesty's forces . answer to article xxiii . whereas the town and castle of dinant are comprehended in the dependencies of the empire , the restitution thereof ought to be wholly made according to the third and fourth articles before-mention'd , to which articles it ought to be referr'd . the restitution likewise of the dutchy of bullogn ought to be added thereto , and to execute the other matters which the moct serene elector of cologn , or the bishop of liege has express'd in the following article . the prince and church of liege shall be restor'd to their most ancient possession and propriety continu'd to them for near six centuries together , and confirm'd by the peace of cambray in the years 1529 , and 1559 , of the castle , town , and dutchy of bullogn , with all their appurtenances and dependencies : and the most christian king shall restore the said castle , town , and dutchy to the prince and church of liege , within _____ days after the ratification of this present treaty , in the same condition wherein they are at present , with all the decrees and precepts , artillery and ammunition , without demolishing the walls , houses , or fortifications , and without pretending to any restitution to be made for any charges they have been at upon any account whatsoever . and also the article inserted in the treaty of nimiguen , without the consent and approbation of the said prince and chapter of liege , shall be look'd upon as not inserted , and shall be of no force or virtue for the future to diminish the right , property or possession of the said prince and church of liege , with respect to the said castle , town and dutchy . in like manner the castle and town of dinant , with all its rights , appurtenances and dependencies , shall be faithfully restor'd to the said prince and church of liege within _____ days after the ratification of the present treaty , without demolishing any houses , fortifications or walls , and without exacting any thing for charges , reparations , or any expences whatsoever , with all the writings , decrees , artillery and ammunition which were therein when taken by the french : nor shall his most christian majesty have or pretend any right or claim to the said castle , town , and its dependencies upon any account or reason whatsoever , but the whole shall be fully and entirely remitted to the bishoprick of liege . in like manner the said prince and church of liege shall remain in the possession of all towns , lordships , castles , villages , places , territories , dependencies , rights , pretensions , jurisdictions , profits and revenues , and the whole shall be restor'd in the same condition , as the said church formerly possess'd it , within _____ days after the ratification of the present treaty . he shall restore to them expresly by name the places specified in a list or separate article ; and in general all others , which are contain'd under the name and title of places , territories , jurisdictions , proprieties , possessions , rights , profits and revenues , and which have been possess'd by the most christian king , by force of arms , or by virtue of the re-unions of the chamber of metz , or otherwise in what nature soever . moreover the said king shall take care to indemnifie the prince , chapter , and his other private subjects , for their goods confiscated within the territories of liege , and shall not exact the remainder of the contributions of the present war. article xxiv . all the provisions , ammunitions , and artillery that shall be found in the places which are to be restor'd to the king of spain , or demolish'd , shall be taken away by his most christian majesty . article xxv . it is also agreed that the collection of all duties , which the said most christian king is in possession of , in all those dominions which he restores to the catholick king by virtue of this treaty , shall be continu'd to him , till the very day , whereon these countries are depending , shall be actually restor'd ; and the arrears which shall be due at the time of the said restitution , shall be paid bonâ fide to the farmers of the said duties . it is likewise agreed , that the proprietors of the forests that have been confiscated in the dependencies of the places to be restor'd to his catholick majesty , shall be restor'd to the possession of the same , and of all the timber that shall be found upon the spot . it being to be understood , that after signing of this present treaty , it shall not be lawful on either side to destroy the said forests , or to fell any trees . article xxvi . all papers , letters , and precepts concerning the countries , lands and lordships , which are to be surrendred and restor'd by the present treaty , shall be faithfully restor'd on both sides , within three months after the exchanging of this present treaty , in what places soever those papers and precepts may be found . answer to article xxvi . besides what is contain'd already in any other articles , care shall be taken with respect to germany in general , that france immediately after the ratification of the peace , shall restore the writings and decrees , relating to the places which ought to be restor'd to the emperor and empire , or which do otherwise belong to his imperial majesty , or to the states of the empire ; and particularly such as are detain'd at friburgh , or have been remov'd thence , as well as from the chamber and town of spires , the county of leininghen , or other places hereafter to be specified ; without prejudice to the other things , which shall or may be propos'd hereafter with respect to the chamber of spires . article xxvii . all the subjects on both sides , both ecclesiastical and secular , shall be restor'd , as well to the possession of the honours , dignities , or benefices , which they enjoy'd before , and of which they were dispossess'd by the present war , as of their real and personal estates , that have been seiz'd and possess'd upon account of this war ; as also to their rights , actions and successions , that have faln to them since the beginning of the said war , without exacting or pretending to demand the fruits and revenues arising from the said estates , to the time of the publication of the present treaty . article xxviii , and xxix . those two articles , which are the 24 th and 25 th of the treaty of nimiguen , being common to all treaties , relate only to such benefices as have been collated to any person during the present war ; and therefore those on whom such benefices have been conferr'd since this war , shall be confirm'd in the possession of the same . article xxx . the catholick king shall restore to the duke of parma the fort and island of ponza , which he has taken from the said prince during this present war. article xxxi . and whereas by the present treaty , a good , firm and inviolable peace is establish'd between his most christian majesty , and the catholick king , and the lords states general of the united netherlands , both by sea and land , through all their kingdoms , countries , territories , provinces and dominions , and that all acts of hostility are to cease for the future , it is stipulated by the present treaty , that all prizes that shall be made on either side in the baltick sea , or the northern ocean , from newfoundland to the channel , from and after the space of four weeks after the publication of this peace ; or from the channel to the cape of s. vincent six weeks after the same ; from the said cape into the mediterranean and to the line , ten weeks after the same ; and beyond the line , in all parts of the world , eight months after the publication of the said peace , the said prizes , taken after the prefix'd times , shall be allow'd void , and return'd to the true owners on either side , with full satisfaction for the damages and losses sustain'd thereby . article xxxii . if any places , countries , or colonies have been taken by the arms of the most christian king , upon the coasts of africa , or in the east or west indies : or if the states general have taken any places , countries , or colonies belonging to his most christian majesty , all such conquests shall be restor'd on both sides in the same condition they were in , before they were taken . article xxxiii . all prisoners of war taken by the forces of the emperor and of his allies , and by those of his most christian majesty , and are still detain'd , shall be releas'd without any ransom , after the ratifications are exchang'd . article xxxiv . and whereas their majesties , and the lords states general , do acknowledge the good offices and care , which the most serene king of sweden has us'd to procure the peace and publick tranquility , it is on both sides agreed , that his swedish majesty , his kingdoms and states , be especially and by name comprehended in the present treaty , in the best manner and form that the same may be done . article xxxv . all such as shall be nam'd by common consent of both parties , before or within six months after the ratifications of the treaty are exchang'd , shall be comprehended in this present treaty . article xxxvi . their said majesties and the lords states general do agree , that his swedish majesty as mediator , and all other kings , princes and republicks may give their guarantee to their said majesties , and the said lords states general , for the exemption of all and every particular article contain'd in this present treaty . answer to article xxxiii , xxxiv , xxxv , and xxxvi . it will be easie to agree to what is contain'd in these articles , when once the articles of the treaty of peace between the emperor and france are adjusted . but for the preventing all farther contests , and all occasions of molesting the subjects on either side , 't is not only requisite to put a stop to the contributions rais'd upon the subjects on both sides from the day of signing the peace ; but 't is likewise necessary absolutely and entirely to disannul all pretensions upon the account of contributions , which remain still unpaid , all hostages given or taken upon that account being immediately restor'd gratis , in the same manner as the prisoners on either side are to be restor'd without ransom . article xxxvii . there is liberty left and reserv'd to add any other articles , in case of any omission , whether they relate to any general affairs , or to any particular pretensions to be adjusted in this general peace . deliver'd to his excellency the mediator july 20. 1697. signed , d. harlay bouneuil . ( place for the seal . ) verjus de crecy . ( place for the seal . ) de caillieres . ( place for the seal . ) concordare vidi . n. lillienroot . answer to the last article . in the instrument of the treaty of peace beeween the emperor and france , 't is requisite likewise to insert in their proper place the following articles . francis lewis prince palatine , grand master of the teutonick order , and bishop of wormes , shall be fully restor'd to the commendams , places , subjects , and revenues , which have been taken from him by france , and which have anciently been possess'd by the said order , or by the said bishop of wormes and other churches , with all their rights and priviledges ; without infringing the other rights , which shall be the same to him as to the other states of the empire ; not shall he or his successors be any ways molested in the use and exercise of the said rights and revenues ; much less shall any thing that has been done , attempted , or hitherto said to the contrary , upon any account whatsoever , turn to his prejudice . as for what concerns the satisfaction for damages sustain'd , such things shall be perform'd as are contain'd in a particular article . the house of wirtemberg , and expresly duke george of the branch of montbeliard , shall be absolutely restor'd in behalf of himself and his successors , with all his rights , to all and every his demeans situated in alsace or elsewhere , and to the state , rights and prerogatives , and especially to his immediate dependence on the sacred roman empire , which he formerly enjoy'd , and which the other princes of the empire do or ought to enjoy , for ever annulling the paying or acknowledging any homage to the crown of france , which was made for a time in the year 1681. and the said princes shall henceforward freely enjoy all the revenues belonging to them , whether secular or ecclesiastical , which they were in possession of before the troubles , or which they ought to have enjoy'd by virtue of the peace of westphalia : together with the fiefs which have been granted in their behalf since the time of their being detain'd by france , and which they have not surrender'd to others , such as are the fiefs , which the counts of rappolstein , and which the lords of rathsamhauson have recogniz'd in the county of harburgh , and others such like . in like manner they shall be restor'd to the full and entire possession , as well of their fiefs in burgundy , granges , clereval , passerant , hericourt , blamont , chatelot and clermont , as of their territories , with all the rights and revenues which they formerly possessed , annulling and absolutely rejecting all that may be done or pretended upon any account whatsoever to the contrary . as to duke everhard lewis , for the losses he has suffer'd , as well during the present war , as before the declaration thereof , contrary to particular treaties , such satisfaction shall be made him , as is express'd in a separate article . after these particular restitutions 't is requisite to add farther in general : by the restitution or surrendring of places , persons , things , or rights , made by france pursuant to this treaty of peace , 't is not to be understood that any new right or priviledge is acquir'd against others ; but to the empire in general , and to each state in particular , and to all others , except france , are reserv'd all rights , pretensions , actions and exceptions , which belong'd to them on both sides , before their destitution , and which are not expresly limited , or entirely null'd by the present treaty ; the which shall remain in their full force after restitution made , which therefore ought not to be delay'd ; and which are to be propos'd , examin'd , and decided in their proper place . 't is requisite likewise to insert the following article upon the subject of the fiefs of the empire which are situated in italy . it shall not be lawful for france , either voluntarily , or by the sollicitation of others , either directly or indirectly , to innovate any thing in the fiefs of the empire , and other rights of which it is in possession in italy ; or to invert the order of succession in them , or to assist any others who design to make any innovation or interruption therein : but all the rights which at present belong , or have , before they were seiz'd , belong'd to the emperor or empire in general , or to all the feudatories and vassals , both present and to come , who may succeed according to the imperial grants , in such places as are either restor'd , or to be restor'd by france , as also in such as france have not taken , shall be left in their entire force , and never be disturb'd or molested by france . to conclude , the emperor and empire reserve to themselves the same priviledge , as france has reserv'd in the last clause , provided always that a proper answer may be given to all other propositions that may be offer'd by the french ambassadors . deliver'd to his excellency the mediator , aug. 5. 1697. sign'd , a. d. c. de caunitz . ( place for the seal . ) henry c. de straatman . ( place for the seal . ) j. f. l. b. de seilern . ( place for the seal . ) the declaration of the ambassadors of his most christian majesty which was rejected by the emperial ambassade . the many demonstrations which his majesty has given of the sincerity of his intentions for the general peace of europe , and the advantageous conditions which he has been pleas'd to deposite in the hands of the ambassador extraordinary of sweden the tenth of february last , since he ought to have look'd upon as more than sufficient for the concluding the treaty several months ago ; but since at present he perceives that notwithstanding the utmost diligence which his ambassadors extraordinary have us'd in the conferences of peace , for the finishing and compleating so great a work , the time so precious for the welfare of christendom is run out with so little success , that the campagn is very far advanc'd , and the events of war are capable of bringing a new scene on the face of publick affairs ; his majesty being still mov'd with the same desire of procuring a speedy repose and quiet to europe , does farther declare by his ambassadors extraordinary to the ambassador mediator of sweden , that he is ready to sign the peace without any delay , upon the same conditions which have already been communicated to him . but whereas it is not reasonable that the conclusion of the peace being still suspended by the delay of his enemies , he should be ty'd up , whilst they think themselves free to accept or refuse the conditions thereof , and even to demand new and unallowable ones ; his majesty therefore declares by his ambassadors extraordinary to the ambassador mediator of sweden , that he is willing to continue under the same obligation which he has taken upon him , till the end of august next , but that if within that time his enemies do not conclude the peace , he will be freed from engagement , and at liberty to treat anew , after so much expence and bloodshed , upon such other articles as he shall judge suitable to the posture of his affairs , and to the welfare of christendom . the memorial of the ambassadors of the most christian king for the general peace , deliver'd to the ambassador mediator septemb. 1. 1697. at the palace of ryswick . the happy successes with which it has pleas'd god to bless the undertakings of the king in this campagn , might give his majesty a very just occasion of reducing within a narrow compass the overtures which he has made for the peace , the term which he fix'd for the accepting of his propositions being expir'd , leaves him at his full liberty , so that he might very well propose new articles , but the same desire which he always had of putting an end to the miseries of christendom , is still the only rule which he proposes to himself , and his majesty is pleas'd to make no farther use of the advantages he has had , than for the more speedy re-establishment of the quiet of europe . 't is with this design that the king declares , that tho' his majesty was free from his engagements at the end of august , tho' he is very sensible what benefit he could reap from the conquest of barcelona , and from other events of the war , yet the sole interest which influences and weighs most with him , is the universal welfare of europe ; that for the promoting thereof by a speedy peace , his majesty makes use of that liberty which he has at present only to alter such of the articles which he has propos'd , as seem to retard the publick tranquility . upon this account his majesty forbears offering to the emperor the choice of taking strasburgh , or the equivalent propos'd for that city : he is resolv'd to keep it , and no farther mention shall be made of an alternative equivalent : at the same time he promises that this alteration , which he thought requisite to determine the emperor , shall make no change in the other conditions which he formerly offer'd for the keeping of strasburgh ; and consequently that town and the citadel in the condition they now are , shall be for ever annex'd to his crown , with the dependencies of strasburgh on this side the rhine , such as are on the other side of that river shall be restor'd to their proper owners , with the same rights and the same prerogatives which they formerly enjoy'd : that the fort of keil shall be restor'd to the emperor and empire , in the same condition as it is at present : that the forts of the city , of the islands in the rhine , shall be raz'd : that the cities of friburgh , brisack , and philipsburgh shall be restor'd by his majesty to the emperor , upon the same conditions set down in the project deliver'd in by his majesty's ambassadors extraordinary to the ambassador mediator of sweden : that those articles which specifie the restitution of lorrain in the same condition as duke charles possessed it in the year 1670. with the clauses therein explain'd , and which his majesty has thought necessary for the maintenance of the peace , shall be punctually put in execution : that lastly , for rendring the peace solid , and to assure the empire , that his majesty's only desire is to preserve it , he promises to demolish and abandon the fortresses which he possesses on the other side the rhine , to pull down the bridges made by his orders upon the river , reserving only part of the bridge of fort lewis on the rhine , which leads from alsace to the fort : that he on the other hand demands that the bridge of philipsburgh be broken down , the fort rais'd at the end of that bridge on the side of france demolish'd ; and that the rhine being for the future the just barrier between the territories of both , the avenues of his kingdom shall be shut up , at the same time , that his majesty makes it appear that he is not willing to reserve any passage whereby to carry the war into germany . lastly , his majesty adds to those considerable overtures which he makes for the keeping of strasburgh , the restitution of barcelona , which his majesty promises to restore to the king of spain assoon as he has the consent of the emperor and empire for the surrender of strasburgh : and this is all the use which his majesty pretends to make of the conquest of one of the most considerable towns in the spanish monarchy . his majesty proposes no alterations in the articles by which he offer'd to treat with the catholick king , and is perswaded that this prince being sensible of the moderation which he shews towards him , will not insist upon the demand of a few villages in the seigniory of aeth , requisite for the more easie commerce of the inhabitants of tournay , and for the communication of that city with the town of condé ; and that his majesty pretends to reserve to himself all the advantages he can reap from the taking of aeth . but whereas it is not reasonable that his majesty shall be always oblig'd to sacrifice such considerable advantages to the good of the peace , he declares that if his enemies defer taking advantage of those new expedients which he is pleas'd to offer for the conclusion of the treaties , & shall exceed the term which he hereby gives them of the 20 th of september to accept of his proposals , he will then be at liberty to propose new conditions ; and the miseries of the war are to be charg'd only on those who refuse to concur with his majesty to the putting an end to them . deliver'd to his excellency the mediator sept. 1. 1697. articles of peace between the most serene and mighty prince william the third , king of great britain , and the most serene and mighty prince lewis the fourteenth , the most christian king , concluded in the royal palace at ryswicke the 20th day of september , 1697. i. that there be an universal perpetual peace , and a true and sincere friendship between the most serene and mighty prince william the third , king of great britain , and the most serene and mighty prince lewis the fourteenth the most christian king , their heirs and successors , and between the kingdoms , states and subjects of both , and that the same be so sincerely and inviolably observed and kept , that the one shall promote the interest , honour and advantage of the other , and that on both sides a faithful neighbourhood and true observation of peace and friendship , may daily flourish and encrease . ii. that all enmities , hostilities , discords and wars , between the said king of great britain and the most christian king , and their subjects , cease and be abolished , so that on both sides they forbear and abstain hereafter from all plundring , depredation , harm-doing , injuries , and infestation whatsoever , as well by land as by sea , and on fresh waters , every where ; and especially throughout all the kingdoms , territories , dominions , and places , belonging to each other , of what condition soever they be . iii. that all offences , injuries , damages , which the said king of great britain and his subjects , or the said most christian king and his subjects have suffered from each other during this war , shall be forgotten , so that neither on account of them , or for any other cause or pretence , neither party , or the subjects of either , shall hereafter do , cause or suffer to be done any hostility , enmity , molestation , or hindrance to the other , by himself or others , secretly or openly , directly or indirectly , by colour of right , or way of fact. iv. and since the most christian king was never more desirous of any thing , than that the peace be firm and inviolable , the said king promises and agrees for himself and his successors , that he will on no account whatsoever disturb the said king of great britain in the free possession of the kingdoms , countries , lands or dominions which he now enjoys , and therefore engages his honour , upon the faith and word of a king , that he will not give or afford any assistance , directly or indirectly , to any enemy or enemies of the said king of great britain ; and that he will in no manner whatsoever favour the conspiracies or plots which any rebels , or ill disposed persons , may in any place excite or contrive against the said king ; and for that end promises and engages , that he will not assist with arms , ammunition , provisions , ships or money , or in any other way , by sea or land , any person or persons , who shall hereafter , under any pretence whatsoever , disturb or molest the said king of great britain in the free and full possession of his kingdoms , countries , lands and dominions . the king of great britain likewise promises and engages for himself and successors , kings of great britain , that he will inviolably do and perform the same towards the said most christian king , his kingdoms , countries , lands and dominions . v. that there be a free use of navigation and commerce between the subjects of both the said kings , as was formerly in the time of peace , and before the declaration of the late war , so that every one of them may freely come into the kingdoms , marts , ports and rivers of either of the said kings with their merchandises , and may there continue and trade without any molestation , and shall use and enjoy all liberties , immunities and priviledges granted by solemn treaties , and antient custom . vi. that the ordinary administration of justice shall be restored and set open throughout the kingdoms and dominions of both kings , so that it shall be free for all the subjects of either , to claim and obtain their rights , pretensions and actions , according to the laws , constitutions and statutes of each kingdom . vii . the most christian king shall restore to the said king of great britain , all countries , islands , forts and colonies wheresoever situated , which the english did possess before the declaration of this present war. and in like manner the king of great britain shall restore to the most christian king all countries , islands , forts and colonies wheresoever situated , which the french did possess before the said declaration of war. and this restitution shall be made on both sides , within the space of six months , or sooner if it can be done . and to that end immediately after the ratification of this treaty , each of the said kings shall deliver , or cause to be delivered to the other , or to commissioners authorized in his name for that purpose , all acts of concession , instruments , and necessary orders , duly made and in proper form , so that they may have their effect . viii . commissioners shall be appointed on both sides , to examine and determine the rights and pretensions which either of the said kings hath to the places situated in hudsons-bay ; but the possession of those places which were taken by the french , during the peace that preceded this present war , and were retaken by the english during this war , shall be left to the french , by virtue of the foregoing article . the capitulation made by the english on the fifth of september , 1696. shall be observed , according to its form and tenor ; the merchandises therein mentioned shall be restored ; the governour of the fort taken there shall be set at liberty , if it be not already done ; the differences arisen concerning the execution of the said capitulation , and the value of the goods there lost , shall be adjudged and determined by the said commissioners ; who immediately after the ratification of the present treaty , shall be invested with sufficient authority for settling the limits and confines-of the lands to be restored on either side , by virtue of the foregoing article , and likewise for exchanging of lands , as may conduce to the mutual interest and advantage of both kings . and to this end the commissioners , so appointed , shall within the space of three months from the time of the ratification of the present treaty , meet in the city of london , and within six months , to be reckoned from their first meeting , shall determine all differences and disputes which may arise concerning this matter ; after which , the articles the said commissioners shall agree to , shall be ratified by both kings , and shall have the same force and vigour , as if they were inserted word for word in the present treaty . ix . all letters , as well of reprisal as of marque and counter-marque , which hitherto have for any cause been granted on either side , shall be , and remain null and void ; nor shall any the like letters be hereafter granted by either of the said kings against the subjects of the other , unless it be first made manifest , that right hath been denied ; and it shall not be taken for a denial of right , unless the petition of the person , who desires letters of reprisal to be granted to him , be first shewn to the minister , residing there on the part of the king , against whose subjects those letters are desired ; that within the space of four months or sooner , he may inquire into the contrary , or procure that satisfaction be made with all speed from the party offending , to the complainant . but if the king against whose subjects reprisals are demanded , have no minister residing there , letters of reprisal shall not be granted , till after the space of four months , to be reckoned from the day on which his petition was made and presented to the king , against whose subjects reprisals are desired , or to his privy council . x. for cutting off all matter of dispute and contention , which may arise concerning the restitution of ships , merchandises , and other moveable goods , which either party may complain to be taken and detained from the other , in countries , and on coasts far distant , after the peace is concluded , and before it be notified there ; all ships , merchandises , and other moveable goods , which shall be taken by either side , after the signing and publication of the present treaty , within the space of twelve days in the british and north seas , as far as the cape st. vincent ; within the space of ten weeks beyond the said cape , and on this side of the equinoctial line or equator , as well in the ocean and mediterranean sea as elsewhere ; lastly , within the space of six months beyond the said line throughout the whole world , shall belong and remain unto the possessors , without any exception or further distinction of time or place , or any consideration to be had of restitution or compensation . xi . but if it happens through inadvertency or imprudence , or any other cause whatever , that any subject of either of the said two kings , shall do or commit any thing by land or sea , or on fresh water , any where , contrary to the present treaty , or that any particular article thereof is not fulfilled ; this peace and good correspondence between the said two kings shall not on that account be interrupted or infringed , but shall remain in its former force , strength and vigour , and the said subject only shall answer for his own fact , and undergo the punishment to be inflicted , according to the custom and law of nations . xii . but if ( which god forbid ) the differences now composed between the said kings should at any time be renewed , and break out into open war , the ships , merchandises and all kind of moveable goods of either party , which shall be found to be and remain in the ports and dominions of the adverse party , shall not be confiscated or brought under any inconveniency , but the whole space of six months shall be allowed to the subjects of both the said kings , that they may carry away and transport the foresaid goods , and any thing else that is theirs , whither they shall think fit , without any molestation . xiii . for what concerns the principality of orange , and other lands and dominions belonging to the said king of great britain ; the separate article of the treaty of nimeguen , concluded between the most christian king and the states general of the united provinces the tenth day of august , 1678. shall , according to its form and tenor , have full effect , and all things that have been innovated and altered , shall be restored as they were before . all decrees , edicts , and other acts , of what kind soever they be , without exception , which are in any manner contrary to the said treaty , or were made after the conclusion thereof , shall be held to be null and void , without any revival or consequence for the future : and all things shall be restored to the said king in the same state , and in the same manner , as he held and enjoyed them before he was dispossessed thereof in the time of the war , which was ended by the said treaty of nimeguen , or which he ought to have held and enjoyed according to the said treaty . and that an end may be put to all trouble , differences , processes and questions , which may arise concerning the same , both the said kings will name commissioners , who with full and summary power , may compose and settle all these matters . and forasmuch as by the authority of the most christian king , the king of great britain was hindred from enjoying the revenues , rights and profits , as well of his principality of orange as of other his dominions , which after the conclusion of the treaty of nimeguen , until the declaration of the present war , were under the power of the said most christian king , the said most christian king will restore , and cause to be restored in reality , with effect , and with the interest due , all those revenues , rights and profits , according to the declarations and verifications that shall be made before the said commissioners . xiv . the treaty of peace concluded between the most christian king , and the late elector of brandenburgh at st. germains in laye the 29 june , 1679. shall be restored in all its articles , and remain in its former vigour between his sacred most christian majesty and his electoral highness of brandenburgh . xv. whereas 't will greatly conduce to the publick tranquility that the treaty be observed , which was concluded between his sacred most christian majesty and his royal highness of savoy , on the ninth of august , 1696. 't is agreed that the said treaty shall be confirmed by this article . xvi . under this present treaty of peace shall be comprehended those who shall be named by either party , with common consent , before the exchange of ratifications , or within six months after . but in the mean time , the most serene and mighty prince william king of great britain , and the most serene and mighty prince lewis the most christian king , gratefully acknowledging the sincere offices and indefatigable endeavours , which have been employed by the most serene and mighty prince charles king of sueden , by the interposition of his mediation , in bringing this happy work of the peace , with the divine assistance , to the desired conclusion ; and to shew the like affection to him , 't is by consent of all parties stipulated and agreed , that his said sacred royal majesty of sueden , shall with all his kingdoms , countries , provinces and rights be included in this treaty , and comprehended in the best manner , in the present pacification . xvii . lastly , the solemn ratifications of this present agreement and alliance made in due form , shall be delivered on both sides , and mutually and duly exchanged at the royal palace of ryswicke , in the province of holland , within the space of three weeks , to be reckoned from the day of the subscription , or sooner if it can be . in testimony of all and every the things before mentioned , and for their greater force , and to give them all the vigour and full authority they ought to have , the under-written ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiaries , together with the most illustrious and excellent the extraordinary ambassador mediator , have signed and sealed the present instrument of peace . done , &c. signed by the english and french ambassadors , and by the mediator . separate article . besides all that is concluded and stipulated by the treaty of peace signed this present day , the 20th of september , it is moreover agreed by the present separate article , which shall have the same force and effect , as if it was inserted word for word in the said treaty , that the most christian king shall covenant and agree , and by the present article he does covenant and agree , that it shall be free for the emperor and the empire , until the first day of november next , to accept the conditions of peace lately proposed by the most christian king , according to the declaration made on the first day of this present month , unless in the mean time it shall be otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty . and in case his imperial majesty does not within the time prefixed accept those conditions , or that it be not otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty , the said treaty shall have its full effect , and be duly put in execution according to its form and tenor ; and it shall not be lawful for the king of great britain , directly or indirectly , on any account or cause whatsoever , to act contrary to the said treaty . the substance of the full power and authority of the lords ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the king of great britain . william iii. by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all those to whom these presents shall come , or in any wise appertain , greeting . the affairs of europe being at this juncture in so good condition , and the persons therein concerned so very well disposed , we have just reason to hope , that , together with the assistance of the divine providence , and the good offices of our dearest brother the most serene and most potent prince the king of sueden , who is pleased to officiate as mediator , the war that has so long afflicted christendom , may at length by a firm agreement be brought to a happy conclusion , we having no other thoughts then of a just and lasting peace , which from the bottom of our heart we wish may be speedily effected , and as exactly observed : we joyfully lay hold on this occasion to reestablish the publick tranquility . and whereas our ministers , together with those of the allies , and those of the most christian king , are at present convened to negotiate a general peace between us and our said allies on one part , and the said most christian king on the other . and since for the accomplishing of a work so good and beneficial for the repose of christendom , it is an absolute necessity to choose persons of try'd abilities and known experience , we give therefore to understand , that having an entire confidence in the fidelity , capacity , and prudence of our trusty and welbeloved cousin and councellor thomas earl of pembroke and montgomery , baron herbert of cardiffe , &c. keeper of our privy seal , and one of our privy council , edward viscount villers , our present ambassador in extraordinary to their high and mightinesses the states general of the united provinces , robert lord lexington baron of averam , one of the gentlemen of our bed chamber , and our ambassador in extraordinary with the most serene and most potent prince the emperour of the romans , and lastly , of our faithful and welbeloved sir joseph williamson knight , a member of our privy council , and keeper of the records of parliament : and moreover being well satisfied of their abilities , which have been sufficiently demonstrated by the different imployments , functions and negotiations , which they have executed from time to time , both at home and abroad , and of which they have so well acquitted themselves , as well within the kingdom as without , we have named , made , constituted and appointed , and by these presents do name , make , constitute and appoint the aforesaid thomas earl of pembroke and montgomery , edward viscount villers , robert lord lexington , and sir joseph williamson , our true and faithful ambassadors extraordinary , commissioners , deputies , ministers , and plenipotentiaries , giving to them or any two of them , in case the others should be either sick or absent , full power and authority , with express command both general and special , the general not derogating from the special , or the special from the general , to repair to _____ or any other place that shall be agreed upon to meet at , to perform and celebrate the treaty , and negotiations of peace ; and to confer and negotiate the said peace with the commissioners and plenipotentiaries of the allies on one part , and those whom the most christian king shall please to depute on the other part ; as likewise with all such as shall be sent to the conference from the other kings , princes , republicks or free towns , being always provided with a sufficient authority to debate and determine amicably and entirely all the differences and disputes which have happened during this present war , as likewise to conclude a firm and lasting peace , and to sign for us , and in our name all the conditions and articles which shall be agreed therein ; and moreover to draw up , and dispatch all sorts of acts and instruments in such manner and number as there shall be occasion found ; and further , to give and receive them from one anothers hands reciprocally when drawn . we grant moreover to our said ambassadours a power to make passes , and such like securities for all persons and things , which shall be imployed in the service of this treaty ; as also to renew their dates from time to time whenever they see convenient . our ambassadors in a word , are hereby impowered to sign , grant and exhibit , and generally to treat of all the aforesaid matters , as likewise to promise , stipulate , agree and do in relation to the abovementioned premisses , whatever they shall find necessary , and in such manner and time as they shall think fit , and with the same force and virtue as we could do if we our selves were present at the said conferences ; we promise , moreover , on the word of a king , that we will approve of , and be concluded by whatever our aforesaid ambassadours and plenipotentiaries , or any two of them , in case the others should be either sick or absent , shall do in our name . and lastly , to give the greater force and authority to these presents , we have signed them with our royal hand , and caused them to be sealed with the great seal of england . given at our palace at kensington the sixteenth of february , in the year 1697. and the ninth of our reign . signed , william rex . the full powers of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty . lewis by the grace of god king of france and navarre , to all persons to whom these presents shall come , greeting . as we desire nothing more earnestly than that this war , which has so long afflicted christendom , may conclude by a good peace ; and since the towns of delft and the hague have been agreed upon through the care and mediation of our dearest and welbeloved brother the king of sueden for the conferences to that purpose , we being mov'd with the same good inclinations , to prevent , as much as in us lies , the ruin of so many provinces , and the effusion of so much christian blood , do make known , that upon entire confidence in the experience , capacity and fidelity of our trusty and welbeloved councellor in ordinary of our privy council the sieur de harlay de bonneuil , our trusty and welbeloved the sieur verjus , count of crecy , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , menillet and other places , and of our trusty and welbeloved the sieur de caillieres , rochechellay and gigny , and by the several advantagious proofs which we have had of their abilities , as well within the kingdom as withou● and for several other good causes and consid●rations us thereunto moving , have constituted appointed and deputed , and by these presents signed with our hand , do constitute , appoint and depute the said seiurs de harlay , de crecy and de caillieres , our ambassadors extraordinary , and plenipotentiaries for the peace ; giving them full power and authority , and moreover commanding them expresly to confer with , ( in the city of delft or elsewhere , where they shall be actually , either directly , or through the mediation of ambassadors , receiv'd and accepted for that purpose ) the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries and ministers of our dearest and welbeloved brother the king of great britain and his allies , each being provided with power sufficient to treat of and determine the several differences which have occasion'd this war : our said plenipotentiaries have also power , either all three together , or two of them , in case of absence , sickness , or any other impediment , or one , if the other two be not able to be present , to agree upon , conclude and sign a firm and lasting peace , and generally to do , negotiate , promise and grant whatever they shall think necessary to effect so good a work , with the same authority that we our selves could act , if we were present at the said conferences in person , although there had been something which was not contain'd in these presents , which required a more especial authority . hereupon we promise on the faith and word of a king , to keep inviolably , and to confirm whatever the said sieurs de harlay , de crecy and de caillieres , or two of them , in case of the absence of the other , on account of sickness or any other impediment ; or of one only , in case of the incapacity of the rest , shall stipulate , promise or grant in our name : and we likewise give our royal word , that we will dispatch the letters of ratification in the time promis'd by our said ministers , for such is our pleasure . in testimony whereof we have caus'd these presents to be seal'd with our seal . given at fontainebleau the 26 of septemb. in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the fifty fifth , lewis . and upon the fold , by the king , colbert . the substance of the king of great britains ratification of the peace . william iii. by the grace of god king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all persons to whom these presents shall come , greeting . it having pleased the divine providence , that after a war wherewith the greater part of christendom was not long since afflicted , a true and sincere peace should be concluded by means of the mediation of the most serene and most potent prince charles xi . late king of sueden , and since his death by that of the most serene and most potent prince charles xii . his son and successor ; as likewise by the conferences held at our palace at ryswick in the province of holland , between our ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiaries , together with those of the allies on one part , and the ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiaries of the most serene and most potent prince lewis xiv . the most christian king on the other part : the conditions whereof are these , that there be an vniversal peace , &c. we , after having seen and examined the said treaty , have approved and ratified all and every of the articles and clauses thereof , as by these presents we do approve , ratifie and declare them valid against us , our heirs and successors , promising and obliging our selves upon the word of a king , to fulfil and observe sincerely and faithfully all matters therein contained . and further , to give the greater credit and force to this present ratification , we have caused it to be sealed with the great seal of england . given at our palace at loo in the province of guelderland the twenty fifth of september , in the year of our lord 1697. and in the ninth of our reign . signed william rex . his most christian majesties ratification of the peace . lewis , by the grace of god king of france and navarre , to all persons to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas our trusty and welbeloved councellor in ordinary , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , and count of cely ; our trusty and welbeloved lewis verjus knight , count of crecy , marquis of freon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle and menillet , and our trusty and welbeloved francis de caillieres knight , lord of rochechellay and gigny , our ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , by virtue of full powers granted them by us , have concluded , agreed on , and signed a peace on the 20 th of september last at ryswick with thomas earl of pembroke and montgomery , baron herbert and cardiffe , keeper of the privy seal of england , and privy councellor to our dearest and welbeloved brother the king of great britain , and moreover one of the lords justices in the kings absence , edward viscount villers and dartford , baron of hoo , knight marshal of england , and one of the justices of ireland , robert lord lexington , baron of averam , and one of the lords of the king of great britains bed-chamber , and lastly , sir joseph williamson knight , one of his britannick majesties privy council , and keeper of the records of parliament , ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiaries of our said brother the king of great britain for that purpose . the particulars whereof follow . here were incerted the articles at length . now we being well pleased with the abovesaid treaty in every point and article thereof , have , as well for our self as for our heirs , successors , kingdoms , countreys , lands , lordships , and subjects , accepted , approved , ratified and confirmed , and by these presents do accept , approve , ratifie and confirm the same ; and moreover do promise on the faith and word of a king , and under the obligation and mortage of all and every our goods present and to come , that we will observe and keep inviolable the said treaty , nor will ever act any thing to the contrary , either directly or indirectly , in what manner or kind soever . in testimony whereof we have signed these presents with our hand , and affixed our royal seal . given at fontainebleau the third day of october , in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the 55. signed , lewis . and lower , by the king , colbert . sealed with the great seal of yellow wax . articles of peace , betwixt his catholick majesty and the most christian king ; concluded at the royal palace of ryswick , the 20th september , 1697. in the name of god and the most holy trinity : be it known to all , both present and to come , that during the course of the most bloody war that ever afflicted europe for these many years past , it has pleased the divine providence to prepare the end of the miseries of christendom , by preserving an ardent desire for peace , in the hearts of the most-high , most-excellent , and mighty prince charles ii. by the grace of god catholick king of spain , &c. and of the most high , most-excellent , and mighty prince lewis xiv . by the grace of god the most christian king of france and navarre ; who wishing equally and concurring heartily to contribute as far as in them lies to the restoration of the tranquility of europe , and having no other aim than to make the said peace firm and lasting , by the equity of its conditions ; their said majesties have consented and agreed in the first place , to own the mediation of the most-high , most-excellent , and mighty prince charles xi . by the grace of god king of sueden , goths and vandals ; but a sudden death having frustrated the hopes which all europe had justly entertained of the happy effect of his counsels , and good offices ; their said majesties still persisting in the resolution to put a stop assoon as possible to the effusion of so much christian blood , have thought they could not do better than to acknowledge , in the same quality , the most-high , most-excellent , and mighty prince charles xii . king of sueden , his son and successor , who on his part has also continued the same endeavours to further the peace betwixt their catholick and most christian majesties , in the conferences held , for that purpose , in the royal palace at ryswick in holland , betwixt the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries named on both sides ; to wit , by his catholick majesty , don francisco bernardo de quiros , knight of the order of st. james , one of the members of the king 's royal and supream council of castille ; and the sieur lewis alexander de scockart , count of tirimont , baron of gaesbeke , one of the supream council of state of the netherlands in madrid , and of that of state and privy council in the same countries : and by his most christian majesty , the sieur nicolas augustus de harlay knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state ; the sieur lewis verjus knight , count of crecy , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state , marquis of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , menillet , and other places ; and the sieur francis callieres kt. lord of callieres , of rochechellay and gigny ; who having first implored the divine assistance , and communicated to each other their respective full powers ( the copies of which shall be inserted word for word at the end of the present treaty ) and duly exchanged the same by the intervention and mediation of the baron of lillieroot , ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his majesty the king of sueden , who has discharged the function of a mediator with all the necessary prudence , capacity and equity ; they have agreed , to the glory of god and the good of christendom , upon the following conditions . i. it is agreed , that for the future there be a good , firm and lasting peace , and a perpetual confederacy , alliance and friendship , between the catholick and most christian kings , their children born or that shall be born , their kingdoms , states , lands and subjects ; that they shall love one another like good brothers ; and that the one , as far as in him lies , shall promote the interest , honour and reputation of the other , carefully and sincerely avoiding whatever may cause any damage to each other . ii. that upon account of this peace and good union , all hostilities shall cease betwixt the said lords kings , their subjects and vassals , as well by sea and on fresh waters , as by land , and generally in all places where war is made by their majesties arms , both betwixt their armies and the garisons of their places : and if contrary to this article , any place or places should be taken , either by attack , surprize , or intelligence , prisoners made , or any other hostilities committed , through inadvertency or otherwise , reparation shall be made on both sides with honesty , by restoring without any diminution what shall have been taken , and setting prisoners at liberty without ransom , or payment of expences . iii. all enmities and causes of misunderstanding shall be extinguished and abolished for ever . there shall be on both sides a perpetual oblivion of the injuries done , or damages suffered , during this war , or on account of the same , so that no person shall hereafter be called to account , or be obliged to make any restitution , upon any pretence whatsoever , directly or indirectly , by way of justice or otherwise ; and their said majesties , their subjects , servants or adherents , shall never shew a resentment , or demand any reparation for the same . iv. the towns and places of gironne , roses and belver , shall be restored , and left in the possession , dominion and sovereignty of his catholick majesty , in the same condition they were in when taken , with the artillery that was found in them at the same time ; and , in general , all other towns , places , forts and chastelenies whatsoever , that have been possessed during this war by the arms of his most christian majesty , and since the treaty of nimeguen , in the principality of catalonia , or elsewhere in spain , their appurtenances and dependencies , shall be restored in the condition they are now in , without any reservation , diminution or deterioration whatsoever . likewise shall be restored to the power , dominion and sovereignty of his catholick majesty , the city of barcelona , the fort and fortifications belonging to it , with all the artillery , in the condition wherein they were found on the day the same was taken , with all its appurtenances and dependencies . v. the town and fortress of luxemburg , in the condition it is now in , without demolishing , altering , diminishing , weakening , or deteriorating any of its works , forts and fortifications , with the artillery that was found in it when taken : together with the province and dutchy of luxemburg , and county of chiny , in all their consistencies , and all the appurtenances and dependencies belonging to them , shall be faithfully resigned and restored to the power , sovereignty , dominion , and possession of the catholick king , to be by the said lord the catholick king enjoyed , as he has done , or may have done at the time of , and before the treaty of nimeguen , without any with-holding or reservation , except what has been yielded to his most christian majesty by the preceding treaties of peace . vi. the fortress of charleroy shall likewise be restored to the power , and under the sovereignty of his catholick majesty , with its dependencies in the condition it is in at present , without breaking , demolishing , weakening or deteriorating any thing in it , together with the artillery therein found when taken . vii . there shall also be restored to the sovereignty , dominion and possession of his catholick majesty , the city of mons , capital of the province of hainault , with its works and fortifications in the same condition they are in at present , without breaking , demolishing , weakening or deteriorating any thing in them ; together with the artillery found in it when taken ; and the precincts , provostship , appurtenances and dependencies to the said city belonging , in all its consistency , and in the same manner as the catholick king enjoyed it , or may have enjoyed it at the time of , and before the said treaty of nimeguen ; as well as the city of at h , in the condition it was in when last taken , without breaking , demolishing , weakening or deteriorating any thing in its fortifications , with the artillery therein found on the same day ; together with the precincts , chastelenies , appurtenances and dependencies of the said city , as they were yielded by the treaty of nimeguen ; except the places next following , viz. the burrough of anthoin , vaux , guavrian , ramecroix , bethome , constantin , the fief of paradise ; these last being inclosed in the tournaisis , and the said fief of paradise , as far as it depends upon the village of kain , havines , meles , mourcourt , kain , the mount of st. audebert , called the trinity , fontenoy , maubray , hernieurs , calnelle , and viers , with their parishes , appurtenances and dependencies without any reservation , which shall remain in the possession and sovereignty of his most christian majesty , the province of hainault , still remaining in the sovereignty of his catholick majesty , except what has been yielded to his most christian majesty , by the preceding treaties . viii . the town of courtray shall be restored to the power , dominion , sovereignty and possession of his catholick majesty , in its present condition , with the artillery that was found in it when last taken ; together with the chastelenie of the said city , its appurtenances and dependencies according to the treaty of nimeguen . ix . the said lord the most christian king , shall likewise cause to be restored to his catholick majesty all the towns , places , forts , castles and posts , which his armies have or may have possessed themselves of , until or since the day of the conclusion of the present peace , where and in what part of the world soever the same be situated ; as in like manner the said catholick majesty shall restore to his most christian majesty all the places , forts , castles and posts , wheresoever situated , which his armies may have taken during this war , till the day of the publication of this peace . x. all the places , cities , towns , burroughs and villages , which the most christian king has taken or re-united since the treaty of nimeguen , in the provinces of luxemburg , namur , brabant , flanders , hainault , and other provinces of the low-countries , according to the list of the said re-unions , delivered in by his catholick majesty , at the proceedings of this negotiation , ( the copy of which list is annexed to the present treaty ) shall remain in the possession of his catholick majesty absolutely and for ever , except the places , towns , burroughs and villages , contained in the list of exception , which has likewise been exhibited from his most christian majesty , and are by him claimed , upon account of the dependencies of the towns of charlemont , maubeuge , and others yielded to his most christian majesty by the treaties of aix la chapelle , and nimeguen , concerning which 82 places before-mentioned , ( the list of which are likewise annexed to the present treaty ) it is agreed , that immediately after the signing of the present treaty , commissioners shall be named on both sides , as well to regulate in the possession of which of the two kings the said 82 towns , places , burroughs or villages , or any of them , shall remain , and belong to ; as to agree upon the exchanges to be made for places inclosed in the dominions of one another ; and in case the said commissioners shall not agree , that then their catholick and most christian majesties , shall leave and refer the final decision about them to the judgment of their lordships the states-general of the vnited provinces , whom the said lords kings have reciprocally chosen for arbitrators , without lessening however the power of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the said lords the catholick and most christian kings , to adjust those matters amicably , even before the ratification of the present treaty , if possible ; by which means all difficulties and controversies both concerning the said re-unions , and limits and dependencies thereof shall be intirely removed and determined on both sides : and upon that account , an end shall be put to all prosecutions , sentences , separations , incorporations , commissions , decrees , confiscations , re-unions , declarations , regulations , edicts , and generally all acts whatsoever made in the name , and by order of the most christian king , by reason of the said re-unions , either by the parliaments or chamber settled at mets , or by any other court of judicature , intendants , commissions , or delegations against his catholick majesty and his subjects , and shall be revok'd and annull'd for ever , as if they had never been . furthermore the generality and royalties of the said provinces shall remain to his catholick majesty , except all the cities , towns and places , yielded to his most christian majesty , by preceding treaties , with their appurtenances and dependencies . xi . all the towns , cities , places , burroughs and villages , with their appurtenances and dependencies , yielded and resigned by his most christian majesty in the foregoing articles , without any reservation or restriction , shall return to the possession of his catholick majesty , to be by him enjoyed with all the prerogatives , advantages , profits and revenues to them belonging , with the same extent of right , property , dominion and sovereignty , wherewith he enjoyed them before this late war , at the time of , and before the treaties of aix la chapelle and nimeguen , and so as he may or ought to have enjoyed them . xii . the restitution of the said places shall be made by the said lord the most christian king in reality and honesty , without delay or difficulty upon any cause or account whatsoever , to him or them that shall be appointed for that purpose by the said lord the catholick king , immediately after the ratification of the present treaty , without demolishing , weakening , diminishing or indamaging any thing , any manner of way , in the said towns , and without any pretentions or demands for the charges of the fortifications , publick edifices and buildings made in the said places , or for the payment of what may remain due to the soldiers and men of war , who shall be in them at the time of the said restitution . xiii . the most christian king shall cause to be taken and drawn out of the said places which he restores to the catholick king , all the artillery which his said majesty has caused to be carried into the said towns since they have been taken ; also all the powder , bullets , arms , provisions and other ammunition that shall be found in them , when restored to the said catholick majesty ; and those whom the most christian king shall appoint for that purpose , shall be permitted the use of waggons and boats of the country , for the space of two months ; and shall have a free passage , as well by land as by water , to convey the said ammunition into the nearest place belonging to his most christian majesty . the governors , commanders , officers and magistrates of the places and countries so restored , shall procure all the conveniencies that lies in their power , for the carriage and conveyance of the said artillery and ammunition : as also it shall be lawful for the officers , soldiers and men of war that shall go out of the said places , to draw out of them , and carry away all moveable goods to them belonging ; but they shall not be suffered to exact any thing from the inhabitants of the said places and flat country , or to indamage the houses , or take away any thing belonging to the inhabitants . xiv . all prisoners , of what nature & condition soever they may be , shall be set at liberty on both sides , and without ransom , immediately after the exchange of the ratifications ; always provided , that their expences and other lawful debts , shall be answered and paid . and if any persons shall have been sent to the gallies of their said majesties , on the occasion and through the misfortune of the said wars only , they shall be speedily released and set at liberty , without any delay or hindrance , upon any cause or account whatsoever , and without demanding or exacting any thing for their ransom or expences . xv. by means and virtue of this peace and strict friendship , all the subjects of both kings , observing the laws , statutes and customs of the land , shall be permitted to go , to come , and return ; to continue , trade , treat and negotiate together , throughout their respective countries , either as traders , or as they shall think fit , as well by land as by sea and on fresh waters ; and those subjects , thus trading or corresponding , shall be protected and defended in the respective countries of the said kings , as if they were their own subjects , provided they pay the lawful duties , according to the custom of each place , or such other impositions that may hereafter be laid by the said kings or their successors . xvi . all papers , letters and instructions , concerning the countries , lands and lordships , that shall be yielded and restored to the said lords kings by this present treaty , shall be exhibited and delivered with honesty on both sides , within the space of three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty , in what places soever the said papers and instructions may be found ; and even those that may have been taken away out of the cittadel of ghent , and the chamber of accompts at lisle . xvii . the contributions laid or demanded on both sides , reprisals , exactions of forage , corn , wood , cattel , utensils , and all other sorts of impositions upon the countries of the said respective sovereigns , shall cease immediately after the ratification of the present treaty ; and no arrears , or parts thereof , that may be due , shall be reciprocally exacted on either side , upon any title or pretence whatsoever . xviii . all subjects , on both sides , either ecclesiastical or secular , corporations , communities , universities and colleges , shall be restored as well to the possession of the honours , dignities and benefices which they enjoyed before the war , as to the free enjoyment of all and every of their rights , estates , moveables , rents of redemption whose capital is still in being , and annuities for life , seized and possessed since the said time , as well upon account of the present war , as for having followed the adverse party , together with their rights , actions and successions to them fallen , ever since the beginning of the war , but without claiming or demanding the fruits and revenues received and expired during this war , from the first seizing of the said estates , rents and benefices , to the day of the publication of the present treaty . xix . neither shall it be lawful to demand or claim any debts , effects or moveables , that shall have been confiscated before the day , aforesaid ; and the creditors of such debts and trustees of the said goods , their heirs or assigns , shall never prosecute or demand the recovery of the same ; which restorations , in form aforesaid , shall extend to those that have follow'd the adverse party , so that by means of the present treaty they shall be received and admitted into the gracious favour of their prince and sovereign , and restored to the possession of their goods , such as shall be found in being at the conclusion and signing of the present treaty . xx. the said restoration of the subjects on both sides shall be put in execution , according to the tenor and contents of the 21st and 22d articles of the treaty of nimeguen , notwithstanding all gifts , concessions , declarations , confiscations , commissions , preparatory and final sentences , given and obtained by default in the absences of , and without hearing of the parties ; which sentences and jugdments shall become void and of no effect , as if they never had been given and pronounced , with full and intire power to the said parties to return to the countries from which they had formerly withdrawn , to enjoy in person their estates and moveables , rents and revenues ; or to settle their habitations out of the said countries , in what place soever they shall think convenient , which is left to their free choice and election , so that no constraint shall be laid upon them on that account ; and in case they had rather to live elsewhere , it shall be lawful for them to appoint and depute such trusty persons as they shall think fit , for the management and enjoyment of their estates , rents and revenues ; tho' not for benefices where residence is required , which therefore ought to be personally administred and served . xxi . the twenty fifth and twenty sixth articles of the treaty of nimeguen , concerning benefices , shall be put in execution ; and pursuant to them , those that have had benefices conferred upon them by either of the two kings , who , when the said collation was made , possessed the towns or countries wherein the said benefices are situated , shall be maintained and continued in the possession and enjoyment of the said benefices . xxii . the subjects , on both sides , shall be permitted , and have full power and liberty to sell , exchange , alienate , or otherwise dispose , either by deed of conveyance , or by last will , of their goods and effects , moveable and unmoveable , which they have or shall have situated in the dominions of the other sovereign ; and it shall be lawful for every one to purchase them , without any other grant , permission or act whatsoever , for such a sale or purchase , than this present treaty . xxiii . whereas there are rents assigned upon the generality of some provinces , part of which are possessed by his catholick , and the other by his most christian majesty , it is covenanted and agreed , that every one shall pay his quota ; and commissioners shall be named to regulate the portion which each of the said lords kings shall pay . xxiv . all rents lawfully settled upon , or due from the demeans of the lands yielded by former treaties , and the payment of which shall be made appear in the accompts brought in before the chambers of accompts , by the receivers of their catholick and most christian majesties , before the said concessions , shall be paid by their said majesties , to the creditors of the said rents , under what dominion soever they may be , either spanish , french , or of any other nation without distinction . xxv . and as by the present treaty , a good and firm peace is made as well by sea as by land , between the said lords kings , in all their kingdoms , countries , lands , provinces and lordships ; and that , upon account of the same , all hostilities are to cease for the future ; it is stipulated , that if any ships or merchandises shall be taken on either side in the baltick or north seas , from terneuze , in norway , to the end of the channel , within the space of four weeks ; from the end of the said channel , as far as cape st. vincent , within the space of six weeks ; and beyond that in the mediterranean sea , and as far as the aequinoctial line within the space of ten weeks ; lastly , beyond the said line throughout the whole world within the space of eight months , to be reckoned from the publication of the present treaty , the said prizes that shall be taken on either side , after the prefixed time shall be restored , with a recompence for all damages sustained thereby . xxvi . in case of a rupture , which god forbid , the whole space of six months shall be allowed to the subjects of both of the said kings , to carry away , and transport their effects and persons whithersoever they shall think fit , which they shall be permitted to do with all manner of liberty , without any molestation , and it shall not be lawful during the said time to seize their said effects , and much less arrest their persons . xxvii . the troops and armies on both sides shall withdraw , and retire immediately after the ratification of the present treaty , to the lands and countries of their own sovereigns , and into the towns and places that shall respectively belong to , and remain in the possession of their majesties , after or according to the present treaty ; and it shall not be lawful for them to continue , upon any pretence soever , in the countries of the other sovereign , or in the places that shall likewise hereafter to him belong and remain : and immediately after the signing of this present treaty , there shall be a cessation of arms , and all hostilities throughout the dominions of the said lords kings , as well by land as by sea , and on fresh waters . xxviii . it is also agreed , that the receipt of the duties , which the said lord the most christian king enjoys , in all the countries which he resigns or restores to the said lord the catholick king , shall be continued till the day of the actual restitution of the places , upon which the said countries depend ; and that what shall remain due at the time of the said restitution , shall be honestly paid to the farmers of the said duties . likewise that within the same time , the owners of woods , confiscated in the dependencies of the places that are to be resign'd to his catholick majesty , shall be restored to the possession of their estates , and all the woods that shall be found standing ; always provided , that from the day of the signing of the present treaty , all selling of wood shall cease on both sides . xxix . the treaty of nimeguen , and others made before it , shall be put in execution according to their form and tenor , except in those points and articles , that have been before derogated to , or altered now by the present treaty . xxx . all prosecutions and processes made , and judgments given between private persons , by the judges and other officers of his most christian majesty , established as well in the places which the said king has enjoyed , by virtue of the treaty of aix la chapelle , and which he has since yielded to his catholick majesty , as in those that belong to the most christian king , by virtue of the treaty of nimeguen , or which he has possessed since the said treaty ; and likewise the sentences of the parliament of tournay , given upon the account of the differences and law suits prosecuted by the inhabitants of the said towns and their dependences , during the time they have been under the obedience of his most christian majesty , shall take place , and have their effect fully and intirely in the same manner as if the said lord king remained lord and possessor of the said towns and countries ; neither shall the said judgments and sentences be called in question and annulled , or their execution otherwise hindred or retarded : however , it shall be lawful for the parties to sue for redress by bill of review , and according to the laws and constitutions , the said judgments still remaining in their force and vigor , without any derogation to what is stipulated to that purpose in the 21st article of the said treaty of nimeguen . xxxi . the town and castle of dinant , shall by his most christian majesty be resigned and restored to the bishop and prince of liege , in the condition they were in when taken by his majesties arms. xxxii . his most christian majesty having exprest a desire , that the isle of ponza , in the mediterranean sea , should be restored to the duke of parma , his catholick majesty in compliance thereto , has been pleased to declare , that he will cause the soldiers and troops which he may have in the said island to withdraw from thence , and restore the same to the power and possession of the said duke of parma , immediately after the ratification of the present treaty . xxxiii . and whereas it greatly concerns the publick tranquility , that the peace concluded at turin , on the 22d of august , 1696. betwixt his most christian majesty , and his royal highness the duke of savoy , be also exactly observed : it has been thought fit to confirm and comprehend the same in the present treaty , in all its articles , such as are contained in the copy signed and sealed by the plenipotentiaries of savoy , which shall be annexed to the present treaty : for the performance of which treaty , and of the present , their said majesties promise to become guarantees for the said royal highness , as he may become for them . xxxiv . their said majesties gratefully acknowledging the good offices and constant endeavours which have been employed by the most serene king of sueden , for the restoration of the tranquility of europe , have agreed , that his suedish majesty , his kingdoms and states , shall be included and comprehended in the present treaty , in the best form and manner that can be . xxxv . under this peace , alliance and friendship , shall be comprehended all those that shall be named on both sides , with common consent , before the exchange of the ratifications , and within the space of six months after . xxxvi . the said lords the catholick and most christian kings , consent and agree , that his suedish majesty , in quality of mediator , and all other kings , princes and republicks , that shall be willing to enter into the same engagement , may give to their majesties their promises and deeds of warranty , for the execution of all that is contained in the present treaty . xxxvii . and for the greater security and confirmation of this treaty of peace , and all the articles in it contained , the present treaty shall be published , verified and registred as well in the great council , and other councils , and chamber of accompts of the said lord the catholick k. in the low-countries , as in the other councils of the crowns of castille and arragon , the whole according to , and in the form contained in the treaty of nimeguen , of the year 1678. and likewise the said treaty shall be published , verified and registred in the court of parliament of paris , and in all other parliaments of the kingdom of france , and chamber of accompts of the said paris ; and copies of the said publications and registrings shall be exhibited and delivered on both sides , within the space of three months after the publication of the present treaty . xxxviii . the articles above mentioned , together with the contents in every one of them , have been treated , agreed upon , concluded and stipulated , between the said extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors of the said lords the catholick and most christian kings , and in their majesties name ; which plenipotentiaries , by virtue of their power , the copies whereof shall be inserted at the end of the present treaty , have promised , and do promise under the obligation of all the dominions and states , present and to come , of the kings their masters , that they shall be inviolably observ'd and accomplish'd ; and to cause them to be ratified purely and simply , without any addition , and exhibit the ratifications by authentick and sealed letters , wherein all the present treaty shall be inserted word for word , within the space of six weeks , to be reckoned from the day and date of the present treaty , or sooner if possible . moreover , the said plenipotentiaries have promised , and do promise in the said names , that after the said letters of ratification shall have been delivered , the said lord the catholick king , assoon as possible , and in the presence of such person or persons whom the said lord the most christian king shall please to appoint , shall solemnly swear upon the cross , the gospel , canon of the mass , and upon his honour , to observe and perform fully , really and sincerely , all the articles contained in the present treaty : and the same shall also be done assoon as possible , by the said lord the most christian king , in the presence of such person or persons , the said lord the catholick king shall please to appoint . in testimony of all which , the said plenipotentiaries have subscribed the present treaty with their names , and caused it to be sealed with their seals and coat of arms. done at ryswick in holland , the 20th day of september , 1697. thus signed in the original , n. lillieroot , l. s. don francisco bernardo de quiros . l. s. the count of tirimont , l. s. de harlay bonneuil , l. s. de crecy verjus , l. s. de caillieres , l. s. separate article . besides all that is concluded and stipulated by the treaty of peace , made betwixt the plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors of his catholick majesty , and those of the most christian king , this present day the 20th of september , 1697. it is moreover agreed by the present separate article , which shall have the same force and effect as if it was inserted word for word in the said treaty ; that his most christian majesty shall covenant and agree , and by the present article he does covenant and agree , that it shall be free for the emperor and the empire , until the first day of november next , to accept the conditions of peace lately proposed by the most christian king , according to the declaration made on the first day of this present month of september , unless in the mean time it shall be otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty . and in case his imperial majesty does not , within the time prefix'd , accept those conditions , or that it be not otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty , the said treaty shall have its full effect , and be duly put in execution according to its form and tenor ; and it shall not be lawful for the said lord the catholick king , directly or indirectly , on any account or cause whatsoever , to act contrary to the said treaty . in testimony whereof , we the ambassadors of their catholick and most christian majesties , by virtue of our respective powers , and in the names aforesaid , have signed this separate article , and caused it to be sealed with our seals and coat of arms , in the royal palace of ryswick in the province of holland , the 20th of september , 1697. n. lillieroot , ( l. s. ) don francisco bernardo de quiros . ( l. s. ) the count of ti●imont , ( l. s. ) de harlay bonneuil , ( l. s. ) verjus de crecy , ( l. s. ) de caillieres , ( l. s. ) ratification of his catholick majesty . charles , by the grace of god , king of spain , &c. whereas don francisco bernardo de quiros , one of my council of castille , and don lewis alexander de schockart , count of tirimont , baron of gaesbeck , one of my supream council in flanders , and of that of state , and privy council in the same countries , have concurred in the royal palace of ryswick in holland , with the ministers of the most christian king , my most dear and well-beloved brother and cousin , with their respective orders and powers , as every one was concerned in the treaty of peace , and have executed the same in the form and manner contained in the treaty , which shall be here inserted word for word ; the conclusion of which was agreed and signed by the said ministers on both sides , on the 20th of september , of the present year 1697. which is as follows , here the treaty of peace was inserted . which treaty here written and inserted as aforesaid , has been sent to me by the said don francisco bernardo de quiros , and count of tirimont , and having perused , and maturely examined the same word by word in my council , i approve and ratifie for my self , my heirs and successors , as also for the vassals , subjects and inhabitants of all my kingdoms , countries and lordships , all the contents of the same , and every article in particular therein contained , and hold them good , firm and valid ; and i plight and engage the faith and word of a king , both for my self , and my heirs and successors , inviolably to follow , observe and perform the same according to its form and tenor , and to cause and order it to be followed , observed and performed in the same manner , as if i had treated and concluded the same in my own person ; and that i shall not do or suffer to be done , in no manner whatsoever , any thing contrary to it . and if it should happen that any one should act contrary to , or infringe the contents of the said treaty , i will cause such infringement to be effectually and readily repaired and made good , by punishing the delinquents . and for the execution of the premises , i engage all and every one of my kingdoms , countries , and lordships , as also all my other estates present and to come , also my heirs and successors , without any exception : and for the firmness of this obligation , i renounce all laws , customs , and all other things to it contrary : in testimony of what is above-mentioned , i have caused these presents , signed with my own hand , sealed with my privy seal , and countersigned by my secretary of state , to be dispatched . given at madrid , the 8th of october , 1697. signed , yo el rey. i the king. and at the bottom , don crispin gonsales botello . ratification of the separate article by his catholick majesty . charles , by the grace of god , king of spain , &c. whereas it has been agreed at the royal palace of ryswick , in holland , between don franscisco bernardo de quiros , one of my council of castille , and don lewis alexander schockart , count of tirimont , one of my council in flanders , and of that of state and privy council in those countries , and the ministers of the most christian king , my most dear and most beloved brother and cousin , with their respective powers , as it concerned every one of them , upon a separate article , which shall be here inserted word for word , and is as follows , here was inserted the separate article . and this article having been perused and examined , i have resolved to approve and ratifie it , as by virtue of these presents , i do approve and ratifie the same in the best and most perfect form that i can . and i promise upon the faith and word of a king , fully and intirely to perform it according to the contents of it ; to which purpose , i have ordered these presents , signed with my own hands sealed with my privy seal , and counter-signed by my secretary of state to be dispatched . given at madrid , the 8th of october , 1697. yo el rey. don crispin gonsales botello . ratification of his most christian majesty . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarre . to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas our beloved and trusty counsellor in ordinary in our council of state , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely , our dear and well-beloved lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , marquis of freon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , and menillet , and our dear and well-beloved francis de caillieres , knight , lord of roche-chellay , and gigny , our extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors , by virtue of the full powers we had given them , have concluded , agreed and signed on the 20th day of september last past at ryswick , with don francisco bernardo de quiros , kt. of the order of st. james , counsellor to our most dear and most beloved brother the king of spain , in his royal and supream council of castille , and lewis alexander de schockart , count of tirimont , baron of gaesbeck , one of the supream council of state of the low-countries in madrid , and of that of state and privy council in the same countries , extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors of our said brother the king of spain , having also their full powers , the treaty of peace , the tenor of which is as follows , here was inserted the treaty of peace . we liking and approving the said treaty , in all and every one of the points and articles therein contained and expressed , have accepted , approved , ratified and confirmed , and we do accept , approve , ratifie and confirm the same as well for our selves , as for our heirs , successors , kingdoms , countries , lands , lordships and subjects , all which we promise upon the faith and word of a king , and under the obligation and mortgage of all and every one of our estates present and to come , inviolably to keep and observe , and never to act contrary to it directly , or indirectly , in any sort or manner whatsoever . in testimony whereof we have signed these presents with our own hand , and caused them to be sealed with our seal . given at fontainebleau , the 3d day of october , in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the 55th signed lewis . by the king , colbert . ratification of the separate article by his most christian majesty . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . having perused and examined the separate article which our beloved and trusty counsellors in ordinary in our council of state , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely , our dear and well beloved lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , marquis of freon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , and menillet , and our dear and well beloved francis de caillieres , knight , lord of roche-chellay and gigny , our extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors , by virtue of the full powers we had given them , have concluded , agreed and signed on the 20th day of september , last past at ryswick , with don francisco bernardo de quiros , knight of the order of st. james , counsellor to our most dear and most beloved brother the king of spain , in his royal and supream council of castille , and lewis alexander de schockart , count of tirimont , baron of gaesbeck , one of the supream council of state of the low-countries in madrid , of that of state , and privy council in the same countries , extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors of our said brother the king of spain , having also their full powers , the tenor of which article is as follows , here was inserted the separate article . we liking and approving the said separate article in all its contents , have allowed , approved and ratified , and we do allow , approve and ratifie the same by these presents signed with our own hand : and we promise upon the faith and word of a king , to perform and observe it , and cause it to be observed really and sincerely , and never to suffer any thing to it contrary to be done , directly or indirectly , upon any cause or account whatsoever : in testimony whereof , we have signed these presents , and caused them to be sealed with our seal . given at fontainebleau the 3d day of october , in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the 55th lewis . by the king , colbert . a list and declaration of the re-unions made by his most christian majesty , in the provinces of his catholick majesty in the low-countries , since the treaty of nimeguen . province of luxemburgh . france has possess'd it self of the capital city of that name , and of 35 villages and hamlets called villages of the provost . as also of the provostship of luxemburgh , consisting in three bans of justice , to wit , kundzigh or clemenci , putlange and pettinguen . of three land-mayories , which are bettembourg , santweiler , and reeklen . and three mayories , steinsel , lingtgen , schiteringen , consisting together in 71 , either villages or hamlets . of the castle burrough and lordship of rodenmacheren , together with 25 villages depending upon them . of the castle and lordship of hesperange , with four villages . of raville , and its dependencies , which consist in 17 villages . of the castle and county of russy , which contains eleven villages . of the lordship of russy , with five villages . of the castle and ban of justice of putlange , consisting in 15 villages . of the castle and lordship of preisch , containing two villages . of the castle of agimont , with it 's two burroughs of givet , and the hamlets depending on the same . of the lordship of vilreux walrand . of the lands and lordships of the county of rochefort , with four villages . of the castle and provostship dorcymont , containing vienne , and 20 other villages , and 10 lordships inclosed in them . of the lordships of chasse-pierre , riviere fontenoylle , saint cecil , lesche-les-manile , lugnon le bertrisse , ban of orio , marpon , dochamps , herbeumont , the ban of butailles , the ban of musson . of the county of montaign , with 13 villages and hamlets . of cheflieu , and provostship of st. marde , with 16 villages . of the castle and lordship of lathour , montquintin , la vaux , gommeri , bassail , rouette , and villers-la-loup . of the town and county of chiny , with 27 either villages , hamlets or forges . of the barony of jamaigne , with five villages and hamlets . of the lordship of neufchateau , consisting in 4● villages and hamlets . of the burrough , liberty , and mayory of remisch , with 24 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of walbredimus . of the bench of justice of mackeren the county , comprehending the town and 34 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of wasser billich . of the provostship of echternach , containing the town and 33 villages and hamlets , and distinguished by four mayories , to wit , osweiller , irrel , crenhen , and bollendorf . of the town and provostship of biedbourg , consisting in the liberties of dudeldorf , and 34 villages . of the town and provostship of dickrich , comprehending a town and 26 villages and hamlets . of the town and provostship of arlon , consisting in the town and 129 , either villages or hamlets , composed of 15 bans or mayories , not including the forges and furnaces . of the lordship of pont des oyes , which contains two villages , hamlets and forges . of the town , mayory and provostship of bastoigne , consisting in the town and 145 villages and hamlets , composed of ten mayories . of the town , mayory and provostship of marche , comprehending the town and 19 villages and hamlets . of the town and provostship of durbuy , consisting in the town , and 76 either villages or hamlets , divided into four courts , and 19 mannors . of the county of la roche , containing the town and castle , and 51 villages and hamlets , divided into four mayories . of the lordship of beau-saint , with that of bertoigne , and two villages upon them depending . of the county of salme , consisting in a castle , a burrough , and 32 villages and hamlets . of the county of vianden , which comprehends the town and castle , and 49 villages and hamlets , divided into six mayories , of which several other castles and lands hold by mesne tenure . of the estates and lordships of st. vith , consisting in a town , and 47 either villages or hamlets , divided into six courts . of the lordship of munster , containing 24 villages or hamlets . of the lordship of mount st. john , consisting in four villages and hamlets , and with an old castle in rubbish . of the castle and lordship of differtange and solluere , with 23 either villages , farms or hamlets , depending on the same . of the castle and lordship of bertrange . of the castle and lordship of dansemburg , with three villages depending on the same . of the castle and lordship of hollenselz , with 12 villages or hamlets . of the castle and lordship of marsch , with 14 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of pitanges , with 16 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of hesperdange . of the lordship of arloncour , with three villages . of the lordship of miessembourg , with 15 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of fisbach , with three villages . of the castle and lordship of linster , or linscren , with nine villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of effinguen . of the lordship of la rochette , with the ruins of an old castle , and 15 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of keringen , with two villages or hamlets . of the castle and lordship of beaufort , with 11 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of berbourg , with 11 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of herberenne and montpach . of the castle and lordship of reuland , with 20 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of ouren , with six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of clairvaux , with 44 villages and hamlets . of the castle and county of wiltz , with 23 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of esch or aiss , consisting in 22 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of burghsheilte , with 12 villages and hamlets . of the town , castle and lordship of neuwerbourg , with 52 villages and hamlets . of the liberties of waswiller . of the castle and lordship of brandenbourg , with six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of kayll , with three villages . of the castle and lordship of falkensteyn , with three villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of bettingen , with nine villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of ham , with four villages and hamlets . of the lordship of brouch , with 12 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of malbergh , with three villages and hamlets . of the lordship of rosporte , with six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of mirwart , with 21 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of focan , with three villages and hamlets . of the lordship of rachamps , with a village and hamlet . of the lordship of ayvaille , with eight villages and hamlets . of the lordship of harzet , with three villages and hamlets . of the lordship of baseille . of the lordship of chesne , with three villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of witry , with four villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of vsseldange , with 18 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of authel , with six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of girsch , with 15 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of koerich , with five villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of seven-fountains , with 10 villages and hamlets . of the lordship of winckringen , with six villages and hamlets . of the land and lordship of st. hubert , with a burrough and six mayories . of the lordship of waltingen and lanzen . of the town , castle and lordship of schleiden , with 36 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of croonenburg , with 13 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of man derscheit with the villages depending upon the same . of the castle and lordship of schinflet , consisting in two villages and hamlets . of the court of tommen , containing 22 villages and hamlets . of hacheville , which consists in three villages . of the castle and lordship of moerstorf , with three villages . of the castle and lordship of holzemburg , with two villages . of sterpigny . of the castle and lordship of apsburg , consisting in 34 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of sinsfeldt , consisting in four villages and hamlets . of scharffilichen , containing 12 villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of dome and dentsburg , containing four villages and hamlets . of mehret bettenfelt . of the castle and lordship of sohyer . of the ban of desclassin , which consists in three villages and hamlets . of redu . of esclaye . of the castle and lordship of beauvin , consisting in five villages and hamlets , including dionvaux , altho' france have annexed it to the land of agimont . of han upon lesse , containing three villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of houffalize , containing three villages and hamlets . of the lordship of wibren , with two villages . of humain . of the castle and lordship of waha , consisting in two villages . of the lordship of bande . of the castle and lordship of soi , consisting in six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of diverdis . of the castle and lordship of jeneppe . of the castle and lordship of dochain , consisting in six villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of rollet , consisting in nine . of the castle and lordship of mont-jardin . of the castle and lordship of javigni , which consists in six . of the lordship of mabonpre . of the castle and lordship of laval , consisting in three . of villers-la-loup . of chesnoy . of the castle and lordship of cuette the great . of the castle and lordship of soigneul st. remy , consisting in two . of the lordship of ville-haimont , consisting in nine villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of villers , before orval . of the lordship of st. mary . of the lordship of orval , with four villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of porcheresse . of vance , which contains two villages . of the castle and lordship of boulogne , containing five villages and hamlets . of the castle and lordship of harbeumont , containing seven villages . of the castle and lordship of everlange , which contains nine villages and hamlets . of the lordship of nasloigne . of the castle and lordship of grune . of the provostship of estal containing 14 villages and hamlets , divided into three mayories . of the lands and lordship of st. hubert , which consists in six mayories and fealties , with many villages depending upon them . namur . france has possessed herself since the said treaof nimeguen ; in the county of namur . of the provostship of poilvache , containing the mayories , bans , lands , villages and following hamlets . the mayory of rendarche , consisting in the villages , of lustin , malien , lourier with its castle , sorinne-la-longue , assesse , jassoigne , wauremont with its castle . and in the hamlets of the castle of roncinne d'ivoix , the castle of assesse , the castle of estroy , corioul , porin , assesse , brochau , millier , the manners of jassoigne . of the mayory of emptines , with the villages of emptines , emptinelle , nattoy . and the hamlets of francesse le gaillard les fontaines , champillion les sarts . of the mayory of falmaigne , which comprehends the village . of falmaigne , the castle of thiry depending upon it , in rubbish , and hulsoniaux . of the ban of lignon , with the villages and hamlets of lignon , chapoy , onchipe , ronvaux , corbion and barsinable . of the ban of soi , viz. the village of soi and mohiville its dependency . of the estate and barony of gesves . of the hamlets houyoux , the forges , mannor of chaumont , pourin , preit of hamide , houde and francesse , which are all dependencies of the estate of gesves . particular villages which are also dependencies of the said provostship , ohay and reppe , with wallay and halliot , chattin , with the hamlets of maibes and frisee , with their dependencies , valin , hour-en-famine , sorinne-sur-dinant , boisalle a village , the castle of spontin , and the hamlets of durnalle , meanoye , and dorinne with its dependencies , joesne , fillec , hodomont , with the hamlet of jullet and dependon it , hargnies , the two bourseignes , to wit the new and the old , maisnil , st. blaise , haibes and pondrome . of the forests of auwez , comisse , lache , lerbois , the little and great fail , which consist in seven or eight hundred acres of land , belonging to his majesty , as also of some farms , rents , tithes and other revenues of his demains , which have been seized in the months of november and december , 1681. france has also possessed herself in the year , 1682. of the forests of higher and lower arche . and towards the month of april , 1680. of the priory of hassier , situated on the side of the maese . of the mayory of hour , which contains the villages of hour , below poilvache , iwar , eurehaille , jodinne lisoigne , purnotte , awaigne , and the hamlets of bauche , jayolle , futvoy , venatte , champalle , hugomont , bloimont , montchavee , frapenl , fresne , tailfer , seignioul , loys and loyers . of the mayory of bovignes , which comprehends the town and liberties of the said bovignes , with some houses on the two sides , with the great farm of metz , and 15 or 16 houses , situated over against the said town , on the side of dinant . of the mayory of anthee , consisting in the villages of anthee , the high vassia , riviere , sommiere , melin , marinne and orhaye , and in the hamlets of the little farm of metz , grange , rostenne , oheyt , hentoir , with its castle chestrevin , wespin , flun , welin and serenne . of the bailiwick of bovignes , betwixt the sambre and the maese , which contains the following bans , estates , abbies , castles , villages and hamlets . the ban of waulsoir , containing the villages and abbies of waulsoir , lulme , hastir , la vaux , and haster beyond gerin , and the hamlets of hermetton upon the maese , the mount ostemree , stair and ponrenne ; the ban of anthee , containing anthee , mianoye , motville and fontaine with its castle . the estate and liberties of biesme la-colonoise , consisting in the villages of biesme , heversee , pree , wagnies , orest , sart , astache and gognies . the estate of gerpinne , which contains the village or burrough of gerpinne . and the three hamlets of alleflage , e●omignee and imignee . the estate of thy , which consists in the villages of the said thy , with its castle , sansee , chastrer , jourdinne , tursinne , feroulle , and in the hamlets of maisnil , le lievre and vouery of rabusee . particular villages in the dependency of the said bailiwick of bovignes . flavion , rosee , with its hamlet of jusenne , biesmeree , ermetton upon bierre , stave , steir , mertienne , fontenelle , part of chatillon mattignol , romree , feppin , bersee with its castle , villers with potters houses , joneret with the furnace , serville , aveloy , arbre , profonde-ville , lesves , bioulx , graux , romignee , meffe , reselle , rosiere , and bois de villers . the bailiwick of montaigle , compos'd of the following villages and hamlets , the ruins of the old castle of montaigle , fallean , montaigle the town , the forge of montaigle , salet , fain , corbay , henemont , warnant , hun , envoye , rouillon , the furnaces , forges and castling houses of molin and the abbey . the mayory of st. gerard , which contains the village of broigne with the monastery , the hamlets of maison , gonois , sosoye , maredret , the farms of montigny , libinne , behoude and heraude . the precincts betwixt the sambre and the maese . the village of folz , the hamlets of haye , afolz and wepion . in the precincts betwixt the sambre and the macse , and the dependencies of that province , are also inclosed the forests of high and low marlaigne , which contains 4300 acres of land , or more , the forests of biert , and their dependencies 1590 acres , the wood of biesme , with halloy , the old furnace and other dependencies , 540 acres , and farms , tiths , rents , and several other demains and revenues belonging to his said majesty , with several fiefs holding of the castle of namur . france since the treaty of nimeguen , in order to possess herself of the town of walcourt , and of the village of bioulx , ( even after the treaty for a truce ) has caused posts and stakes to be set in the nighbourhood of the castle of namur , under pretence that she had extended her re-unions before the said truce , as far as the said village . now to take away the said posts , and set limits behind on the side of pairelle , spain has been obliged by the treaty concluded at philippe-ville , on the 4th january , 1687. to yield up to france , the said town of walcourt and village of bioulx , on the same terms , forms and conditions , on which france has kept by the said treaty of truce , all the places she had possessed herself of , since the treaty of nimeguen , which particular treaty concluded during the said truce , at the said philippe-ville , will now cease by virtue of the treaty now proposed . hainault . the principality and provostship of chimay , with the villages , hamlets and rights to them belonging , viz. the town of chimay , st. remy , forges , bourlez , boutonville , bailievre , villers-la-tour , sceloigne , robechies , bauwez , montmignies , macon , imbrechies , monceau , salles , baileux , vielles , lompret , estroeing , la cauchie , and its hamlets , feron , la roulie . the provostship of beaumont , with its appendencies and dependencies , which consist in the town of beaumont , bersillies , de leval , tirimont , solre st. gery , grandieu and fralies , sivry , froidchapelle and fourbechies , rance , monbliart , cerfontaine , ferieres the great , ferieres the less , rosier , beaufort and robechies , grandreng , rocque , leunies , the town of chieuries . villages seized upon , and possessed . part of the burrough of antoin , fontenoy , veron , vaux , moinbray , and brasmanil . the villages of maulde , pipaix , gissignies in pipaix , rocourt , wermes , the parish of wieres , ogimont , seigneurieul , little quesnoy-a-potters , bourgeon , the parish of fontenay , grammetz and fermont , in the parish of thieulain , part of anthoin , reputed a free-tenure , the breuch-a-foret , mourcourt , herines , wasmes , and lignette . the town of fontaine l'eveque , the village of thiverelles , and 600 acres or thereabouts in meadows . the villages of anderlues , the abbey of aumont and boussiere , with the farms of warnenrieux , foret , and the farm in the woods . flanders . the town of ranaix . the town of loo . the town of roulers . and the villages of meuregem , watervliet , vendeville , temptemars , billau , and the castle of la motte , in the woods with its tenements . wood of nieppe . wood of d'osthulft . brabant . the estate of ayseau , with its dependencies , which consist in several hamlets , particularly in that of oignies , with the cloister of the same name and part of the village of monceau . the minister of his catholick majesty , demands the restitution of all and every one of the places above-mentioned , and others which his most christian majesty has or may have possessed himself of since the treaty of nimeguen , altho' they be not here exprest and specified ; and that his catholick majesty be restored to the real and actual possession of the same , as he enjoyed them before the said treaty of nimeguen , all this without derogating to his catholick majesties title to the other re-unions of france , which have not been yielded to the most christian king by the said treaty of nimeguen , or any former treaty . a list of exception of the places which the ambassadors of france have pretended to retain . the town of chieures , part of the burrough of antoin , fontenoy , vezon , vaux , maubray , bramenil , maude , pipay , gissignies in pipay , rocour , wermes , parish of vieres , ogimont , seigneurieul , little quesnoy a potes , bourgeon , parish of fontenoy , granmets , fermont , parish of thieulain , le breuech of forestes , maircourt , herinnes , wames , lignette , tiuicelles , with 600 aores in medows , renaix , the town of loo , the town of roulers , the village of meuregem , the burrough of watervliet , the village of templemars , the hamlet of wandeville , billau , the castle of la motte in the wood with its tenements , the wood of nieppe , the wood of outhuest . dependencies of charlemont . a gimont , givets , st. hilaire , givets , our lady , vosneche , felaine , dion le mont , dion le val , winenne , landrichamp , finevaux , feischaux , ferauche , javeingue , aviette , charneux , flohimont , fromelaine , felix pret , an abby of nuns , remethon upon bierre , sevry , gauchenee , her , herlet , lisicourt , ransenne , mahoux , maison saille , mainil , st. blaise , vireux the wallerand , villersies , rienne , boursoigne the old , boursoigne the new , hargnies , hebbes , vaussors , abbey and the two hastires , ermeton upon the meuse , mattignol , romeree , bertee , festin . dependencies on the provostship of maubeuge . tirimont ; bersilles abbey , le val below beaumont , cerfontaine , roq upon the sambre , estrun , le feron , la voulie , beaufort , aumont abbey , boissiere . treaty of peace betwixt france and the duke of savoy . the most christian king having had all a long , during the course of this war , a sincere desire of procuring the repose of italy , and god having inspired his royal highness of savoy with the same sentiments , his majesty , on his part , has given his full power , commission , and command to rene , lord of froullai , count of tesse , knight of his majesties orders , lieutenant general of his armies , colonel general of the dragoons of france , governor of ypres , lieutenant general for the king in the provinces of maine and perche , and at this time commander for his majesty in the countries and places of the frontier of piedmont , and his royal highness on his part having likewise given his powers and commands to charles victor joseph marquis of st. thomas , minister and first secretary of state to his said royal highness , the said plenipotentiaries having first interchanged the originals of their full powers , by virtue of which they treat , have agreed upon the following articles . i. there shall be henceforward and for ever , a constant , firm and sincere peace , between the king and his kingdom ; and his royal highness the duke of savoy and his dominions , as if there had never been any rupture ; and the king resuming the same kind thoughts he had before for his said royal highness , as he begs it of his majesty , his said royal highness does by this present treaty , entirely renounce and forsake all engagements entred into , and all treaties made with the emperor , kings and princes , comprehended under the name of the league : and promises to use all his endeavours , and do all that lies in his power , to obtain of the said potentates , at least of the emperor and the catholick king a neutrality in italy , till the general peace : either by a particular treaty that shall be concluded , or in default of the said treaty by declarations , which the said emperor and catholick king shall make to the pope , and the republick of venice , and which shall immediately be followed by the retreat of the troops which the allies have at present in italy , as it shall be exprest hereafter . moreover , as an evident testimony of the real and effectual return of the king's friendship for his royal highness , his majesty is pleased to consent and promise , that the town and cittadel of pignerol , with the forts st. brigide la perouse , and others belonging to them , shall be rased and demolished ( as to the fortifications only ) at the king's charges ; and the said fortifications being demolished , the whole shall be resigned into the hands of his royal highness , as also the lands and demains comprehended under the name of government of pignerol , and which belonged to the house of savoy , before the concession , that victor amedaeus , first duke of that name , had made of them to the king lewis xiii . which town , cittadel and fort thus demolished , and territory to them belonging , shall likewise be restored to his royal highness , to be held by him in sovereignty , and enjoyed fully and for ever , both by him and his successors , as a thing to them properly belonging ; and in consideration of the said present concession , his royal highness engages and promises as well for himself , as for his heirs and sucessors , and assigns , not to rebuild or restore any of the said fortifications , nor cause new ones to be built upon and within the extent of the said territory , ground and rocks , nor in any other place whatsoever yielded by this present treaty , by which his royal highness , or the inhabitants of pignerol , shall only be allowed to enclose the said pignerol with no other enclosure than a bare wall , without a terrass or any fortifications . with a proviso , that except within the said territory yielded by the present treaty , his royal highness shall be at his liberty to build what place , places or fortifications he shall think fit , without incurring his majesties ill will. furthermore , that his majesty shall restore to his royal highness , his countries and places conquered , the castles of montmeillan , nice , ville-franche , suza , and all others without exception , entire and undemolished , with the same quantities of ammunition and provisions , canon and artillery , as they were provided and stored with when they fell into the hands of his majesty , without altering or diminishing the buildings , fortifications , augmentations and meliorations made by his majesty . and after the restitution of the said places , his royal highness shall be free to keep up and augment the fortifications as things to him belonging , without being molested by the king upon that account , or incurring his majesties ill will. still providing , that the king shall carry away out of the town , cittadel and forts of pignerol , all the artillery , ammunition , provisions , arms , and moveable effects of what nature soever they be . that as to the revenues of the town , dependencies and territory of pignerol , the king restores them to his royal highness , in the same form and manner as his majesty enjoys them at present , and the disposals the king may have made of them , shall subsist and remain in the manner provided by the contract , gift , possession or acquisition by which they are disposed of . that the said restitution of the countries and places of his royal highness , as also the resignation of pignerol razed , with its dependencies , as aforesaid , shall be made in consequence of the signing of this present treaty , but not before the foreign troops are actually gone out of italy , and are arrived , viz. the germans , bavarians , brandenburgers , protestants in english pay , and other auxiliaries are really come into germany ; and the spaniards , and other troops now in the pay of the catholick king , are restored into the milanese , so that none of the articles shall be put in execution , nor the restitution of any place made , till after the going out and departure of the troops , such as is before exprest , shall be entirely accomplished ; always provided , that the said departure of the troops shall be deemed entirely accomplished , altho' it should happen , as perhaps it may , that the spaniards should take out of them some small number of soldiers , to recruit the regiments that are in their pay ; and if any of those troops list themselves , and do actually enter the dominions of the republick of venice , they shall be look'd upon as entred into germany , as soon as they shall be in the venetian territories , and put into the hands of the republick of venice . and after the ratification of the present treaty , men shall be immediately set on work to make mines , in order to blow up and demolish the said town , cittadel , and forts of pignerol ; but in case that his royal highness should think it convenient to keep the present treaty secret , beyond the time of the said ratification , it is agreed , that to avoid the noise which the working on the said mines may make in the world , the same shall not be begun , till so long after the time of the said ratification , as his royal highness shall think fit . which demolition shall be made , and carried on in that manner , that after two or three months , after the departure of the troops forementioned , the whole shall be restored to his royal highness , to which purpose it shall be lawful for him to send a commissary to be there present ; and till the things aforesaid be put in execution , his majesty is willing for his royal highness's greater satisfaction and security , to cause two dukes and peers of france to be delivered into the hands of his royal highness , as soon as he shall require it of his majesty , to remain with him as hostages , and whom he shall treat according to their rank and dignity . ii. his majesty shall not make any treaty of peace or truce , with the emperor or catholick king , without including and comprehending his royal highness , in convenient and forcible terms ; and this present treaty shall be confirmed in that of the general peace , as also those of gueresque , munster , pirenees and nimeguen , as well for the 494000 crowns of gold , particularly mentioned in that of munster , for the discharge of his royal highness , whereof the king shall still remain a guarantee against the duke of mantua , as for all that they contain not contrary to the present , which shall be irrevocable , and shall remain in its force and vigor , notwithstanding the present concession of pignerol and its dependences : and as for the other concerns and pretensions of the house of savoy , his royal highness reserves to himself to claim the same by protestations , memorials or envoys ; and this present treaty shall not be derogatory to the said pretensions . iii. that the marriage of the lady princess daughter to his royal highness , shall be incessantly treated of , to be faithfully effected , as soon as she shall be of age , and that the contract shall be made when this treaty comes to be put in execution ; after the publication of which treaty , the princess shall be put into the king's hands . that in the said contract of marriage , which shall be considered as an essential part of this present treaty , and wherein the said princess shall make the usual renunciations , with promise not to claim any thing beyond the following dowry , to the dominions and succession of his royal highness ; his said royal highness shall give in dowry or portion , to the lady the princess his daughter two hundred thousand crowns of gold : for the payment of which , his royal highness shall make an acquittance of a hundred thousand crowns , remaining due for the portion of her highness the royal dutchess , with the interests expired and promised , and as for the rest , his majesty remits it , in consideration of this present treaty . moreover , his royal highness obliges himself to give to the princess his daughter at the time of the celebration of her marriage , what in piedmontese is called fardel , and in french , trousseau or nuptial present , * and in the contract of marriage it shall be stipulated , what dower his majesty shall give according to the custom of france . iv. that his royal highness renouncing and forsaking at present , effectually and faithfully as aforesaid , all the engagements he may have against france , he hopes also that his majesty will correspond to it with all the kind sentiments which his royal highness begs and desires , and that having the honour of being so nearly related to the king , and entring now in the splendor of a new alliance , his majesty will grant and promise him his powerful protection , the return of which , his royal highness requests of his majesty , and which his majesty returns in its full extent . and because his royal highness is desirous to keep a perfect neutrality with the kings , princes and potentates now his allies , his majesty promises not to lay any constraint on the desire his royal highness has of keeping with them all the outward measures of decency , as it becomes a sovereign prince , who has ambassadors and envoys at the court of those princes , and receives and entertains at his own court ambassadors and envoys of the same princes , without incurring his majesties ill will , comprehending under the word of princes , the emperor , kings and potentates of europe . v. his majesty does promise and declare , that the ambassadors of the d. of savoy , both ordinary and extraordinary , shall receive at the court of france , all the honours without exception , and in all the circumstances , which the ambassadors of crowned heads receive , that is , such as are ambassadors of kings ; and that all ordinary and extraordinary ambassadors of his majesty , in all the courts of europe , without any exception , not even of that of rome and vienna , shall also treat the said ambassadors both ordinary and extraordinary , and envoys of savoy , in the same manner as those of kings and crowned heads ; however , because this addition of honour in the treatment of the ambassadors of savoy , had never been settled to that height , as his majesty grants it , his royal highness acknowledges that it is in consideration of the present treaty , and the contract of marriage of the princess his daughter ; and his majesty promises that the said addition shall take place from the day on which the contract of marriage aforementioned is signed . vi. that the ordinary commerce and trade of italy shall be set open , kept up and entertained , as it was settled before this war , in the time of charles emmanuel ii. father to his royal highness ; and that all that was done , observed and practised during the life of the said charles emmanuel ii. shall also be done , observ'd and practised in all points and circumstances betwixt the kingdom , and all the parts of his majesties dominions , and those of his royal highness , through the way and road of suza , savoy , le ponte , beauvoisin and villa franca , every one paying the duties and customs on both sides . the french ships shall continue to pay the ancient duty of villa franca , as it was practised in the time of charles emmanuel , without any opposition that might have been made at that time. the couriers and ordinary posts of france shall pass as before through the states of his royal highness , and according to the statutes , shall pay the duties due for the goods they shall carry . vii . his royal highness shall cause an edict to be publish'd , whereby under severe penalties he shall command the inhabitants of the valleys of luserne called vaudois , not to entertain any correspondence upon the account of religion , with the king's subjects : and his royal highness shall oblige himself not to suffer , from the date of this treaty , any of his majesties subjects to settle in the protestant vallies , under colour of religion , marriage , or other reasons of settlement , as conveniency , inheritance , or any other pretence ; nor any protestant minister to come within the extent of his majesties dominions , without being severely punished by corporal punishment . as for the rest , his majesty shall take no cognizance how and in what manner his royal highness uses the vaudois , as to their religion ; and his royal highness obliges himself not to suffer the exercise of the pretended reformed religion in the town of pignerol , and territories resigned , as his majesty neither suffers , nor shall ever suffer it in his kingdom . viii . that there be on both sides a perpetual oblivion , and amnesty of all that has been done since the beginning of this war , in what manner , or in what place soever the hostilities have been committed . that in this amnesty shall be comprehended all those that served his majesty during the war , in any employment whatsoever , altho' they be natural subjects of his royal highness ; so that they shall not be called to account , nor molested in their persons or estates , either by way of fact or of justice , or under any other pretence whatsoever : the same shall be observed with respect to the king's subjects , who have served his royal highness . ix . that the ecclesiastical benefices that have been collated till this present time by the king , in the countries of his royal highness , conquered by his majesty , during the space of time his said majesty has enjoy'd them , shall remain to those to whom the collation was made by the king , and the pope's bulls ; and that for what belongs to the commanderies of st. maurice , offices of judicature and magistracy , his royal highness shall have no regard to the nomination the king has made about them , during the possession of his royal highnesses dominions ; and the patents or warrants granted by his royal highness for offices of the gown , to those that have abandoned their functions during the war , shall remain in force . x. that as for the contributions laid upon the countries , in his royal highnesses dominions , altho' they be lawfully imposed and due , and amount to very considerable sums , his majesty , as an affect of his liberality , does entirely remit them to his royal highness ; so that from the day of the ratification of the present treaty , his majesty shall neither claim nor exact any of the said contributions : but shall leave his said royal highness to the free enjoyment of all his revenues in all his dominions , as also of savoy , nice , precincts of pignerol , and suza . and reciprocally his royal highness shall exact no contributions from the subjects and countries of the king's dominions . xi . that for what concerns the pretensions and demands of the dutchess of nemours , upon his royal highness , his majesty shall leave his said royal highness , and the said dutchess of nemours , to discuss and debate the said pretensions , by the ordinary ways of justice , without taking any cognizance of them . xii . that it shall be lawful for his royal highness to send intendants or commissioners into savoy , county of nice , marquisate of suza , and barcelonette , pignerol , and its dependencies to regulate his concerns , duties , revenues , and settle his customs and impositions upon salt and others , and the said deputies shall be received and authorized in their functions , after the ratification of the present treaty , after which the said duties shall belong to his royal highness , without exception or contradiction . xiii . that if the neutrality of italy should be accepted , or the general peace concluded , because a great number of troops would be altogether useless , and burthensom to his royal highness , and that besides the excessive charges for keeping them , it is often an occasion of misunderstanding the maintaining of more standing forces , than are necessary either for the defence and preservation , or the dignity of the sovereign ; his royal highness obliges himself not to keep and maintain , in time of neutrality , above six thousand men of foot , on this side the mountains , and fifteen hundred beyond the mountains , for the garrisons of savoy , and county of nice , and in all fifteen hundred horse or dragoons ; which last obligation of his royal highness , shall not take place before the general peace . we the above-mentioned plenipotentiaries , have concluded and signed the present articles , and we do promise , and engage to cause the same to be ratified and confirmed by his majesty , and his royal highness : moreover , we do promise that they shall be religiously kept secret till the end of the month september next , at which time , if others be made of the same substance and tenor , the present ones shall be suppressed . done at turin the 29th of august , 1696. rene de frouillay tesse . de st. thomas . a translation of the full power of their excellencies the ambassadors of his catholick majesty . charles , by the grace of god , king of spain , &c. we make it known , and declare , that having no greater passion and desire than to see the end of this present and fatal war , and a speedy and solid peace restored in christendom , we do acknowledge with due affection and thankfulness , the charitable and laudable intentions which have moved the most serene and mighty prince , our brother , cousin , and most dear friend , the lord charles , by the grace of god , king of sueden , goths and vandals ; great prince of finland , duke of scania , esthonia , livonia , carelia , bremen , wherden , stetin , pomerania , cazubia and vandalia , prince of rugia , lord of lingria and vismaria , count palatine of the rhine , duke of bavaria , juliers , cleves , deuxponts , &c. to take upon him the office of mediator , and use all his endeavours and good offices to restore the publick tranquility : and that nothing may be wanting on our side , that may contribute to so good and salutary an intention , assoon as we have been inform'd that it had been agreed by all the parties concerned , to pitch upon and name ryswick , as the most fit and convenient place to treat of a general peace ; we have without any delay named and appointed for our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , and as we name and appoint by these presents , don francisco bernardo de quiros , one of our council of castille , and our ambassador to the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , and don alexander schockart , count of tirimont , one of the state and privy council of the low-countries of flanders , that they may treat that negotiation from us , and in our name : and being fully assured and perswaded , and entirely trusting to their fidelity , prudence and experience in the management of affairs , we do specially charge and command them to go and repair with all possible speed to the village of ryswick , and enter upon the conferences and treaties of peace , with the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the most high and mighty prince lewis , the most christian king of france , our most dear brother and cousin , together with all the other extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of our most high and mighty allies , and by the intervention and good offices of the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of the most high and mighty prince charles , king of sueden , our most dear brother . and that they may have a lawful and sufficient faculty for the same end , we also give and grant a full and entire authority , and all the power requisite for the same purpose , to our said extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , don francisco bernardo de quiros , and the count of tirimont , to them both together , and each of them in particular , in case of absence or indisposition of either , to settle , conclude , and sign for us , and in our name the treaty of peace betwixt us and our most potent allies , and the most high and mighty prince the most christian king of france . as also to draw , dispatch and deliver all deeds and instruments necessary for that purpose , and generally to do , promise , and stipulate and conclude acts and declarations , to exchange agreements , and do all other things belonging to the said negotiations of peace , with the same liberty and faculty , as we could do our selves , if we were present : even also in those affairs and acts that may require a more special and explicite order , than what is contained in these presents : and we promise , assure , and plight our faith and royal word , that we shall solemnly ratifie in the best form and manner that can be , and within the time agreed on by common consent , whatever our said extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries shall have done , treated , promised , signed and concluded , together or separately , in the form aforesaid : in testimony of which premises , and for their greater force and validity , we give these presents , signed with our own hand , sealed with our privy seal , and countersigned by our secretary of state. madrid , the 21st of april , 1697. sign'd , i the king. concordat cum originali . don crispin gonsales botello . full power of their excellencies the ambassadors of his most christian majesty . lewis by the grace of god , king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these presents shall come greeting . whereas it is our most ardent desire , to see the war which now afflicts christendom , concluded and ended by a good peace ; and whereas through the endeavours and mediation of our most dear and most beloved brother the king of sueden , the cities of delf and the hague have been pitched and agreed upon by all parties , there to hold the conferences necessary for that purpose ; we out of the same desire to put a stop , as far as in us lies , and with the assistance of divine providence , to the desolation of so many provinces , and the effusion of much christian blood , make it known and declare , that we fully and intirely trusting in the experience , capacity and fidelity of our beloved and trusty harlay de bonnevil counseller in ordinary in our council of state , of our well beloved verjus count of crecy , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , manillet and other places , and of our well beloved de caillieres lord of roche-chellay and gigny , by the trial we have made , and the pregnant proofs we have had of them in the several important employments , wherewith we have entrusted them , both within and without our kingdom : for these reasons , and other weighty considerations us moving , we have committed , ordained and deputed the said de harlay , de crecy and cailliers , and we do commit , ordain and depute them by these presents , signed with our own hand , and have given , and do give them full power , commission and special command to go and repair to the said city of delft , in quality of our plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors for the peace , and there to confer , either directly or through the interposition of the ambassadors mediators , respectively received and approved , with all the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries and ministers , as well of our most dear and most beloved brother the emperor of the romans , as of our most dear and most beloved brother and cousin the catholick king , as also of our most dear and great friends the states general of the united provinces of the low-countries ; and of all other princes their allies , being all provided with sufficient powers : and there to treat of means to adjust and pacify those differences which are , at present , the occasion of the war ; and our said plenipotentiaries all three together , or two of them , in case the other be absent through sickness or any other hindrance , or one of them , the other two being absent in the like case of sickness or through any other hindrance , shall have power to agree upon the said means , and accordingly conclude and sign a good and firm peace , and in general to do , negotiate , promise and grant all that they shall think necessary for the said work of the peace , with the same authority as we should and could do our selves if we were there in person , altho' there may be something that should require a more special command not contained in these presents ; and we do promise upon the faith and word of a king to hold good , and perform whatever by the said de harlay , de crecy and caillieres , or by two of them in case the other be absent through sickness or other hindrance , shall have been stipulated , promised and granted , and for that purpose to cause our letters of ratification to be dispatched , within the time that they shall promise , in our name , to exhibit and deliver them in , for such is our will and pleasure , in testimony whereof we have caused these presents to be sealed with our seal . given at versailles , the 25th of february , 1697. in the year of our reign 54th , signed lewis . and on the fold , by the king. colbert . and sealed with the great seal , in yellow wax . treaty of peace , made concluded and agreed at ryswick in holland , the 20th of september , 1697. between the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty on one part , and the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of their lordships the states-general of the vnited provinces of the low-countries on the other part. in the name of god and the most holy trinity : be it known to all , both present and to come , that during the course of the most bloody war that ever afflicted europe for these many years past , it has pleased the divine providence to prepare the end of the miseries of europe , by preserving an ardent desire for peace , in the heart of the most high , most-excellent , and mighty prince lewis xiv . by the grace of god the most christian king of france and navarre ; and his most christian majesty having no other aim or prospect than to make it firm and perpetual by the equity of its conditions ; and their lordships the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , being desirous to concur sincerely , and as far as in them lies , to the restoration of the publick tranquility , and to return to the antient friendship and affection of his most christian majesty , they have first consented and agreed to own for that purpose the mediation of the most high , most excellent and mighty prince charles xi . of glorious memory , by the grace of god , king of sueden , goths and vandals ; but a sudden death having frustrated the hopes which all europe had justly entertained of his councils and good offices ; his most christian majesty , and the said lords the states-general , still persisting in the resolution , to put a stop assoon as possible to the effusion of so much christian blood , have thought they could not do better than to acknowledge in the same quality the most high , most excellent and mighty prince charles xii . king of sueden , his son and successor , who on his part has continued the same endeavours to further the peace betwixt his most christian majesty , and the said lords the states-general , in the conferences held for that purpose in the royal palace of ryswick , in the province of holland , betwixt the extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassadors named on both sides : to wit , by his most christian majesty , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state ; lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state , marquis of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort isle , menillet and other places ; and francis de caillieres , knight , lord of caillieres , roche-chellay and gigny ; and by the said lords the states-general , anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the states of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , and super-intendant of the fiefs of the same province ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rareles and other places , lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy from the nobility to the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputies in their assembly from the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland ; who having first implored the divine assistance , and communicated to each other their respective full-powers , ( the copies of which shall be inserted word for word at the end of this treaty ) and duly exchanged the same by the intervention and mediation of the baron of lillieroot , ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the king of sueden , who has discharged the function of a mediator , with all the necessary prudence , capacity and equity , they have agreed to the glory of god , and for the good of christendom upon the following conditions . i. there shall be for the future , betwixt his most christian majesty , and his successors kings of france and navarre , and his kingdoms on one part , and their lordships the states-general of the united provinces of the low countries , on the other part , a good , firm , sincere and inviolable peace ; and upon account of the same , all hostilities of what kind soever they be , shall cease and be left off between the said lord king , and the said lords the states-general , as well by land as by sea , and on fresh waters , in all their kingdoms , countries , lands , provinces and lordships , and between all their subjects and inbitants of what quality or condition soever they be , without any exception of places or persons . ii. there shall be an oblivion and general amnesty of all that has been committed on both sides , on the occasion of the late war , either by those who being born subjects of france , and ingaged in the service of the most christian king , by the employments and estates which they enjoyed throughout the kingdom of france , are entred into , and have continued in the service of their lordships the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries ; or by those who being born subjects of the said lords the states-general , or ingaged in their service by the employments and estates which they enjoyed within the extent of the united provinces , are entred into , or have remained in the service of his most christian majesty : and the said persons of what quality or condition they may be , without exception shall be permitted to come and return , and shall accordingly return , and be effectually left and restored to the quiet possession and enjoyment of all their estates , honours , dignities , priviledges , franchises , rights , exemptions , constitutions and liberties , without being called in question , troubled , or vexed or molested , either in general , or in particular , upon any cause or pretence whatsoever , for what has been done since the breaking out of the said war : and by virtue of the present treaty , assoon as the same shall have been ratified both by his most christian majesty , and the said lords the states-general , it shall be free for all and every one of them , with any letters of abolition and pardon , to return in person to their own houses , and the enjoyment of their lands , and all their other goods , or to dispose of them as they shall think fit . iii. and if it should happen that any prizes or ships should be taken on either side , in the baltick and north seas from terneuse , to the end of the channel after the space of four weeks ; or from the end of the said channel to cape st. vincent , after the space of six weeks ; and beyond that in the mediterranean sea , and as far as the aequinoctial line after the space of ten weeks ; lastly , beyond the said line throughout the whole world after the space of eight months , to be reckoned from the day of the publication of the peace at paris , and at the hague ; the said prizes that shall be taken on either side after the times aforesaid shall be restored , and the damages sustained thereby made good and repaired . iv. moreover , there shall be between the said lord king , and the said lords the states-general , their respective subjects and inhabitants , a sincere , firm and perpetual friendship and good correspondence , as well by land as by water , in all things , and in all places , both in europe and all other parts of the world : and they shall maintain no resentment for the injuries or damages done or received as well in times past , as on the occasion of the said wars . v. and by virtue , and upon the account of the said friendship and correspondence , as well his majesty as their lordships the states-general shall faithfully procure and promote the good , advantage and prosperity of each other , by all manner of support , help , counsel and real assistance , in all times and upon all occasions , and shall not for the future give their consent to any treaties or negotiations that might bring damage to either of them , but shall break them , and give notice of them reciprocally with diligence and sincerity , as soon as they shall have knowledge of them . vi. those whose goods or estates have been seized and confiscated upon account of the said war , their heirs or assigns , of what condition or religion soever they may be , shall enjoy the said goods and estates , and shall take possession of them by their own private authority ; and by virtue of this present treaty , without having recourse to any court of justice , notwithstanding all incorporations to the publick treasury , ingagements , gifts by deeds , preparatory or definitive sentence , given by default in the absence of , and without hearing the parties , treaties , agreements and transactions , what renunciations soever may have been made by the said transactions to debar of part of the said estates , those to whom they belong . and it shall be lawful for the first proprietors of all and every one of the said estates , which pursuant to this present treaty , shall be restored or are reciprocally to be restored , their heirs or assigns , to sell and dispose of the said estates , without suing or obtaining any private consent for that purpose : and afterwards it shall also be lawful for the proprietors of those rents , which by the officers of the publick treasury shall be settled instead of the estates so sold , as also of those rents and actions respectively belonging to the publick treasuries , to dispose of the property of the same , either by rent or otherwise , as of their other estates . vii . and whereas the marquisate of bergen op zoom , and all the rights and revenues depending upon the same , and generally all the lands and estates belonging to the count d'auvergne , colonel general of the light horse of france ; and which under the power and dominion of the said lords the states general of the united provinces , have been seized and confiscated on the occasion of the war , which the present treaty shall bring to a happy conclusion : it has been agreed , that the said count d'auvergne shall be restored to the possession of the said marquisate of bergen op zoom , its appurtenances and dependencies , as also to all his rights , actions , priviledges , customs and prerogatives , which he enjoyed at the time of the declaration of the war. viii . all countries , towns , places , lands , forts , islands and lordships , as well in europe as out of europe , that may have been taken and possessed since the beginning of the present war , shall be restored on both sides , in the same condition they were in , as to the fortifications , when taken , and as to the other buildings , in the condition they shall be found in , without destroying , demolishing or indamaging , any thing in the same , as also without demanding any recompence for what may have been demolished before ; and namely the fort and settlement of pontichery , shall be restored upon the forementioned terms to the east-india company , settled in france . as for the artillery that has been carried away by the east-india company of the united provinces , it shall be left in their possession , and likewise the provisions and ammunition , slaves and all other effects , to be disposed of as they shall think fit ; as also of the lands , rights and priviledges , which they have purchased as well of the prince , as of the inhabitants of that country . ix . all prisoners of war shall be released on both sides , without distinction or reservation , and without paying any ransom . x. the raising of contributions shall cease on both sides , from the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty of peace , and no arrears of the said contributions before demanded and granted , shall be exacted ; but all pretensions and claims that may remain on that score , upon what title or pretence soever , shall be entirely nulled and made void on both sides . as also after the exchange of the said ratifications of the present treaty , all contributions shall cease on both sides , with respect to the countries of the most christian and catholick kings . xi . and the more to confirm this treaty , and make it lasting ; it is also stipulated and agreed betwixt his majesty and their lordships the states general , that this treaty being duly put in execution , there shall be , as there is by this present one , a renunciation both general and particular , to all sorts of pretensions , both of the time past and present , of what nature soever they be , which one party may claim from the other , thereby to take away for the future all occasions that may cause and raise new dissentions and differences . xii . the ordinary administration of justice shall reciprocally be set open , and it shall be free for the subjects of either party , to claim and pursue their rights , actions and pretensions , according to the laws and statutes of each countries , and obtain one against another without distinction , all lawful satisfaction : and if there have been any letters of reprisal granted on either side , either before or after the declaration of the late war , the same shall remain null and void ; with a proviso for the parties to whom they have been granted , to sue for redress by the ordinary course of justice . xiii . if it happens through inadvertency or any other cause , that the present treaty should be either not fulfilled or infringed in any particular article , either by his said majesty , or the said lords the states general , and their successors ; this peace and alliance shall not on that account be interrupted , but shall remain in all its force and vigor , without any rupture of friendship and good correspondence : but the said infringement shall speedily be made good , and if it has happened through the fault of any particular subjects , they alone shall be punished and chastised for the same . xiv . and the better to settle and secure the commerce and friendship for the future , between the subjects of the said lord king , and those of the said lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , it is hereby stipulated and agreed , that in case there should be hereafter any interruption of friendship , or open rupture between the crown of france and the said lords the states of the said provinces , ( which god forbid ) the space of nine months , after the said rupture , shall be allowed to the subjects on both sides to retire and withdraw with their effects , and transport the same whither they think fit . which they shall be permitted to do , as also to sell or transport their moveable goods , in all manner of liberty without any molestation . and it shall not be lawful during the said time to seize their said effects , and much less to arrest their persons . xv. the treaty of peace concluded between the most christian king and the late elector of brandenburg at st. germans en laye , the 29th june , 1679. shall be restored in all its articles , and remain in its former vigour , between his most christian majesty and his present electoral highness of brandenburg . xvi . whereas it greatly concerns the publick tranquillity , that the treaty be observed which was concluded between his most christian majesty , and his royal highness the duke of savoy , on the 9th of august , 1696. it is agreed to confirm the same by this present treaty . xvii . and because his majesty and their lordships the states general , do gratefully acknowledge the powerful offices and good counsels which the king of sueden has continually used and employed for the publick safety and repose : it is agreed on both sides , that his suedish majesty and his kingdoms , shall be included and comprehended in the present treaty , in the best form and manner that can be . xviii . under this present treaty of peace and alliance , shall be comprehended all those who shall be named by the said most christian king , before the exchange of ratifications , and within the space of six months after . xix . and all those who shall be named by their lordships the states general , the king of great britain , and the king of spain , and all their other allies , who within the space of six weeks , to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications , shall declare that they accept the peace , as also the thirteen laudable cantons of the consederate switzers , and particularly in the best form and manner that can be , the republicks and evangelical cantons , zurich , bern , glaris , basil , schafhausen and appenzel , with all their allies and consederates , namely the republick of geneva and its dependencies , the city and county of neufchatel , the towns of st. galles , milhausen and bienne . item , the confederacy of the grisons and their dependencies , the cities of bremen and embden ; and moreover , all kings , princes and states , cities and private persons , whom , upon their request , the said lords the states general shall admit into the said treaty . xx. the said lord king , and the said lords the states general , consent and agree , that his suedish majesty in quality of mediator , and all other potentates and princes , that shall be willing to enter into the same engagement , may give to his majesty , and the said lords the states general , their promises and deeds of warranty , for the performance of all the contents of this present treaty . xxi . the present treaty shall be ratified and approved by the said lord king , and the said lords the states general , and the letters of ratification shall be delivered within the time of three weeks , or sooner if possible , to be reckoned from the day on which the present treaty is signed . xxii . and for the greater security of this treaty of peace , and all the articles in it contained , the said present treaty shall be published , verified and registred in the court of parliament of paris ; and in all other parliaments of the kingdom of france , and chamber of accompts of the said city of paris , and likewise the said treaty shall be published , verified and registred by the said lords the states general , in the courts and other places where publications , verifications and registrings are used to be done . in testimony whereof , we the ambassadors of his said majesty , and of the said lords the states-general , by virtue of our respective powers , and in the said names have signed these presents with our manual sign , and caused them to be sealed with our seals and coats of arms , at ryswick in holland , the 20th of september , 1697. signed , n. lillieroot , ( l. s. ) de harlay bonneuil , ( l. s. ) verjus de crecy , ( l. s. ) de caillieres , ( l. s. ) a. heinsius , ( l. s. ) e. de walde , ( l. s. ) w. van haren . ( l. s. ) the tenor of the full power of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty . lewis by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all those to whom these presents shall come greeting . whereas it is our most ardent desire , to see the war which now afflicts christendom , concluded and ended by a good peace ; and whereas through the endeavours and mediation of our most dear and most beloved brother the king of sueden , the cities of delft and the hague have been pitched and agreed upon by all parties , there to hold the conferences necessary for that purpose ; we out of the same desire to put a stop , as far as in us lies , and with the assistance of divine providence , to the desolation of so many provinces , and the effusion of much christian blood , make it known and declare , that we fully and intirely trusting in the experience , capacity and fidelity of our beloved and trusty harlay de bonneuil counseller in ordinary in our council of state , of our well beloved verjus count of crecy , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , manillet and other places , and of our well beloved de caillieres lord of roche-chellay and gigny , by the trial we have made , and the pregnant proofs we have had of them in the several important employments , with which we have entrusted them , both within and without our kingdom : for these reasons , and other weighty considerations us moving , we have committed , appointed and deputed the said de harlay , de crecy and cailliers , and we do commit , appoint and depute them by these presents , signed with our own hand , and have given , and do give them full power , commission and special command to go and repair to the said city of delft , in quality of our plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors for the peace , and there to confer , either directly or through the interposition of the ambassadors mediators , respectively received and approved , with the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries and ministers of our most dear and great friends the states general of the united provinces of the low-countries ; and being all provided with , and authorized by sufficient powers : and there to treat of means to adjust and pacify those differences which are , at present , the occasion of the war ; and our said plenipotentiaries all three together , or two of them , in case the other be absent through sickness or any other hindrance , or one of them , the other two being absent in the like case of sickness or through any other hindrance , shall have power to agree upon the said means , and accordingly conclude and sign a good and firm peace , and in general to do , negotiate , promise and grant all that they shall think necessary and conducing to effect the said peace , with the same authority as we should and could do our selves if we were there in person , altho' there may be something that should require a more special command not contained in these presents ; and we do promise upon the faith and word of a king to hold good , and perform whatever by the said de harlay , de crecy and caillieres , or by two of them , the other being absent through sickness or other hindrance , or one of them , the other two being absent in the like case of sickness , or through any other hindrance , shall have been stipulated , promised and granted , and for that purpose to cause our letters of ratification to be dispatched , within the time that they shall promise , in our name , to exhibit and deliver them in , for such is our will and pleasure , in testimony whereof we have caused these presents to be sealed with our seal . given at versailles , the 25th of february , 1697. in the 54th year of our reign , signed lewis . and on the fold , was written , by the king. signed , colbert . the tenor of the full powers of the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of their high and mightinesses the states-general . the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting : whereas it is the most ardent of our wishes , to see the war which now afflicts christendom , concluded and ended by a good peace ; and whereas through the endeavours and mediation of the most serene king of sweden , the palace of ryswick , has been pitched and agreed upon by all parties for the place of conference : we out of the same desire to put a stop , as far as in us lies , to the desolation of so many provinces , and the effusion of so much christian blood , have been willing to contribute to it all that is in our power , and for that purpose depute to the said assembly some persons out of the body of ours , who at several times have given sufficient proofs of their knowledge and experience in publick affairs , as likewise of their affection for the good of our states . and whereas james boreel , lord of duynbeeck , westhoven and meresteyn , senator and burghmaster of the city of amsterdam , and counsellor deputy of the province of holland ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles , &c. lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine , in the province of vtrecht , president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputies in our assembly for the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland , have signalized themselves in several important employments for our service , wherein they have given proofs of their fidelity , diligence , address and skill in the management of business : for these reasons and other considerations us moving , we have committed , ordained and deputed the said , boreel , de weede , and de haren , and we do commit , ordain and depute them by these presents , and have given , and do give them full power , commission and special command to go and repair to ryswick , in quality of our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries for the peace ; and there to confer either directly , or through the interposition of the ambassadors mediators respectively received and approved , with the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty and his allies , being provided with sufficient powers , and there to treat of means to determine and compose the differences , which are the occasion of this present war : and our said ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , or two of them , in case the other be absent through sickness or other hindrance , or one of them , the other two being absent in the like case of sickness , or through any other hindrance , shall have power to agree upon the said means , and accordingly conclude and sign a good and firm peace , and in general to do , negotiate , promise and grant all that they shall think necessary to effect the said peace , and do in general all that we could do our selves if we were there present , altho' for that purpose there should be required a more special power and command , not contained in these presents . and we do sincerely and faithfully promise to approve , and hold firm and constant , whatever by the said our ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , or by two of them in case the third be absent through sickness or other hindrance , or by one of them , the other two being absent in the like case of sickness , or through any other hindrance , shall have been stipulated , promised and granted , and to cause our letters of ratification to be dispatched , within the time that they shall promise in our name , to exhibit and deliver them in . given at the hague in our assembly , under our great seal the flourish and signature of the president of our assembly , and the signature of our secretary the 6th of april , in the year , 1697. signed f. b. de reede , upon the fold was written , by order of the said lords the states-general , signed f. fagel , and sealed with the great seal in red wax . the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas it is our most ardent desire , to see the war which now afflicts christendom , concluded and ended by a good peace ; and as through the endeavours and mediation of the most serene king of sueden , the royal palace of ryswick , has been pitched and agreed upon by all parties for the place of conferences : we out of the same desire to put a stop as far as in us shall lie , to the desolation of so many provinces , and the effusion of so much christian blood , have been willing to contribute to it all that is in our power , and for that purpose we have already deputed in quality of our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries to the said assembly , some persons who are members of ours ; who have at several times given proofs of their knowledge and experience in publick affairs , and of their affection for the good of our state : to wit , james boreel , lord of duynbeeck , westhoven and meresteyn , senator and burghmaster of the city of amsterdam , and counsellor duputy of the province of holland ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles , &c. lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine , in the province of vtrecht , president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputies in our assembly of the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland : and whereas we now think it convenient to join a fourth person to our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries aforenamed , for the same purpose , and that anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the states of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , superintendent of the fiefs , and deputy in our assembly for the same province , has signalized himself in several important employments for our service , wherein he has approved his fidelity , diligence and skill in the management of affairs . for these causes and other considerations us moving , we have constituted , ordained and deputed , and we do constitute , ordain and depute the said heinsius , and to him we have given , and do give full power , commission and special command to go and repair to ryswick , in quality of our extraordinary ambassador and plenipotentiary for the peace , and there to confer either directly , or through the interposition of the ambassadors mediators respesitively received and approved , with the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty and his allies , being provided with sufficient powers : and there to treat of means to adjust and pacifie the differences which occasion this present war ; and our same ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , together with the said boreel , de weede , and de haren , our three other extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , or with two or one of them , in case the other be absent through sickness or other hindrance , or he alone in case all the other three be absent through sickness or other hindrance , shall have power to agree upon the said means , and accordingly conclude and sign a good and firm peace : and in general to do , negotiate , promise and grant all that he shall think necessary to effect the said peace , and to do in general all that we could do our selves if we were there present , altho' there should be required for that purpose , a more special power and command , not contained in these presents ; and we sincerely and faithfully do promise , to approve and hold firm and constant , whatever by the said heinsius , together with our three other extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , or with two or one of them , in case the other be absent through sickness or other hindrance , or by him alone , all the other three being absent through sickness or other hindrance , shall have been stipulated , promised and granted , and to cause our letters of ratification to be dispatched within the time that he shall promise in our name to exhibit and deliver them in . given at the hague in our assembly , under our great seal , the flourish and signature of the president of our assembly , and the signature of our secretary , the 5th of august , 1697. signed f. b. de reede , upon the fold was written , by order of the said lords the states-general , signed f. fagel , and sealed with the great seal in red wax . separate article . besides all that is concluded and stipulated by the treaty of peace made betwixt the plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors of the most christian king , and those of their lordships the states-general of the united provinces this present day , the 20th of september , 1697. it is moreover agreed by this separate article , which shall have the same force and effect as if it was inserted word for word in the said treaty , that his most christian majesty shall covenant and agree , and by the present article he does covenant and agree , that it shall be free for the emperor and the empire , until the 1st day of november next , to accept the conditions of peace lately proposed by the most christian king , according to the declaration made on the 1st day of this present month of september , unless in the mean time it shall be otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty . and in case his imperial majesty does not within the time prefixed accept those conditions , or that it be not otherwise agreed between his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty , the said treaty shall have its full effect , and be duly put in execution according to its form and tenor , and it shall not be lawful for the said lords the states-general , directly or indirectly , on any account or cause whatsoever , to act contrary to the said treaty . in testimony whereof , we the ambassadors of his said majesty , and the said lords the states-general , by virtue of our respective powers , and in the names aforesaid , have signed this separate article , and caused it to be sealed with our seals and coat of arms , at ryswick in holland , the 20th day of september , 1697. here were signed , n. a. de harlay bonneuil , ( l. s. ) verjusde crecy , ( l.s. ) de caillieres , ( l. s. ) a. heinsius , ( l. s. ) e. de weede , ( l. s. ) w. van haren . ( l. s. ) the ratification of his most christian majesty , upon the treaty of peace and friendship . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas our beloved and trusty counsellor in ordinary in our council of state , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely ; our dear and well beloved lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , marquiss of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle and menillet ; and our dear and well beloved francis de caillieres , knight , lord of roche-chellay and gigny , our plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors , by virtue of the full power we had given them , have concluded , agreed and signed on the 20th day of september last past , at ryswick , with anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the states of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , and superintendent of the fiefs of the same province ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles , &c. lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine in the province of vtrecht , president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputies in their assembly for the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland , in quality of extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of our most dear and great friends the states general of the united provinces of the low-countries , also provided with full powers for the treaty of peace , the tenor of which is as follows . in the name of god , &c. we liking and approving the said treaty of peace , in all and every one of the points and articles , therein contained and expressed , have accepted , approved , ratified and confirmed , and we do accept , approve , ratify and confirm the same , as well for us , as for our heirs , successors , kingdoms , countries , lands , lordships and subjects . and we do promise upon the faith and word of a king , under the obligation and mortgage of all and every one of our estates , both present and to come , inviolably to keep and observe the same , without ever acting or doing any thing to them contrary , directly or indirectly , in no manner whatsoever . in testimony whereof , we have signed these presents with our own hand , and caused them to be sealed with our seal . given at fontainebleau the third day of october , in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the 55th , signed lewis . and a little lower , by the king , signed colbert . the ratification of their lordships the states general of the vnited provinces of the low-countries , upon the treaty of peace and friendship . the states general of the united provinces of the low-countries , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . having perused and examined the treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded at ryswick in holland , on the 20th of september in the present year , 1697. by nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of celi , counsellor in ordinary to his most christian majesty in his council of state ; lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state , marquiss of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , menillet and other places ; and francis de caillieres , knight , lord of caillieres , roche-chellay and gigny , extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty , in the assembly of ryswick , in the name and from his said majesty . and by anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the states of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , and superintendent of the fiefs of the same province ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles and other places , lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine in the province of vtrecht , president of the states of the same province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker ; deputies in our assembly for the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland , our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries in the said assembly of ryswick , in our name , and from us , by virtue of their respective full powers , the tenor of which treaty , is as follows . in the name of god , &c. and whereas by the said treaty it is provided , that the letters of ratification shall be delivered in on both sides , in good and due form , within the time of three weeks or sooner if possible , to be reckoned from the day on which the treaty was signed : we being willing to give proofs of our sincerity , and acquit the promises which our ambassadors have made for us , we have approved , confirmed and ratified , and we do approve , confirm and ratify by these presents , the said treaty , and every one of its articles , abovementioned and transcribed ; and do we faithfully and sincerely promise , inviolably to keep , maintain and observe the same in all its particulars , without ever acting or doing any thing to it contrary , directly or indirectly , upon any account or in any manner whatsoever . in testimony whereof , we have caused these presents to be signed by the president of our assembly , countersigned by our secretary , and , sealed with our great seal . done at the hague the 10th of october , 1697. the ratification of his most christian majesty , upon the separate article . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting : having perused and examined the separate article , which our beloved and trusty counsellor in ordinary in our council of state , nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely ; our dear and well-beloved lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , marquis of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , and menillet ; and our dear and well beloved francis de caillieres , knight , lord of caillieres , roche-chellay and gigny , our plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors , by virtue of the full powers we had given them , have concluded , agreed and signed on the 20th day of september last past at ryswick , with anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the province of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , and super-intendent of the fiefs ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles &c. lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine , in the province of vtrecht , president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of francker , and deputies in their assembly for the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland ; in quality of plenipotentiaries and extraordinary ambassadors of our most dear and great friends the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , also provided with full powers , of which separate article the tenor is as follows , besides all that is concluded , &c. we liking and approving the said separate article in all its contents , have allowed , approved , and ratified the same , and we do allow , approve and ratifie it by these presents , signed with our own hand ; and we promise upon the faith and word of a king to perform , and observe the same , and cause it to be observed sincerely and faithfully , and never to suffer any thing to be done to it contrary , directly or indirectly , upon any account or cause whatsoever . in testimony whereof we have signed these presents , and caused them to be sealed with our seal . given at fontainebleau , the 3d day of october , in the year of our lord , 1697. and of our reign the 55th . signed lewis . and a little lower , by the king. signed , colbert . the ratification of the states-general of the vnited provinces of the low-countries , upon the separate article . the states-general of the united provinces of the low-countries , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting : whereas besides the treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded at ryswick in holland , the 20th day of september , of the present year , 1697. there has also been made a separate article , by nicolas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of bonneuil , count of cely , counsellor in ordinary to his most christian majesty in his council of state ; lewis verjus , knight , count of crecy , counsellor in ordinary to his majesty in his council of state , marquis of treon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay , the two churches , fort-isle , menillet , and other places ; and francis callieres , knight , lord of callieres , roche-chellay and gigny , extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty in the assembly of ryswick , in the name and from his said majesty : and by anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the province of holland and west-friesland , keeper of the great seal , and superintendent of the fiefs of the said province ; everhard de weede , lord of weede , dyckvelt , rateles , and other places , lord of the mannor of the town of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. mary in vtrecht , dyckgrave of the river rhine , in the province of vtrecht , and president of the states of the said province ; and william de haren , grietman of bilt , deputy for the nobility in the states of friesland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputies in our assembly for the states of holland , vtrecht and friesland . our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries in the said assembly of ryswick , in our name and from us , by virtue of their respective full powers , of which separate article , the tenor is as follows , besides all that is concluded , &c. we likeing and accepting the said separate article , have approved and ratified , and we approve and ratifie the same by these presents , as if it was inserted in the forementioned treaty of peace and friendship ; and we promise inviolably to keep , maintain and observe all that is contained in it , without ever acting contrary to it , directly or indirectly , upon any account whatsoever . in testimony whereof we have caused these presents to be signed by the president of our assembly , countersigned by our secretary , and sealed with our great seal . given at the hague , the 10th of october , in the year , 1697. articles of peace between the emperour , and the empire on one part , and france on the other part ; concluded at the royal castle of ryswick in holland , on the 20 / 30 of october , 1697. in the name of the most holy trinity , amen — be it known unto all , and every one , that a cruel war , attended with the effusion of much christian blood , and the devastation of several provinces , having been waged for some years last past , between the most serene and most puissant prince and lord , leopold , elected emperour of the romans , always august , king of germany , hungary , bohemia ; of dalmatia , croatia , and sclavonia ; archduke of austria , duke of burgundy , brabant , stiria , carinthia , and carniola ; marquiss of moravia ; duke of luxembourg , of the high and lower silesia , of wirtemberg , and of teck ; prince of suabia ; count of habsbourg , of tyrol , kybourg , and goritia ; marquiss of the sacred roman empire , burgow , of the upper and lower lusatia ; lord of the sclavonian marches , of port-naon , and salins , &c. and the sacred roman empire on one part ; and the most serene and most puissant prince and lord , lewis xiv . the most christian king of france and navarre , on the other part . now his imperial majesty , and his most christian majesty , having most seriously apply'd themselves to terminate , and put an end as soon as possible to those mischiefs that daily encreas'd , to the ruine of christendom , by the divine assistance , and by the care of the most serene and most puissant prince and lord , charles xi . king of swedeland , goths and vandals , grand prince of finland , duke of scania , esthonia , livonia , of carelia , bremen , ferden , of stetin , pomerania , cassubia and vandalia ; prince of rugen , and lord of ingria and wismar , count palatine of the rhine , duke of bavaria , juliers , cleves and bergues , of illustrious memory ; who from the very beginning of these commotions , did not cease effectually to sollicit the christian princes to peace , and afterwards having been accepted as universal mediator , never desisted gloriously to labour even to his dying day , to procure the same with all imaginable speed ; having to this purpose appointed and setled conferences in the palace of ryswick in holland : and after his decease , the most serene and most puissant prince and lord charles xii . king of sweden , goths and vandals , grand prince of finland , duke of scania , esthonia , of livonia , carelia , bremen , of ferden , stetin , pomerania , cassubia , and of vandalia ; prince of rugen ; lord of ingria and of wismar ; count palatine of the rhine ; duke of bavaria , juliers , cleves and bergues ; inheriting from his royal father the same longing desire and earnestness to procure the publick tranquility ; and the treaties having been brought to their perfection by the foresaid conferences ; the ambassadors and plenipotentiaries lawfully appointed and established by both parties , being met to this effect at the aforesaid place ; that is to say , on the emperor's part , the most illustrious and most excellent lords , the sieur dominic andrew kaunitz , count of the holy roman empire , hereditary lord of austerliz , of hungarischbord , mahrischpruss and orzechan the great , knight of the order of the golden fleece , intimate councellor of state to his sacred imperial majesty , chamberlain and vice-chancellour of the holy empire ; the sieur henry john stratman , sieur de puerbach , count of the holy roman empire , lord of orth , schmiding , spatenbrun and carlsberg , imperial aulique councellor , chamberlain to his sacred imperial majesty ; and the sieur john frederick , free and noble baron of seilern , imperial aulique councellor to his sacred imperial majesty , and one of the plenipotentiaries in the imperial diets : and on the part of his sacred most christian majesty , the most illustrious and most excellent lords , the sieur nicholas augustus de harlay , knight , lord of boneuil , count of cely , ordinary councellor to the king in his council of state : the sieur lewis verjus , knight , ordinary councellor to the king in his council of state , count de crecy , marquiss of freon , baron of couvay , lord of boulay two churches , of fort-isle , and other places ; together with the sieur francis de callieres , lord of callieres , of rochechellay and gigny ; by the mediation and intercession of the most illustrious and most excellent lords , the sieur charles bonde , count de biornoo , lord of hesleby , tyres , toftaholm , of grafsteen , gustavusberg , and of rezitza , councellor to his majesty the king of sweden , and president of the supreme senate of dorpat in livonia ; and of the sieur nicholas free baron of lilieroot , secretary of state to his majesty the king of sweden , and extraordinary ambassador to their high and mightinesses the states general of the united provinces , both of them extraordinary ambassadors , and plenipotentiaries for confirming and establishing a general peace ; who have faithfully discharg'd their duty of mediatorship with integrity , application , and prudence : the plenipotentiaries of the electors , princes , and deputed states of the holy roman empire , being present , approving , and consenting , after the invocation of god's holy name , and the exchange of their full powers made in due manner and form , did agree , for the glory of god's holy name , and the welfare of christendom , upon conditions of peace and concord , the tenor whereof is as followeth . i. there shall be a christian , universal , perpetual peace , and a true amity between his sacred imperial majesty and his successors , the whole holy roman empire , and the kingdoms and hereditary states , their vassals and subjects on the one part , and the most christian king , his successors , vassals and subjects on the other part ; it shall be faithfully and sincerely maintain'd , so that the one shall not undertake any thing under what pretence soever , to the ruin or prejudice of the other , nor afford , or lend assistance upon any account whatsoever to any one who would attempt it , or in any wise do any wrong to the other ; that he will not receive , protect , or assist in any way or manner whatsoever , the rebellious and disobedient subjects of the other party ; but on the contrary both parties shall seriously procure the benefit , honour , and mutual advantage of each other , notwithstanding all promises , treaties and alliances to the contrary made , or to be made in any manner whatsoever , which are abolished , and made of none effect by the present treaty . ii. there shall be on both sides an amnesty and perpetual oblivion of all the hostilities reciprocally committed , in what place or manner soever it be ; so that upon any cause or pretence of the same , or upon any other account , it may not be lawful for the one to express any resentment to the other , nor create any trouble or vexation , directly or indirectly , either by way of justice , or de facto , in any place whatsoever , nor permit that any such shall be expressed or created ; but all and singular the injuries and violences whether by word , deed , or writing , without any respect to persons or things , are so intirely and fully abolish'd and cancell'd , that whatsoever the one may pretend against the other upon this account , shall be bury'd in everlasting oblivion ; all and several the subjects and vassals of both parties shall enjoy the effect and benefit of the present amnesty , insomuch that the having adhered to such or such a party , shall not be wrested to the prejudice or disadvantage of any of them ; but that he shall be wholly re-establish'd and setled , as to his honours and estate , in the same condition he was in immediately before the war , excepting notwithstanding what hath been more especially and particularly regulated in the following articles , in relation to moveables , ecclesiastical benefices and revenues . iii. the treaties of westphalia and nimeguen shall be look'd upon as the basis and foundation of this present treaty , and consequently in pursuance of the same , immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications , the said treaties shall be fully executed , in respect both to spiritual and temporal matters , and shall be inviolably observed for the future , except in such cases wherein it is expresly otherwise agreed on by this present treaty . iv. particularly there shall be deliver'd up to his imperial majesty , to the empire , and to its states and members , all the places and rights situate out of alsatia , that have been in the possession of , and occupy'd and enjoy'd by his most christian majesty , as well during the present war , by way of fact and deed , as by way of unions and reunions , or that have been exprest in the catalogue of reunions produced by the ambassadors of france , nulling to this purpose all the decrees , determinations , acts and declarations made upon this account by the chambers of metz and besançon , and by the council of brisac : and all things shall be reduced to the same condition wherein they were before the foresaid seisures , unions , or reunions , without putting the possessors of the said places to any further trouble or molestation , the roman catholick religion nevertheless remaining setled in the fore-mentioned places , in the same manner as it is at present . v. and albeit by these general rules one may easily judge who they be that are to be re-established , and in what manner , and how far they ought to be so ; nevertheless upon the earnest sollicitations of some , and for some particular reasons , it hath been thought convenient to make particular mention of some occasions ; yet so , that those who shall not be expresly named , may not be taken for omitted , but shall absolutely enjoy the same right , as those that are nominated , and may be put in the same rank , and capacity . vi. namely , the lord elector of triers , and bishop of spires , shall be re-invested in the possession of the city of triers or treves , in the same condition wherein it is at present , without demolishing or damnifying any thing either in the publick or private edifices , together with the artillery that was therein , at the very time of its last being put into possession . in like manner , whatsoever was regulated in the iv. article aforegoing upon the account of places occupied , of unions and re-unions , must be thought to be repeated in particular in favour of the churches of treves and spires . vii . the elector of brandenbourgh shall likewise enjoy all the advantages of the present peace , and shall be therein comprised together with all his territories , possessions , subjects and rights , and more especially those that appertain and belong to him , by virtue of the treaty of the 29 th of june ; in the year 1679. just as if they had been specified each in particular . viii . all the states occupied and enjoyed by the most christian king , shall be surrender'd to the elector palatine , whether they belong to him in particular , or whether he possesses them in common with others of what nature soever they may be ; and particularly the city , and prefecture of germersheim , together with the prefectures , and vice-prefectures therein comprised , with all the fortresses , cities , burroughs , towns , villages , hamlets , fiefs , funds and rights , according as they were surrendred by the peace of westphalia , together with all instruments , instructions , and acts taken away , or plunder'd from the archives , or records , chancery , court of fiefs , from the chamber of counts , of prefectures , and other palatinate offices ; not any place , effect , right , or document being excepted : and as to what relates to the claims , and rights of the dutchess of orleans , it is agreed upon ; that the aforesaid restitution being first made ; the business shall be decided , and judged in form of compromise by his imperial majesty , and by his most christian majesty as arbitrators , which shall be decided according to the imperial laws and constitutions . but if they do not agree in their verdict , the business shall be referr'd to the pope , to judge of it as supreme arbitrator . nevertheless they shall not forbear in the mean time endeavouring to procure an amicable concord between the parties , and till such time as the business be determined , and ended , the said elector shall give every year to the said dutchess of orleans , the summ of two hundred thousand french livres , or one hundred thousand florins of the rhine , in such manner , and upon the same condition as is specified by a particular article of the same power and force as the present treaty , and that the right of the two parties , as also that of the empire , shall remain intire , in respect of the possessor as well as pretender . ix . there shall be restored to the king of sweden , in quality of prince palatine of the rhine , the county of sponheim , veldents , his ancient dutchy of deux ponts intire , and with all its appurtenances , dependences , and rights , which the counts palatines of the rhine , and dukes of deux ponts , predecessors of his swedish majesty , have enjoyed , or may have enjoyed , conformable to the peace of westphalia ; so that whatsoever the crown of france hath hitherto pretended to as to this dutchy , in whole or in part , by what title soever , may rightfully return to his swedish majesty , and to his heirs , as being counts palatines of the rhine . there shall in like manner be restored all the acts , documents , instructions , concerning the said dutchy ; together with the artillery that was therein at the time when france seized upon it , and all other things agreed upon in the preceding articles relating to restitutions . x. as to what concerns the principality of veldents , and what the late prince leopold lewis count palatine of the rhine hath possest by virtue of the said principality , or of that of lautrec , it shall be restor'd in pursuance to the iv article , and to the inventory or list exhibited by the ambassadors of france , saving only the rights of each of the pretenders as well in regard to the possessor as to the claimer . xi . there shall be restored to prince francis lewis palatine , great master of the teutonick order , and bishop of wormes , all the commands wholly , without exception , taken by france from the said order , and which have been assigned to him , or which he hath anciently possest , together with the places , revenues , and rights ; and the said order shall enjoy , by vertue of the said commands and estates situate within the dominion of france , as well in respect of collation as administration , the same customs , privileges , and exemptions that it enjoyed heretofore , according to its statutes and laws , and which the order of st. john of jerusalem were wont to enjoy ; likewise all that hath been decreed in relation to restitutions of places , contributions , and otherwise , shall take place in behalf of the bishop of wormes , and of other churches of the said prince . xii . there shall be restored to the elector of cologne , in quality of bishop and prince of liege , the castle and city of dinant , in the same condition they were in when the french possest themselves of them ; together with all the rights and dependences , and all the artillery and instructions that were found therein at that time : as for the rest , whatsoever hath been determined and regulated in the iv article in relation to what hath been taken , to unions , and re-unions , shall be look'd upon as repeated in particular in favour of the churches of cologne and liege . xiii . the family or house of wirtemberg , and particularly duke george , shall be re-established for him and his successors , with respect to the principality and county of monbelliard , in the same condition , rights , and prerogatives , and particularly in the same immediate dependence upon the roman empire , it hath heretofore enjoy'd , and which the princes of the empire did enjoy , or ought to have enjoyed ; making void and of none effect all acknowledgment in quality of vassal made to the crown of france in 1681. and they the said princes shall henceforward freely enjoy all the revenues that depend upon the said principality and county , as well secular as ecclesiastick , that they enjoyed before the peace of nimeguen ; as likewise all fiefs that have been opened in favour of them , or which they have made over or granted to others during the detension of france ; excepting only the village of baldenheim , together with the appurtenances , which the most christian king hath bestowed on the commander of chamlay , camp-master-general to his armies ; which said donation ought still to subsist ; yet in such a manner , notwithstanding , that homage be paid for it to the foresaid duke of wirtemberg and his successors , as to the direct lord , and that he be oblig'd to beg of him to be invested in it . in like manner , the said princes shall be reinstated in the full and free possession as well of their inheritance possest in burgundy , of clereval and passevant , as of the lordships of granges , herricourt , of blamont , chatelart , and of clermont , and others situate and being in burgundy , and in the principality of monbelliard , with all their rights and revenues , intire , and just in the same manner as they possest them before the peace of nimeguen , abolishing totally all that has been done and pretended to the contrary , under what pretence , at what time , and after what manner soever it may be . xiv . in like manner , the marquis of baden's family shall enjoy all the right and benefit of the present treaty ; and consequently , of that of westphalia and nimeguen , and more particularly of the fourth and fifth articles of the present treaty . xv. the princes and counts of nassau , of hanaw , and of leininguen , and all other states of the holy roman empire , who are to be re-instated by the fourth article of this treaty and others , shall likewise be re-instated accordingly in all and several the estates and dominions , in the rents and revenues that depend thereon , and in all the other rights and benefits , of what nature soever they may be . xvi . and because , for the better securing and confirming the peace , it hath been judged meet and expedient here and there to exchange some countries , his imperial majesty and the empire do yield up and grant to his most christian majesty , and the kings his successors , the city of strasbourg , and all that depends thereon , on the left hand of the rhine , together with the whole right , propriety , and sovereignty , that have belonged , or might have belonged to his said imperial majesty , and to the roman empire , till this present time ; and do all and several of them transfer and make over to his most christian majesty , and the kings his successors , in such sort that the said city with all its appurtenances and dependances situate and being on the left hand of the rhine , without all exception , with the intire jurisdiction , superiority , and soveraignty from this very time , and for ever shall belong and appertain to his most christian majesty and his successors , and are united to , and incorporated with the crown of france , without any contradiction on the account of the emperor , empire , or of any other whatsoever ; and for the greater confirmation of the said concession , and alienation , the emperor and empire , do expresly disclaim by vertue of this present transaction , the decrees , constitutions , statutes and customs of the roman empire , even tho' confirm'd by oath , or that may hereafter be confirmed , and particularly the imperial capitulation , inasmuch as it prohibits all manner of alienation of the estates and rights of the empire , all which they do absolutely and expresly renounce , discharging and freeing the said city , and all its magistrates , officers , citizens and subjects , from all their bonds , oaths and ingagements , whereby they have been obliged to the emperor and empire , and permitting it to take an oath of supremacy and allegiance to the most christian king , and his successors ; and by putting the most christian king into full and just property , possession and soveraignty , from this very time and for ever renouncing all rights , pretensions , and claims to the same ; and being willing to this effect that the said city of strasbourg be quite razed out of the matriculation or register of the empire . xvii . it shall nevertheless be lawful for all , and every one of the inhabitants of the said city and its dependences , of what condition soever they be , who are willing to depart from thence , to go settle themselves in any other place where they please , and whither they may transport their moveable goods without any lett , hindrance , diminution or exaction , during a whole year next after the ratification of the peace , and during the space of five years in executing the conditions , which are wont to be performed from all antiquity and time out of mind , in the said countries in such like cases ; and may sell , or put off their moveable goods , or retain and keep them , and manage them themselves , or cause them to be governed and managed by others ; the same liberty of keeping and managing their immovable goods themselves , or of getting them managed by others , shall appertain to any other member or subject of the empire , be they mediate or immediate , who shall have any goods , revenues , debts , actions or rights within the said city and dependencies thereon , whether it be that they have always enjoyed them , or whither they may have been confiscated during , or before the war , or given to others , the which ought to be restored by the present agreement of what nature soever they may be , or in what place soever they are situate ; provided also that the ecclesiastick-jurisdiction shall remain to those whereunto it did from all antiquity belong ; and without any body presuming to withstand the same , or hinder the exercise thereof . xviii . in like manner also his most christian majesty shall on his part restore within thirty days next ensuing the ratification of the present treaty , to his imperial majesty and empire , the fort of kiel , together with all and singular its rights and dependencies , which first was built by his most christian majesty , on the right hand of the rhine intire , and without demolishing any thing thereof . and as for the fort of pille , and others raised in the isles of the rhine , they shall be totally razed within a month , or sooner , if possible at the sole expence and charges of the most christian king , and not to be new raised , or rebuilt hereafter by either party . and as to what relates to the navigation , and other usage , and customs of the river , it shall be free , and open for the subjects of both parties , and for all other that shall have a mind to pass , sail , or convey their merchandize that way ; without any permission being allowed to either of them to undertake any thing there or else where for to turn the said river another way , and thereby any ways to render the course of navigation , or any other usage and custom more difficult ; much less shall it be permitted to erect new customs , rights , imposts , or tolls , or to augment the ancient ones ; to oblige the boats to come ashore at one bank rather than other , there to expose their lading or merchandize , or to take in any ; but all that shall be wholly left to every ones liberty . xix . his most christian majesty does likewise deliver up to his imperial majesty , and to the most serene house of austria , the city and fortress of fribourg , as also the fort of st. peter , and the fort called the fort del'estoile , or star , and all the other forts newly erected , or repaired there or elsewhere in the black forest , or in any other part of brisgow , every one of them in the self-same condition wherein it remains at present , without demolishing or damnifying any thing , together with the villages of leken , metzhauzen , and kirchzarth , with all their rights thereunto belonging , as they were yielded up to his most christian majesty by the peace of nimeguen , or possessed , occupied or enjoy'd by him , together with all the archives , records , and all and every the documents or writings found therein , at the time his said majesty was put in possession of the same , whether they be still in the places , or convey'd elsewhere ; always reserving without prejudice the diocesan right , with other rights and revenues of the bishop of constans . xx. in like manner his most christian majesty delivers and conveys to his imperial majesty the city of brisac wholly in the condition it now is , with the granaries , arsenals , fortifications , ramparts , walls , towers , and other edifices both publick and private , as also the dependences situate on the right hand of the rhine , leaving to the most christian king , those which are on the left , and amongst others the fort called the mortar . but that which is called the new city , situate and being on the left hand of the said river , with the bridge , and fort built in the isle of the rhine , shall be totally demolished and razed , never more to be rebuilt by the one party or the other . moreover , the same liberty of removing from brisac , to any other place , which was agreed upon as to the city of strasbourg , must be considered as repeated in this place word for word . xxi . the foresaid places , cities , castles and fortresses , together with all their jurisdictions , appurtenances and dependences made over and deliver'd to his imperial majesty , by his most christian majesty , shall be surrendred , and deliver'd without any reservation , exception , or detention whatsoever , faithfully and honestly , without any delay , let , hindrance or pretence to such who after the ratification of the present treaty shall be appointed , or in a more special manner deputed to that effect by his imperial majesty , or have made it appear to the french intendants , governours , or officers of the places so to be delivered ; insomuch that the said cities , cittadels , forts and places , with all their priviledges , emoluments , revenues and immunities , and all other things whatsoever contained therein may return to be under the jurisdiction , actual possession , and absolute power and sovereignty of his imperial majesty and the house of austria ; and may so remain for evermore , as they belonged to him in former times , and have been hitherto possest by his most christian majesty ; the crown of france not retaining or reserving to it self any right , claim , or pretension to the foremention'd places and their jurisdiction . neither shall they demand the cost and charges expended in the fortifications , or other publick or private edifices ; nor shall the full and intire restitution be put off and deferred , for any reason whatsoever , from being performed within thirty days next after the ratification of this present treaty , so that the french garisons may depart thence without causing any molestation , damage , or trouble to the citizens and inhabitants , or any other subjects of the house of austria whatsoever , under pretence of debts , or what pretensions soever . neither shall it be permitted to the french troops to stay any longer time in the places that are to be restored , or any other place not belonging to his most christian majesty , there to take up their winter-quarters , or sojourn therein ; but shall be forced immediately to repair to the territories belonging to the crown of france . xxii . there shall be likewise restored to his imperial majesty and the holy rom. empire , the town of philipsbourg in its best condition , with the fortifications adjoining thereto , that are on the right hand of the rhine , and all the ordnance and artillery that was there when france seized on it the last time ; with this proviso , that the right of the bishop of spires be altogether excepted , upon the account of which the fourth article of the treaty of peace at nimeguen is to be lookt upon as repeatable in this place in express terms . but the fort that was built on the left of the rhine , and the bridge that was made by the most christian king's order after the taking of it , shall be utterly demolished . xxiii . the most christian king shall take care to cause the fortifications built over against huningen upon the right in the isle of the rhine , to be razed at his own proper cost and charges , restoring the grounds and edifices to the family of baden : the bridge also built in this place upon the rhine shall be demolished likewise . xxiv . they shall likewise destroy the fort that was built on the right of the rhine , over against the fort called fort louis , the said fort and isle remaining in the power of the most christian king , and as for the ground of the demolisht fort , it shall be restored together with the houses to the marquis of baden . they shall moreover destroy that part of the bridge that goes from the said bridge to the isle , which shall never be repaired hereafter by either party . xxv . the most christian king shall likewise cause to be demolished the fortifications added after the peace of nimeguen , to the castle of trarbach , and the fortress of mont-royal upon the moselle , without any body's presuming to repair them for the future , yet leaving the fortress of trarbach intire to be wholly restored , with the city and its appurtenances to its former possessors . xxvi . they shall likewise demolish the fortifications added by the most christian king , to the fortress of kernbourg , after which demolishing the city of kernbourg being left intire and untouched , as also the other goods and chattels belonging to the prince of salm , and to his cousins the rhinegraves , and vildgraves , and other things , shall be restored to be possessed in the same manner , and with the very same right they did possess them before they were turn'd out of them . upon which it is agreed and consented to by the present treaty . xxvii . the new fortifications added by the most christian king to the fortress of ebernbourg , shall also be demolished , and the fortress to be afterwards restored to the barons of sickinguen , with other estates belonging to them ; which are to be restored to them by both parties . xxviii . the duke of lorain having been united to his imperial majesty in this war , and having a desire to be comprehended within the present treaty , he shall be accordingly reinstated for himself , his heirs , and successors , into the free and full possession of the states , possessions , and goods which duke charles his uncle by the father's side was possest of in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy , at such time as the most christian king seized upon them ; excepting notwithstanding the alterations and changes explain'd in the following articles . xxix . his most christian majesty shall particularly restore to the said duke the old and new city of nancy , with all its appurtenances , and the artillery that was found in the old city at the time of its being taken ; upon this condition nevertheless , that all the ramparts and bastions of the old city remaining intire , with the gates of the new , the ramparts and bastions of this latter , as also the whole exteriour fortifications of both , shall be intirely razed at the sole charge of the most christian king , never to be any more re-built for time to come : except the said duke and his successors shall have a mind when they please to enclose the new city with a single dry wall , without a flank . xxx . his most christian majesty shall likewise cause the castle of bitsch to be evacuated , with all its appurtenances ; as also the castle of hombourg , by causing all the fortifications to be razed before-hand , that they may never more be repaired : yet so that the foresaid castles and cities that are adjacent thereto , may receive no damage thereby , but may remain totally untouch'd . xxxi . upon the whole , whatsoever hath been ordered as abovesaid in the iv article , in reference to unions and re-unions , shall be as serviceable and advantageous to the said duke , as if it had been here repeated verbarim , in what place and after what manner the foresaid unions and re-unions have been made and ordained . xxxii . his most christian majesty reserves to himself the fortress of sar-louis , with half a league round about it , which shall be marked out and limited by the commissioners of his said majesty , and by those of lorrain , by him to be possess'd sovereignly for ever . xxxiii . the city and prefectship of longwi , together with all its appurtenances and dependences , shall also remain in the power of the said most christian king , his heirs and successors , with all superiority , sovereignty , and property , without the said duke his heirs or successors pretending henceforward to claim any right therein ; but in exchange of the said city and prefectship , his said most christian majesty will put another prefectship into the hands of the said duke , in one of the three bishopricks , of the same extent and value , whereof the said commissioners shall bona fide agree upon . and the said prefectship so made over and conveyed by the most christian king to the said duke , he the said duke , as well as his heirs and successors , shall possess it to the worlds end , with all the rights of superiority , sovereignty , and property . xxxiv . the passage shall be always open through the territories of the said duke , without any obstacle or impeachment , to the most christian king's troops , who shall go or come from the frontiers ; upon condition nevertheless , that timely notice of it shall be given before-hand ; that the soldier that passes shall not go out of his way , but may pursue the shortest and usual way , and duly continue his road as he ought , without delay . he shall not commit any violence , nor do any damage to the places and subjects of the duke , and shall pay ready money for victuals and other necessaries that shall be delivered to him by the commissioners of lorrain . mutually abolishing and causing the high-ways and places that his most christian majesty had reserved to himself by the peace of nimeguen , to return to the power and jurisdiction of the duke without any exception . xxxv . the ecclesiastical benefices conferred by his most christian majesty till the very day of the present treaty , shall remain in enjoyment and possession of those who possess them at present , and who have obtained them of his most christian majesty , without being liable to be disturbed therein . xxxvi . it hath moreover been concluded , that the law-suits , sentences , and decrees passed by the council , judges , and other his most christian majesty's officers concerning the differences and actions that have been determined as well between the subjects of the dutchies of lorrain and of barr , as others , at the time when the most christian king possest those states , shall take place and obtain their full and due effect , in the same manner as if his said christian majesty had remained in possession of the said estates , it not being permitted to call in question the validity of the said . sentences and decrees , or to impede or stop the execution thereof . it shall notwithstanding be permitted to the parties to demand a review of what shall have been enacted according to the order and disposition of the laws and constitutions , the sentences nevertheless remaining in their full force and vertue . xxxvii . there shall be restored to the said duke , after the ratification of the present treaty , the archives and written documents and precedents that was in the treasury of the records of nancy and barr , and in both chambers of accounts or other places , and that have been taken thence . xxxviii . the said duke immediately after the ratification of the peace , shall have power to send commissioners to the dutchies of lorrain and barr , to have a watchful eye upon his affairs , administer justice , take care of the imposts , taxes upon salt , and other duties , dispose of publick treaties , and perform all other necessary things , so that the said duke may within the same time enter into the full possession of his government . xxxix . as to what relates to imposts and customs , and concerning the exemption in the transportation of salt or wood , either by land or water , the custom settled in the year 1670 , shall be observed , without permitting any innovation . xl. the ancient custom and liberty of commerce between lorrain and the bishopricks of metz , toul , and verdun , shall be still in being , and shall henceforth be observed to the benefit and advantage of both parties . xli . the contracts and agreements made between the most christian kings and the dukes of lorrain , shall be in like manner observed in their ancient force and vigour . xlii . the said duke and his brethren shall be impowered to prosecute the right they pretend to belong to them in divers causes , by the ordinary course of law , notwithstanding the sentences past in their absence , without being heard . xliii . in matters not here expresly agreed to the contrary , shall be observed in respect of the duke , his estates and subjects , what hath been concluded upon by the present treaty , and more especially in the article that begins , * all the vassals and subjects of both parties : in that which begins , † so soon as the present treaty of peace shall be : and that which beginneth , ‖ and to the end that the subjects of both parties may as speedily as may be enjoy : just as if they had been here particularly recited . xliv . the cardinal of furstembourg shall be reinvested in all the rights , estates feudal and allodial , benefices , honours , and prerogatives , that belong to the princes and members of the holy roman empire , as well in respect of the bishoprick of strasbourg on the right-hand of the rhine , as of his abby of stavelo and others ; and shall enjoy , with his cousins and relations that adhered to his party , and his domestick servants , a full and absolute amnestie , and security , for whatsoever hath been done or said , and for whatsoever hath been decreed against him or them ; and that neither he , his heirs , cousins , relations , nor domesticks , shall ever be proceeded against in any cause by the lords electors of cologne and bavaria , their heirs , or any other persons whatsoever , upon the account of the inheritance of the late maximilian henry : and reciprocally , the lord cardinal , his cousins , relations , and domesticks , or any that have any cause depending upon their behalf , shall not demand any thing , upon what account soever , from the lords electors , or others , from the said inheritance , legacies that were left them , or any things that have been given them , all right , pretension , or action personal or real , being totally extinct . such of the canons who have adhered to the cardinal's pa●●y , and who have been outed of their prebendaries or canonical benefices , shall receive the same amnestie and security , and shall make use of the same privilege , and shall be re-settled in all the canonical rights , benefices , and dignities , and in the same degree and dignity in the chapter of the collegiate churches and cathedral church , as they were before their deposition . yet so however , that the revenues remaining in the power of those that possess them at present , these same may enjoy , just as the others that shall be re-settled do , the titles and common functions of the said dignities and benefices ; the chief place and rank notwithstanding is to be deferr'd , and yielded to those who shall be re-settled ; and after death , or the voluntary resignation of those who are in possession , those only that are re-established shall solely enjoy the said dignities and revenues ; and in the mean time , each of them , according to the order they have amongst them , shall obtain the new prebendaries that shall become vacant . and there is no question but this may be approved of by the abovesaid ecclesiasticks whom this regulation may concern . the heirs likewise of the canons who have been deprived of their dignity , and are dead during the war , whose goods , chattels , and revenues have been sequestred or confiscated , shall enjoy the intire benefit , for the recovery of them by the article which begins thus , * all the vassals and subjects of both parties ; together with this express and particular clause , that pious legacies bequeath'd by the deceased , shall be paid forthwith , without delay , according to their disposal , out of the revenues by them assigned . xlv . the landgraves of hesse reinfeldt shall be in a more especial manner included in the amnestie , and shall be re-instated in respect of the fortress of rheinfeldt , and all the lower county of catzenelboguen , with all rights and dependences , in the same condition and circumstances wherein , the landgrave ernest their father was , before the beginning of this war : excepting always , and in all cases , the rights appertaining to monsieur the landgrave of hesse cassel . xlvi . all the vassals and subjects of both parties , ecclesiasticks and seculars , corporations , universities and colleges , shall be re-settled in their honours , dignities , and benefices , whereof they were in quiet possession before the war , as also in all their rights , goods movable and immovable , rents and revenues ; also those that are capable of being redeemed , or which are for life , ( provided that the principal thereof be not consumed ) and have been employed or retained during or upon the occasion of this war , with all the rights , actions , successions , and entails that are fallen to them during the said war ; yet so , that they may not demand any thing back again upon occasion of fruits or revenues received , or pensions granted after the taking or detaining , until the day of the ratification of the present treaty . provided nevertheless , that merchandise , debts , and movables , shall not be re-demanded , if confiscated during , or upon account of the war , or converted to other uses by publick authority ; nor shall the creditors of the said debts , or the proprietors and owners of such merchandise and movables or their heirs or executors , ever sue for them , nor pretend to any restitution or satisfaction for them . the said restitutions shall also extend to those who have followed a contrary party , who have thereupon been suspected , and who have been deprived of their estates after the peace of nimeguen , for having absented themselves , to go to inhabit elsewhere , or because they have refused to pay homage , or for such like causes or pretences ; which said persons consequently , by virtue of this peace , shall return into their prince's favour , and into all their ancient rights and estates whatsoever , such as they are at the time of the conclusion and signing of this treaty ; and all that hath been said in this article , shall be executed immediately after the ratification of the peace , notwithstanding all donations , concessions , alienations , declarations , confiscations , faults , expences , meliorations , interlocutory and definitive sentences , past out of contumacy and contempt , the persons absent not being heard to speak for themselves ; which said sentences shall be null , and of none effect , and look'd upon as though they had never been pronounc'd ; they , all of them , being left to their liberty to return into their country , to enter upon their aforesaid estates , and enjoy them , as well as their rents and revenues , or to go sojourn or take up their habitation elsewhere , in what place they shall think fit , and such as they have a mind to make choice of , without any violence or constraint . and in such case it shall be permitted to them to cause their estates and revenues to be administred by sollicitors , or proctors , that are not suspected , and may peaceably enjoy them ; excepting only ecclesiastical benefices , that require residence , which shall be regulated and administred personally . lastly , it shall be free for every subject of either party to sell , exchange , alienate , and convey by testament , deed of gift , or otherwise , their estates , goods movable and immovable , rents and revenues , which they may possess in the states or dominions of another sovereign ; so that any ones subject , or a foreigner , may buy them , or purchase them , without having need of further permission from the sovereign ; besides that which is contained in this present article . xlvii . if any ecclesiastical benefices mediate , or immediate have been during this war conferr'd by one of the parties in the territories and places that were then under his dominion , upon persons rightly qualified , according to the canon or rule of their first institution , and the lawful statutes general or particular made on this behalf , or by any other canonical disposal made by the pope . the said ecclesiastical benefices shall be left to the present possessors , as likewise the ecclesiastical benefices conferr'd after this manner before this war , in the places that ought to be restored by the present peace ; so that henceforth no person may , or ought to trouble or molest them in the possession and lawful administration of the same ; neither in receiving the fruits and benefits , nor upon that account may they at any time be presented , summoned , or cited to appear in a court of judicature , or any other way whatsoever , disturbed or molested : upon condition notwithstanding that they discharge themselves honestly , and perform what they are bound to , by vertue of the said benefices . xlviii . forasmuch as it conduceth much to the publick peace and tranquility , that the peace concluded at turin the 29 th . of august 1696 , between his most christian majesty and his royal highness be exactly and duly observed , it hath likewise been found expedient to confirm it , and to comprise it in this present treaty , and to make it of the same value , and for ever to subsist and be in force . the points that have been regulated in favour of the house of savoy in the treaties of westphalia and nimeguen re-established above , are confirmed in particular , and judged as here repeated word for word ; yet so nevertheless , that the restitution of pignerol and its dependencies , already made , may not in any case deminish or alter the obligation wherein his most christian majesty hath engaged himself to pay to the duke of mantua the sum of four hundred ninety four thousand crowns for discharge of the duke of savoy , as is explained more at large in the treaty of the peace of westphalia . and to the end that this may be more fully and more strongly confirmed , all , and every one , the princes , that participate of the general peace , do promise to the duke of savoy , and will reciprocally receive from him the promises and securities , that they stipulate amongst themselves for a more firm assurance of the matter . xlix . upon the whole , it is not meant that by whatsoever restitution of places , persons , estates , rights made , or to be made by france , there is acquired any new right to such as are , or shall be so re-established . but that if any other have any claim or pretension against them , they shall be propounded , examined and decided in a convenient place , after the making of the said restitution , which for this reason ought by no means to be deferred . l. so soon as ever the present treaty of peace shall have been signed and sealed by the lords extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , all hostilities and violence of what nature soever shall cease , as also all demolishing of edifices , all devastations of vineyards and forests , all felling of trees ; and immediately after the exchange of the ratifications , all the troops shall be made to retire from the unfortified places belonging to the other party . and as for what concerns fortified places that are to be restored by the present treaty , they shall within thirty days after the ratification of the peace , or sooner , if possible , be surrendred to and put into the hands of those that are nominated in the preceding articles ; or , if not expresly nominated , then to those who did possess them immediately before their being taken ; without any demolishing of fortifications or edifices , either publick or private , without making them in a worse condition than they are at present , or without exacting any thing for or by reason of any expences in the said places ; and the soldiers shall not exact any thing upon this account , or for any other cause whatsoever , nor carry any thing away of the effects belonging to the inhabitants , or of what ought to be left there in pursuance of this treaty . as for all sorts of demolitions to be made pursuant to the agreements above , it shall be wholly and effectually performed , in respect of the less considerable things , within a month if possible , and in respect of the more considerable within two months if it may be done , without any expence or trouble to the other party for the said demolition . likewise shall all the archives , records , literal documents be faithfully restored immediately after the exchange of the ratifications , as well those which belong to the places that are to be surrendred and delivered to his imperial majesty's empire , and to its states and members , as those that have been removed and conveyed from the chamber and city of spires , and other places of the empire , altho' there may be no particular mention made thereof in the present treaty . the prisoners taken upon occasion of the war , shall also be released , and set at liberty on both sides , without any ransome , and in particular such who have been condemned to the gallies , or to any other publick slavery . li. and to the end that the subjects of both parties may speedily enjoy the intire benefit of this peace , it hath been agreed , that all contributions of money , grain , wine , of forage , wood , and cattel , or the like , altho' already imposed on the subjects of the other party , and altho' they have been setled and stated by agreement ; as also , that all forageing of what nature soever upon the territories and jurisdiction of one another shall totally cease upon the very day of the ratification , and what shall be due in arrears for such like contributions , impositions or exactions , shall be totally abolished . in like manner the hostages delivered or carried away during this war for what cause soever , shall be restored , without further delay , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the same . lii . in like manner the commerce prohibited during the war between the subjects of his imperial majesty and the empire , and those of his most christian majesty and of the realm of france , shall be re-established presently after the signing of this peace , with the same liberty as before the war , and shall , all , and every one of them , and more particularly the inhabitants and citizens of the hans-towns , enjoy all manner of security by sea and land , together with their ancient rights , immunities , privileges and advantages obtained by solemn treaties , or by ancient custom . liii . whatsoever is concluded and agreed upon by this treaty shall be firm and inviolable to perpetuity ; and shall be observed and put in execution notwithstanding whatsoever might have been believed , alledged , or imagined to the contrary ; which remains altogether cancelled and abolished , altho' it might be of such a nature , that we might have been obliged to make a more ample and more particular mention of the same ; or , altho' the cancelling and abrogation seem as if it ought to be lookt upon as null , invalid , and of none effect . liv. each of the stipulating contracting parties shall be capable of confirming this present peace , and his observance of it , by certain alliances , by fortifications upon his own proper ground , except in the places in especial manner above excepted , the which they may build , or inlarge , put garrisons into , and use other means they shall judge most necessary for their defence . it shall likewise be permitted as well to all the kings , princes and republicks in general : as to the king of sweden in particular as mediator , to give their guarantie to his imperial majesty and empire , and to his most christian majesty , just as it was by vertue of the peace of westphalia . lv. and forasmuch as his imperial majesty and the empire , and his most christian majesty do acknowledg with sentiments of gratitude , the continual cares and good offices , that his swedish majesty hath used for re-establishing the publick tranquility , both parties agree that his swedish majesty shall by name be comprehended in the present treaty , with his realms and dominions , in the best form and manner as possibly may be . lvi . there are also comprehended in the present treaty upon the behalf of his imperial majesty and the empire , besides the members of the empire already named , the other electors , princes , states , and members of the empire , and amongst others more especially the bishop and bishoprick of basil , with all his estates , prilvileges and rights : item , the thirteen swisse cantons , together with their confederates , namely with the city of geneva , and its dependences , the city and county of neufchatel , the cities of st. gall , mulhausen and bienne , the three grison leagues , the seven jurisdictions or dizaines of the vallais , as also the abbey of st. gall. lvii . on the part of his most christian majesty are in like manner comprised the thirteen cantons of switzerland , and their allyes , and namely the republick of vallais , or wallisland . lviii . there shall also be comprehended within this treaty all such who shall be named by common consent of the one , and the other party before the exchange of the ratifications , or within the space of six months after . lix . the ambassadors of his imperial majesty , and of the most christian king , conjointly with the plenipotentiaries of the states deputed by the empire , do promise to cause the present peace thus concluded by the emperour , the empire and king of france , to be ratified in that same form whereof it is interchangeably here agreed on , and to procure the exchange of the letters of ratifications in this same place , within the space of six weeks to begin to reckon from this very day , or sooner if possible . lx. in witness and confirmation whereof the extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries as well imperial as those of the king of france , as also the plenipotentiaries of the electors , and deputies from the states of the empire have to this effect subsigned this present treaty with their own hands , and have annexed their seals thereto . done at the royal palace of ryswick in holland , the thirteenth of october , in the year one thousand , six hundred , ninety and seven . ( l.s. ) d. a. c. de kaunitz . ( l.s. ) hen. c. de stratman . ( l.s. ) j. f. l. b. de seilern . ( l.s. ) de harlay boneuil . ( l.s. ) verjus de crecy . ( l.s. ) de callieres . in the name of the elector of mentz . ( l.s. ) m. frederic , baron de schinborn , embassador . ( l.s. ) ignatius antonius otten , plenipotentiary . ( l.s. ) george william moll , plenipotentiary . in the name of the elector of bavaria . de prielmeyer , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary . ( l.s. ) in the name of the house of austria . ( l.s. ) francis radolphe de halden , l. baron of trasberg , &c. in the name of the great master of the teutonick order . ( l.s. ) charles b. de loe knight of the teutonick order . in the name of the bishop of wurtsbourg . ( l.s. ) john conrard philip ignatius de tastungen . in the name of the elector of triers . ( l.s. ) john henry de kaisarsfeld , plenipotentiary : in the name of the prince and bishop of constance . ( l.s. ) frederic de durheim . in the name of the bishop and prince of hildesheim . ( l.s. ) charles paul zimmerman , chancellour to his highness , counsellour of the privy counsel , and plenipotentiary . in the name of the elector of cologn in quality of bishop and prince of liege . ( l.s. ) john conrade norff deputy plenipotentiary . in the name of the prince and bishop of munster . ( l.s. ) ferdinand l. b. plettenberg de senhausen , respectively dean and chapter of the cathedral church of paderb . munster and hildes . in the name of the elector palatine , as duke of newbourg . ( l.s. ) john henry hetterman , plenipotentiary . in the name of the duke of wirtemberg . ( l.s. ) john george noble de kulpis knight of the roman empire , intimate counsellour of state , and director of the counsell . ( l.s. ) anthony guntor de hespen , counsellour in the supreme council , and plenipotentiary to the serene duke . in the name of the prince of baden . ( l.s. ) charles ferdinand l. b. de plettersdorff . reserve l'ordre alternatif . in the name of the abbatial college of suabia . ( l. s. ) joseph anthony eusebius de h●lden de neidtborg , l. baron de antenriedt , plenipotentiary . in the name of the counts of the bench of weteraw . ( l. s. ) charles otton count de solms . ( l. s. ) f. g. de eclesheim , counsellor of hannaw , and plenipotentiary . in the name of the free and imperial city of cologne . ( l. s. ) herman joseph bullingen , burgomaster and plenipotentiary . in the name of the city of ausbourg . ( l. s. ) john christopher de dirheim , plenipotentiary . in the name of the imperial city of francford . ( l.s. ) john james muller , plenipotentiary . ( l.s. ) john melchior lucius , lecturer of civil and canon laws , burgomaster , and plenipotentiary . the full power of the emperour , translated from the latin. we leopold by the grace of god elected emperour of the romans , semper augustus , and king of germany , hungary , bohemia , of dalmatia , croatia , slavonia , &c. archduke of austria , duke of burgundy , brabant , stiria , carinthia , and carniola , &c. marquis of moravia , duke of luxembourg , of the high and low silesia , of wirtemberg and of teck , prince of suabia , count of habsbourg , tyrol , ferrette , kybourg , and of goricia , marquis of the holy roman empire , burgaw , of the high and low lusatia , lord of the sclavonian marches , port naon , and salins , &c. do certifie and make known , that desiring nothing more ardently , than that the present war wherewith christendom hath been afflicted for some years last past , may speedily be converted into an honourable and equitable peace , and that it hath seemed good to all the parties engaged in the present war to enter upon a treaty and conference of peace , in a place that shall be by them chosen , and appointed by unanimous consent . wherefore being desirous with all our heart to contribute all that lies in our power to procure the repose of the christian commonweal ; and we confiding in the fidelity and prudence of our trusty and well-beloved the illustrious and magnificent dominic andrew count de kaunitz , hereditary lord of austerlitz , hungarischbrod , mahrispruss , and of great orzechau , our counsellor of state , chamberlain and vice-chancellor of the empire , knight of the order of the golden fleece ; of the illustrious and magnificent henry john count de stratman , lord of peurbach , orth , smiding , of spatenbrun and carlsberg , our imperial aulique counsellor and chamberlain ; and of the magnificent john frederick , free-baron of seilern , &c. our imperial aulique counsellor , and con-commissioner plenipotentiary in the imperial diets ; have nominated , appointed , chosen , and constituted them , as we do by these presents nominate , chuse , appoint , and constitute them , our extraordinary embassadors and plenipotentiaries in the aforesaid assemblies and conferences of peace that are to be held . to whom we give in charge , and command them in especial manner , to repair with all expedition imaginable to the place agreed upon between the parties , and being there , to enter into a conference of peace , either directly , or by the interposition and means of a mediator acknowledged by both parties , with the embassadors or deputies of the most high , most mighty , and most christian prince lewis king of france , our most dear cousin and brother ; the said embassadors being authorized with sufficient power to terminate and put an end to the present war , and regulate the differences that relate thereto , by a good and solid peace . we also grant a full and absolute power , with all authority thereunto necessary , to our said extraordinary embassadors and plenipotentiaries , to all three together , or to two , in case the third chance to be absent , or employed and busie elsewhere ; or to one alone , in the absence of the other two , or their being busied and employed elsewhere , to make , conclude , and sign for us , and in our name , a treaty of peace between us and the foresaid serene and most puissant prince the most christian king , to cause to be dispatch'd and deliver'd all acts necessarily conducing to this end , and effectually to promise , stipulate , conclude , and sign the acts and declarations , to exchange the articles agreed upon , and to perform all other things appertaining to the said business of the peace , as freely , and in as ample a manner , as we our self could do being there present ; altho' a more special and more express order might seem necessary , than that which is contained in these presents . promising , upon the whole , and faithfully , bona fide , and upon our imperial word declaring , to accept and consent to , confirm and ratifie , whatsoever hath been transacted , concluded , signed , delivered , and exchanged by our extraordinary embassadors and plenipotentiaries , whether all three conjointly , whether two of them in the absence of the third , or by reason of being employed elsewhere , or even by one alone , in the absence of the other two , or being elsewhere employed ; engaging our selves by these presents to cause our letters of ratifications to be dispatched and expedited , in the good and authentick form , and within the time that shall be agreed upon . in witness , and for confirmation whereof , we have caused these presents , signed with our hand and imperial seal , to be confirmed . given at our city of vienna , the third of february , in the year one thousand six hundred ninety and seven ; of our reign of that of king of the romans the thirty ninth , of that of hungary the forty second , and of that of bohemia the forty first . leopold . ( l.s. ) ut. sebastian wunibald , count de zeyll . by the express order of his imperial majesty , gaspard florend consbruch . the general full power for the deputation of the empire . translated from the german language . the electors , princes , and states of the h. empire having thought good to make choice of some certain persons from amongst themselves to take care of their interests , and to assist on their behalf , at the treaty of peace that is to be concluded between his imperial majesty , the empire , and its great allies on one part , and the crown of france on the other part , and according to the foundation of the peace heretofore made in westphalia , and afterwards confirmed at nimeguen , have deputed and nominated from the electoral college the electors of mentz , bavaria , saxony , and brandenbourg ; from the college of princes , and from amongst the catholicks , those of austria , of saltzbourg , the great master of the teutonick order , of wirtzbourg , spires , constance , hildesheim , liege , munster , ( without prejudice to the alternate succession ) palatine newbourg , baden baden , and the prelates in suabia ; and from amongst the protestants , those of magdebourg , of sweden on the behalf of bremen , or deux ponts ; of saxe cobourg , of saxe gotha , brandenbourg-culenbach , brunswick-zell , brunswick-wolfenbuttel , of hesse-cassel , wirtemberg , ( with respect to their alternative order ) of holstein gluckstat , of anhalt , and the counts of weteravia ; and last of all from the colledge of the imperial cities amongst the catholicks , those of cologn and ausbourg , and amongst the protestants those of franckford , and neurembourg ; to whom is granted on the behalf of the said empire , and by vertue of this present act a full power , to the end they may speedily send their ministers to the place of treaties , there to assist conjointly with the principal plenipotentiaries of his imperial majesty , and in conformity to their instructions concur to treat , regulate , according to the stile observed in the empire , and conclude whatsoever shall be necessary for the obtaining a general , sure , honourable and lasting peace , accompanied with the resettlement of the publick tranquility , as also with the restitution , and all the satisfaction that shall be found requisite to the states and members of the empire that have either sustained damage , or are totally opprest . so that they will accept , ratifie within the time specified , and observe on the part of the whole empire , as well as of the states deputed , whatsoever the ministers of these latter , or any one amongst them in case of absence , sickness or impediment of the others ( or for the observing equality the present will give their opinion for the absent ) shall have conjointly with the imperial ambassie treated , adjusted , concluded with the crown of france , and the states deputed shall therein , according to reason and custom always maintain'd , and powerfully upheld . signed at ratisbon the 15. july 1697. ( l.s. ) the electoral chancery of mentz or mayence . the full power of france . lewis by the grace of god king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these present letters shall come , greeting : as we desire , nothing so earnestly as to behold the war , wherewith christendom is afflicted to terminate in a firm and lasting peace , and forasmuch as through the care and mediation of our dearest and very well beloved brother the king of sweden , the cities of delft and the hague , have been agreed upon by all the parties , for holding the conferences necessary to this effect : we out of the same ardent desire to put a stop , as much as in us lyes , and by the assistance of divine providence to the desolation , and effusion of christian blood , give to understand that we intirely confiding in the experience , capacity , and fidelity of our well beloved and loyal subject the sieur de harlay de boneuil , ordinary counsellour in our council of state , and of our well beloved the sieur verjus , count de crecy , baron de couvay , lord de boulay , two churches , minillet and other places , as also in that of our well beloved the sieur de callieres , de la rochellay and de gigny , who is actually in the city of delft , by reason of the repeated tryals that we have made of the same in the several important employs , wherewith we have intrusted them as well at home as abroad ; for these reasons and other good considerations us thereunto moving , we have commissioned , appointed and deputed the said sieurs harlay , crecy and callieres , and do commission , appoint and depute by these presents signed with our own hand , and have given and do give them full power , commission , and special command to repair to the said city of delft , in quality of our extraordinary ambassadors and plenipotentiaries for the peace , and to confer ( be it directly , or by the intercourse of ambassadors , mediators respectively admitted and agreed upon ) with all the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries and ministers , as well of our most dear and well beloved brother the emperour of the romans , as of our most dear and well beloved brother and cousin the catholick king ; as also of our most dear and great friends the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , and of all other princes their allyes , all of them being instructed with sufficient power , and there to treat of the ways and means to terminate and pacifie the differences which cause the war at this time , and our aforesaid embassadors and plenipotentiaries shall have power all three together , or two in case of the others absence through sickness , or other impediment , or one alone in the absence of the other two in the like case of sickness , or other impediment , to agree about , conclude upon , and sign an honourable and firm peace , and in general act , consent to , negotiate and promise whatsoever they shall judge necessary for the abovesaid effect of concluding peace , with the same authority as we should , and might do , were we there present in person , altho' there might be something that might require a more special command and charge , not contained in these said presents ; promising upon the faith and word of a king to stand to , and perform whatsoever by the said sieurs de harlay , de crecy & de caillieres , either by two of them in case of the others absence through sickness , or other impediment , or by one alone in the absence of the other two in the like case of sickness , or other impediment , shall have been stipulated , promised or agreed to , and to cause our letters of ratification thereof to be dispatched within the time they shall have promised in our name to produce them . for such is our will and pleasure , in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be set to these presents . given at versailles the 25 th . day of february in the year of grace 1697 , and of our reign the forty fourth . signed louis . and upon the fold , by the king , colbert . sealed with the great seal of yellow wax . separate article . for the clearer explanation of the eighth article of the treaty of peace this day signed , which article begins thus , all the states possest by the most christian king shall be restored to the elector palatine , it hath been thought convenient to resolve over and above , that this order will be observed in the proposal of the claims and rights of madame the dutchess of orleans exhibited against the elector palatine ; at such time as the arbitrators shall be agreed at the time appointed for the ratification of the peace about a place to meet in , this place shall be notified to each party . the deputies on the arbitrators part shall be sent thither within the space of two months , to reckon from the very time the elector palatine shall be fully re-established ; in conformity to the article above mention'd . in the month following shall the said lady dutchess produce in the same place , the whole and intire explanation of her pretensions or demands against the elector , which shall be communicated to him within eight days following . there shall be within the space of four months next ensuing , explain'd and delivered to the deputies of the lords arbitrators , who shall set down the day that the four months shall begin , the reasons and grounds of the two parties , whereof four copies shall be delivered ; that is to say , one for each arbitrator , and a third to be annext to the common acts of the arbitration , and a fourth to be interchangeably communicated within seven days to each party . they shall in like manner answer ; and four copies of the answer of each party shall be given the same day to the envoys of the lords arbitrators , which shall be once more communicated within seven days to the parties interchangeably . in the four months following , the instruction of the business shall be terminated on each side , the parties shall declare they are willing to submit to the verdict of the arbitrators , and this conclusion of the instruction and commission shall be communicated to the parties , that they may take cognisance of the same ; and the deeds shall be enrolled in presence of the solicitors of the said parties . after that the arbitrators and their deputies who shall have taken an oath , having viewed and examined the right of the parties during the space of six months ensuing , shall pronounce their sentence publickly in the place where the conference is held , according to the laws and constitutions of the empire ; now if it be found conformable it shall be effectually put in execution ; but if so be the arbitrators or their deputies do not agree in their verdict , the common acts of the arbitration shall be conveyed to rome at the joint charges of the parties , and that within the space of two months , beginning at the day next ensuing the judgment given , and shall be delivered to the pope as supreme arbitrator , to be committed by him for its examination within six months more to deputies , no way suspected by the parties , who shall likewise be sworn , and these same upon the former proceedings ( it not being allowed to the parties to draw up a new declaration of their titles ) shall pronounce within the space of six months next ensuing , and as it hath been said , conformable to the laws and constitutions of the empire , the last definitive sentence , which cannot be nulled or made void , but the lord arbitrators shall cause to be executed without any delay or contradiction . now if so be one of the parties demurr , and delay to propound , explain and prove his title and right within the time required , it shall nevertheless be lawful for the other party to explain and deduce his title within the time prefixt , which may never be prolonged ; and lawful also for the arbitrators and supreme arbitrator to proceed according to the method just now explain'd , and to pronounce and execute their sentence , according to the acts and deeds produced and proved . notwithstanding this procedure , the parties themselves , and the lords arbitrators on their part shall not cease attempting some amicable way of accommodation ; and shall omit nothing that may any way contribute to the amicable terminating this affair . — since it is also agreed in the article of peace afore cited , that till this difference be terminated , the elector palatine shall annually pay to madam the dutchess of orleans , the summ of two hundred thousand french livres , or an hundred thousand florins of the rhine , they have also agreed in particular as to the payment of the said summ , upon the time when it shall commence ; that it shall commence only , after that ( according to the contents of the said article ) the states and places therein specified shall be intirely restored to the elector . and to the end that madam the dutchess of orleans may be the more assured of the payment of the said summ ; the elector shall nominate before the ratification of the peace , a sufficient number of renters , or receivers of the prefectship of germersheim , and other places of the palatinate , that shall undertake to pay the said summ to the said lady dutchess , or to those impower'd by her ; and that every year at landaw , to wit , the moiety every six months ; who if they do not keep time shall be lyable to be constrained to the payment , by the ordinary course of justice , or if need require by military execution from the most christian king. upon the whole , this payment shall be made upon this condition , viz. that what shall have been paid by vertue of this annual obligation to madam the dutchess of orleans during the canvassing of the cause before the arbitrators , shall be in compensation and put upon the accompt of that which the said arbitrators shall adjudge to her , in case they do adjudge any thing at all ; but if so be they adjudge nothing , or less than the said summ , then there shall be a restitution , and this compensation , allowance or restitution , as also the fund and charges of the process shall be regulated by the sentence of the arbitrators : but if madam the dutchess of orleans do not give satisfaction to the form of the compromise , either in the instruction of the process , or in the answer that shall be produced by the elector palatine , or if she delays it , the course of the said yearly payment shall be interrupted only during that same time , the process going on still , according to the form of the compromise . done at the palace of ryswick the 30 th of october , 1697. this separate article was signed by the imperial and french plenipotentiaries , as also by the ministers and plenipotentiaries of the princes and cities , in the same manner as they had signed the other articles . but to avoid so tedious and unnecessary a repetition , we omit to set their names . the names and qualities of their excellencies the ambassadors , plenipotentiaries , publick ministers , envoys ; &c. that assembled at the congress of the general peace , at the palace at ryswick , called neubourg-house : and of others who are actually at the hague . ranked according to the alphabetical order of each particular kingdom and state . london , printed in the year 1698. the names of the embassadors , &c. england . his excellency thomas earl of pembroke and montgomery , baron herbert of cardiff , lord keeper of the privy seal of england , privy counsellor to his britannick majesty , one of the lords justices of the kingdom of england , principal extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . his excellency edward viscount villers of darford , baron of hoo , knight-marshal of england , envoy extraordinary from his britannick majesty to the states general , and one of the lords justices for the kingdom of ireland , extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . his excellency robert lord lexington , baron of averam , one of the gentlemen of his majesties bed-chamber , and his extraordinary envoy-to his imperial majesty ; as also nominated his britannick majesty's extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace — he is still at vienna . his excellency sir joseph williamson knight , privy counsellor to his majesty , keeper of the records and member of the parliament of england , extraordinary embassador and his britannick majesty's plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . mr. prior , gentleman of the king's privy-chamber and nominated principal secretary of ireland , secretary to the embassie for the peace . bavaria . his excellency the baron of prielmeyer , minister of state to his electoral highness of bavaria , and his extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . mo●●ieur reichard , secretary to the embassie . brandenbourg . his exce●lency monsieur de smettau , counsellor of the council of state to his electoral highness of brandenbourg , and his chief extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . his excellency monsieur de dankelman , counsellor of the council of state to his electoral highness of brandenbourg , and his extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . monsieur charles adolf hus , secretary to the embassie . brunswick-lunenbourg-hanover . his excellency monsieur the baron de bodmar , minister of state , intimate counsellor , and extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary to his most serene highness the elector of brunswick-lunenbourg-hanover , at the treaties of peace . monsieur stambke secretary to the embassie . cologne . his excellency monsieur the baron de mean , canon and _____ of the cathedral church of liege , counsellor of state and extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary to his electoral highness at the treaties of peace . denmark . his excellency monsieur christian sigfried de plessen , lord of parin and houkendorf , knight of the order of the elephant , privy-counsellor , president of the chamber of finances , governour of wardenbourg and junghoff , chief embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary at the congress of the general peace , for his majesty the king of denmark and norway , and great chamberlain to his royal highness prince george of denmark . his excellency monsieur christian de lent , lord of sarlhaussen , knight of the order of danebrogue , privy-counsellor of state , great master of the ceremonies , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary at the general congress of peace , for his majesty the king of denmark , norway , &c. monsieur pauwelse secretary to the embassie . monsieur vermekren , secretary of the embassie , who came with his excellency monsieur de plessen . emperor . his excellency monsieur dominic andrew , of the holy empire , count de caunitz , knight of the golden fleece , minister of state , chamberlain , and vice-chancellor of the empire , hereditary lord of austerliz and ongerlizbrod , chief embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his imperial majesty at the treaties of the general peace . his excellency monsieur henry of the holy empire , count de straatman and beurbach , chamberlain , and imperial aulique counsellor , and extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary for his imperial majesty at the treaties of the general peace . his excellency monsieur the baron de seilern , &c. imperial aulick counsellor , his imperial majesty's extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary at the treaties of the general peace . monsieur heyeck , his imperial majesty's secretary to the embassie . france . his excellency monsieur de harlay knight , lord de boneüil , ordinary counsellor to the king in his council of state , chief embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his most christian majesty for the general peace . his excellency monsieur de verjus , count de crecy , marquis de freon , fort-isle , baron de courcy , lord de boulay , the two churches , de menillet , and other places , counsellor to the king in all his councils , and his most christian majesty's extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary for the general peace . his excellency monsieur de callieres knight , lord of callieres , rochechellay , and gigny , counsellor to the king in his councils , his most christian majesty's embassador extraordinary , and plenipotentiary for the general peace . mentz . his excellency monsieur the baron de schonborn , brother to his electoral highness , great marshal of his court , counsellor of state to his imperial majesty , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his said highness for the peace . palatinate . his excellency monsieur le comte de veehlen , lieutenant-general , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his electoral highness at the treaties of peace . spain . his excellency don francisco bernardo de quiros , knight of the order of s. james , counsellor to his majesty in the royal council of castile , and principal extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary of his catholick majesty for the general peace . his excellency monsieur lewis alexander de schockard , count de tirimont , baron de gaesbeck , and one of the supreme council of state in flanders , erected at madrid , near the person of his majesty , counsellor of his council of state , privy-counsellor in the low-countries , and his extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary for the general peace . monsieur brulè esq secretary to his catholick majesty . sweden . his excellency monsieur charles bonde , count. de bioernoece , lord of hesleby , tyresiae , tostaholin , graefsteen , gustafsberg , and rezitza , senator of his majesty the king of sweden , president in the parliament of dorpt in livonia , and his chief embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary for the mediation of the general peace . his excellency monsieur nicholas baron of lilieroot , his majesty of sweden's secretary of state , and his extraordinary embassador to their high and mightinesses the lords states of the united provinces , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his said majesty , for the mediation of the said general peace . monsieur charles gustavus , baron of frisendorf , secretary to the embassie of sweden . saxony . his excellency monsieur the baron de bosen , treasurer for the empire for upper and lower saxony , commissary-general of the war , and privy-counsellor , knight of the order of st. john , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his electoral highness for the peace . monsieur kirchner secretary of the embassie . the states general of the united provinces . his excellency monsieur james borcel , lord of duynbeeck , westhoven , and meresteen , senator , and burgomaster of the city of amsterdam , and counsellor deputed from the province of holland , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary for the peace , on the behalf of their high and mightinesses the lords states general . he died before the signing of the peace . his excellency monsieur anthony heinsius , counsellor pensionary of the states of holland and west-friezland , keeper of the great seal , superintendent of the fiefs , and director of the east-india company , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary for the peace , on the behalf of their high and mightinesses the lords states general . his excellency monsieur everhard de weede , lord de weede , dijckvelt , rateles , &c. lord of the mannor of the city of oudewater , dean and rector of the imperial chapter of st. maries at utrecht , dijckgrave of the river rhine in the province of utrecht , president of the states of the said province , deputy of the province of utrecht , embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary for the peace , on the behalf of their high and mightinesses the lords states general . his excellency monsieur william de haaren , grietman of bielt , deputy on the part of the nobility in the states of friseland , and curator of the university of franeker , deputy of the province of friseland , and embassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary for the peace , on the behalf of their high and mightinesses the lords states general . monsieur hamel bruninx , secretary of the embassie . triers , or treves . his excellency monsieur the baron leyen , lord of saffig , efferen , and wesseling , intimate counsellor , grand marshal and bailiff of munster , cobern , and alcken , extraordinary embassador and plenipotentiary to his electoral highness of triers , at the treaty of peace . the names of the ministers , plenipotentiaries , deputies , and envoys , of the empire . ausbourg . ( the imperial city of ) monsieur john christopher de dierheim councellor and plenipotentiary of the imperial city of ausbourg at the treaties of peace . austria . francis rudolph baron of helden , lord of trasberg , &c. regent councellor of the provinces of the upper austria for his imperial majesty , and his plenipotentiary for the house of austria , at the treaties of peace . baden baden . monsieur charles ferdinand baron de phittersdorf , lord of walesteeg and neuhaz , privy councellor to his serene highness the margrave lewis of baden and hochberg , and his plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . bremen and deux-ponts . mons . .... snoilsky councellor to his majesty the king of sweden , and his envoy extraordinary at the imperial diet of ratisbon , plenipotentiary on the part of the dutchies of bremen and deux-ponts at the treaties of peace . brunswick lunenbourg . monsieur huneken councellor and resident for his electoral highness of brunswick lunenbourg , plenipotentiary at the congress of the high allies . brunswick wolfenbuttel . monsieur the baron frederick de steinberg , intimate councellor and marshal of the court , plenipotentiary to his most serene . highness the duke of brunswick wolfenbuttel . brunswick , lunenbourg , zell and wolfenbuttel . monsieur seigel councellor and resident of their most serene highnesses the dukes of brunswick , lunenbourg , zell and wolfenbuttel , plenipotentiary at the congress of the mighty allies . cologne . ( the imperial city of ) monsieur harman joseph bullenger , syndic of the imperial city of cologne , and its plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . denmark , for the dutchy of holstein . monsieur detlef nicholas de lawencron , councellor to his majesty of denmark and norway , his envoy for the general diet of the empire , and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . egmont . monsieur michael de ghillet esquire , lord de feppen , councellor and intendant of the houses , demesus , and affairs of the count d' egmont , envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary of that prince , at the treaty of peace . emperor . monsieur the count d' aversberg , chamberlain to his imperial majesty , one of the imperial aulique council , and his envoy extraordinary with his majesty the king of great britain . franconia . monsieur the baron wolfganck philip de schrottenberg , minister and intimate counsellor of the episcopal court of bamberg , plenipotentiary at the peace , on the part of the circle of franconia . monsieur erdman baron of stein , knight of the teutonic order , burggrave of noremberg , hereditary gentleman of the horse to the court of his highness of brandenbourg bareith , and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . francfort . ( the imperial city of ) monsieur john james muller , plenipotentiary of the imperial city of francfort at the treaties of peace . monsieur john melchior lucius , doctor in law , syndic , and plenipotentiary of the imperial city of francfort at the treaties of peace . hambourg . ( the imperial city of ) monsieur de bostel , counsellor and syndic of the city of hambourg , and its plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . hanau . monsieur f. c. de ecclesheim , counsellor to the prince of hanau , and his plenipotentiary at the treaty of peace . hesse-cassel . monsieur the baron de goretz , lord of schiltz , burggrave of friedberg , minister and counsellor of state and of war to his imperial majesty , and to the king of great britain , president of the privy-chamber to his serene highness the landtgrave of hesse-cassel , and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . hildesheim . monsieur charles paul de zimmermans , counsellor of state , chancellor in the consistory , and president of his most reverend highness the bishop of hildesheim , and plenipotentiary deputy of the empire at the treaties of peacee liege . monsieur norf , counsellor to his electoral highness of cologne prince of liege , his resident ordinary with the states general , and envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . lorrain . monsieur claudius francis canon , baron , counsellor and secretary of state , and president of the sovereign court of lorrain and barre , plenipotentiary of his most serene highness the duke of lorrain at the treaties of peace . monsieur joseph le begue , baron of thelod and germiny , lord of olchey and chantreyne , counsellor , and secretary of state , and plenipotentiary-minister of the queen dowager of poland , dutchess of lorrain and barr , at the treaties of peace . lubeck . monsieur george radau , provost of the cathedral , and syndic of the city of lubeck , and its plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . mentz , or mayence . monsieur ignatius anthony otten , of the aulique council , and of the regency of his electoral highness of mentz and of bamberg , and his plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . monsieur george william moll , of the aulique and regency council of his electoral highness of mentz and bamberg , and his plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . munster . monsieur the baron de plettenbourg de lenhausen , intimate counsellor , dean , canon , and capitulary of the cathedrals of paderborn , munster , and hildesheim , plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . nemours . ( dutchess of ) monsieur bourret , counsellor and treasurer to her most serene highness madam the dutchess of nemours , sovereign princess of neufchatel and valengin in suitzerland , envoy extraordinary at the treaties of peace . orleans . ( duke of ) monsieur the abbot thejeu , counsellor in ordinary to his royal highness the duke of orleans , and his envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . palatine neubourg . monsieur john henry hetterman , counsellor of state to his electoral highness palatine , and plenipotentiary for neubourg at the treaties of peace . portugal . monsieur pacieco , envoy extraordinary with the lords states general , on the part of his majesty the king of portugal . rhine . ( the upper . ) monsieur de savigny , counsellor to his excellency the lord count of nassau weilbourg , and envoy from the circle of the upper rhine at the treaties of peace . salm. monsieur d' uffling , privy-counsellor to his most reverend highness the lord prince and abbot de fulda , privy-counsellor and envoy of his most serene highness the prince of salm , at the treaties of peace . savoy . mons . philibert count de la tour , baron of bourdeaux , counsellor of state to his royal highness of savoy , president of his finances , superintendent of his houshold , and his plenipotentiary at the congress for the general peace . monsieur peter francis de frichignono , count de castellengo , counsellor of state to his royal highness of savoy , his attorney-general in piedmont , and his plenipotentiary at the congress for a general peace . de saxe-cobourg . monsieur the baron de hagen , president of the cabinet-council of his most serene highness of saxe-cobourg , privy-counsellor , and commissary-general of war to all the serene families of saxe , &c. plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . saxe-gotha . monsieur d' aveman , intimate counsellor of state and war to his most serene highness the duke of saxe-gotha , and plenipotentiary to the most serene family at the treaties of peace . strasbourg . ( bishop of ) monsieur herman de halveren , intimate counsellor and vice-chancellor to his most eminent highness the cardinal landtgrave of furstemburg , bishop and prince of strasbourg , at the treaties of peace . suabia . monsieur frederick de durheimb , minister of state and chancellor to his most reverend highness the lord bishop of constans , plenipotentiary-minister at the treaties of peace . monsieur de kulpis , nobleman of the empire , minister of state , director of the ecclesiastical council , his most serene highness the duke of wirtemberg's minister-plenipotentiary of the circle of suabia , at the treaties of peace . suabia . ( the prelates and deputies of ) monsieur anthony eusebius , baron of halden , neidberg , and autenriedt , plenipotentiary of the prelates of suabia . tremoille . ( prince of ) monsieur john gabriel de sanguiniere , lord of charansac , his majesty's counsellor in the chatelet of paris , and proctor-general , and plenipotentiary to his serene highness the prince of tremoille , at the treaties of peace . treves , or triers . monsieur john henry keyservelt , counsellor and resident at the hague , plenipotentiary to his most serene highness the elector of triers , at the treaties of peace . teutonic order . monsieur charles de loe , baron de wissen , knight of the said order , commander of pitzenbourg at mechlen , or malines , intimate counsellor , principal envoy extraordinary of his most serene highness the prince palatine , grand master of the teutonic order at the treaties of peace . monsieur victor de beughem , counsellor to his most serene highness the prince palatine , grand master of the teutonic order , his ordinary resident with the states general . wetteravia . ( deputies of the counts of ) monsieur charles ottom , count of solms , plenipotentiary of the counts of wetteravia at the treaties of peace . wirtemberg . monsieur anthony gunther de hespen , counsellor in the supreme council of wirtemberg , and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . wirtzbourg . monsieur john conrade philip ignatius , baron de taston , grand marshal to his royal highness the bishop of wirtzbourg , and his extraordinary envoy and plenipotentiary at the treaties of peace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27483-e7220 * this answers to that which in the common law is called paraphanalia , and in the civil paraphernalia . * is the xlvi . † is the l. ‖ is the li. * it is the xlvi . the politicks of france by monsieur p.h. ... ; with reflections on the 4th and 5th chapters, wherein he censures the roman clergy and the hugonots, by the sr. l'ormegreny. traitté de la politique de france. english du chastelet, paul hay, marquis, b. ca. 1630. 1691 approx. 416 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 134 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43118 wing h1202b estc r40961 19539182 ocm 19539182 109071 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43118) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109071) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1689:15) the politicks of france by monsieur p.h. ... ; with reflections on the 4th and 5th chapters, wherein he censures the roman clergy and the hugonots, by the sr. l'ormegreny. traitté de la politique de france. english du chastelet, paul hay, marquis, b. ca. 1630. du moulin, peter, 1601-1684. reflections on the fourth chapter of the politicks of france. the second edition. [8], 170, [5], 172-252 p., [1] leaf of plates : port. printed for thomas basset ..., london : 1691. translation of author's traitté de la politique de france. "reflections on the fourth chapter of the politics of france" has special t.p. sr. l'ormegregny is pseudonyum of peter du moulin. engraved frontispiece of king louis xiv opposite t.p. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng louis -xiv, -king of france, 1638-1715. political science -early works to 1800. france -politics and government -1643-1715. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pour mounsieur de c. sur son traitte de , la politique francoise . sixain , si donner de moyens au plus grand roy du monde , d'estre maistre absolu sur la terre & sur l'onde , c'est marque d'un esprit , & rare & marveilleux ; je puis dire en d'epit de toute la critique , que ce traitte de politique , ne fut dicte que par les dieux . to this effect . if that to give the great french king in hand , the means to sway o're all , both seas , and land ; if this be wit , ( which none can well deny ) then to the teeth of all critiques , i 'll maintain these politiques are wit , above the sky . louis xiv roy de france ▪ et de navarre . the politicks of france . by monsieur p. h. marquis of c. with reflections on the 4th and 5th chapters ; wherein he censures the roman clergy , and the hugonots ; by the sr. l'ormegregny . the second edition . london , printed for thomas basset , at the george in fleetstreet , 1691. sr. richard newdigate of arbury in the county of warwick baronet 1709 the authors epistle to the french king . sir , all the nations of the earth wait with impatience for the oracles which your majesties high wisdom disposeth it self to pronounce : and the whole vniverse , by submitting to the laws which you are about to give this kingdom , will declare , that you alone deserve to command all men . if the delphique priestess scrupled not to style lycurgus a god , for his having setled the spartans in order ; what must not fame say , when it shall publish your majesties august name ? future ages , sir , shall proclaim aloud what you perform in yours ; and report the splendour of your heroick virtue . happy the people who already find the effects of it ; but a thousand times happy they of your majesties subjects , whom you permit to offer at your feet some token of their admiration . you have often done me the honour to grant me this precious favour ; and i beseech with lowest respect , that you further please to accept the piece i now present you. it satisfies not the greatness of my zeal , that during the course of my life , i incessently speak of the passion i have for your service ; my writings must inform posterity of it after my death ; and the whole world ever know to what degree i am , sir , your majesties most humble , most obedient , and most faithful subject and servant , p. h. d. c. the preface . the bookseller will needs have a preface to encourage the sale of the book . now , for my part , i think there needs no other recommendation than its title ; for those that will not be induced to buy it , because 't is french , will not fail to have it for the sake of its politick's ; yet , if any should scruple laying out their money only on the credit of the title page , their scruple ( i doubt not ) will be removed , when they are told that the author of the growth of popery , says ; that this book is the measure of the french kings designs , and i 'm sure there 's none of us all that will be-grudge two shillings to be made privy to his councels . but if neither of these things , nor the credit it had in its native language , will cause the book to sell , i cann't imagine how a preface should do it ; for i know few ( if any ) that read the preface of a book they intend not to read also ; i have known some , indeed , read the book , and omit the preface , which i doubt would be the fate of this , should i make it long , i shall therefore only tell you how this scheme of the vast designs of the french king became publick , and so conclude . the author was a person bred up under mr. colebert , and to shew his abilities , he writ this treatise , and in manuscript presented it to the french king , which was favourably received ; but afterward , vanity prompting him to publish it in print , the king lookt upon him as one that had discovered his secrets , and turned his favour into frowns , caused him to be imprisoned in the bastile , where he continued a long time , and was not deliver'd thence , but to banishment , which , to those that read the preface , affords one encouragement more to read the book , since it discovers a secret which most men seek more after , and delight more in than wisdom or truth . the politicks of france . chap. i. 1. what the politicks are . 2. what their object , end , and means . 3. the different sorts of governments . 4. that monarchy is the best . the politicks are the art of governing states . the ancients have call'd 'em a royal and a most divine science , surpassing in excellency , and superior to all others . they have allow'd them the same precedence in practical learning , which the metaphysicks and theologie , have among the speculative . the means which the politicks prescribe , are comprised under the heads of an exact observance of religion , a doing justice in all cases ; a providing that the people be protected in the times of peace and war ; and a preserving the state in a just and laudable mediocrity , by exterminating the extremes of poverty and of riches . the politicks have three principal branches : namely , the three sorts of regular governments , in which men live under the authority of laws . the first is monarchy , in which one only prince doth command for the publick good . the second is aristocracy ; in which the honestest and wisest persons , being elected out of all the subjects , have the direction and administration of publick affairs . the third is democracy , in which all deliberations and orders are held , and do pass by the agency and vote of the people . the principal end to which a democracy tendeth , is liberty . that of an aristocracy , is riches and virtue . the end of a monarchy , is , the glory , the virtue , the riches , and the liberty of the country . a tyranny , the most dangerous of all vicious and unlawful governments , stands in direct opposition unto monarchy . a tyrant commandeth meerly for his own personal , not the publick profit : a king does the contrary . tyranny is destructive to the glory , the virtue , the riches , and the liberty of the people . an aristocracy often falls into an oligarchy ; and this happens when a determinate number of persons is no longer chosen out of the whole to govern , and the choice is made of the rich and noble only ; not generally out of all the citizens . sometimes there riseth up oligarchy , even within oligarchy ; and this comes to pass , when the magistrates are chosen of the noblest and richest of some preferred families , not of all the rich gentry . an aristocracy is in some sort an oligarchy , but much better than that which is simply such : forasmuch as in an aristocracy , justice is administred to persons of all ranks , according to desert ; which in an oligarchique state is not done . a well-temper'd aristocracy is of long duration , and seldom comes into the danger of suffering any change. an oligarchy , on the contrary , such as was the government of the decem-viri , or ten , at rome , and of the thirty at athens , is easily corrupted . for the persons who are in command , do frequently usurp a soveraign authority . such usurpation is not stiled a tyranny ; ( for this is of one alone ) but strictly a dynastie ; that is , a potentacy or power , violently assumed and retained , contrary to the disposition of the laws . the greeks ( whose the word dynastie is , ) do take it in this case , in an ill sense . an aristocracy and an oligarchy are dissolved , when some one among the rich , the noble , or the brave , does attain to an overgrown height . thus caesar became master of rome . the aristocracy is also in danger , when they that govern , come into contempt with the multitude , or are hated by them , so that the inferiors grow factious , and mutiny against them , as hapned at rome , when the tribunes of the people were first created . the apprehensions which the more than ordinary virtue of some excellent persons , gave the people of greece , caused the introducing of ostracisme among the athenians , and of petalisme at syracuse : punishments , but glorious for such as were condemn'd to them . a democracy likewise , sometimes , turns into an oligarchy . and that is , when the dregs of the ignorant people , seduced by evil orators , ( whom the greeks call demagogues , or , leaders of the people ) do dispose of affairs tumultuously , with uproar and violence , without respect to law or equity . thus the athenians seduced by their speakers , did put to death aristogenes , and other captains who had fought in company with thrasibulus , and gain'd a notable victory upon the lacedomonians , their enemies . obligarchies are the means sometimes that people lose their liberty : and fall into servitude . pisistratius became tyrant of athens that way , and dionysius of the syracusians . there are as various monarchies , aristocracies , and democracies , as there are different manners of men . but i have discours'd all this only cursorily ; and i design not any further to engage my self in these matters , my purpose being to speak precisely of the concerns of the french monarchy . there are two sorts of monarchy , unto which all regal governments , of whatever quality imaginable , are reduced ; whether elective , hereditary , barbarous , despotical , or any other . the first of these is entituled , the lacedemonian ; in which the king hath but a limited authority . the second aeconomical ; in which the king hath a sovereign and absolute power in his kingdom , as the father of a family hath in his house . 't is no longer a question , whether monarchy be the best government , the case having been often debated by politicians , and still decided for regality . and indeed it is of greatest antiquity , least susceptible of change ; most conform unto the government of god himself ; and not only represents the authority which a father exerciseth in his house , but it also necessarily occurs in an aristocracy , and in democracy it self . for , both in the one and the other of these states , the sovereignty is entirely one ; so that no single person can possess any the least parcel of it . in an aristocracy , no one of the senators is a sovereign ; but the whole senate being united of one accord , is king. in a democracy , no one of himself hath power to make the least ordinance ; the people assembled are the monarch . thus every where appears an indivisible sovereignty ; so conform to the laws of nature is monarchy . in fine , it may be said , that there never was aristocracy , but founded upon the corruptions and ruins of some monarchy : moreover , that tyranny , it 's direct contrary , is the worst of all governments . now from all that i have said , it follows by a necessary consequence , that the monarchique state is better than any other . chap. ii. 1. of the true good and happiness of states . 2. of the true good and happiness of a king. 3. how felicity may be acquired . things reckon'd under the notion of good , are of three sorts . corporal , as health , beauty , strength , agility , and the like . external , which we commonly call goods of fortune ; as birth , riches , dignities , reputation , friends , and such others . the third sort are those of the soul : these are simply and absolutely good , that is , good of themselves ; and so they can be no other but virtue alone . things accounted good are no further such indeed , than as they promote our felicity , and bring us to it ; corporal and external things are not instruments to effect this . but the good of the soul is the true happiness . felicity is not a simple habit ; otherwise a man asleep would be happy : but it consisteth in action , which is the true use of virtue . the soul makes us capable of living happily : for happiness is measured by virtue ▪ nor can we be counted happy , but proportionably as we are counted good . the intention of political science is , to bring to pass , that men lead their lives happily ; as i have observ'd in the precedent chapter . 't is therefore certain , that it requires they be actually virtuous . all that i have been discoursing is of constant and confesseth truth . whence clearly results , that the politicks consider virtue in a much more noble manner than ethicks do ; for these , confining themselves to the forming of idle speculations , can produce but an imperfect felicity , which the schools do call theoretical . the politicks on the contrary go further , and causing us to exercise virtue , do give us a practical , that is , solid and perfect felicity . in fine , it is not doubted , but the act is preferrable to the habit . besides , the ethical or moral discourses of virtue , can have no other aim , but at most , the welfare of particular persons ; which does not always produce that of the publick : and the politicks , regarding the welfare of an whole state , provide at once for that of each particular ; as a good pilot , in endeavouring the safety of his ship , procures necessarily , the safety of all that are embarqued in it . also , the care of the welfare of particular persons , seems to be beneath the politicks , except so far as it is necessary for the publick good . yet sometimes particular men must of force suffer for the publick good ; as when a malefactor is punished , and when some houses are pull'd down to save a town from fire , and from enemies . the happiness of a state is of the same quality with that of particular persons . for as we say , a man is happy when he hath strength , riches , and virtue ; in like manner we say a common-wealth is happy when it is potent , rich , and justly governed . a monarch is , in reference to his state , what the soul is to man. there is no doubt therefore , but that the proper goods of a king are those of the soul : and that he can possess no other . fortune being beneath a true soveraign , and extrinsick to him , cannot give him ought of that kind from gold or glory : all that he hath doth arise from his own virtue , his power , his treasures , and the various effects of beneficence which he holdeth in his hand , do not constitute his happiness : as god himself is not blessed by external blessings , but only confers them as a distribution made to his creatures , and that he may cause them by sensible means to experiment his goodness . the magnificence of a man renders him considerable , if his spirit in it be great and heroick . but it is not enough to have spoken of that which constitutes felicity , we must take some account of the means which conduce unto it . nature , constancy and reason , do contribute to endue us with virtue . the two former do enrich the mind , and dispose it to receive virtue ; then reason being cleared by the light of precepts , makes it spring up , and cultivates it . of all precepts , those of greatest efficacy are the political , which being indeed laws , do command and oblige men to obey , in a manner , blindly : necessitating and constraining us to live well , whether we will or no. 't is upon this ground it hath been said , that there lies no servitude at all in submitting to the power of the law ; and that it 's the proper act of men truly free , to reduce their inclinations , and subject their practice to the same : forasmuch as the conforming of life and manners to the impulses of virtue , which is always right , always uncorrupt , is in truth a setting our our selves at full liberty , and an enfranchisement from the empire of importunate and irregular passions . but of these general theses enough . it is time at length to enter upon the subject which occasion'd my taking up the design of this present treatise . chap. iii. 1. of the french monarchy . 2. of the situation and quality of france . 3. of the nature of the french. the monarchick government doth not more excell other governments , than the french monarchy doth all other monarchies on earth . it is hereditary , and for twelve whole ages there hath been seen reigning from male to male , upon the throne of france , the august posterity of meroue of charlemagne , and of hugh capet . for it is exactly proved , that these three races of our kings , are branches issued out of the same stock . this very succession , so legitimate as it hath been , and so long continued , makes at present the surest foundation of the welfare of the state ; and carries in it splendor , reputation and majesty . indeed to how many ills are elective kingdoms exposed ? how many cabals ? how many complottings ; and in truth , wars , are kept on foot by so many different agitations ? the one and the other roman empire , and the kingdom of the poles , do administer sensible proofs of this opinion . if the spartans heretofore did draw so great an advantage from the honour they had to be commanded by princes of the blood of hercules : the french have far greater cause to glory ; since in the catalogue of his majesties triumphant ancestors , there may be counted an hundred heroes greater than hercules himself . is there a monarch in the world , whose just power is more absolute , than that of our king ? and by consequent , is there a monarchy comparable to the french monarchy ? it is necessary that the power of a good king be not confin'd within other bounds than reason and equity do prescribe : otherwise there will ever be division between princes and people , to the ruin of them both . what a disorder would it be in man , if the eye or hand should fail of following the impulses of the soul ? this disobeying and rebellious member would prove dead , or seized with a palsie . if then the whole body should fall into an universal revolt against the spirit of man , all the symmetry , the order and oeconomy would be utterly defaced . thus the subjects in a monarchy , once ceasing to yield their king a full obedience , and the king ceasing to exercise his soveraign authority over them , the political ligatures are broken , the government is dissolved , by little and little all is reduced to extream calamities , and oft-times to anarchy , and an annihilation . such are the inconveniencies that occur in royalties of the lacedemonian kind , where the prince hath but a limited authority ; and if all that england suffer'd in the late times were pourtray'd here , it would be easie to observe of what importance it is unto the felicity of a monarchy , that the prince do in it command without restriction . in fine , the obedience of instrumental parts , as those of organical bodies , and the subjects of a state , is of so indispensible a necessity , that the common good and conservation of that whole , which they compose , depends upon it . in democracies , even the most tumultuous and disorderly , all must bow under the will of the multitude , though blind , ignorant and seduced : in like manner , the parts of the bodies of brutes must act by their motions , though they be in rage and madness . and the reason of this necessity is , that the body and the soul , which is the form thereof , are but one indivisible whole ; so a king and subjects are together but one whole , that is , one state. in fine , the french monarchy is accompanied with all the mixture that can be desired for a compleat and perfect government . the counsellors of state do compose an excellent oligarchy in it ; the parliaments , and other officers of judicature do form an aristocracy ; the provosts of merchants , the mayors , the consuls , and the general estates do represent rarely well limited democracy ; so that all the different modes of governing by laws , being united in the monarchy , do render it as excellent and consummate , as reason can propose . the regality of france is therefore of the oeconomick kind ; in which the king hath an absolute power in his state , as the father of a family in his house ; and though he govern at his pleasure , and without contradiction , it is always for the good of his kingdom : even as the master of an house does rule it with an entire authority , and incessantly provides for the accommodating of this family . there is nothing despotical nor barbarous in france , as in the states of the moscovites and turks . in short , our laws are holy and equitable , to a greater degree than in any common-wealth that ever was ; and they are conceived with so much prudence and judgement , that they are apt to make the people happy in the gentle times of peace , and enable them to triumph in the occasions of war. the situation and compactness of france are known to all the world ; so that it would be a needless labour , should i here expatiate , to shew the beauty and richness of our grounds and of our rivers : or declare how we abound in wine , in corn , in silk , in wools , in cloth , in wood , in cattle , in salt , in mines , and in money ; how necessary we are to our neighbours ; and to what degree we may forego their succors and their merchandise . i might justly be accus'd of a fondness for superfluous discourse , if i should particularly consider all these great advantages ; and as much , if i should speak of the pureness of the air , and the incredible number of inhabitants : the most ignorant having a full and an assured knowledge of ' em . i shall only say , that it need not be wondred at , if men whom fortune brings forth , and breeds up in so excellent a climate , be capable of handsomly contriving , and successfully executing the haughtiest enterprizes . in fine , it s an unspeakable satisfaction to a man that sets himself to treat of the politicks of france , that he may know the french , of all the people upon earth , are the most susceptible of learning , of policy , and of government . for if one consider the situation of the country , he may be assured , that the constellations of heaven are eminently favourable to it . the experience and skill of the ancients do inform us , that the situation of regions is the prime cause of the temperature of the men in 'em ; as it is of the quality of the plants and fruits which they produce . the laws of this state being so judicious as they are , do argue the wisdom of those that enacted them ; and of the people that accepted them ; whereof the long duration of the monarchy is a second proof . on the other hand , the great acts of the french do speak their valour . they serve in our age , for examples to all nations in matter of execution ; and not only so , but are as eminent likewise for their counsels : and they have choice of the best generals on earth to lead armies , as well as of the best soldiers . that heat and impetuosity which is taken to be visible in all their attempts , is an effect of their high courage ; and the confidence they shew , with somewhat less of restraint and respect than prudence could wish , can be imputed to nothing but their fearlesness : in fine , the emperor charles the fifth , declared with very much judgment , that the french seem'd to be fools , but were really wise . now , since we know what france is , let us examine what may most conduce to the well-governing of it , to the conserving it in plenty , and in reputation ; in what it may be augmented , and how its interests with the neighboring states ought to be secured . in a word , let us see what way may be taken to maintain the parts that compose it , in so regular an harmony , that they may all incessantly contribute to the weal of the monarchy . chap. iv. 1. of the clergy . 2. vseful means to obstruct frauds in beneficiary cases . 3. of the monastick religious of each seu. our ancestors have ever been great observers of religion . long before the coming of jesus christ , the druids were their priests , and had an entire direction , not only of affairs relating to the service of their false gods , but of those too which concern'd distributive justice ; even in the general assemblies held by all the gauls , whether for confirmation of peace , or for reconciliation of disagreeing parties , who might embroil the republiques , or whether the making of some common national enterprises was in question , still there was no resolution formed , but by their advice . no wonder then , if since the truth of the gospel appeared , and made known the holiness of christianity , the prelates have conserv'd so many prerogatives and considerations . they have been called to the royal counsels ; they have assisted at the decision of the most important affairs , they have every where hold the first rank ; much hath been attributed to their judgments , and the respect had for their character and dignity , hath gotten them great and signal priviledges , which have exempted them from contributing to the burthens of the state ; though at the same time wealth was heap'd upon them by alms and foundations . but as church-men , after the mode of the court of rome , use to convert whatever is freely granted them into a point of religion ; in such manner , that by little and little , they engage the tender consciences of the faithful in vain scruples , and possesses them with a superstitious fear of offending ; they have not been wanting to assert and maintain , that these exemptions and privileges were not liberally given them ; that kings did but settle them in possession of an advantage which was by divine right inseperable from their profession : that they , while men of war fought for the glory and liberty of their country , sufficiently did their part , in lifting up , as as was anciently done , their eyes and hands to god , to impetrate his powerful protection : that their arms were prayers , oblations , and penitence , which they never forbore to use for the publick safety ; that from the caves and deserts whither they retired , they sent up meterials to the highest heavens , which formed into thunder there , might fall back upon , and beat down the enemies of the french name . in fine , that if gentlemen gave their blood , and the people their sweat and labours for the welfare of the kingdom , they day and night did pour out tears at the feet of altars to disarm the wrath of god. upon such reasonings as these the ecclesiasticks have founded their pretences for possessing those goods , of which , publick and private piety had made them proprietors , without concerning themselves for what success the general affairs of the state might have . but this is not all , they have tried by divers reiterated attempts , to make themselves masters of all the temporal jurisdiction , and draw civil causes unto their tribunal : nor have they forgotten any pretext which they thought might promote this dangerous enterprise ; sometimes they have pleaded , that the church alone having right to judge of the validity of marriages , as being ▪ a sacrament , all that depended on 'em ought to be handled before ecclesiastick judges . sometimes again , that christians binding themselves in their contracts by an oath , the cognisance appertain'd to them . such kings as perceived that these attempts did tend to the overthrow of their authority , withstood them with a right kingly vigour . but what difficulties were there not of necessity to be overcome for a full attainment of their end ? and what resistance did not the church-men make to maintain themselves in so unreasonable an usurpation ? our history affords us examples of it , which i cannot call to mind without grief and wonder . their obstinacy hath gone so very far , that they have forced our kings to grant them declarations upon unequitable and disadvantageous conditions ; and so capitulate with them both for the tenths and acknowledgments of the lands which they possess ; as also for the rights of mortmain and indemnity . i cannot tell by what name i should call these proceedings . our sirs of the clergy could not doubt , but that being born subjects of the crown , nothing could release them of this duty ; and that the privileges which they have , or rather which they have invaded , being founded upon the holiness of their character , could not extend to these temporal goods , which always are the states . yet the old error is so potent , and their imagination so strongly prepossess'd for these immunities , that they can scarce acknowledge the kings sovereignty to this day . what clamour did they not raise about the arrest of the last commission of oyer in auvergne ? with what fervour did they charge their deputies to remonstrate to his majesty concerning it ? yet this arrest innovateth nothing ; but is , in all respects , conform to the prescript , and pursuant to the use of charles the viii . his pragmatique sanction , kings and emperors , never practis'd otherwise in such cases . nor can it be deny'd , but that religion coming , among others , under a political consideration ; and kings being protectors of the church , of its doctrine , and of its canons , it 's a part of their office to notifie to men the laws of god. the tables were consigned to the hands of moses , not to the hands of aaron ; and in the temple of god , the law of god was often heard by the people , from the mouth of their kings . 't is upon this account that melchisedec was both king and priest ; and 't is from this intention that the emperors confirmed the first synods , that they sometimes gave judgments contrary to sydonical decisions ; and that other christian princes have had liberty to receive , or not receive councils , though legitimate and universal . nothing is more consentaneous to perfect equity , than that the gentlemen of the clergy be obliged to contribute to the publick charges : they receive vast sums from the state ; and what they pay to the king out of 'em , amouts not to a sixth part of what they duly ought to pay . but to reduce them gently to reason , approaches must be made by degrees ; and in ways that may be to them unperceivable . first , they may be calmly told of the right of mortmain , which being part of the ancient inheritance of the crown cannot be alienated . they may ever and anon be put in mind , that residence is of divine right ; that it is unbecoming a prelate , or an ecclesiastick , to keep a great table , to have a multitude of pages , horses , dogs ; intimation may be made them , that the king intends to restore the ancient law of fiefs ; by which all sorts of persons concerned , are obliged to set forth , at any time , a certain number of soldiers , equipped and paid at their charge . in fine , they may be required to make a new valuation of ordinary rents . for what pretext will they have to complain , or be discontented ? can they find any fault at all in it if his majesty doth put things in their primitive state ; which is the foundation of all publick order and discipline ? other insinuative means may be set on work , which shall make no shew at first , yet may prove in the sequel , of incredible advantage to the king's affairs . while i speak here of the clergy , i pretend not to speak of any but bishops , canons , parish-priests , and chappellans . i know well , that taking the word clerus in its ancient latitude , it may be said to comprehend all christians : but i extend it not so much as to monasticks , who in truth were , at their rise , so far from having particular and conventual churches , as now they have , that they were reckoned laicks , that is , of the people , and had their places separate from the priests . whatever care kings hitherto could possibly take to hinder frauds in beneficiary matters , they have not been able to find means effectual for it : their prudence hath been still surmounted by the pravity of men , which never wanteh artifice and expedients in occasions that concern their profit . however , these frauds are of such a quality , and so important , in reference to the salvation of all christians , that the charitable sagacity of the laws ought to be indefatigably exercised about them : neither pains nor authority should be spared , in a design whose accomplishment is so necessary . and indeed , what mischief doth not follow ; for example , when a wicked man , by intrusion , gets possession of some benefice with cure of souls , all his sacerdotal functions are so many sacriledges ; ( for he is a suspended person , ipso facto ) all the absolutions he gives are null ; the fruits of the benefice cannot be his , because he is not the lawful guardian of it ; and so his appropriating them to his use , is a continued larceny ; for which he is indispensibly bound to make restitution . but be it a bishop that commits this act of intrusion ; and all the consecrations of priests which he shall solemnize are null , whence will result a nullity of all the absolutions those pretended priests shall give . what a concatenation of crimes ? what a dreadful series of evils , simonies , confidences , and other bad means which are used to finger benefices , do tend to the same consequences . sure , the cure of this malady , mortal to so many thousands of souls , is an atchievement worthy of a king. i am of opinion then , that to cut up the root of all these disorders , the king might create a secretary in his council of conscience ; and when this officer is in possession of his charge , a declaration of his majesties should come forth ; by which , to obviate the great abuses that have crept int-beneficiary matters , it should be ordained that all the benefices in the kingdom be registred by the said secretary of that council , and no dispatch there made until the deeds , upon which a benefice is claimed , have been seen and signed , and placed in the register by the same secretary , upon pain of the nullity of all that may have been petition'd for , and granted ; cognizance of all causes arising in consequence of this declaration , must be given to the grand council , and this addition of jurisdiction would facilitate the verification of it . this declaration would produce several advantages . one is , that there could be no more fraud used , in order to demissions , or to resignations ; and the bankers of the court of rome would no longer have means to promote the cheats of pretenders to benefices . another is , that the king would exactly know all that the church does possess in france ; which is a matter of extreme necessity , both for the regulating of the tenths , and also for other considerations . a third advantage would be , that in process of time this secretary of conscience might make a bank in the roman court , which is , to the king , of unspeakable consequence : for by this means , all the money that goes into italy out of france would be known ; and upon such knowledge it would be more easie for him to take his measures with the pope and colledge of cardinals . a fourth advantage is , that the king , by degrees , might become master of all the benefices of the kingdom , in the same manner as the pope is master of the bishopricks and abbies ; which would augment the royal authority . that i may explain my self , i will resume the thing from its original . in the first age of christianity , the first bishopricks were conferred without any bulls from the pope at all . afterward he bethought him , to send or write unto the chapters , who then chose the bishops , and recommended to them , to respect the merit of such or such a one , when they should proceed to the election . i think that alexander the iii. was the first inventer of these kind of letters ; and they were called bulls , because they were seal'd up with the pope's seal , ( bulla being latin for a seal . ) at the beginning , these letters which the popes thus sent , were but simple letters of favour and recommendation : but it hapning that the chapters reverenced them , and that here and there , at least , one , who had obtained them , was chosen ; all pretenders to bishopricks came to believe , that it was necessary to obtain them . thus , what was at first but , as hath been said , a recommendation , became at length a point of right and duty . such was its rise . now this being certain , there may be use made of the example : and thus , when a considerable benefice should be vacant , the king might order , that a letter be written to the patron , and some person recommended to his nomination . there is no cause to doubt , but the patron will nominate whom his majesty hath thus recommended ; so that insensibly it will grow a custom , to take the king's recommendations , as otherwhile persons did those of the popes ; and as the bulls became at length necessary for bishopricks and abbies , so the king's letters shall become necessary for all sorts of benefices , and he render himself master of all church-men . the king , in this , will have sufficient reason , because he being protector of religion , which is the prime pillar of every state , it is his interest to know whether they that shall be provided of benefices , be orthodox , and of good life ; lest they spread some bad doctrine among the people ; for heresies and scandals do cause division in the common-wealth , as well as schisms in the church . besides , it concerns the tranquillity of the state , that curates , who have the direction of consciences , be well-inclin'd for the good of the kingdom , and ready to keep particulr persons in their duty . to descend now unto the case of the monastick religious , and find out a way ( for rendring them useful to the state ) to take them off from that laziness and loathsome beggery in which they live , as also reduce them to such a number as may be proportionate to other ranks of men in the kingdom . it is to be noted , that there are three sorts of monasticks . the first is made up of the orders of s. augustin , s. benedict , s. bernard , and premonstrey . these are they that possess the bulkie riches of the church ; i mean the abbies and priories . the second sort comprehends the carthusians , the minimes , the coelestins , the feuillans , and some others , who possess goods with propriety , and beg not but by toleration . the third kind , is that of the meer mendicants , who subsist by alms , as do the jacobins , the cordeliers , the carmelites , and their branches , that is , the reform'd , as they term 'em , who are issued from them . these , notwithstanding their vow of monastick poverty , yet are not destitute of some foundations : but they plead for themselves , that the pope is proprietor of the goods , they do but take the profits ; which certainly is a vain and frivolous subtilty . the female religious being comprised under these three kinds , there is no need to make of them a separate article . there are too to many monks . it s an abuse so prejudicial to the kingdom , that the king can no longer dissemble it : it is time to take it seriously and effectually in hand . for monks live in single state , they raise no families , get no children , and so are barren grounds that bring forth no fruit to the crown . beside , the blind obedience by which they are tyed to the pleasure of the pope , doth form a foreign monarchy in the very bowels of france ; and into it they train along the credulous people , which is a thing of very great consequence . this politie is founded on the abusive and pernicious maxims of rome ; which too are purely political . for , that the obedience which monasticks give the pope , is religious , there is no colour to pretend : nor is there a christian but sees what his duty binds him to in this case ; and is altogether subject to his holiness in doctrinals , without need of making particular vows to oblige him . the name of religion in the matter , is but a phantasm , and a false pretext which the court of rome assumeth , to augment its temporal power , and to have its creatures in all quarters . by consequence the abuses ought to be retrenched , as was done by charlemagne in his time , and sundry other great kings . but for the effecting of this i should not at all advise , that the attempt be openly made . for that would be to draw upon the undertakers , the importune clamours of all the monks , and their zealots ; nay , to draw rome upon their backs , which might cost them some trouble . in fine , it would be to draw on them the people ; who are ever fond of novelties that surprise them , or are prejudicial to them , and always averse to those which they have foreseen , and are profitable for them . 't is therefore by-ways that must be taken . the first which seems to me fit to be pitcht upon , would be , to require of the monastick communities , that they dispatch missions unto america , and the indies , to convert the salvages , and administer the holy sacraments to christians . the monks , who are commonly imprudent , will strain to set forth the greatest number of their fraternity they possibly may , in hope to make considerable establishments ; thus there will be forwardness enough to embarque . the present juncture is advantageous for this design . for they are charged with more persons than they are able to maintain ; charity being evidently cooled toward them . a second means may be , to debar them the conversation of women . it is scandalous to see religious men receive visits from them in churches ; and there , in presence of the holy sacrament , spend whole afternoons with them . for remedy it might be ordained , that they should have parlours , where women might go to consult them . the thing is a point of deceney ; and parlours , the carthusian friars , and all nuns , generally have . the third means might be , that the fathers of such as enter into religion , should pay an annual pension to the order , by way of alms , during their sons life ; which is the practice in spain . this pension , some will say , causeth in spain an huge multiplication of monks . but 't is not the pension that fills the cloisters in that country ; 't is the licence the monks have to do what they please . in france they are not upon such terms . a fourth means , is to oblige the monasticks to abide in their convents , and not go abroad but very rarely , and for urgent affairs : so do the carthusians . a fifth , to embroil the monks with the bishops ; for which they are sufficiently disposed . a sixth , to prohibit that children of sixteen ( when as yet they know not what they do ) bind not themselves by vows , which engage them for the whole remainder of their lives : but remit that ceremony till their 22d . year of age. the seventh means would be to suppress that congregation , as they call it , among monastick persons , ( as for instance , there are the congregations of s. maur , ) and command , that the religious who make profession in an house , do there fix ; not coursing from lower britannie , for example , unto paris ; nor incessantly changing , as their wont is , unless some indispensible necessity does oblige to such changes . the carthusians keep in their houses , and run not from place to place : nuns do the same . the voyages of monks , and all their transmigrations , have no other end , but to get an universal acquaintance . beyond all this , it may be declared to the monks , ( at least its a thing that should be done in its season ) how that the king understands not their monastick profession does exempt them from his jurisdiction . thus the orders being purged from their impurities , will resume their ancient iustre , and be true seminaries of doctrine and sanctity . in fine , no person will doubt , but the king may take cognisance of all that concerns the external policy of the church ; because this is in such sort annexed to the government of states , that not a patriarch , nor even the pope himself , can make any regulation of it without his majesties consent . that reason of state which presseth for a retrenching of the number of monks , does also reflect upon nuns ; and that with the more justice , because the greatest part of young women , who become votaries , are driven thereunto by the violence of their kindred . there will never want just means to hinder this abuse from having a longer course . as for instance , young women may be declared incapable of making vows before 22 years of age at the least . it may be enacted , that they never shall be professed , [ i. e. setled of the order ] in the convent where they have had their education , either as pensionaries or novices . this would be well enacted . for oft-times the nuns , in hope to the gainers by their portions , do flatter the silly maidens , and persuade 'em to live with them . all kind of humane iuducements must be remov'd , and the inspirations of the holy ghost , left to their full operation . it may again be ordained , that recluses do take no money , as a portion , but only simple pensions yearly for life , and those likewise cautiously limited . a law too may be made , that the goods which might fall to a daughter from her parents , and her collateral kindred , should at their decease , fall to the state , and the king by representation , be invested with the same right to the goods of the deceased as this daughter had had , to recompence the publick for the loss sustained by a recluse , being incapacitated to raise a family . further , a general regulation might ▪ be made of all marriages of young women , with due respect had to the quality of each of 'em in particular ; and it might be ordered , that in case any of them would take up a religious life , they should carry as much with them into religion , as into the married state . for if the order was ▪ that daughters becoming votaries , should have less portions than those that married , fathers , so hugely covetous they are , would compell them to the cloister . but when they shall find no profit in taking this course , they will rather chuse to dispose of them in marriage , and make alliances by that means . this subject inclines me to say summarily , that the moderating of portions is a piece of the ancient civil law of the french , and of divers other nacions , in which daughters had nothing at all . thence it is as we see in the customs , that a nobleman is licensed to marry his daughter with a nosegay of roses , and she becomes disabled to pretend to any other portion , provided the match be suitable and fitting . this moderation is necessary : forasmuch , as the vast wealth which is given to daughters in marriage , does incommode the richest houses . moreover , gentlemen themselves would no more contract undue alliances ; and so the nobility recover their ancient esteem . young womens birth , their beauty , their discretion , their virtue , and their ability in the management of domestick affairs , would be to them instead of wealth . they would make it their care to lay up a rich stock of so many precious things , that perhaps it may one day come to pass , that men will , as heretofore they did , give money to have wives ; whereas at present , women do so to purchase husbands . i have spoken here of marriages occasionally ; i am well aware , that the matter ought to be reserved for another chapter . to conclude , it s a great ingredient of the glory of a king , to honour the holy see ; to love and protect the bishops , to maintain the gallican church in its liberties ; never suffer that any propositions be advanced any way , that may wound the authority of the canons ; and employ all the rigor of his ordinances a gainst persons , who shall have the rashness to publish a suspected or erroneous doctrine . additions to chap. iv. 1. that bishops ought to be near the king. 2. of the pension to be paid the order for a monk enter'd . 3. monasticks cannot alienate ; therefore neither sell a rent-charge . 4. they shall not have power to purchase . i have affirmed chap. 4. that bishops are obliged by command of god , unto residence . this is true : yet forasmuch as they are also the kings subjects , and royal dignity requireth , that his majesty have bishops about him , as the roman emperors after constantine had ; it is fit to ordain , that each bishop be at court three months every year , attending his majesty , to honour him ; during which time they may negotiote their affairs ; and the rest of the year abide fix'd in their diocesses ; the king assigning to each of them the months in which their presence will be needful . in the same chapter , i have said , that to prevent the vast number of monks it should be ordained , that the parents of such as enter into an order , should pay an annual pension to that order during the persons lives . the effect of this law would be , that such a pension being a monachal right in form of clericature given by act of state ; they that would have revenue enough to be monasticks , would have enough to be secular priests . and so persons , whose devotion should incline them to take orders , and consecrate themselves unto god , would rather chuse to remain seculars , than shut themselves up in a cloister all the remainder of their lives . now the more to fortifie this law , it should be added , that bishops make no more priests upon the title of poverty , upon penalty of maintaining them : the reason against it , as to secular priests , being as strong in reference to regulars ; because it is no less a disparagement to the clergy , that a priest monk do beg , and fall into extream poverty , ( which may happen ) than that one of the other rank do so . it is manifest , that monastick communities have no power to alienate any thing ; and that monks do daily re-enter into their estates , which they possessed heretofore . hence it follows , that neither can they charge them with any rents for money taken up : forasmuch as by these kind of contracts , they mortgage their lands : but to engage an estate in such a manner , is to make a kind of alienation . 't is a fetch of the benedictine monks to take up money for rent to be paid by them ; that so they may appear always poor , and have pretexts to solicite the liberality of devout people : also that they may have protectors , for the greater number of their creditors is , the greater is the number of persons interessed in their conservation . yet there is nothing more unjust than this custom : for there are monastick communities that owe more than all their goods , moveable and immoveable are worth . the monks care not though their house be ruin'd , nor though they ruine some of their creditors , provided themselves subsist . for by passing from one convent to another , they are quitted of all the debts they have created . it greatly concerns the publick to prohibit these kind of contracts , that monasticks may be kept from defrauding any man for the future ; and to decree , that the contractor shall pay the rents contracted for , and they bound to do it , both all in common , and each of them in particular : then , that the notaries be fined and declared incapable of bearing any office : or if insolvent , condemned to the gallies for 101 years : moreover , that the purchasers of such rents shall , for their part , pay a mulct of 3000 livres to his majesty , and the principal money be converted to his use . besides , it would be very fit to require all notaries , all creditors of monasticks and the monasticks themselves to make declaration of the sums and rents charged upon them , bring in the contracts for the same before commissioners nominated by the king to be registred , and this within a time expresly limited : which being once pass'd , no more shall be received ; and all contracts not registred , remain null , and as if they were cleared . this course would be very severe , but excellent to reduce the folk of the cloister to reason . there is an important observation to be made too , namely , that all the contracts which church men have made , are utterly null , unless their creditors can make it appear , that the money they lent did turn to the profit of the church , and that there was an authentick permission to make such contracts . this doctrine is a point of law ; for the church is ever a minor , and all that it possesseth hath come from the liberality of particular persons ; without whose consent , or at least the magistrates , and such as are capable of it , the ecclesiasticks can make no alterations in the estates they have received . so that the king may not only forbid contracts for the future ; but also declare those to be dissolved , which have been made heretofore , and discharge the monasteries of them . debts have been annulled for less reasons often . it must likewise be prohibited to monks , and to the church , to purchase any estate in land , or high-rents , upon pain of such contracts being null and void in law ; and the sellers and notaries incurring the forementioned penalties . our lords the prelates have lately bethought them , and resolved to compell such gentlemen as have chappels in their houses , where the sacrifice of the mass hath been at any time performed , to profane the said chappels , or endow them with land for the maintenance of a priest . this would be a means to gain the church more than two hundred thousand livres of rent at one blow ; wherefore it will be fit to ordain , that this enterprize of the bishops do not take effect ; except in case of chapels built hereafter , and built for other persons . chap. v. 1. of the hugonots ; and whether it be for the good of the state to put them out of france . 2. politick means to extirpate their heresie . 3. of their ancient confession of faith. a king cannot have a more illustrious object of his cares and application , than the preserving of that religion which he hath received from his ancestors in the states he governs : because diversity of belief of divine service , and of ceremony , doth divide his subjects , and breeds animosities among them : whence arise contentions , war , and in the end an universal defiance . unity of belief , on the contrary , knits men together ; and 't is seldom seen , but that fellow-subjects who call upon god in one and the same temple , and offer at the same altars , do also fight with the same arms , or under the same banners . if this maxim be generally true in christian politicks , and the religion we profess the only one , as it is , that we can savingly embrace , the princes are obliged to maintain it with all their might , and employ that soveraign power for the glory of the true god , which they hold of his goodness . the pagans , whose particular conduct was so prudent and just , and who have left us so many examples of wisdom and virtue , made it their principle , not to suffer in their republicks any novelty that thwarted the common and popular belief ; and they adher'd so peremptorily unto it , that they would not so much as permit any man to undeceive them of their errors . the books of numa pompilius , which had been found near his grave , and contained the ancient religion of rome , the senate caused to be burnt ; because the praetor rutilius , who had been commission'd to read them , affirmed upon oath , that the contents of e'm tended to subvert the religion which the people observed at that time . they refus'd , even to open their eyes unto the light of truth , though known to them , when they apprehended it would be novel to the people . they rather chose to stick to fables , which length of years had consecrated among them , and the multitude was through custom addicted to . thus too the athenians thought they did an act of necessary justice in condemning socrates to death , for having taken on him to persuade the people that there was but one only god. they knew however , that in truth this philosopher was the wonder of his time , the honour of the city , and of all greece : the discerning men amongst them were convinc'd of the solidity of this doctrine , and the sect of the stoicks made profession of it ; so that it must be confess'd , the fall of gentilism , and subversion of idols , is an effect of the hand of god , who alone can work miracles of grace and omnipotence . the kings , his majesties predecessors , have set themselves with unwearied diligence to preserve the catholick religion inviolable : they have never failed to be protectors of the apostolick see , and the church . they expelled the arrians ; they turned their arms , and exposed their lives against the albigenses ; they vanquish'd e'm ; they destroy'd e'm ; they punish'd the poor men of lions : in fine , they have provided that christianity receive no harm in any places unto which their authority extended . the last age produced a new monster to oppose the church . france saw him born in her bosom , and unhappily bred him up , with several complices of his impiety and revolt . history will tell posterity how much blood was shed during the course of well nigh fourscore years to quell this dangerous sect : and the world well know , that the zeal there was to reduce hereticks to their duty , did take up the reigns of six of our kings ; the glory of cutting off the last head of this hydra , being reserved for his present majesty . but it is expedient to see what weapons must be used for an execution so long expected . there is no cause to doubt , but that upon the principles of christianity , and maxims of policy , its necessary to reduce all the kings subjects to one and the same belief : and though they that make profession of the pretended reformed religion , be now without arms , without strong-holds , without treasure , without an head , and without allies ; yet they are not out of case to be feared . they still retain a remembrance of their boldness , and by-pass'd rebellions : they look back on the towns they once seized , and out of which they could not be driven but by force of arms , as if they were their proper inheritance , and had been unjustly pluck'd out of their hands ; they bear in their hearts the same aversion for order and discipline , that they ever had ; and their minds are always inclining to revolt , and to confusion and anarchy ▪ it disquiets them not to think who shall head them ; they have soldiers of their own number , whom they can advance to be captains by giving them authority to command e'm . they persuade themselves , that if they were in arms , they should want neither money nor friends . they believe , that the glory of the king attracts as much envy on him as admiration ; and that his virtue raiseth in his neighbours no less anger than terrour . in short , there is ground to think , that he will have more than an hundred thousand men of his enemies in the heart of his state , while there are huguenots in france ; they too , perhaps , do but wait an occasion to make their musters . thus they are perpetual obstacles to the designs that might be formed ; and though weak , may nothwithstanding be dreaded . 't is true , the honest men of their communion do well know , that they cannot be in a calmer repose than they now enjoy by the grace of the king , and under the security of his edicts ▪ but in these matters the multitude carries it . these are a torrent , that by its rapidity , overturns rocks which seems unmoveable . it will be said , that the good treatment which the huguenots receive , doth preserve the friendship of the german princes for france ; and if favourable justice should be no longer done them , the king would lose the most potent and most considerable of his allies . this discourse is but a found , and void of all substance of reason : for , beside that the princes of germany are not of the religion of our hereticks ; they need not the kings protection for maintaining the huguenots in their pretended liberty of conscience : but the french arms securing them against the power of austria , and principally of the emperor , who hath divers pretensions upon them ; they cannot recede from the alliance they have made with his majesty ; nor will they do it , though the last man of the huguenots was brought to the scaffold : nay , forasmuch as the kings forces are so useful to all those protestants , it will would be their interest not at all to arm themselves for the huguenots preservation , but far otherwise , even to promote their expulsion out of france : and the reason is , because if this party were in a condition to raise stirs , the king would have his hands full of work to repress them : and so his forces being dissipated , the emperor might take his time to enlarge his domination : the thing that charles the fifth did , when francis the first was not in a possibility to succour the princes . it being therefore certain , that the liberty of germany hath its support and prop in the arms of the king ; they are not sollicitous there for the affairs of the huguenots in france : and since the protestants ▪ of the empire are knit to his majesty by other engagements than those of religion , they will continue the same deportment ; and his majesty on his part , will always have the same reasons to succour them , though the time should come that he should have no more huguenots in his kingdom . no succour neither may they hope for from england ; that 's a state too weak to make any trial of strength against france : all the english there are must pass the sea ; and the isle be disfurnish'd of soldiers and provisions ; yet this all would be nothing to purpose : mean time their affairs would lie expos'd to the levity and lunacy of the people . holland and swedeland are of like consideration ; and they both have other interests to negotiate with the king , than those of the huguenots . denmark is defective in power . the calvinists mount unto a strain of policy above ordinary , when they would have us believe , that whatever is not of the roman communion is of the opinion of charenton : the lutherans of germany , notwithstanding , sympathize with them less than with us . thus the king hath nothing to be afraid of from the pretended allies of the huguenots . yet these men , as i have already said , are to be feared ; and they would be seen stoutly to bestir themselves , if some extraordinary commotion should happen in france , as a civil war , or some great invasion by foreign enemies ; in such a juncture they would do as they did in the war of paris : they took up arms , and respectively protested they were for the kings service ; but if the peace had not been soon made , they would not have forborn to think themselves necessary ; and to make all the propositions that they could imagine advantageous to their party . they would have re-demanded their places of security ; they would have press'd for a restoring of their temples , for an augmentation of their pretended priviledges , and for a free exercise of their religion : and , according to their good old custom , have uttered complaints and menaces . but if by ill chance a victorious army of strangers , whether catholicks or religionaries , should enter the kingdom , the king must resolve to see the hereticks declare against him , or else content them in all their pretensions , which would prove an engaging of his state in like calamities , as our fathers in their time saw . it ought to be ordained , that they shall exactly follow their ancient confession of faith which was permitted them in france ; and that such as vary from it , shall be no longer reckon'd in the number of those of the protestant reformed religion , who have liberty of conscience given them . these huguenots have no ground at all to plead the edict of nantes so loudly and bravingly as they do : they extorted it by violence , and with sword in hand : yet was it but an interim , an order taken , until they should inform themselves of the truth ; which they have had time enough to do . but did they not violate it themselves by the war of languedock , that other of sevennes ; and again by that of rochelle ? nay , they call'd the enemies of the state unto their succour , and took a course to bring fire and sword into all parts of the kingdom . shortly , in matter of government , that which is good at one time , is frequently not so at another ; all things must be accommodated to the general rule of policy , which is , that the good of states be incessantly procured . when the edict of pacification was accorded , there was provision made for the welfare of france : if that welfare does now require that the edict be revoked , there is no remedy , revoked it must be , or neglected . from all this which i have said it follows , that the king hath most just cause to secure himself from the professors of the protestant reformed religion , and put them into such a state , as he may have nothing to apprehend from their particular . perhaps it will be said , that 't is expedient there be huguenots in france , because they oblige the church-men to study , and to live with the greater circumspection , and a more exact observance of the rules of their profession . but this consideration is not worth the considering . the church of god will never be supported by these humane means . he is in the midst of it , and governs it himself by his holy spirit , which animateth and filleth it . at whatever time there shall be no more huguenots in france , there will be fewer bad , and a greater number of good men ; which the king should particularly desire ; since states are always sustained by people that love virtue , &c. it passeth therefore for certain , that it is fit the king do disable the religionaties , as to their doing any harm , and as to their giving cause of suspicion . it remaineth to examine what way may most readily and most commodiously lead unto this end . i would not advise that these people of the other religion should be compell'd to depart out of france , as the moors were out of spain ; which proved in the sequel , so prejudicial to the whole country . 't would be a piece of inhumanity to drive the huguenots in that manner : they are christians , though separated from the body of the church : besides , this course would deprive the state of not a few good families , and put the unhappy numbers of e'm out of all hope of conversion and salvation : so that the king , in this concern , should do well as seems to me , to imitate the church , the common parent of all christians ; who , in the remedies she prepareth , ever mingleth mildness and mercy , with justice , and compassion with correction . the first means then which the king might employ , should be to provide , that the huguenots might frequent the coversation of the catholicks with more familiarity than they do . for by this coversation they would , in time , be undeceiv'd of the opinion with which they are pre-possess'd , that we hate them ; they would put off the aversion they have for us ; they would know our deportment ; and be informed of our doctrine in the points that offend them ; because they understand not the mysteries of them ; which would induce them to confess , as st. augustin did on the like occasion , that the church does not teach things as they once thought it did . nothing is to my understanding , or can be , more effectual for the conversion of the hereticks , than this frequent conversation ; it is not possible , but that at length , the spirit of men should yield unto impression ; the plumage of the eagle , 't is said , consumes that of other birds ; light dissipates darkness , truth triumphs over falshood . the second means should be , to confer a recompence of honour upon converts ; and to make a stock for this purpose , which might never fail . i should think it would be none of the best course to exclude the huguenots from all employments ; they must enter into lesser offices , though not at all into the greater . the reason is , because if they be put off from all kind of publick business , they will accustom themselves to tarry at home idle , and their ambition will be extinguish'd in such sort , as perhaps they will make it a point of religion to do nothing ; whereas being taken to ordinary offices , they will habituate themselves to a living among catholicks , and their ambition will awaken , when they shall compare themselves with their superiours . the third means i offer is , to select some particular men , and create them such business referring to religion , as may constrain them to attend the council , and keep following the court. business of that kind may be started to gentlemen , upon the exercise they have in their houses . there is not one of them but is obnoxious to a process in that case ; and the bishops will , with joy , be the prosecutors . besides , the king's procureur ( or attorney ) general is concern'd to know , whether marriages , baptisms , and burials , be solemniz'd with due accurateness in these private houses ; and whether good and faithful registers of them be kept or no : great defects herein being easily supposeable , the same will be just matter of complaint against the owners , as negligent in observing the concession made them , of having exercise in their castles . the like may be done , if others , contrary to the edict , be admitted to these preachings beside the domesticks . a fourth means would be , to oblige the religionists to put again in due state the ancient chappels of their houses , which they have demolish'd or prophan'd ; the pursuance whereof ought to be by the diligence of each bishop in his diocess . there must not be made a common affair of it to all the huguenots in general , but divers particulars only be fix'd upon . and the thing it self is as reasonable as any . for they had no right to destroy temples that had been all along destin'd to divine service , according to the religion of the king , receiv'd by all the kingdom , and also profess'd by our progenitors . the fifth means is , that when an affair of such quality as i mention'd , comes before the council , the deputies which the huguenots have at court in the name of them all , be not permitted to intervene in it . there are 3 reasons for the putting by of these interventions : the first is , that the huguenots cannot constitute a body in france , nor assemble without the kings express permission . the second , that private and particular affairs ought not to be set up in the rank of those that are general and publick . the third , that the king will do justice without their intervention . the deputation should not be all at once abrogated out-right ; but no regard must be had to what the deputies represent in the name of all the party . the sixth means should be , that the king do take effectual order the huguenots may no longer have their dwellings , nor their exercise in places not royal ; at least such as have any lords of the protestant reformed religion for proprietors . as for example , vitrey in bretannie , belongs to monsieur the prince de tarante , who is of that religion ; and it belongs to him by a demise made him of it by monsieur de la tremouille . the huguenots have there a temple and a religious exercise : this town they must exchange , and have another for it given them ; reasons will not be wanting to colour such permutations : there is nothing that may contribute more to their conversion . for it will be an incredible displeasure to them to live among people with whom they have no acquaintance , nor any union , either by interest or blood. a seventh means is , to suppress by natural death , all huguenot counsellors . the chambers of the edict are now of no more use . the eighth is , to give them for their synods catholick commissaries ; such as are somewhat vers'd in the controversies , and have the skill to favour the wranglings that are continually among them . these commissaries were heretofore all of them catholicks . particular synods , when petition'd for , must not be deny'd them ; but national ones should never be granted : and at the close of all their sydonal assemblies , money should be demanded of the ministers for the king's affairs , by way of loan or of tenths , or under some other pretexts . the ninth means is , to get them prosecuted for their common debts , and so cause them to sell , by decree , some of their temples , which sure cannot be judged to be in mortmain , or un-alienable . a tenth is , to prohibit that any subject go out of the kingdom without the king's permission . for the huguenots must not depart out of france ; and they will be compris'd under a general prohibition . the eleventh is , to take order the confessors may intimate to the poorer sort of catholicks , that it is a point of conscience to serve huguenots . the twelfth is , to oblige them on a political account , unto an abstinence from flesh , upon those days which the catholicks do so observe , in like manner as they are already obliged to heed the festivals , out of respect to the publick religion : then hereupon , severely punish such as shall transgress in the one or the other of these two things . the thirteenth means is , to endeavour the marrying of catholicks to the huguenots , and cause the children issuing from such marriages , to be educated in the roman religion . a fourteenth may be , to hinder the huguenots from selling any estate they have in land : for this kind of possession does tye them to the interests of the state. the fifteenth and last , is , to change the place of that academy which they have at saumur , and fix it in some other town , as vange , or beaufort . there is a president for such a change in the translation of the like academy from montauban to pullaurens . the pretext for drawing them out of saumur is , that this town being a pass on the loire , and maintaining the communication of divers great provinces , the king cannot be too well secured of it : beside , this planting an academy at saumur , is an usurpation ; the huguenots having never had a patent for it . it would signifie nothing , should the huguenots alledge , that they have it for a place of security : for they are now as the king 's other subjects be , who do not at all demand any . what would come of it , if all collective bodies should demand places of security ? 't is a madness . further yet , it might be declared , that proponents , who aspire to the office of ministers , should be obliged to teach a course of philosophy , or two years in theology . thus there would be fewer ministers than there are ; and at length , their number being diminished , the number of huguenots would infallibly diminish also . the king might likewise ordain , that the proponents should be examin'd in presence of such commissioners as he should please to appoint ; to the end they might undergo a rigorous trial. for his majesty is concern'd , that these ministers be perfectly well studied , left they prove promoters of sedition , and not pastors . at the time of their examination , the same proponents should be oblig'd to answer all the catholick doctors in any controversial questions they should think fit to move . the huguenots cannot refuse this proposition ; because their proponents ought to be prepared in all matters : and since the huguenots affirm , that their ministers are their bishops , there must no person be a minister who hath not attained to the age of twenty seven years at least . these are summarily the humane means that seem to me most conducible to the conversion of the professors of the protestant reformed religion . chap. vi. 1. what nobility is . 2. of the nobles of france , of their degrees , and the ranks of gentlemen . 3. of the orders of knighthood . 4. in what respects gentlemen may be useful to the king. having examined what relates to the clergy , the first of the three orders that compose the body politick of france ; it is time to speak of the second , which is that of the nobility : nobility is a quality that renders the possessors of it generous , and secretly disly disposeth their soul unto an affection for honourable things . the virtue of ancestors does make this excellent impression of nobility upon persons ; and there is in seminal matter , i know not what spirituous and energetical principle , that transmitteth and propagateth the inclinations of parents unto their descendants : as is obvious to remark ; not only in men , and in all the animals , which have a natural generation ; but also in plants , and in things evidently most inanimate . this ancestral virtue , verily , gives us the first tincture in order to a right noble accomplishment ; and every man issued from great and illustrious bersonages , does continually feel a kind of elastick impulse in the secret recesses of his heart , which thrusts him on to imitate them ▪ and their memory spurs him on to glory , and brave actions : but if through negligence , or the degeneracy of an ill nature , it so comes to pass , that he answers not the hope which the grandeur of his progenitors gave ground to conceive of his deportment ; in this case , all the lustre of their ancient reputation which environ'd him from the instant of his birth , and whether he will or no , accompany'd him all along the course of his life , it does , i say , by making him be noted , for ( nobilitas a noscendo dicitur ) but promote his shame , and the more conspicuously shew his defects unto the augmenting and justifying a contempt of his person . thus an actual virtue is necessary for gentlemen , that they may be able to bear up the weight of their condition , which otherwise presseth them quite down . the greater the rank and honor of their house is , the greater their dishonor ; and so much the deeper that precipice into which their dissoluteness doth cast them . there are usually noted three kinds of nobility . the first is a nobleness of blood : when the source of a great extraction is hidden in the obscurity of a long succession of years , and cannot now be discovered . this kind is in greatest esteem among men : and indeed we call things that are left us of this quality , venerable , and do bear a sort of religious respect to them : we are generally possess'd too with a perswasion , that whatever is unknown , is full full of mysteries ; hence objects of such a nature are apt to surprise us ; and we hereupon are awed at them , and do admire them . such effects , the greatness of an unsearchable high-descending pedigree does produce . nor need we much scruple to affirm , that this kind is the only proper and genuine nobility ; and that the two others are only nobilitations . what difference is made between a person noble , and one ennobled , is familiarly known . this first kind of nobility is thought to require a possession of the virtue of ancestors , and withal , a possession of their wealth ; this too in so essential a manner , that if each of them be not joyntly possess'd , the nobility is extinct . we daily see proofs that evince the justice and the truth of this notion . be it intimated by the way , that the virtue here mention'd is the military art. the second kind of nobility , is that which takes its rise from offices and eminent employments , unto which the laws have annexed this mark of honour . the third is acquir'd by the prince's letters , which are called letters of nobilitation . it is a right peculiar to the kind to give such letters ; as the roman panegyrist once said to the emperor trajan . it belongs not but to caesar to create a nobility . it is for none but the king to honour brave aud valiant subjects with this quality . this third and last kind is least considered : because the person who acquires it , hath not the virtue of ancestors for a foundation and caution of his own . yet it is sometimes more considerable than either of the two others ; and marius in salust had great reason to tell the gentlemen of rome ; that he had rather begin the nobility of his race , than faintly continue it , or unworthily lose it ; and that it was more glorious for him to transmit to his posterity a sparkling virtue , hard to be follow'd , than plod slowly on upon the slight , and almost effaced tracks of a common virtue which his ancestors had left him . in all these three kinds of nobility , there must be the personal virtue of the person invested with 'em : for when all is done , it is but virtue that confers effective worth . all nations have had a particular esteem for nobility , nor can any well-order'd common-wealth be named , which hath not invented some singular mark of honour to make it conspicuous . the french in this point , have surpass'd and out-done all people upon earth ; as for the first , antiquity , caesar observes , that the nobles , that is , the gentlemen , had among the gauls , as much power over the plebeians , as masters at rome had over their slaves . after gaul was reduced to the state of a province , nobility preserved its ancient prerogatives ; and the emperors knowing , that the nobles loved glory , and sought it above all things , stiled them honorati , and gave them an absolute precedency in all assemblies of the gauls . for the romans had thought it necessary to weaken the authority of the druids . in the time of christianity the same order was continued ; and the nobility gave their suffrage apart in the election of bishops , expresly before the people ; yea , even before the clergy themselves . upon the declining of the empire , the gentlemen did , in france , judge the causes of their equals ; and hence , without doubt , came into use the parliaments , courts and assemblies , which our kings held of their peers and barons ; that is , of the qualify'd gentlemen of their kingdom , when a case of some peer or grandee of the state was to be tried . the nobles were distinguish'd anciently from plebeians , by their hair , which they wore long , for a mark of their ancient liberty ; and when any one of them committed a fault that was unbeseeming his birth , the rest sentenc'd him to depart the country , or cut off his hair ; this was therefore a no less punishment than exile . in charlemagne's time , the gentlemen of france named themselves franks , by way of excellence . in fine , the french nobility hath alwavs had such an high degree of excellency , and so great a pre-eminence , that it was preferr'd in all cases ; as when vacant bishopricks or abbies were to be provided for ; or when the principal magistracy and seats of judicature were to be fill'd up , or the government of important places , warlike imployment , and the leading of armies , were to be dispoled of . to conclude this matter , it may be affirm'd , that kings did take the gentlemen into a partnership with themselves , as i may term it , in the regality ; they honour'd them with part of their power , by conferring on them fiefs , and by entrusting them with the charge of doing justice , and of commissioning officers to that end . hereupon it was necessary to put a gradual difference between gentlemen themselves : nor is it indeed sufficient that they all have so many excellent prerogatives above the vulgar , or common sort , as we call them . for nature is alike in every man , and all men are born equal . fortune on the contrary , and virtue , distinguish one from another . but natural reason requires there be order in all things . 't is order that makes the beauty and symmetry of the universe . now as a musical consort doth not make a perfect harmony , but by a diversity of notes ; so a political state can be neither comely nor compleat , unless there be a difference between the parts that compose it . i know that nobility , being as philosophers call it , an inherent quality , does lodge with its whole essence , in each of its subjects : as the quality of a soldier is , for its essence , in the person of a corporal , as well as of a captain or general officer . yet there is a great distance , and many intervening degrees , between a general and the meanest musquetier in an army . thus the meanest gentleman in the kingdom is noble ; and to speak after the common proverb , is noble as well as the king ; but the one is severed from the other by an immense graduation . so , though all gentlemen be equal in nobility , yet they are not so in riches , in lands , in alliance , in friends , in offices , in authority , in age , and in reputation . again , they are not equal in spirit , in knowledge , in experience , nor in wisdom ; therefore it hath been with much prudence ordered , that they should have some external marks of these differences ; and for this end , there have been created princes , dukes , counts , marquesses , barons , knights , batchelers , esquires ; leave hath been given them to bear helmets and crowns upon their armories : in short , no pains have been spared to find out things that might any way adorn their quality ; and their valour hath been publickly rewarded , for an excitement of others to a generous emulation . here , i cannot forbear to blame those gentlemen who give themselves the title of knights , of marquesses , or of counts , by their own private authority . this is a shameful usurpation ; and so far from heightening the luster of nobility , that it injures them . for a gentleman who takes upon him the quality of a marquess , and well knows he is none , makes a perpetual lye , a thing directly contrary to his honour , and to the profession he makes , of being a devoted constant defender of truth . beside , this huge number of marquesses , lords and knights , does bring those qualities into contempt ; and is a cause , that true marquesses are not considered now , as they of right ought to be . 't is therefore extreamly important , that provision be speedily made in the case . for this confusion destroys the usefulness of those dignities , they being such as his majesty should keep in his own hand , and husband them with deliberation and frugality ; that they might be distributed on occasion , to men of honour , and such as have evidenced a zeal for his service , and for the good of his kingdom ; that the persons also to whom they are granted , might fully enjoy them , with all the advantages and prerogatives that are by custom annexed to them . i will not omit , that it is necessary to give the nolity the greatest respect that may be ; to the end , that citizens may conceive the greater desire to become gentlemen ; which should be granted them , when they have rais'd themselves to a worthiness of it , either by just acquiring a remarkable estate , or doing some illustrious exploit in war. the whole constitution of the nobility is military : nevertheless there have been instituted in france , particular orders of knighthood , of which , the king is grand master himself ; and into which he admitteth such gentlemen as he accounts most worthy of it . such are the orders of the holy ghost , and of st. michael . there are others , of which the king is barely protector ; the order of s. lazarus is of that nature . but this is of no great advantage to the state : because all beneficences , all favours , all honours and employments , should come directly and immediately from the hand and bounty of the king. for the continuation therefore of this order of s. lazarus , his majesty might unite the grand mastership of it to the regality , as the king of spain does . chap. vii . 1. of the third estate . 2. of the husbandmen . 3. of artificers . 4. of merchants . my beginning to treat of the three orders of the body politick of france , as the clergy and the nobility , leaving the third estate to be last spoken of , is a method like theirs , who having some edifice to examine , do begin at the top ; and settle to consider the upper stories , before they look on the foundations . in truth , the people are the basis upon which all republiques have their standing . 't is they that manure the ground , and cause it to bear fruit. 't is they that pay the subsidies ; that breed workmen , and furnish the merchants . yet that which we call the third estate , does not consist of peasants , or the meer rural sort ; 't is principally the freemen , and communalties of towns , and officers of justice , that compose it . this third estate was not called to the general assemblies of the gauls , either in the time of the romans , or during the first and second race of our kings ; it was well forward in the third before they had that priviledge . i believe , not until the reign of philip the fair. but it is not upon this matter that i am now to insist . however , in speaking of the third estate , the whole popular body is to be consider'd ; and it may be divided into three parties of men ; namely , husbandmen , artificers , and merchants . of the officers of justice we will speak in the next chapter . the least-infected , and best party of the people , is the husband-men that daily labour ; which takes up their heads and hands , all the year long without intermission , keeps them in simplicity and obedience . there cannot be too great a number of 'em ; especially not in france , by reason of the fertility of the country ; and our corn being transported into foreign parts , we ought to make great stores of it , and have as much as may be in a readiness . exact care must be taken , that these men may always be in a condition to take pains : and that they have but little converse with townsmen , whose little labour , and other manners , might corrupt their innocence . and , that ease and plenty do not render them insolent . for there is nothing more dangerous and insufferable , than a sort of rich peasants . no less care must be taken , that an extream penury do not reduce them to extream misery . for too great poverty lying on them , they no longer have either men or cattle : they are ty'd up to ill diet , lodge on the ground : suffer hunger and cold : their children perish for want of food ; there are epidemical diseases bred among them ; they are not succour'd ; they dye away : by this means the country is dispeopled ; and being void of inhabitants , the grounds are unhusbanded , and abandoned . when i shall come to discourse of the finances ▪ i will point out a way to preserve country-people in a moderately-commodious estate : at present i will only say , that it would be to very good purpose to create a superintendant of husbandry ; who should have his eye on those affairs , and see , that the grounds be cultivated , vineyards well kept , and meadows fitly ordered : in like manner as there are masters of waters , and forests , who take care that the woods be not damnifi'd ; and surveyors for the high-ways ; and in fine , jurats for every craft . the second party of the popular order , is the handicrafts-men , or artificers ; these are no less useful to the state than any other . for , besides that manufactures do keep men at work , and engage them ; they are the cause that the silk , the wool , the skins , the flax , the timber , and the other commodities that grow in france , are made use of ; and that country people have the means to barter these things , and put them off ; especially being wrought into wares not made in foreign parts , we shall grow to be further principal manufacturers , as we already are of hats for spain , and stuffs for all europe : which is a matter of exceeding great consequence : and in process of time , when the work is once on foot , things will pass from hand to hand , and oft-times go out of the kingdom . all this quickens trade , and makes money pass to and fro : which promoteth the publick , and therewithall at once , every ones private welfare . 't is not enough to have husband-men and artificers in a kingdom ▪ there must of necessity be merchants also : for without their industry , the artificers shops would be stores never emptied ; the granaries would remain full of corn ; and the cellars , of wines ; and nothing be gone . we will more largely treat of this , when we come to the article of commerce . chap. viii . 1. of officers of justice . 2. of parliments , and other supreme courts . 3. of presidial courts . 4. of the king's council . 5. vseful means for the good of the state , in relation to officers of justice . 6. of sollicitations . if men were entirely just to one another , and each of 'em ( in the phrase of one of the greatest greek philosophers ) a law unto himself ; there would need neither law nor magistrate to keep them in perfect tranquility . but nature being corrupted , we no longer consult that original righteousness , which is inseparable from reason , and which without intermission , inwardly presseth us to render to all their due , as exactly , as we would should be done to ourselves . always self-love , often necessity , sometimes hatred , avarice , or one passion or other , does blind us , and induce us to violate this eminently holy and equitable law ; in such sort also , that we suffer ourselves to be transported unto excesses hard to be believed . we equally use fraud and force to content our injustice and irregular desires . whereupon it hath been commodiously done by wise men , to form , as may be said , a new reason , which they called law. but because laws are of no use , except they be armed with correction to punish such as despise them ; and have some soul , and living principle ; therefore magistrates have been created ▪ who are to pronounce the oracles which those laws inspire , to put the laws in execution , and maintain the authority of them . these officers are chosen of the best and most intelligent men in a state ; and if common-wealths be duly regulated ; ordinarily the rich are preferred before the poor , and nobles before plebeians ; because 't is supposed they have a greater measure of knowledge and virtue ; and by consequence are less capable of certain mean things , in which a necessitous condition , and a mean extraction , might engage them . thus ministers of justice in france , call'd men of the robe , are in truth necessary in publick society . for if there was no evil-doer , laws and magistrates would be of no more use , than joyners , and the doors they make for the security of houses , if there were no thieves : whereas , should not a man in a whole kingdom ever swerve from right reason and pure equity ; there must nevertheless be priests for religion ; soldiers for defence against foreign invasions that might happen ; and people who may some of 'em till the ground ; others apply themselves to trades and manufactures , that men cannot be without . so that these three sorts of persons are inseparable from a common-wealth ; and they make up the three estates we have spoken of , which have been receiv'd without any contest . yet it seems , that of late , the parliaments have sought to infuse into some green heads , that they compos'd a fourth order in the kingdom ; and the same , not only distinct from the other three , but altogether superiour to them , by reason of their sovereignty , and of the power they have to deliberate upon the pleasure and edicts of the king. if they should not be brought off from this opinion , perhaps they would draw the other sovereign courts and officers of judicature into the same error ; an union of them all not being deniable : because otherwise the affair of justice would in france , form two bodies ; which may not be . but from allowing this fourth body in the state , namely that of justice , a ridiculous inconvenience would follow ; to wit , that a sergeant ( or catchpole ) of a village , would be a member of a body superior to that of the nobility ; and by consequence , in some sort , superior to a marquis . for in matter of hierarchy , the last of a more excellent order , is greater than the first of a less excellent one : as the lowest of the arch-angels , is greater than the highest of the angels . but to clear the difficulty before us , it must be remembred , that heretofore in france , the estates which were called parliaments , did assemble twice a year for two considerations : one was , to judge of appeals , that were made from judgments pass'd by inferior officers . the other , to give the king counsel when he demanded their opinion about government of the state. for alway , during the first and second race , the king 's did dispose of publick affairs , as of peace and war ; and this is so much a truth , that if those ancient parliaments had had the disposing of the state , they would never have suffered , that the children of lewis , when they had divided the kingdom among them , should have fallen to make war one upon another ; which could tend to nothing but a publick desolation . they would as little have permitted the enmities of brize , haudet , and fredegonde . in like manner under the second race , they would not have endured that the sons of lewis the mild , should act such outrages on their father , that charles the bald should have given neustria to the normans . in the third race , that lewis the gross should have ruin'd so many great lords ; who made up the greatest-part of the parliaments : that lewis the younger should have yielded up guienne by the divorce of eleanore : that the count of burgundy , and the duke of britannie , and some others , should have leagu'd together against queen blanche . in fine , there are thousand and a thousand examples in history , which ▪ do evidence that these kings always had the free and sovereign administration of their state : nor will there one be found to prove , that the parliaments ever contradicted them . they presented themselves at the feet of their princes , with petitions , and humble remonstrances : they made no resistance , nor exercis'd authority . so that our king 's have been king's indeed , always absolute masters ▪ and for proof hereof , it will be sufficient to look into all the statutes ; there it may be seen how they spake , and what part the estates had in them . the principal end of parliaments therefore was , to the end the law-suits of particular persons ; and people perceiving that appeals brought to them were received , and sentences invalidated ; many , to try opinions in their cases once again , became appellants : by this means affairs were multiply'd ; and that contesting parties might not have the trouble to come up from the remotest parts of the kingdom , deputies of the general parliament were appointed , they also stiled parliaments , and to be ambulatory . the commission they had , was sometimes for three months , sometimes for six , according to exigence of state ; but alway by the command and letters of the king. these parliaments went into the provinces , to judge the causes that were brought them ; almost in like manner as we now see done at the extraordinary sessions : which instead of diminishing the number of causes to be dispatch'd , as had been conceiv'd , really augmented them . philip the fair saw cause to make such a parliament sedentary at paris , another at rouen , a third at thoulouse ; and succeeding kings establish'd others in other cities , as they are at present . from this faithful account it resulteth , that the parliaments are not a fourth body in the state ; but be extracted out of the three ancient orders ; at first they were taken out of the clergy and nobility only : because the commons at that time were not considerable afterwards , these also were received in . other sovereign societies are but images of these parliaments . as to the sovereignty of the parliaments themselves , it neither is , nor ever was other , than an emination of the sovereignty of the king , in whom that quality is natural , and indivisible . the parliaments can pretend to no more than his majesty may please to impart to them . the sale of offices of judicature having been introduc'd , there follow'd divers creations of new officers , both in matter of the revenue , and also in that of justice : among others , those of presidial courts were instituted : which perhaps was done , only out of a pecuniary interest ; a needless degree of jarisdiction being thereby set up , and such a one as tendeth to the involving and oppression of the kings subjects . these courts are so many petty parliaments , in judging supreamly , and finally in some cases : yet by the trick of petty-fogging practice , ways are found to get appeals from judgment pass'd , to be received , and new processes begun , to the vexation and undoing of the parties concern'd . there have been in all times , chief judges in towns ; as bailiffs and seneschals ; a thing of indispensible necessity for keeping the people in order : all the fault that can be found in it , is by reason of their number , which certainly is excessive . 't is not enough that the king hath parliaments and other officers to determinate differenamong his subjects : there must also be a counsel about his majesty ; by whose advice , he may correct all ill administration of justice ; may reverse all sentences given against the mind and intention of the statutes ; and maintain order through the whole extent of his state. this counsel is the sacrarium of the monarchy : and the persons admitted into it , who may justly be stiled the eyes , the ears and hands of the prince ) ought to have a profound knowledge in affairs , acquired by long and approved experiences : they must love the kingdom , the kingly power , and the king's person . they are the seminary , whence are taken intendants of provinces , ambassadors and ministers for negotiations with strangers . the counsel is compos'd at present of gownmen only . it would not be much amiss , nay , on the contrary , it would be very well done : if the king pleased to communicate this honour unto other professions , when there were found persons capable of it : because this preference gives the gentlemen of the long robe too much authority ; whereas there is need of retrenching what they have already ; much rather , than of conferring any new advantage upon them , as we shall shew hereafter . as for the royal privy council , in which secret affairs are debated , and which ought to be of very few persons , that matters may be kept in silence , and not untimously divulged ; i will not speak of it in this place ; nor say , in what manner it ought to be composed : because this depends upon the pleasure of the master of it ; and each king takes a different course in it . there have been princes who committed the principal care of all affairs to one single person : and france hath seen , for instance , the cardinals of amboise and richlieu . others have parted employments , and shared them among as many persons as there were different affairs . so did king henry the fourth . this , in my opinion , was the more wisely done ; for that in matter of government , the great secret is to divide authority , and hold the ballance even between a plurality of persons . history teacheth us of what consequence it was to our kings of the first race ; that they had but one maire of the palace ; and how dear it cost their posterity . upon a like reason of state the roman emperors divided the charge of the praetorian prefect . but ministers , whatever for number , must for qualification , be men of virtue and approved sufficiency : they likewise , after the manner of the aegyptians , ought to be reprehended and punish'd for all that the king does amiss , and contrary to law. the incredible number of the ministers of justices in france , is in truth , somewhat monstrous ; neither is there any disorder in the state , more pressing , or requiring a more speedy application of the royal authority . the truth is , if a man consider this multitude of magistrates , will he not have ground to say , that the french are extream hard to be governed , seeing so many great personages are employed in governing them ? again , it may be said , that this nation , so ▪ illustrious by the glory of its actions , and by so many victories wherewith its arms have been honoured , is yet incapable of virtuous inclinations ; since there is need of force to reduce them to the rule of the laws : though god never gave men a more precious present . on the other hand , can it be affirmed , that our legislators wanted wisdom , or did not sufficiently shew it in making the laws ? yet if reflection be made upon the multitude of law-suits , whereof the vexation is a grievance to the kingdom , may not a man perswade himself , that equity is banish'd thence , and upright dealing utterly discarded ? should it then hereupon be taken for granted , that the private sort in france are not good condition'd people ; can it be imagin'd that the publick government is any thing reasonable and proper for its due ends ? but if a man proceed to penetrate further into the internals of the state , and there behold what a desolation the corrupting of justice hath made , loosning and breaking the most sacred ties of friendship ; in fine , if he observe how the monarchy hath often been in danger of subversion , will he not wonder that the publick fortune hath held out , and families been born up in the storms that have so many times turmoild them ? the excessively great multitude of officers , being the principal cause whence so many mischiefs take their rise ; the remedy must be first apply'd thereto . and this remedy is nothing else , but such a retrenchment as is expedient , or , to say better , necessary to be made . the fewer officers of justice there are , the more soldiers and artificers , and merchants , and the fewer litigious actions will be . for it is manifest that business of that kind has ever multiply'd , as the number of officers hath been augmented : in like manner , as the more physicians , the more patients . to arrive at the end propos'd , it would be convenient , that after mature deliberation upon the estate of france , the number of its inhabitants , and the quantity of law-business , it be advisedly stated in the king's council , what number of officers were fit to be reserved , and of what quality they should be ; then that the rest be suppress'd gradually , as the persons dye away , or at once by a declaration . what , in my opinion , might particularly be done , is as follows . first , the presidial courts being compos'd of officers that are needless to the state , a charge unto the people ; having also but a novel interloping jurisdiction , the fruit of an evil counsel given to king henry ii. and a mere invention to get money ; the extinction of them is not to be doubted of ; but effected by a substraction of the officers annuities . by this means the king will save that pay , which amounts unto a sum considerable to the state ; and the royal jurisdictions , each in its precinct , may do what those presidials , upon which they depend , are wont to do . the presidial clerks place , its being engaged , ( or bound for security to one or other ) as is usual , should not hinder the execution of this . aflair : and when by decease there are no more officers left , care shall be taken of the concern of those to whom the places were engaged , the regulating whereof will by that time have no difficulty in it . secondly , of sergeants , two thirds wholly must be suppress'd . in the third place , all proctors , that are not advocates ; and a certain number of advocates should be appointed in each parliament and jurisdiction , who might do the office of proctors . this is not incompatible . for the thing is already in use many parts of france . the benefit of this regulation is manifest ; in that the proctors are very ignorant that have but a slight tincture of practice ; yet out of covetousness they often draw up writings for their clients , and make them pay as dear for 'em , as if the best advocate had taken the pains . mean time these writings , for the most part , are nothing worth ; and the poor suitors frequently lose good causes , through the naughtiness of their proctors , and for want of being well defended . again , such an order taken , another advantage would accrue , namely , that advocates being proctors , they will be obliged to follow what the judges shall prescribe them ; whereas at present they make a jest of it , and will not plead but when they please . there cannot be a regulation made in france more profitable in matter of justice ; and if the king , in a necessity of state , would make a money matter of it , which might at any time be done , there would be rais'd out of it , for all france , more than 20 millions . but it had need be gone about with a great deal of address . a third advantage by this regulation is , that all advocates being proctors , there would no more slip into the court a sort of young men , who shelter their ignorance and idleness under a lawyers gown and a square cap. in the fourth place , all the masters of requests belonging to the palace , or court ( of justice ) of france , should be supprest . and the truth is , it seems to me a contradiction , that these officers should be counsellors of supreme courts , yet not impowred to judge any thing supreamly . but that the commoners of the king's houshold and other priviledged persons , may not be depriv'd of the benefit of the committimus , power must be given them by special priviledge , to commence their actions , and prosecute them in a chamber of enquests . i say , by special priviledge , because i know the parliaments take no cognizance ordinarily , save of appeals : but in the case now expres'd , this special priviledge shall superadd to them this new kind of jurisdiction . and it will be highly advantageous to those commoners and priviledg'd persons ; for by this ▪ expedient they would get a decree speedily upon one trial , and finally end their business . it is to be noted here , that the first stating of cases , in order to an hearing , is not so incompetent to parliaments , but that they do the thing for substance , upon demands incidentally made . yet this is meant only in behalf of priviledged persons , and all such as claim the right of a committimus . fifthly , the judges provosts of towns are to be suppress'd , and they laid to the seneschalsies and bayliwicks . for , what are so many different officers in one and the same town good for ? in a sixth place , all the courts of the aids should be united to the parliaments ; and this done , when the officers of the supream court in each kind , have been reduc'd to the number which it s judged meet to retain . i will say more of this in the chapter of the finances . seventhly , all the elections are to be suppress'd , and the assessing of parishes , done by the treasurers of france ; of the seneschalsies , by the lieutenant of the province . i shall speak more plainly of it in the chapter of the finances and taxes . where also the suppression of store-houses of salt , and of the gabells , shall be treated of in the article of gabells . besides , the chamber of the treasury , and the court of moneys , should be joyned to the chamber of accompts ; and half of all the chambers be suppress'd likewise . for thirty officers may do all that the chamber of accompts , the treasury , and the court of monies now do , in fine , it is for the king's service , and the good of the state , that all the presidents places be suppress'd , as well those of superior courts , as of others : and the office of presidents be discharged by commission . 't is to be consider'd ▪ that this new order would much augment the king's authority . for what will not counsellors do to obtain a commission to preside ? and having obtained it , what will they not further do to keep and confirm themselves in it ? 't is pertinent to recall to mind here , that the mighty prince philip the fair , at his making the parliament sedentary , made the count of burgundy first president of it . and that anciently , the first president of the chamber of accompts was the chief butler of france : likewise , that at that time , and long after , the chancellors of france were of the church , or of the sword ; and great dignities not given to men of the robe privatively . which being done since , without doubt gives them too much credit , and leaves the nobility too little . it is important that the thing be not continued , but on the contrary , all restored to primitive order . as for country courts , 't is fit they be narrowly limited , and brought to be meerly predial and dominial ; that is , for rents and the fealties of lordships : not capable of determining an inventory , or receiving a suit between parties , for more than three livres . to conclude , the shortning of proceedings in law , would much conduce to the reduction of officers . let it not be objected , that this reduction of officers , and such a multitude of suppressions , will ruin a multitude of families . for though it were so , yet should not the thing be stuck at ; the reformation of a state being concern'd : nor is the ill of particular persons to be put to accompt , when the weal of the publick is in question , god himself , who is king of kings , and eternally just , how many men did he destroy by that universal deluge for the reformation of the universe ? how many isralites did he cut off in the wilderness , to save the gross of the people ? there is plenty of examples in this kind , and soveraigns have a right to do like things with like justice , when the general welfare of their subjects is concern'd . kings are eagles , to whom god gives his thunder-bolts to carry : the strokes that come from their hands do come from the hand of god , whose images and instruments they are . to conclude , it 's a thing which cannot be dissembled , that the parliaments , constituting an aristocratick government in part , as they do , are quite contrary to monarchick government . aristocracy is adverse to regality ; because of all governments it comes nearest to it . as , to use the very terms of hesiod , a potter envies , and is against a potter . be it remembred here briefly , that theopompus king of sparta having created the ephori , at last after a great deal of time , cleomenes was fain to put them to death ; when they had slain king agis . the senate becoming too potent , overthrew the first roman monarchy , and in one word , what hath our age seen in the trial of chenailles ? and what did a former in that of chancellor poyet ? a second source from which the evils of litigious suits do arise , is the sale of magistracies . the emperor alexander severus sound this mischief in his empire ; it having been introduced by domician . s. lewis saw cause to weed the abuse out of his kingdom ; it having got in through the confusion and trouble of some precedent reigns . it will be glorious for the king to do in his state what the emperour severus and s. lewis did in theirs , with greatest glory to their memory . but as policy requires , that in such enterprises , way be made by degrees , and greatest events brought on by small beginnings : so it is necessary here , to proceed leisurely , and with measured steps . the fixation of offices hath been much advanced already : for though what hath been done seemed to signifie an authorizing the sale of them : yet in truth , there hath been ground gotten . to continue the work , and bring it to perfection , there must a decree pass , or a declaration be made , and publish'd at the seal , by which the king declares , that he purposeth no longer to admit any opposition in matter of title to offices . this is just ; for the king ought to be ever master , and have the liberty to bestow the charges of his kingdom on whom he pleaseth , and thinks worthy of ' em . thus no one will be alarm'd : but this declaration will extend unto the price it self , by a consequence easily deducible ; namely , since the principal and essential right to offices consisteth in the title , and the price is but an accessory , as they term it : 't is reasonable , that the price alway follow the law of the title : as the title to a benefice brings in the revenue of it ; and as in marriage , the validity of the sacrament makes the validity of the contract , and of the civil effects . thus receiving no more opposition at the seal for the title ; there neither will be any in reference to the price : and hence it will come to pass , in tract of time , that offices will be no longer security for money ; which will diminish the price of them , and insensibly bring it to nothing . but it is very just too , that the mortgaging of offices , as hath been done hitherto , be obstructed for the future . for the officer may dye before he hath paid the paulette ; whereby his office is extinct ; or if of grace the king revives it , the value of what ariseth from the casualty , is much less than the sum for which the thing was engag'd : so that there must loss certainly accrue . but if the king make a new creation of an officer , all engagements are gone : for 't is then no longer the office that formerly it was . let it not be said , that without the sale of offices , the casualties will be worth the king nothing . for the contrary is true : and if the casualties be worth him two millions , by reason of that sale of them , his majesty will make four millions of 'em , if they be no longer saleable . forasmuch as in this case , they will be no longer hereditary ; and being no more hereditary , they will revert to the king upon the decease of every titulary : and so the king may dispose of 'em in favour of the person that is most acceptable to him , and if it please his majesty , the new admitted officer may fine to the coffers of his treasury royal , as the officers of gentlemen do to the profit of the monasticks . as to the objection , that by such suppression of officers and jurisdictions , and taking away the sale of offices , the king will lose the revenue of many of his clerks places , and of the paulette ; the answer is easie ; for as to the clerks places suppress'd , the king will be recompenc'd by the greater value of those that shall remain ; and as for the paulette , the retrenchment of the wages of the officers suppress'd , will be much more considerable . a third cause of vexatious law-driving is , that offices of judicature are gainful to those that execute them . an evil this , the dangerousest of any that can affect a state ; for all becomes suspected , all becomes corrupt where profit is to be made ; avarice and ambition creep in ; justice , uprightness , and truth , depart : whereupon we may conclude with the ancient proverb , that money doth many things which the devil cannot do . for an entrance upon a reformation in this matter , it would be good to ordain , first , that judges not the kings , should take no more spices . secondly , that judges in the royal courts should not decree executions for their attendance against the parties that are in contest . thirdly , that if spices , ( or fees upon sentence obtained ) be allowed , the parties shall give what they will , as the former custom was , and not be compelled . fourthly , that there be no more transacting by commissaries in sovereign courts . judges should be forbidden to admit any sollicitation from parties at law , even though it be but to let them know the difficulties of their affairs , and put them in a way to clear the same . for a judge ought not to be prayed to do his office , in favour of a man whose case is good , much less of one whose case is bad . chap. ix . 1. of some general orders in government . 2. of punishment and recompence . 3. of royal virtues . in the chapters now dispatch'd , i have inserted many things which may be of use for the kings service , for the general good of his state , and of every of his subjects in particular . in the chapters that are to follow , others very considerable shall be added . however , i judge it not amiss to make here a distinct chapter of some important points , which i cannot easily rank any other where . it hath been long in dispute , whether it be good to alter publick laws ? and upon debate of the question to and fro , 't is concluded , that there is oft-times so pressing a necessity , that it cannot be forborn : but withal , that such alterations must be insensible to the people , who hardly come off from old customs ; and cannot be brought to any new observance , but by a long circumference , and ways to them unknown . legislators are physicians of common-wealths , and in this case ought to imitate the ordinary artists of that profession , who seeing the whole habit of a body out of order , and that to preserve the patient from perishing , 't is necessary to change it , do prescribe remedies , which the more slowly they operate , the surer their effect . now the first law , which in my opinion might be made , or rather renewed in france , is to banish thence all usuries , of whatever quality , except among merchants ; and those should be expresly prohibited , which arise from personal obligations , under pretence of damages and interests ; even interests adjudged by sentence not excluded ; this pretence being but a means to authorize usury , and defraud the law , which forbids it . usury was strictly prohibited among the ancient inhabitants of candie : but the coveting of riches , to elude the severity of this statute , disposed the borrower , that he should seem to have stollen the money he had need of , and which in reality was lent him . by this artifice the debtor was constrained to pay the interests ; which were not adjudged to the creditor on the account of any loan , but in hatred of robbery , which he said had been committed upon him . this means cannot be used in france ; for that theft is there a capital crime , both in religion and in policy . but the spirit of man being unbounded , and having more craft when bent to transgress , than the law hath prudence to hinder evil doing , the taking of damages and interests hath been introduced amongst us ; which is an equivalent to the cretan expedient . for the feigning a detension of money against the owners will , as is done in france , and the debtor thereupon condemn'd to pay the interests , can be no other thing for substance , than the feigning a robbery , as was done in candie . there is not any nation of note , in which usurious contracts have not been prohibited among the subjects . 't is known what the law of the church in this behalf is , and what that of the old testament , so often repeated in scripture , was . usury sure , hath caused the greatest disorders that have hitherto troubled the tranquility of states . the athenians , the spartans , and the romans , did not forbid it only ; but were also forced to abolish debts contracted ; and for publick benefit , rescin'd the compacts and promises that private men had made , though they seemed inviolable , as having been made under the authority of the laws , and upon the security of general custom , which they were not wont to over-rule . an act of very particular consequence all usurious contracts should be annulled , yea the culpable and complices as to the crime of usury , put to death ; the usurer in plato's opinion , being worse than the thief . the second law should be , to permit contracts for annual rent out of land : yet with charge , that they be publish'd for publick security ; as i have said elsewhere , when i treated of the shortning of law-suits . withall , regulating to a denier , the arrearages , which are a kind of usury , but the most tolerable of any seeing there is an alienation of the land ; and it is a fiction prudently hit upon by the popes calixtus the third , and martin the fifth . as for the declaration in form of an edict which is to be made herein ; contracts , even the formerly made , should be reduced to the thirtieth denier . the romans limited use to the hundredth , afterwards to the two hundredth , and at length abolish'd it altogether . a third law should be , that no sum lent to any son of a family , or to others under 25 years of age , without the consent and authority of their relations , do produce any action ; no not thought the contracts be ratified by the debtors , after they come of age . vespasian made a like ordinance ; and there is nothing more effectual to repress the greediness of usurers , or the debauch of young people : whereupon they would set themselves to labour , to exercises and study . the profit which these laws would yield the state , beside their stopping the course of great evils , would be , that persons who are alway concern'd , and impatient to be getting , seeing they could not put out their money at interest easily , and that the interest of their contracts would be at too low a rate , must of force apply themselves to two things , each of which is eminently advantageous to the kingdom . for they would addict themselves to trades and husbandry ▪ or put their money in the hands of merchants to make benefit of it , if not enter into partnership with them , which they should be permitted to do . for usury in matter of commerce , was never forbidden , and is the secret that the hollanders have found , to make all their people merchants . on the other hand , the genoeses have engaged themselves in traffick , upon observing the profit it yielded . the fourth law might be , that gentlemen be disabled to sell their fiefs or inheritances , until they have made declaration of their poverty in open court. among the israelites , lands engaged reverted to their ancient owners at the jubilee . the spartans lands were not divided at all ; i mean those 7000 portions which lycurgus had lotted out . the locrians in like manner sold not their estates : the same is observed in flanders . the fiefs of the great houses of bretanie are never parted out . substitution of heirs in france doth hinder the alienation of lands . in spain gentlemen cannor sell their estates : and lastly , the demesne of the crown in france , is in-alienable , which may prescribe a law for all noble families . this ordinance would make gentlemen good husbands . when the jews , the lacedemonians , the syracusians , the romans , and all civilized-people , made a partition of their lands , they consider'd the benefit that might thence redound to their states , and very wisely provided , that all such as possess'd inheritances should fix in the country : having an estate there which they could not carry away , they would love the places where they had their subsistance ; and every one defending his own possession , all would jointly defend the common-wealth , and fight for the publick interests . the fifth law should be , that a gentleman being ruin'd , and having acknowledged his poverty in court , should be no longer noble ; there being no estate so shameful , as that of a man of quality reduc'd to an extream misery . on the contrary , that a plebeian , when he hath rais'd himself an advantageous fortune , which might be limited at 50000 crowns , should be ennobled ; provided always , that the profit had been made by laudable and lawful means . a sixth law should be , to hinder the publick begging of the poor , by appointing the greatest penalties upon it ; and ordain , for that end , that every parish both in town and country , do maintain their own poor , not suffering them to wander ; punish all that make a trade of it ; send the stoutest of them to the gallies , and set all the rest on work according to their ability . this is a means to fetch out that idleness which is among the meaner sort . the seventh law might be , to render fathers responsible , as to civil interests , for all the faults and crimes their children should commit while they depend on them , and under 25 years of age ; or , however , whilst they dwell in their fathers house . the mulct to be allowed for afterwards in the patrimony of those faulty children ; this law is in force in bretanie , and was so at rome . masters , in like manner , for the faults of their houshold-servants ; and paying an arbitrary fine besides , because they ought to correct them . in the third place , provost marshals and their officers , for all robberies and murthers committed on the high-ways , burglaries , counterfeit coin , and other the like crimes within their district , if they took not up the malefactors , and brought them to their trial. this law would hinder well-nigh all mischiefs of this nature ; it being , as may be said , of publick notoriety , that provosts hold intelligence with all persons of ill life . again , all lieutenants criminal and judges , for the crimes committed in their towns , by the same reason . masters of inns , and houses of entertainment , for the crimes committed by their guests , while they are in their houses . owners of houses , for the crimes committed by their tenants during their term ; because they ought to know , and answer for the good abearing of such as they entertain . captains and officers for the crimes of their soldiers ; the inhabitants of an house for those committed in it . this is done in spain . in the turkish towns , the townsmen of each street are responsible for what is done there ; and if a man be slain , the townsman before whose door he falls , is sentenced to pay for his blood. this order is excellent . for assoon as there is a noise in the street , all run thither , and the authors of the fact , whatever it be , are seized , brought before the judge , and forthwith punish'd according to the quality of the crime . in paralel to this rule of government in turkie , severest penalties must be imposed upon such as transgress the laws , and especially the laws that relate to publick order and policy ; those penalties also speedily inflicted ; otherwise the said laws will be of no use . for example , 't is ordained in france , that no lackey wear a sword ; that no towns-man have arms ; or that bakers make their bread of a certain weight , or other things of like nature . they that obey not , must be instantly punished , the rich by pecuniary fines , the poor by corporal penalties . the turks cause offenders who have not money to pay their fines , to be beaten with a lath. an eighth law , all printers and booksellers must be forbidden , and that upon pain of death , to print , sell , disperse , set to sale , or keep any book of what quality or subject soever , without its having been approved , and licence given them under seal in due manner ; after which may nothing be added to the book . but as it is just to punish bad subjects , so it is reasonable to reward the good : and them that out of love to their country , employ themselves in advancing its reputation and glory . the king ought to be the sole master and arbiter of all rewards ; and confer them himself , so as they that receive any beneficence of his , may be convinc'd they owe it to his bounty . this would be an infallible means to attract to him the hope of his subjects , and together with it , their respect , whereupon every one would strive to please him , in doing of his duty , and no body promise himself any grace or advantage , but by his merit , his services and diligence . there are several kinds of rewards with which his majesty may honour his subjects ; i say , honour them ; because a subject , in receiving a benefit from the hand of the king , receives withal , a mark of the esteem which is had of his person , and of the satisfaction he hath given in his conduct . nothing can be more glorious to a man of worth ; nothing can yield him a truer contentment . a gift from an ordinary hand is many times somewhat shameful to him that takes it ; and hence comes the adage , that it is better to give than to receive . but when a king is the donor , the dignity of the royal hand doth add to the gift a new quality , which augmenteth the worth and excellency of it : whence it is , in such a case no less praise to receive than to give . this now which i have affirmed , cannot be doubted of : yet it may be taken for evident , that of these rewards , there are some purely honourable , others only profitable ; and a last sort , both honourable and profitable too . the reward purely honorary is , when the king confers upon a subject some dignity which he had not afore ; as upon a plebeian , the quality of gentleman , upon a gentleman that of knight , or marquess , &c. and permits him to carry fleurdelizes in his coat of arms , or some other ▪ memorial of a great action : or grants him the privilege to wear a crown in his crest , or the like . this kind of reward is unlimited , because sovereignty is a source from whence new honours and dignities incessantly flow ; as projections of light do every moment issue from the sun , without exhausting its secondity ; and on the contrary , the more rays that it emitteth , the more resplendent is it in it self ; so the more honours a king confers , the greater lustre he adds to his own royal majesty . the romans , of any people upon earth , did most abound in conferring rewards of this nature : and on that account , brought into use crowns , triumphs , statues , rings , inscriptions , publick praises ; and stuck not to grant deifications , temples and sacrifices : such a love they had for virtue ; and so ingenious were they to inhance the merit of their fellow-citizens : thus inciting them to worthy persormances , and principally to an advancing the power of the common-wealth . for any man that hath a noble spirit , and is virtuously dispos'd , does more to merit a just reward , than he would to gain the empire of the world : because in the issue , 't is always virtue that triumphs ; and oft-times but fortune that rules . in conformity to this example , which both antiquity , and the authors of it , and experience , do render illustrious , the king may honour such as serve him best , with honourable titles ; but ought to punish all those , who , without his permission , dare assume and usurp them . 't is necessary that there be a difference of rank between persons ; and the distinguishing of them by their merit , is to be preferr'd far before all discrimination made by their wealth . it would also be very commodious , that as the honour of knighthood is purely personal , so the king should make the dignity of baron , of marquess , of count , &c. personal likewise ; not real , or annexed to estates ; the said dignities to become extinct by decease of the persons invested with them . this expedient , to recompence men of worth , being well managed , would produce a marvellous effect ; and an whole race , thereby become men of merit . for , what would not the son of one of these personal marquesses do , to prevent falling from that degree of honour which his father had ? and how could he choose but press vigorously on in the court of honour that has been thus mark'd out to him ? but in this case , there is one thing to be further done , which might much profit the state , by laying a more express obligation on the nobility to serve the king : and that is , that the king do give his letters for personal marquessates , in such form as they may be verified in the parisian chamber of accompts , and the persons honoured with them , do homage to his majesty thereupon . such kind of homages have been done heretofore for officers , and even for pensions , though but of two hundred livres . the emperour in germany hath , in this manner , made gentlemen , and counts of the empire , as for example , the late count de guimene ; who had not a foot of land within the emperours jurisdiction . the king of england creates a gentleman , baron , and earl of a barony , or county , in which the gentleman possesseth nothing . the second kind of gratifications and rewards , is of those that are purely gainful and pecuniary ; as pensions , tickets for money , acquittances by patent , ransoms , confiscations of deceasing strangers goods , and the like . these however , carry a great deal of honour with them , as i said afore . the third kind , is of those that are at once both gainful an honourable , as great offices , governments , &c. upon this matter of rewards , there is this further reflection to be made ; namely , that a king never be inform'd of a good action , but he gratifie the actor , either with praises , or with benefits . in fine , all these favours must be regulated by consideration of his service , and the welfare of his state. god , in giving princes a sovereign power , inspires into them affection for their people . but his will is , that it be a paternal affection ; that a king do open his bosom to his subjects , as his very children ; and that all his counsels and designs be levell'd at their felicity ; without which , himself cannot be happy . 't is principally for this great and glorious effect , that kings are images of god , and be fortified with his spirit . i have said , that monarchs are in their kingdoms , what the soul is in the body of man , that external goods cannot enrich them ; that virtue alone is their proper portion , as it is of god himself . it now remaineth i should say what kind of virtue it ought to be . 't is necessary that a great prince have piety , to give his subjects an example of it ; and bettering of them in this , is the security of his state. he must be just to govern them . a government never is of long duration without justice . this queen of virtues comprehends , ( as aristotle judiciously noted ) all the rest . a king i say must be just , to render unto every one , and unto himself , what is respectively due . the third virtue of a prince , is prudence , to foresee of himself what may betide his states . thus a wise pilot hath the skill to foresee calms and storms : he knows by secret notices , whether the winds will be favourable , or contrary to his voyage . the fourth virtue is magnanimity ; a weight this , that keeps the soul always in the same position , and gives it so setled a firmness , that neither good nor bad successes can put it out of place ; and a king appears unalterable : he thus bears up the hope of his subjects ; they look upon him as an assured succour against fortune , and persuade themselves , there is somewhat of divine quality in his person . of royal virtues , a fifth is clemency ; it pertains to the greatness of a king , that he be benign , and do commiserate the weaknesses of his subjects ; who are men as he is . mischances are pardonable , and it seems to me , 't is too much rigor to punish a poor wretch for a crime committed out of imprudence , or by necessity ; and of which he is less guilty , if i may say it , than his ill destiny , 't is to criminals of this kind , that grace should not be deny'd : and when a king gives one of his subjects his life , who hath been condemn'd to death , he should rejoyce more at the feeling in the secret of his heart a will to pardon : than at the having in his hand the power to punish . to give a man his life , is in some sort to create him ; and the preserving of his being , is a giving of it . it would be , 't is true , a great fault , to stop the course of justice , in case of publick crimes , and such as have disturb'd the peoples peace : yet in sum it is noble , that a king be inclin'd to compassion and mercy . 't is an action appropriated unto god , to disarm his anger : upon this ground the roman poet said , that those thunderbolts which jupiter throws , might be diverted . the sixth royal virtue is liberality . one of the ancients pronounced , that it was less disadvantageous for a king to be overcome by arms , than by liberality . a poet introduceth mark anthony excellently saying , that he had nothing left him but the benefits he had conferred . and to say true , a great prince never enjoys his wealth , but when he hath given it . liberality enricheth him , and makes him purchases of inestimable value . for thereby 't is , that he wins the love of his own people , and becomes admired of all others . when i say liberality , i mean a judicious liberality , such as is a virtue , not an exorbitant profuseness ; a liberality alway exercis'd with advantage , and with glory . to conclude in short ; when i consider other virtues , i do not find any one of them all improper for a king ; but it is impossible a king should have those which i have mention'd , without having every one of the rest ; since they are inseparable companions , and must be united to make a virtuous man. chap. x. 1. of finances , or a princes treasure . 2. means to make the subjects more numerous . 3. of the officers that manage the king's treasure . 4. of the king's demesnes . 5. means to recover the demesnes . 6. of taxes . 7. means to ease the people . 8. of the free cities . 9. of the gabells . 10. means to augment the receipt of the gabells , and ease the people . 11. of the salt-free country . 12. of the countries of state , and free gifts . 13. of the expending of money . 14. of the reserving it . the art of finances , or the treasury , is a principal part of the politicks ; and so much the more necessary in a state , in that money is the soul of all affairs . a common-wealth is no further powerful , than proportionably to the richness of its publick treasury , and the greatness of the yearly income that maintain it . this the french name plainly importeth ; for finance is an old word , signifying power , and comes from the ancient verb finer , which is to be able , to may or can . three particulars are here to be considered . first , just and easie means to make money . secondly , the prudent expending it . thirdly , the keeping it in , and laying it up for necessities that may happen ; as famine , pestilence , war , fire , shipwrack , and such like . we have in france three general means to make money ; the king's demesnes . impositions on the people , merchandises , &c. of this last i will speak in the chapter of commerce . i will say nothing here of conquests ; which may come in for a fourth means of getting ; i will treat of them elsewhere . before any further advance into this matter , it will be pertinent to observe , that the fundamental wealth of a state consists in the multitude and plenty of subjects . for 't is men that till the ground ; that produce manufactures ; that manage trade ; that go to war ; that people colonies ; and in one word , that bring in money . to make way in france for multiplying of men , and oblige them to marry , the king may at once do two things , after the example of the emperor augustus . first , he may decree priviledges and advantages in favour of such as shall have divers children ; exempting them from guardianships , from being collectors , from commissions to look to the fruits of sequestred lands , and other burthensom offices : he may discharge them from subsidies , and even give them some estate . secondly , he might impose penalties upon those that marry not before a certain age : and take part in the successions of all sorts of persons , who in contempt of law and wedlock , live single , not having impediment by any natural infirmity . 't is upon a like consideration , that i said in a former chapter , the king , to restrain parents from compelling their daughters into cloisters , might declare , that the right of all recluses in any succession , was vested in himself : and 't is for the very same reason that the ancient earls of flanders were heirs to all the priests that were their subjects . now to that which augustus did for the inducing of his subjects to marry , the king might add two particulars : one is , that the first year a man taxable did marry the first time , being under 26 years of age , he should be exempt from all subsidies and impositions , and publick charges , even quartering of soldiers , in case he kept house apart , and was setled in a dwelling of his own . if the newly married be the king's officer , his office should not fall into the king's hand , if he died within the year . commanders also , and soldiers should be dispens'd with , as to their serving for that time , unless on urgent necessity , or some important occasion . the other partilar which in france had need to be added to augustus's ordinances , is , to take effectual order , that persons once married , be not so easily separated again as they are . for 't is to no purpose to contract marriages , if they be not stuck to , and the coupled parties cohabit not . a strange abuse in this matter of separation hath crept in of late , nor know i how the officials have become so favourable in it , or how the parliaments have suffer'd it . now-a-days , a woman that would have , as they say , her swing , and without controul , practice all that her giddy , witless , and oft times wanton humour prompts her to , raiseth stirs in the house , at length tires out her husbands patience ; hereupon , she complains of his vices , hath servants suborned for her purpose ; a divorce comes to be adjudged upon their depositions , the husband is sentenced to yield her up her goods , and not only do that , but also to let her have possession of her dower , or of a good part of it ; at least to allow her a great pension . then this woman reties , takes an house , and lives after her own fashion , which is not alway the most commendable in the world ; her husband the while , sinking under the whole weight of his houshold affairs . had she counted upon nothing else , but that of necessity she must live with her husband , and in his house , she would have formed her self to it , and not have play'd her vexatious pranks ; so she had promoted the happiness of her husband , and of the children , and together with it , her own . for application therfore of a remedy in this case , it must be a law that a wife shall not sue for a separation ' as to person or habitation , but by the advice ' of four of her nearest kindred ; men of known integrity : and that a separation being ordered , either by sentence in court , or by accommodation between the parties , she shall be bound to enter a monastery , without egress again ; nor suffered to admit a visit from any man there ; it being contrary to publick decency , that a woman who hath lost her husband , ( for to be separated from him , is to lose him ) should appear openly , and maintain commerce with other men. on the other hand , her sex , and all seemliness requiring , that in this estate she hide her self , and hide withal her ill fortune , and her grief for it . i would too that a very slender pension be adjudged her . and since husbands will be found in fault on their part likewise , and discover their ill husbandry , it would be very just , that the disposal of their estates be not left to them , nor the possession of more than a part of 'em : as is the case of wives : and that supposing they have children , the money arising from the remainder , should be received , employed , and administred by a guardian : he to accompt for it to the said children in due time . if there be none , the revenue exceeding the pension should be laid out on hospitals , and other necessities of the state. this law should extend to separations already made . and such rigour being practis'd in matter of divorces , there would be no more of ' em . husbands and wives would be under a reciprocal obligation , to live together , and to live together discreetly : so they would breed up a family that might prove the contentment of their life , the comfort of their elder years ; and be beneficial to the whole kingdom . there is a further consideration to be made in the matter of the finances ; and it is this , namely , that it is expedient the king should declare , that for the future he will be creditor , and donotary to his receivers and accomptable officers , fot their wives dotal money , and marriage settlements , and for their childrens portions and donatives : then explaining the late ordinances to take away all difficulty , declare further , the crime of misemploying the publick money to be punishable by death ; and ordain , that the interests , amends , and civil reparations adjudged against criminals of that kind , should fall upon their heirs or legatees . this law is rigorous ; yet it is just and necessary : forasmuch as it will strike terror on the financiers : who having no hope to escape justice , could not entertain a thought of committing a fault that would ruine all that is dearest to them . beside , the romans punish'd even with death , the very friends of those whom they condemn'd for crimes against the state ; the history of sejanus affords unquestionable proof of it . that which we call the demesne of the king , and of the crown , cannot be alienated , nor is it liable to any charge or encumbrance . this law is fundamental in all kind of common-wealths , as well as in france . but here things are judged to belong to the crown three manner of ways from all antiquity : as the soveraignty , the power of war , subsidies , and the like . by declaration ; when the king , by his letters , declares some particular united to the crown . by confession , when for the continued space of ten years , the receivers have accompted for it to the chamber . there are many questions proposable in reference to the demesne ; but it is not our business to state them . chopin may be consulted , who hath learnedly written of this subject . in necessities of the state , divers things have been engaged by the king to the use of private private persons , who have paid in sums thereupon . yet these persons cannot hinder , but that the things may be recovered . and there are two equitable ways to effect this . the first is , by making a principal of what is due to those creditors , and assigning them rents upon the town hall of paris , or some other place ; of which there are examples . for when the king had sold , or rather engaged some rights of his unto particular men , they have been resum'd by contracts for a rent-charge . now those rights were demesne , upon which , to recover the demesne , rents were charged . the same course then may be taken again . nor could the engagees have any cause to complain ; for the engagements made to 'em , are but to secure their due , and give them not any propriety : their security therefore will be as great when they have contracts for rent . for the one and the other pertains to the demesne still . and such kind of impositions in like manner , the power to impose them being royal and dominical , the engagees concerned will by this means have security for security , and rent for rent . but that the king may reap advantage from this exchange , it is necessary to settle a stock for the raising of these new rents ; and to that end , a new imposition must be laid upon the clergy , the countries of state , cities , commonalties , companies , colledges , merchants , and other members of the kingdom , the engagees themselves paying their proportions . there is in this no inconvenience at all : because the demesne having been engaged for the preservation and defence of all the corporations in the kingdom , it is natural , that they all contribute to free it again . the second way to disengage the demesne , would be , by giving ready money instead of rents , and making an imposition for this end , which might be more easie . a reimbursement should be compleated in five or six years . mean time , and before all things , the engagees must be put out of possession , and order given , that the receivers of the demesne do take up the profits . for if any condition be propos'd while the said engagees are in possession , they will make a thousand difficulties at it ; and on the contrary , if they no longer possess , they will readily consent . but that the matter may be transacted with less noise , it ought to be expedited in each parliament apart : or at least the receivers commanded , by virtue of a decree of the kings council , to receive all the profits , and even those of the engaged demesnes . if there be not made a new imposition , in order to recover those demesnes , the affair will not be of advantage to the king ; and there may one be very justly made for the reasons now alledged , and for the putting of things again in order , let us pass unto the art of the tallies . the imposition of the tallies [ or taxes ] is a kind of subsidy or aid laid upon the people . under it , ( in france ) are comprehended the tallion , and the subsistance ; as they term them . the tallie is hugely equitable ; it is ancient ; it is necessary ; and in use all the world over . for there never was people that paid not to defray the publick expences . in france it is so moderate , and may be so easily paid , that it hath been known to be higher than now it is : because the sums that make it up are receiv'd without much trouble : yet at present , though it be considerably diminish'd , the people are scarce able to pay it , and the country extreamly incommodated by it . the prime cause of this is , that the ratable persons considered , the rates are not duely proportion'd ; the rich peasants , the justicers of the villages , the gentlemens farmers , the eleus , and other persons of power , are so eased , that they pay almost nothing , and the poorest of all do bear all . a second cause of the mischief is , that they who are commission'd to receive the tallies , do so run up the charges , that they far exceed the principal , and thus draw money out of the peoples hands , which they can part with but once . when the sergeants of villages need a cow , or corn , or some piece of houshould-stuff , they go to the peasants houses where they know the same is to be had ; there they make seizures , and then sales at what price they please . they seize and sell whatever they find , to the very household-loaf of bread that hath been cut , and is in use : upon this , the poor rustick hath nothing left to help himself , but is utterly distressed , and can no longer do his work . the greatest part of these officers must be suppress'd ; the more there are of them in the matter of the finances , the more disorder and oppression there is . for all of them look for profit ; and they spoil all by their avarice and ignorance . to remedy the two evils that have been mention'd , effectual order must be taken that the peasants may pay equally ; that is , in proportion to the estate they have ; and pay without charges superadded . first , all the taxes should be made real , as they are in languedoc , that every one may pay . secondly , the tax should be levied in kind of the fruits that are receiv'd from the lands and tenements , as wine , sider , beer , corn , cattle , and the like ; the quantity that is to be taken being stinted and fix'd , for example , to a tenth part . a peasant that might have ten bushels of corn , would very willingly pay one to the king , and might do it without inconvenience . but when for payment of forty sous in money , which he hath not , the sergeants and collectors seize upon , and sell the ten bushels of corn , which too are priz'd at an extream low rate , and all is spent in charges , doth he not really , instead of forty sous , pay twenty livres ? this turns not at all to the profit of the king , and tends to the undoing of his people . under the name of lands and tenements this tenth might be extended unto houses in cities , towns and villages , and they ordered to pay a tenth part of the money they might be let out for ; which should be very low rated . in like manner a tenth or twentieth part might be taken upon contracts for a rent-charge . for these are stocks , and a real estate . the ecclesiasticks , who have sure been wary men , have taken their rents in kind , and these sorts of rents are now infinitely augmented . the greatest part of the revenues of the romans and aegyptians themselves , was paid in fruits . they paid their armies and officers with them . many kings have taken a tenth of estates , oft-times a fifth , sometimes a third . it is not necessary that the people have money ; but they must have fruits for sustenance of life . the king might have farmers of this tenth in each parish , or in each election , who might let out under ▪ farms of it to the peasants , as is done in the tyths of the church . if it be thought fit to take things in kind , there must be magazines in cities , as there are store-houses for salt : in them the receivers should sell the fruits , or reserve them , as joseph did in aegypt . the king will need them for armies , for fleets , for victualling places of strength , for transportation into foreign parts ; especially in case of a famine . this is practis'd in many countries abroad , and particularly in italy . what is done in a petty state , may be done in a great kingdom . it is not to be doubted , but that if the tallie were thus rais'd , it would go further than it does , and the people suffer no incommodity by it at all . but one thing which presseth more at present , is , the putting of the country in case again . for this end , the rich must be permitted to give cows , sheep , and other cattle , upon terms , to the poor peasants . this is done in very many places , yea , in the greatest part of the kingdom . the too severe , and over-scrupulous parish priests prohibit it ; but they will not any longer be able to do so , when the thing is publickly permitted . it seems unreasonable , that some certain cities should , upon imaginary privileges , be for ever exempted from the charges of the state ; and mean time , the country bear the whole weight of them . the pretext of these franchises hath induced divers of the peasants to retire to these places . order must be taken in the case , and all these cities obliged to contribute to the expences of the kingdom , which they are so considerable a part of . they may then be brought to pay , under colour of subsistance or loan . there should be garisons sent them , or soldiers quartered upon them ▪ that all the beams of the state may bear their part in publick affairs , and so the weight be more easie to them , whereas one alone would be over-charg'd , and break under it . the third means the king hath to bring him in money , consists in the gabells . some have said , that the gabells are not of the nature of the kings demesne : and their reason is , because the ordinances for the first imposition of them do import , that it was not the kings intention they should so be . the contrary might be true . for , beside that the salt-pits did heretofore belong to the emperour , as goods of the empire , the sums that are raised out of them ▪ are raised by publick authority , and turn to the profit of the whole kingdom : as hath been done for many ages . but however that be ▪ not to enter into a dispute , which can be of no consequence here , i will consider the gabells according to the present state of things . i will not say when this kind of imposition did commence in france ; nor upon what examples of antiquity our kings did ground themselves . not will i explain , how , beside the gabells of france , which are call'd the grand party , there are the gabells of provence , dauphine , languedoc , and lionnois ; because the thing is known , and makes not to our purpose . the gabells are paid in france by two different means . first by impositions ; so in places neighbouring on the salt-free countries . there , for fear the subjects would not take salt at the kings garners , the officers see how many minots each parish ought to take : then a rate is made in the parishes , for it , as for the tallie . the second means is without imposition : this is the use in places remote from the salt-free countries . there , because prohibited salt cannot be brought in , every one fetcheth from the garners at the price currant . the king receives a great deal of money from these gaballs ; but the people pay excessively beyond what comes into his coffers . the infinite number of officers belonging to a store-house , the receivers , the commissioners , the archers , the charges , the portage , the fees of officers , to whom presents are also made , do swallow up huge sums , which the king fingers not , and the people do pay . for there is not a petty gabeller but lives handsomely by his employment : not a commissioner but makes him a fortune , and grows rich upon it , making good chear , and great expences . 't is of very much importance that a remedy be apply'd to the malady ; and in truth , the vexations which the king's subjects do suffer under pretext of the gabelle , are not to be comprehended . the archers enter into houses , to search ( they say ) for concealed salt : in obedience to authority the doors are open'd to them ; mean time themselves covertly convey in some bags : hereupon they form a process ; and the master of the house is excessively fin'd : nor do they depart till they have pillag'd all they can lay hands on . if entrance be deny'd them , they force the house , and act all hostilities : nor dares any one complain ; all are at their mercy ; and thus they ruine the poor persons whom they single out . this is no way beneficial to the king's affairs , nor is it his intention , that his subjects should be so ill treated . but it is easie to break them of this course . first of all , it must be debated in the kings council of the finances , what sum is fit to be taken for the salt ; this sum being determin'd at ten or twelve millions ; for example , two several parts of it shall be set out , to be yearly paid : one for the country-parishes , another for the cities . each of these allotted parts shall be sent into each generality , and thence to the places where there is a store-house of salt. the allotment for the country shall be divided by the parishes , as is now done for the tallie , the subjects among themselves rating every one's proportion . the gentlemen , the church ▪ men , the monasticks , and others , must be engaged in it , and bear their part : because they are charged by reason salt is so dear as now it is ; and by consequence , the king making a change to the profit of all , all ought to be taxed , to recompence the diminution that will follow in the finances . the second sum allotted for the cities , shall in like manner be sent to the generalties , and salt-garners , that such rents as the towns are to pay the king may be divided ; the houses may be measured by the perch , and the rents assessed accordingly ; much like to what is done for cleansing the strrets at paris . the cities that claim a freedom , as anger 's , orleans , and paris , shall enter into this contribution , for the same reason that the ecclesiasticks and gentlemen do ; inasmuch as they will notably profit by the suppression of the gabells , and abatement of the price of salt. for it is to be observed , that that measure which now costs at paris five and forty livres , might amount not to two crowns , and so proportionably in other cities . now the number of perches in each city being known , ( having been taken by commissioners of the kings , who might be citizens ) it will be very easie , on any necessity , toraise an aid from the city , upon the proportion of the said perches , by way of loan or subvention , or under some other title . and that the citizens may not oppose the kings intentions in the matter , permission must be given to each city , to treat every year with what merchants they please ; and agree a price for the salt that shall be there sold through the whole year ; he to sell it , who will oblige himself to afford it best cheap ; ( except the citizens had rather leave it free for all merchants that would , to bring in , ) always understood , that there be no power to compell any one to buy . the like may be done in every village ; the gentleman causing salt to be sold in a servant's name , and making the profit of it . this course , will , without doubt , be gain to the people ; and salt being sold in such manner , it may be brought to pass , that the commodity it self shall pay the rents which shall be due to the king , and they the while , buy it at much a lower rate than they do . so that clearly , all sorts will receive such a proposal with applause . to augment the cheapness of salt , it should be ordained , that it be free from paying to lordships , and by the load , and from imposts . the thing being resolved in the council , the king shall make a declaration in form of an edict , by which his majesty shall take off the impositions upon salt , on condition the towns and parishes will pay him yearly the sums he shall resolve upon in his council : and that until the declaration be executed , the gabell shall continue its course . it would be needful to ordain , that these sums be paid into the hands of the receivers of the tallies . for there would be no more need of a receiver of a salt-garner . what are so many receivers good for , but to consume all ? in this case , the receivers of salt must be otherwise dispos'd of . this declaration would include a suppression of all the officers of the gabells ; for when salt should be freely sold , the king would have no more use of ' em . as for their re-imbursement , provision might be made , either by continuing their wages during their lives , or by assigning them rents , which might be redeemed for little and little ; or by giving them ready money . the people too might be charged with this re-imbursement , in favour of the suppression of the gabells . this affair might be worth the king a great deal , and can never fail of being beneficial : the people will gain six millions by it , beside the quiet it will yield them . it being put in execution , the king may purchase the salt-pits , upon the greatest part of which , he would-previously have the tenth part of the salt , if he took the tenth of all revenues , as i said afore . again , in doing as hath been shewed , he would have an army ready raised : for all the gabellers must be led into the field . there are in their companies notable stout men , who also have been in action . as for the salt-free countries which have bought out their freedom , no one durst touch them hitherto , by reason of the strength of the huguenots , the civil and forraign wars , and other considerations , as the minority of kings , &c. but now that the king is master , and in a condition to make himself be obeyed ; 't is reasonable , that he do oblige so many great and rich provinces to bear a part of the burthens of the state , in proportion to their ability , for the easing the rest of france . and to this end , one of the three following propositions may be made them . first , to take a reimbursement of the sums paid by them ; which re-imbursement shall be made , by granting them a diminution of the tallies , without putting hand in purse other ways . hereto may be subjoyn'd , that the king may not wholly discharge them : because such a discharge tendeth to the oppressing of his other subjects : that a king may indeed augment and diminish subsidies , as seemeth him good , but not extinguish them ; it not being possible , that a kingdom should subsist without publick incoms : that it must be remembred on this occasion , how nero proposing to take off all the imposts that were paid at rome , the senate oppos'd it , as a thing that would be the ruine of the empire . the second proposition might be , that these provinces be obliged to pay the king a yearly rent , by way of supplement , and in confirmation of their ancient treaty . the third , that the tallie , and other impositions on them , be augmented , to even the ballance , which cannot be done any other way . there are certain means to maintain the finances ; among others , the free gifts that are presented to the king by the people of those provinces , which are called countries of state. no other order need be taken with them , but to hinder as much as may be , that the principal members of these states be not in the offices they bear , unjust at the publick cost . yet they must make their advantages in them , otherwise the states would come to nothing ; which would occasion no small confusion , and a retardment of the king's affairs . his majesty might make himself master of the deputations , and gainful commissions , which are given to the states : as for example , in bretannie , monsieur the late mareschal de la milleray , nominated alone , or rather , caus'd to be nominated whom he pleas'd , and there was no more deliberating after he had given order ; 't was one way he had to gratifie his friends . monsieur the duke mazarin , does the same still ; which may , in his person , succeed well : but the king may cause whom he will to be nominated , and the liberty of the states will not suffer by it any prejudice , or innovation at all : for such is the condition of things in these places . i will not speak here of the farms of iron , nor of others of like value . these things run in ordinary course . but having spoken of the bringing in of money , i must speak of a due laying out , and a like due laying up thereof . the advantage of an exchequer doth not consist in the bare getting in of money ; but also in a meet expending of it : and there is no less profit in giving of it forth , than in receiving of it . 't is necessary the king should spend to maintain his revenues . for if all the sums that come into his coffers should not issue thence again , no one , in the end , would be able to pay him any thing . the kings of aegypt , who took a third part of their subjects estates , caus'd the labyrinth to be built , the pyramids to be erected , the lake of meotis to be dug up , and other fabricks raised , which are incredible to posterity . their design was to disperse among people , the treasure they received from them ; and withal , banish sloth and idleness out of their states . these two vices , so dangerous in kingdoms , the aegyptian laws did so strictly provide against , that there were particular magistrates appointed , unto whom every private man was obliged to give an account every year of all that he had done throughout the year ; which was executed with so much exactness and rigor , that if any one had taken an ill course to live , or not preserv'd his estate , he was severely punish'd for it . the same thing was done at athens , and the romans had censors , who took the like care ; they had it in charge , to make a review of all the people every fisth year , and inform the senate of all that was amiss in the commonwealth . i have often wondred , that there is no such officer in france : and that each ones estate is not precisely known , which 'tis hugely important , it should be ; because in difficult times , when the kingdom perceives it ▪ self involv'd in urgent necessities , succor must be drawn from every one in proportion to his interest in the publick fortune , that is , in proportion to what he possesseth in the kingdom . expence must be made with good husbandry ; and a judicious parcimony observed in it ; that it run not out to a profusion on one hand , nor sink into a sordid avarice on the other : if measure and rule be not kept in the issuing out of money , all the gold of asia will be but a small matter . caligula found the way to consume in his debauches in one year , the immense treasures which his predecessor had been heaping up all along the whole course of his empire . thus it is expedient , that a king do cause the sums to be paid which are charged upon the receipt of his finances ; and also that he give liberally ; but always so order the matter by his prudence , that nothing go out of , or be kept in his hand , but for the preservation and prosperity of his subjects . i said in a former chapter , that there were too many officers in france ; that the wages they draw from the king were unprofitable , nay , prejudicial to the state. since the sale of offices was introduced , divers new creations have been made . all these edicts were meerly to get money in some pressing occurrences ; and nothing but the conjunctures of the time rendred them tolerable . now that those occurrences are over , and the conjunctures pass'd , things must be reduc'd to due order , by suppressing all those new officers . i noted , that wherever magistracy brought gain , disorders would creep in ; the reason of which is very clear , and very natural . for it is infallibly certain , that judges will augment the number of suits , while those suits will bring them in profit . consequently , useless officers being suppress'd , and provision made in the case by a due reduction , sufficient salaries must be allowed them , and they forbidden to take any thing of the plaintiff or defendant , upon the penalties express'd in the ancient statutes . and that the king might make a stock to raise those salaries , without charging his finances , it should be ordained , that such as go to law shall , when they commence their suit , deposite a certain sum into the hands of the clerks : this , to be done in all the royal jurisdictions . as for other judges , they ought to take nothing at all : the proprietary lords must defray the charge of their courts , if they will keep up the power to hold them : they having it of the king upon this condition , from the first grant of the fiefs . in matter of the finances , it is not sufficient to have the secret of getting money , and the skill of duly expending it : but there must be also a right course taken to make reserves of it . the romans had a publick treasury , where every year they laid up certain sums for the necessities of the commonwealth . other nations were no less provident . history tells us of the stores of david , of croesus , of midas , and many others . the king having setled an order in his finances , both as to expences and receipt , it will be very prudently done of him , to limit what he shall think fit to reserve : and this reservation should make the first article in his finances , and be continued until he hath in his coffers , in some secret place , the fourth part at least of all the coin in the kingdom : the rest ( if well us'd ) may be sufficent for all the people to maintain commerce , and pay the king's revenues i say , this reserve should be in a secret place , and known only to persons of approved fidelity . for if many had notice of it , such a store might occasion seditions , and civil wars . now a fourth part of the money being once laid up apart in the king's coffers , some addition to it shall be made continually from year to year , in proportion to what comes in anew . yet liberty must be left to persons , for some time , to have gold and silver plate : yea , it would do well , to augment the use and mode of having it , if it may be ; and that for three reasons . first , because the goldsmiths perceiving hope of gain , will not want inventions and industries to get into france as much mettal as possibly they may , either in ingots , or barrs , or coyned pieces . secondly , because by this means riches will be kept in the kingdom , and when a season for it comes , all they that are owners of such plate , may be commanded to carry it to the mint , and there receive the price of it . the third reason is , because the goldsmiths having wrought up , and made plate , contrary to the direction of the statute , ( which undoubtedly they will do ) a search may be made in the case , if affairs require ; a search highly just , and no less advantageous . two regulations must be made for the goldsmiths , and they enjoyned to observe them , upon pain of forfeiting life and goods ; and so strict an hand held over them , that of all who trangress , not a man be pardoned . the first is , to prohibit their working upon any piece of gold , or silver coyn. the second , that they do not change the form of any prohibited plate : rectifie and mend it they may . at the same time , all persons that have any such and would put it off , must be commanded upon great penalties , to carry it to the mint , where ready money shall be paid them for it , at the currant price ; they making proof that they are the true owners ; and this to avoid thieveries which may have been committed . these two regulations will oblige the goldsmiths to make use of new silver , or foreign coyns , and thus they would cause a very considerable quantity of either to enter into france . the state would receive no small profit by taking a due order in matter of coyn. it should be ordained therefore in the first place ; that no more be made any where but at paris ; and all other mints , and their officers , suppress'd as useless . the romans , who had so much money , had but one place to make it in , which was a temple of juno's at rome . charlemain forbad any money to be made otherwhere than in his palace . and the truth is , should all the money of france pass through paris , the king would much better know what quantity of it was in his kingdom . secondly , the court des monnoyes must be suppress'd , and united to the chamber of accompts , as i have said heretofore . in the third place , the value of brass money must be abated ; this kind of coyn being the ruine of the state. it cannot be believ'd how many liarts and sous the hollanders have brought into france . it would be convenient to set the sous at two liarts a-piece , the liarts at a denier , and the doubles at an obole , ( half a denier : ) but this should be done by little and little , and the fall made by degrees , that the people be not ruin'd : mean time , silver pieces of six blanks , others of a sous in value , and of twelve deniers , are to be stamped . brasiers , and workers in mettal , must be forbidden to melt up any sous , liarts , or doubles ; or otherwise use them in work . for after the reduction , a sous , a liart , and a double , would be worth more in work than in money ; and that quantity of them which is in the kingdom being preserv'd , would suffice for commerce in small wares ; they also being less ▪ worth in money than otherwise , foreigners would bring in no more of them . in the fourth place , 't is fit that a gold-coyn be made of the value of the leuis's ; this coyn to have on the front a sun , the face thereof representing the king , with these words about it , nec pluribus impar , and the year it is made in : on the reverse , a cross charged or cantoned with fleurdelizes ; and the ordinary motto , christvs vincit , regnat & im●e●at . of this coyn there should be half and quarter pieces made , as there are half crowns of gold. this new money should be called suns , and all gold louises made in france , forbidden . as likewise all cravens of or sol , and crowns of the queen . new silver-coyn also should be made ; the pieces called monarques , or dieudonnes , or some other names ; in them the figure of the king crowned after the manner of antiquity , with the title ludovicus xiv . franciae rex : on the reverse , a cross with fleurdelizes , and the ordinary inscription . of these pieces there must be some of twelve deniers , others of two sous , six deniers : others of five sous , of ten sous , of twenty , of forty . and to have matter for them , all loueses of sixty must be forthwith prohibited : because a multitude of false ones go abroad . afterward , the loueses of thirty sous , made any where but at paris , shall be call'd in ; and there must the new coyns be also made . they will be well received by the people ; for that every one hath an extream affection for the king ; and because in france we account by livres , or franks , and have no such money ; the quardecues being no longer current . this new coyning of money is likely to bring a great deal into the kings coffers . gold and silver must be held in france at an higher rate than they bear among strangers ; that we may draw it hither ▪ nothing hath brought us so much gold from spain , italy , and other countries , as the permission sometime grantéd , that light pieces should pass . the same thing should be done awhile , for once again : it would cause all foreigners to come and take off our wines , our linnen , and our corn. i should not forget to say , as i put an end to this chapter , that the masters of accompts , the correctors and auditors , having wages of the king , ought not to take any other salary for any thing they do , that directly refers to his majesties service ; i mean , for the accompts of the treasurers of the reserve , and other accomptable officers : for they are paid for this by their wages : practising in the manner they do , they take , as the saying is , two tolls of one grist . i said , that it was not at all just , that the masters of accounts , auditors , and correctors , take fees for the accounts they examine , forasmuch as they receive wages and privileges from the king : also this custom was anciently practis'd , and this would be to reduce things to the primitive state. i well know , that the pretence of these fees is founded upon the creation of some chamber of accouuts , where those payments are made that never go to the chamber ; but this pretext is frivolous ; for the chambers of accompts in montpellier , and elsewhere , ought not in like mauner to take any money for examining the accounts of the king : so these new chambers take away no money from that at paris , that peradventure takes from them the homages , and the verification of gifts ; but in this the clerks only are the loosers , and the master auditors and correctors are not concern'd . addition . of the fine gross farms . i said but a word by the way of fine gross farms , which is one of the projects to raise money by ; the fine gross farms are let upon the merchandise , and upon the receipt of the kings rights ; to avoid the charge of all these , an agreement might be concluded with all the merchants , to pay every year a certain sum to the king at paris ; and upon their doing this , they should not be molested in their passage on the rivers , or by land , for any toll or custom . chap. xi . 1. of peace and war. of sciences , of arts , of laws , of publick edifices , and shews . 2. of arms , of arsenals , artilleries , of fortified places and governors . 3. of armies , of conquests ; how a conquered country should be preserved . either calm or storm , if perpetual , would alike unfit the sea for navigation . the waves must not rage , and swallow up the vessels they should bear : but there must be wind enough to fill the sails , and give convenient motion ; nay some little tempests are of use to quicken the pilots skill ; whom continual fair weather would entice into a dangerous idleness . just so is it necessary , that there still be , in a great state , especially in nations of the french temper , some moderate agitation , and that the noise of arms produce an effect upon them , like that of the winds upon the sea. peace , by general consent , is that at which all politicians do aim ; nor can it be deny'd to be preferrable to war , being natural , as liberty is . yet war hath its peculiar advantages ; and those to such a degree , that we may account it to be of divine right . to say true , what other right did god give his people against the kings of canaan ? in short , war makes the peace of kingdoms the more firm , as a storm causeth the air to resume a more setled serenity . the prudence of laws therefore should have provided expedients for the preservation of states in each of these seasons : and the wisdom of legislators hath been justly taxed , in that they have not sufficiently thought upon this provision . the poet , upon this ground , gives his vlysses all along , the company of minerva , and disguiseth her a great many ways , that she might not be parted from him . in sum , the mythologists representing this goddess armed , and bearing both the shield and thunder-bolt of jupiter her father , do therein let us know , that the wisdom of a good king ought to serve him both for peace and war. and such was the manner of teaching , in deepest and most remote antiquity : philosophy then but growing up , and bashful , durst not shew her full lustre unto deprav'd and ignorant men , to whom she was yet very much a stranger . she accosted them veiled with the shadows of fable ; and went softly and secretly about the preparing of their reason to receive her illuminations and instructions . but to return to our similitude ; a storm doth not reach to the whole extent of the ocean ; and whatever tumults be in some part of a kingdom , yet the whole doth not so feel the shock of war , but that in others , peace subsists ; so as the glory of arms , and the contentments of a full tranquility , may be had together . nevertheless , since these two different times do require like different cares ; each of which were enough to take up the whole application of an excellent king ; it is expedient to consider them severally . peace is undoubtedly proper for the cultivation of arts and sciences . knowing men there must be in a common-wealth ; it being necessary that there should be good men. for knowledge 't is that enlightens our soul , shews us virtue , and inflames us with desire to possess it . i joyn sciences here and arts ; it being impossible that men should have the one without the other . for as they are images of god , they are mov'd by a natural propension , to produce one thing or other ; so that having acquired general speculative principles , they necessarily descend to practical operations , which are perform'd by particular rules , from whence arts take their rise . this is done during a calm ; then the soul , not interrupted by any violent agitation , enjoys , and by reflections , which by its leisure and repose permit it to make , views its self . 't is in these precious hours that it may come to know the dignity of its original , and be assured of its immortality . at such a time , having and keeping its faculties united , it gathers the fruit of a solid wisdom ; which is unto the soul , as the sun is to the eyes of the body ; and being of all goods the greatest , communicates its self in precepts ; whereof law is the abstract and consummation , giving the same spirit to all the people . to proceed : it is important , that cities be enrich'd with publick buildings , as temples , palaces , and other sumptuous edifices ; because people have , by that means , the more affection for their country . the trojans regretting their defeat , were griev'd more for the ruine of troy , than the subversion of its empire . and the jews in babylon lamented the demolishing of the temple , where they had offered their sacrifices , more than they did the loss of their liberty . this affection of people for their country , is likewise augmented by the contentment they receive in it ; and this maxim was a principal reason why the greeks and romans exhibited to their subjects publick shews . 't is in a time of peace that a prince should prepare his forces for war : yea , he ought to be always in arms , they being the ornament of his royal majesty , and support of the laws . a people not armed does degenerate ; and we see , that nations heretofore eminently redoubtable , are now bankrupt as to valour and reputation . croesus after his defeat , counselled cyrus his conqueror , in recompence for the favour which had been shewed him , to disarm the lydians , and promote among them musick , good cheer , and pleasures : so they would never revolt , nor fail of obeying his command . this counsel of croesus was really good : for by that means the inhabitants of lydia lost their former love for war , and forgat their ancient virtue . yet it is not expedient that arms , which are the kings , ( for he hath the power of the sword ) should be in the hands of all private persons alike : and the difference between a citizen and a gentleman , a soldier and a country-labourer , not be discern'd : arms therefore must be in their hands whom the king intends for that employment : and he being every ones protector , securing all by his authority , all others must be expresly forbidden to bear any , without his permission , upon pretence of hunting , or journey , or enemies : and this upon pain of being fined , and in case of reiterated offence , sent to the gallies . these penalties too must not be meerly comminatory , but as they term it , legal , and of indispensible necessity . not that gentlemen should all be depriv'd of the liberty to wear a sword : on the contrary , 't is fit to be injoyn'd them , that they never neglect to do it ; because it is the mark of their quality , and continually minds them of the virtue of their ancestors . it may be prohibited them to carry fire-arms ; yet 't is convenient to permit them to keep in their houses musquers , fire-locks , pistols , and other arms ; for that they naturally are defenders of the state , and by consequence ought to be furnish'd for any occasion that may be offered . for the same reason 't is meet that gentlemen be enjoyn'd to keep their stables stor'd with good horses , to breed up and manage a number of them for their service in war. but to this end , the use of german horses for the coach , must be forbidden , and none of them suffered to come into france : but mares only for breed . lawyers , ecclesiasticks , citizens , merchants , artificers , husbandmen , should never wear a sword , because 't is not their profession ; and i would as much approve a gentleman's fancying to wear a lawyers gown , or a priests cassock . but that no such person do abuse this honourable mark , it must be ordained as a fundamental law of honour , that whoever strikes with a sword , a man , who , ( not being of such profession ) has none , shall be declared actually fallen from all honour , and as a very plebeian , yea villain , ( to use the old word ) deprav'd from all gentility , and reduc'd to the rank of a labourer . since arms are the kings , as i said , it is expedient that there be magazines in divers parts of the kingdom : they , committed to the custody of safe hands , and persons of unquestionable fidelity : in them a store of all sorts of arms offensive and defensive ; ready fix'd , to arm 40000 men. there should be equipage for horses , boots , spurrs ; one of these magazines should be plac'd at paris , to cover picardy , champagne and normandy . one at lion , for any occasion that might happen on the side of the mediterranean of italy , of swisserland , or the franche comte . one at tholouse , or some other city of languedoc , for all that might be apprehended from spain , or the sea of guyenne . and one at anger 's , to secure the coasts of bretagne , and poictou . there need be beside these , two arsenals for the sea ; which i shall speak of in their place . it will be necessary to have in the magazines a good number of cannon for battery , and of field-pieces ready mounted with powder , ball , and equipage for the horses of the train . the king should have , for the security of his state , several fortified places in his kingdom . 't is an ill piece of policy to neglect them ; and good heed had need be taken , that he that may chance to win a battel , and become master of the field , do not at the same time become master of the cities also . it is known what revolutions england hath suffer'd by it . and on the contrary , flanders clearly shews what a countrey thick set with fortresses is . yet excess being every where vicious-i would observe a mediocrity here . but , above all , there must be left no fortifications in towns or castles , which belong to particular lords : except the king places in them other governors than the proprietors . these kind of places embolden persons of quality that possess them , to declare themselves , and make parties in a time of civil war : what pass'd at tailebourg in the last troubles , is an example fully authorizing what i have propos'd . i will say more of strong places and garisons in the chapter of the education of children . it is not sufficient to have such strong places , and them well furnished with garisons and brave soldiers ; unless there be given them captains fit to command them , and to be their governors . in each place then there must be four sorts of officers . the governor , the king's lieutenant , the governor's lieutenant , and the major . these all having their commissions from his majesty , it is expedient , that , as far as is possible , their bearing office be limited to a certain time ; to the end , that the continuing of 'em longer may be in nature of a recompence for their services . and they thus attending with the greater diligence to their duty ; i should also wish , that being continued in employment , they should change place . as for example , that a person who hath been the king's lieutenant three years at dunkirk , should go serve as lieutenant-governor at peronne , or elsewhere . not that such a change were fit to pass upon all the officers of a place at the same time . but let their commissions last three years , and every year one be changed , that they may serve together one year only . it is meet to , after the manner of the turks , that their commissions expired , they be kept a year without employment , to see whether there be any complaint against them . these alterations would work two effects equally advantagious to the king's service . the first is , that every one would stick to his duty . the second , that the king always having such kind of employments to give , there would be more persons to hope for them ; which would much more strongly engage them to well-doing . the same usage should be introduc'd , if it be possible , in reference to governors , the king's lieutenants . there is a concluding observation to be made ; namely , that it being the custom for governors to have some companies of carabines , which they call their guards ; they give them cassocks of their own livery . i would have this order changed ; and that the king should every year send each governor a troop of horse to serve about him for a guard ; they having the king's cassocks as a badge of their commission ; and their officers carrying the staff in presence of their governor during their year of service . this would be a means to augment the authority of the king , and not diminish that of the governors . as to armies , it cannot be precisely said of what number of men they should consist ; nor whether they ought to be strongest in horse or in foot. this wholly depends upon the enterprizes that are made , upon the quality of the country , and nature of the enemy . i should advise , that a great king do keep troops on foot , even during peace , nothing is so necessary to a state as old soldiers . augustus , after his victories , did not cashier the forty roman legions ; which prov'd to be the safety of the empire . constantine , on the contrary , disbanded them ; and thence came , in the issue , the dissolution of the power of the romans augustus however , and the other caesars , committed a great fault in keeping the pretorians in a body , for the grandeur of their persons ; and history tells us what lamentable changes they made in the succession of the emperors . the turks have fallen into like disasters by following the like usage . i should therefore judge it expedient to divide the troops into several quarters , and keep them in far distant garisons . the ancient kings of aegypt had a great many soldiers perpetually in pay , and were always apprehensive of their instructions : but found a way to secure themselves from all such seditions of their armies . dividing them into bodies , according to the diversity of nations , they gave them different ensigns ; as for instance , to some a crocodile ; to others a dog ; to a third sort a cat ; and so the rest . now the aegyptians being hugely superstitious , they were easily induced to believe , that their tutelary deities were included in the figure of those beasts which were given them for ensigns ; and that they had the same antipathies among them in heaven , which those beasts that represented them , had to one another upon earth . thus under a veil of religion , those people were possess'd with an aversion for each other , like those animals which they had been ordered to carry in their banners ; yet all were close united , and perfectly at accord for the common defence of the state : so nothing could be executed against the intentions of the prince ; because as soon as any should begin to stir , the rest would immediately have opposed them . upon this example the king might divide all his troops by provinces ; and though there should be no engaging of religion in the case , yet much advantage would , without fail , be drawn from thence . for the nations would strive to out-vie one another , with more zeal and ardor than the regiments now do . these regiments themselves might have names given them from the arms of their provinces ; as that of the bretons might be called the regiment of the ermine ; that of the normans the regiment of the leopards , &c. jutius caesar raised a new legion among the gauls , and gave it the name of the lark . but what i say in this particular , is but the giving my opinion . for i am not of the mind , that the order of the militia should be changed , or regiments disbanded , which consist of the best and most war-like troops that are in the world. 't is ordinarily a great question ; of what soldiers an army should be composed . we have subjects and forreigners . the subjects are gentlemen and plebeians . the plebeians are citizens and rusticks . on the other hand , of forreigners , some are the auxiliary troops of allies , which serve at the cost of their own princes : as when the king sent succors into germany , and unto the hollanders : others are troops that serve at the cost of the state which employs them . the ancients termed them mercinaries . such at this time are the suissers , and not a few germans . all these different sorts of soldiers may be used , as necessity and the conjuncture of affairs requires . the romans did so . it is true , by their treaties of alliance they always obliged their allies to send them a certain number of soldiers ; but these were not incorporated with their legions ; and it is clear , that subjects are ever best ; of subjects , gentlemen have ordinarily more courage than others . of plebeians , those of the country are to be preferred before the inhabitants of cities ; because peasants are more accustomed to labour and hardship than townsmen are . auxiliary troops serve but for a time ; and often , when some continuation of service is demanded of them , they impose hard conditions . mercenaries will have money , and care not if a state be ruin'd , so themselves are paid . in fine , strangers may on the suddain change interests and party ; so of friends becoming enemies ; and that in occasions of greatest importance . mercenaries above all , do serve without affection , and seldom stand it out in fight unto the utmost . they push on a victory indeed , but scarce ever win a battel . in short , strangers should be as little made use of as possible : and scarce for any other cause , but that enemies might be deprived of their aid . when strangers only are taken into service , the subjects grow less war-like , and the most considerable of them despise war , as is done in spain ; and extreamly ill done . the carthaginians were ruined principally by the fault they committed in employing numidian troops and other strangers ; and not sending out their own citizens in their armies . i will not here speak of the art of war ; 't is a matter that deserves a chapter apart . yet i will say cursorily , that the rules of it change as time and seasons do . we neither attack places nor defend them , in the very manner that the ancients did . there is also a great deal of difference between their way of fighting and ours ; so that they had not the arms which we now use . all of precept for the leading of an army , that faileth not nor changeth , is , that discipline be exercised ; wherein commanders should never be remiss . the only school of war , is war it self : and twenty years experience will better make a great captain than an hundred years reading . not but that we have examples of general command given to persons , who never were in armies afore . there are elevated spirits , to whom nothing is impossible ; but the instances are rare ; and 't is too too hazardous a course to rely upon them . for a captain must have , not only spirit and courage , but also credit with his soldiers ; which cannot be gotten but by service . in fine , it is necessary for a great state to keep war on foot , and men of quality must be employed in it : to the end there may always be a stock of good soldiers , and a breed of generals . these two things give a nation marvellous advantages and esteem among foreigners . though france now be a most powerful monarchy , by means of its extent , of its scituation , the fruitfulness of the soil , the number of its inhabitants ; and though greatest states have not always most strength , as biggest men are not always stoutest ; yet were it to be wish'd , that the king did add unto his kingdom , first all the low countrys to the rhyne . this conquest would re-settle him in possession of the ancient demain of his predecessors , giving france gain its primitive limits . it would make him master of the northern seas , and by consequence , arbitrator between the crowns of sweden and denmark , poland , &c. conquest must be aspired to out of a thirst of empire , being an unjust thing , ( if we believe aristotle : for i would not determine , but that the right of war were a very lawful right , consonant to what i have said in the beginning of this chapter ; ) but the desire of conquest should principally be for the doing of good to all men ; which is the end why god gave them laws . the more subjects and power a just prince hath , the better will it be for the world. secondly , it were convenient that the king had strasbourg , to keep all germany quiet . in the third place , he need have the franche county , to lay a restraint upon the suisses , least dividing themselves between the empire and france , or serving spain in a war there , they strengthen his enemies . in the fourth place , milan is necessary in respect of italy , to give the lesser sovereigns and republiques protection , and ballance the power which the king of spain hath usurp'd there . in the fifth place , genoa and all its territory , pertains to the king : nor would the genoese have revolted , had it not been for the bad counsel given to francis the first , to discontent doria. genoa would make the king master of the mediteranean sea ; beside , those two acquisitions would keep the duke of savoy lock'd up within french territories : so he would never depart from the king's service , being entirely his dependant . we must re-enter the isle of elba , and into portolongone , and piombino , on the continent , to drive the spaniards out of italy . here our nearness would keep the duke of florence , the dukes of parma , of modena , and of mantua , and even the state of the pope , in a submission for france . corsica would not stand out after the reduction of genoa ; and then sardinia would be no difficult conquest . this would strongly favour any stirs on the account of liberty or discontent that might be raised in the kingdoms of sicily and naples : nor would it be an hard matter to raise them in time . on the coast of bayonne there would be need of fuentaravia ; and those parts of the kingdom of navarr which the spaniards have in possession , might be justly re-demanded . the king might also carry his arms into catalonia : we have ancient pretensions there ; and the conquests of it would be no less easily atchieved than it was in the time of the last war. majorca and minorca would follow without trouble . thus the king would be absolute umpire of the mediterranean , and of all the fortune of the spaniards . if it should happen one day that the queen , or her descendants , should have an hereditary right there , the king would be in a condition to do himself reason in these matters . the means of making these conquests severally , cannot be shewed without particular discourses . mean time , what i have said is not , in truth , to be done in a day : it would be an enterprise of many years . yet there is nothing of meer fancy it it . i propose no conquest to be made but what hath really been made , except that of the isles of the mediterranean , which our kings never minded ; for that before charles the eighth they never were in case to strengthen themselves at sea. bretagnie was separted from the kingdom , the wars of italy took up every reign unto henry the second . then follow'd the affairs of religion , which put a stop to all the designs that might have been formed in this behalf . here one thing i suggested in the precedent chapter , is to be remembred ; namely , that conquests do afford a state one expedient to get money . in this the roman captains are to be imitated ; who made it a point of glory to lay up extraordinary sums in the publick treasury ; and their triumphs were as illustrious by the wealth they brought home with them , as by the enemies they had defeated in their expeditions . it would be very material therefore , that generals should account it a glory to them , to bring the spoils of their enemies unto the profit of the king and kingdom ; or at least make the conquered countrys maintain and pay their armies . but the difficulty is not to make conquests ; the arms of the french will be victorious wherever they appear . all the trouble is to find out the secret how to keep what hath been gotten . it is fit to say something on this particular . the means to preserve conquer'd countrys which the ancients used , and that with good success , are in a manner these . transportations , and shiftings of the people . as when the chaldeans led away the jews to babylon . the taking away of their money , of their richest goods , their antiquities , their holy things and things of religion ; as was done with the ancient idol-gods , and as the ark of the covenant , the tables of moses , and the israelites holy writings , were dealt withall . the same for substance might be done among us , by shifting of saints reliques and consecrated images . the leading away of the ablest men , and such as have greatest credit with the people . so did the romans when they carried some of the greeks out of their country to rome , and treated them there with all possible kindness and civility . in like manner as to artificers : the turks drew at one time 30000 work-men out of persia . the romans , out of their enemies whom they had vanquish'd and taken in war , reserved those whom they thought stoutest , and made them fight on the theatre , the people being spectators , destroying them by that means . christianity suffers not such inhumanity . slavery was alway practis'd in the case of prisoners of war , and the ransom we make them pay , is an image of that old custom . some people to this day stay their prisoners , or send them away to punishment , after the fashion of the ancients . to proceed , other means in reference to conquer'd countrys are , the mixing of the old and new subjects by marriage , the conquerors accommodating themselves to the manners of the conquered , taking up their modes , eating with them , as alexander demeaned himself towards the persians . then again , the ruining the fortifications of their towns ; the taking hostages of them : the taking away their arms , and keeping them weak ; the abstaining from their wives ; the giving them no jealousie in matter of love. to have little converse with them , especially in their houses ; and when any is , to see it be with seriousness and decency ; to honour them ; to do them a pleasure on occasion ; not play with them ; not pick any quarrel with them : not touch their liberty , nor the goods that have been left them : not disquiet them for matters of religion . to do them justice , maintain them in their laws and customs , and in their manner of government , as the romans did ; who permitted the people whom they had subdued , to have their accustomed laws to be diffedent of them , and shew a confiderde in them . to appear not desirous of their secrets : not interrupt them in their pleasures : make them pay the tribute agreed upon with them exactly , not at all augmenting it . to keep word with them in all things , seldom meddle in their affairs , except it be to accord them : to lend them no money ; but owe them some , and punctually pay the interests of it : not let them know the true state of affairs ; not give them entrance into strong holds ; which must always be well furnish'd with men and provisions ▪ that the governor never come among them without being strongest , or having hostages . to prevent their assembling , and hinder as much as may be their having commerce with neighbours that are under another prince's dominion : to keep off all kind strangers from houses , and severely punish such of 'em as shall cause the least trouble , or any motion that may tend to sedition . if our conquerors had practis'd in this manner , italy and sicily would have been french to this day . chap. xii . of the sea , and its usefulness . 2. means to augment the kings power there . 3. of commerce . 4. of colonies . the water of the sea are wholly obnoxious to the humorousness of fortune ; and the wind that governs them turneth and changeth with as much inconstancy as that blind goddess . yet it is certain , that those states whose renown is greatest in story , did not establish their supreme dominion , but upon the power they attained to at sea : as if virtue , stout and undaunted , had resolv'd to combat and conquer her enemy in the very seat of her empire . the romans are one instance , ( whose example is ever to be follow'd with as peculiar a diligence , as their conduct of matters was with singular wisdom , and hard to be imitated : ) they imposed not upon the world their laws , till they had forced the seas to receive and acknowledge them . had they not set out war-like fleets , they had never accomplished their glorious designs ; they had never extended their frontier beyond italy ; never brought down the pride of carthage ; nor triumphed over all the crowns on earth . the aegyptians , the persians , and the grecians , considered the sea as the principal support of their domination . xerxes having caus'd the h●li●spout to be to punish'd ( as he termed it ) with stripes , accounted his vanity satisfy'd in the sight of all asia , which he drew after him into greece , with so much magnificence and pomp , that it seemed as if jupiter himself was come down from heaven . the venetians still renew every year their alliance with this element , by an old fond superstitious custom , casting into the sea a ring , as if they espoused it : perhaps by this use they would inform all the particular subjects of their common wealth , that they should be content with the inconstancy and infidelity of their women , since the state of espousing the sea , espouseth inconstancy and infidelity it self . the riches of tunis , of algier , of holland , and england , plainly prove the necessity there is for princes to be strong at sea , and do shew the profit which does thence accrue . these are petty states , yet dare measure their forces with those of the greatest monarchs . the former of them are turkish slaves , the others revolted burghers ; and how insolent soever the english are , they must confess , that all the brittish isles laid together , do not equal the half of our continent , either in extent , or in fruitfulness of ground , or for commodiousness of scituation , or in number of men ; in wealth , in valour , industry , and understanding ; yet they fear not to affirm themselves sovereigns of the sea. had they cast up the wracks they have suffered , and the battles they have lost ; had they well examin'd our ports and havens : in fine , had they compar'd the coasts of france with those of england , they would condemn their vanity , as canutus , one of their ancient kings , did . 't is true , all states are not disposed unto navigation : either because they are too far up in midland countries , or because the temper of the people suits not with it ; or because they want subjects : but 't is so far , that any of these obstacles should hinder the french from addicting themselves unto it ; that on the contrary , all things conspire to raise desire of it in them ; and to give them hope of advantageous success . the work however is such as must be leisurably carried on , and perfected by little and little ; so great a design continually allarming europe , asia , africa , and america , friends and foes . a precipitation of it would be its ruine . i say not what number of vessels would be fit for france to put to sea. but i affirm that the king may keep an hundred gallies , and an hundred ships on the mediterranean ; and a fleet of two hundred sail upon the ocean . the more vessels he shall have , the more enabled he will be to recover the expence made about ' em . as to the building of such numbers six or ten years of time may be allotted for it : and there is timber in france , there is cordage , there are sails ; there is iron and brass ; there are victuals and workmen ; so that the king's subjects will gain the money which is laid out in ' em . is it not far better for the king of france to build ships for the employing and enriching of his subjects , than it was for the kings of aegypt to build their useless pyramids ? there need be no anxious enquiry whence a stock should rise for this advance ; every year will bring in money ; and the vessels once made , and their guns mounted , it will not cost the king a quardecu for other equippings . 't will be but to give the captains places in the ships and gallies , on condition to fit them out ; and there will more persons come to take them , than there will be offices and places to be bestowed . 't is true , fleets being out , there will need vast sums to maintain them : but the sea will yield a maintenance for the sea , either by commerce or by war. neither will it be always proper to keep so many vessels in service . on the other hand , it will not be necessary to have so many troops at land as are at present . for spain or italy will not dare to disfurnish themselves of their men ; so there will be no need of a land-army but towards germany . the number of rowers will be made up by bringing men from canada , and the american islands : or by buying negroes at cape verde : or by sending all malefactors to the gallies . and when things have taken their course , seamen will be had ; time , and the profit that will accrue , will afford store , and bring them in from all parts of the world. hereupon the corsairs of algiers , tunis and tripoli ; will not be able to keep at sea ; and the french being continually on their coasts , they will be constrain'd to tarry at home for the guarding of their towns : so not in a condition to send out troops for collecting the tribute which they exact of the arabs , and princes who lye further up in africa ; the tributaries will , without fail , revolt : and the king may in the sequel , treat with them for their recovering their liberty , and take them into his protection , there is no cause to fear the power of the ottoman port in this particular . for beside that the turks are no good seamen , the grand signior doth make no such account of the pyrats of algier , as that their fortune is considerable to him. the friendship of the french is more necessary for him , both in point of commerce , and in reference to other interests . the fleets which the king might keep upon the ocean , would make him master of all the powers and trade of the north. yea , though the english and hollanders should unite against france , they could not avoid their ruin in the end . for how should the one and the other make good their commerce , which is all they have to trust to , if they were forced to maintain great armada's to continue it ? the point of bretannie is the gate to enter into , and go out of the channel . fifty ships of war at brest would keep this gate fast shut ; and they should not open it but by the king's command . spain and portugal would not be able to attempt any thing but by his permission , if there were kept a fleet on the coast of guyenne . thus there would need no war almost to be made for all these things ; nor his majesties forces hazarded . it would be sufficient to give his order to forreiners . nor will it be difficult to cut them out work in their own countries , and by this means stay their arms at home , and make them spend their strength there . i shall something of this in its place hereafter . there is one further excellent means to strengthen the king at sea : and it is the taking order that no more of his subjects go to malta . to do this , there must be given in fee to the french knights of st. john of jerusalem , some isle in the mediterranean , as for instance , the isle du levant , for which they should pay an acknowledgment to the king , as they do for malta to the king of spain . there might be given them too on the same condition , an isle in the ocean , as besle-isle , l'isle-dieu , or the isle of ree : so that the french knights fighting not but against the enemies of their country , they would make war upon the english as upon turks ; and keep the islands at their own charge , whereas the king is fain to keep great garisons , and be at vast expence to do it . there is no cause to fear that they will ever give the king any trouble : for being french , they cannot fail of affection or obedience : and their kindred , together with the wealth they have in france , will be perpetual hostages to the king , and caution for their fidelity . this project is just : for of ten parts of the knights of malta , no less than eight do come from the commanderies of france ; and it is easie to be put in execution ; for there need be only a stopping the income of the commanderies to effect it . the order in general will find its advantages in it ; both in that there will be an addition made it of two considerable islands : and that the king will receive the knights into a more particular protection than he hath done hitherto . the number of commanderies may also be augmented , by giving them some maladeries , ( or hospitals for the diseased ) which are always usurped by people that have no right to them at all . be it observed in the last place , that it is very requisite the office of admiral , and powers of the admiralty , should be united to the crown . it hath been an ill policy in france , and a diminution of the king's authority , to communicate unto a subject so much of his soveraignty at sea as hath been done . he must resume it to himself , and be every way supreme alone : then he may appoint a select number , whose charge may be to give him advice of the state of maritime concerns ; and hold a council from time to time upon them in his majesties presence , if he please to assist . these officers shall in this council judge of prizes , and other sea-affairs ; and when its necessary , be commission'd , some of them , to visit the ships , and make report , or send their acts in writing concerning them . other officers for the marine shall be military : they , to execute the king's orders , and have the conduct of designs and enterprizes in the usual manner . it is important to the king's service , that the captains of ships and gallies , be honoured with dignities and rewards . there may be created mareschals of france for armies at sea : as there are for those at land , with the same honours and prerogatives . the romans decreed a triumph for captains who had been victorious at sea , and called it a naval triumph . they gave also naval crowns , as well as mural and civical . these honours would eminently promote the king's intention as to the marine . there must be two arsenals erected : one in provence , in some town upon the rhosen , for what relates to naval expeditions on the mediterranean : another upon the river loire , for all occasions on the ocean . by means of these two rivers , it will be easie to bring out to sea all the vessels that are builded : and all necessary provisions and tackling whatever . nor need it be feared that any enemy should get up these rivers : they too may be shut up by bridges , or by chains , or by forts . his majesties power thus strongly setled on each sea , it will be easie to secure commerce in france , and even draw the merchants thither from all parts . i say secure commerce : for till all this be done , it will ever be uncertain and dangerous . now 't is unnecessary to expatiate here , in proving what profit commerce brings in to most potent states ; the thing is generally known , and all men convinc'd of it . again , i know not why it hath been said , that trading is contrary to virtue ; except it be , for that merchants are incessantly busied in studying inventions to get money , and be in a sort , servants to the publick . the romans , the thebans , and the spartans admitted not any citizen of theirs unto the administration of affairs , unless he had for ten whole years sorborn merchandizing : because they would not have their principal magistrates accustomed to gain , and expert in the means to do it . these kind of inclinations being blameable in persons , who being destined to great employments , ought to be above all considerations of private interest . commerce in every common-wealth ought to take its measure from the temper of the people , from their strength , their wealth , the fertility of their grounds , and the situation of their country . therefore order must be taken , that things traded in be useful , and in a manner , necessary . for it is a rule in oeconomie , that a man spend not his money in what is pleasing , though he needs it , but only in what is absolutely necessary . but necessity is stated by the birth , the dignity , and the estate of persons ; as for example , noble furniture is necessary for a great lord ; not so , for every meaner gentleman : and thus in othes cases , proportionably still to the rank and fortune of men. it must be studiously prevented , that commerce introduce not into a state , superfluity , excess and luxury ; which are often followed with ambition , avarice , and a dangerous corruption of manners . and forasmuch as it is not sufficient to commerce , that there be people to sell , but merchants must be had to buy , otherwise no wares can go off ; in which all the advantage of trade doth consist : it is meet , that traders furnish themselve , with necessaries , rather than with things that meerly tend to ease , or magnificence . among necessaries , those make up the first rank , which do sustain life it self ; the second is of them that are for convenience ; others are also necessary to preservation from diseases , the injuries of time and violence of enemies , as medicinals , dwelling , arms. there is every where a twofold commerce , which is visible in france , more than in any other part of the world. the first is for things ordinarily found in the country , some of which are spent by the inhabitants themselves , and others transported . the second , for foreign merchandises . we have in france , wines , corn , linnen and salt , in so great a quantity , that we send them into the neighbor kingdoms ; and the quality of them is so excellent , that strangers cannot forbear to come and carry them out of our ports . we have cattle , skins , wooll , tallow , oils , and other things necessary for man , of which foreiners export very little , but our selves do in a manner spend them all : and this is the great wealthiness of france , that we have enough to serve our turn without foreign merchandises ; but forreigners cannot do well without ours . we receive from other countries , minerals , pearls , precious stones , silks , spices , and what seems to be matter of luxury . order should be given , that in france , the commodities we have be made use of , before any foreign merchandises be employed : because this order followed would bring in the people money , and take off their commodities ; which would incline every one to fall to the work of his calling , and the whole kingdom be thereby hugely benefited . it hath been a question offer'd to debate , whether traffique in france should be managed by the subjects , or by forreigners ? many reasons might be produced in the case , upon each hand : but to make a short decision ; 't is evident , that foreigners must be allowed to gain by our merchandises , if we would have them take them off . for if we carry them home into their ports , we shall make less sales , and be at greater cost , than if they came to fetch them . yet that our merchants may share in the profit , they may enter into partnership with them , or be their commissioners here , or freight them themselves , provided , they sell at somewhat cheaper rates , and so be content with moderate gain ; or take in payment , and exchange , the foreign commodities . by means of commerce , as well as by war , there may be french colonies planted abroad , and so the dominion of the king extended , even to far distant countries . all the nations of the earth are intermix'd , and may be termed colonies , some of one people , some of another : of as many as are known , few can be affirmed to be originally of the places they inhabit . but to plant colonies out of danger , they must be seated in as much nearness still as is possible : for if they be separated at too great a distance , it will be difficult to relieve them : and perhaps they may revolt , or some one or other make himself master of them ; and so the state will be in danger to lose its subjects . secondly , it is necessary , that colonies be placed in such countrys as are able to maintain the families , that are design'd to make them up : otherwise provisions , and money it self , must be carried to them , which would cause loss and damage to the common wealths that send ' em . in the third place , the country should bear things that may yield profit to the state , which erects the colony . fourthly , the scituation should be such , as the state may have succour , and forces from them , both for war , and for commerce . in the fifth place , the country should not be so fertile , and so much profit to be there made , that the ancient subjects should be drawn thither , and the state drein'd of people , as hath happen'd to spain , by means of the west-indies . in fine , for prevention of the inconveniences , i have mention'd , means must be used to have always hostages from those of the colonies , that they may be kept in their duty , and in the greater adherence to the interest of the state. chap. xiii . 1. of the education of children . 2. at what age it is expedient to marry them . nature gives us the first fundamental dispositions for arts , and all sorts of prosessions ; and we feel a certain propension leading us to one kind of life , rather than another . some say , this impression comes from the power of the stars , which by secret , influences from our temper ; others affirm , that we derive our inclinations from our ancestors . however it be , 't is certain , we have movings , the principles whereof are in our selves ; we bring them into the world with us , and cannot quit them : 't is true , rules may be applied to them , and they corrected , when faulty , but to change the quality of them , is impossible this regulation , or amendment , is effected by discipline ; which can only give an after perfection to the works of nature , keeping to her foregoing draughts , and designs , and compleating what she hath begun . a principal point then , in reference to children , is to know their genius , that they may not be put out of their natural order , but employ'd in things to which they are originally bent . the philosophers , to make known the difference of capacities , have told us , that as for souls , some are of gold , others of silver , other of iron ; and that as a good essayor must not mistake himself , in distinguishing these three metals ; so a good politician should not fail , in the judgment he makes , of the children that are in the state : it 's a piece of his profession to discern , what each of them will be proper for , that the intentions of nature may be sortify'd , and polished by precepts . there are no common-wealths , but have in them priests , judges , counsellors of state , soldiers , sea men , merchants , artificers , husbandmen ; children must be educated for these different professions , and timely enabled to discharge them . 't is fit , that in the case of the younger sort , three ages be distinguished . the first , from their birth , to the end of the seventh year . the second , from that seventh year to the fourteenth . the third , from fourteen unto one and twenty . childrens first five years should be spent in their nursing up ; and they not disquieted with any higher documents . 't is good , to put them upon some gentle exercise , as they are growing , and cause them to endure cold ; they will have the more vigour , by that means . there are some nations , that plunge their children into running water , and give them slight clothing in the midst of winter : so the ancient gauls are noted-to have done . the bodies of children must be plyed to the acting of all kind of postures , and motions ; this will get them a facility and dexterousness for any thing . after the age of five years , unto seven , 't is convenient to tell them stories , that may raise in them a desire to do well in that profession to which they shall be destinated . from seven years , unto fourteen , those that are intended to be given to the church , or to the affairs of justice , or those of the state , should learn latin , and greek , because in those languages , they have the source of all the doctrine they will be obliged to profess : as likewise after fourteen , unto one and twenty , they shall be taught rhetorique , philosophy , theology , law , or politicks : which must be continued also , after that age in the usual manner . it is very necessary that seminaries for priests be erected in every diocess , and our lords the bishops ought to take all possible care in it . the young persons , that are intended for the wars , may be taught italian , spanish , and high dutch : they that are design'd for trade , should know somewhat in those three languages : but such as are thought on for commerce , in further distant countrys , ought to learn the arabic , or the sclavonian ▪ or some other of the general tongues that are current in asia , or in africa , as the latin is in europe . there must be publick professors for these languages , as there are for latin , and masters places endowed at the publick charge . after fourteen or sixteen years of age , the youths should be dispos'd of unto places , where they may learn the art of traffick . as for those that are destin'd to the wars , whether gentlemen , or plebeians , they should be sent at fifteen or sixteen years unto garisons , and the skill of serving on horseback or on foot , there taught them ; and they exercised once a weak constantly ; which would most conveniently be done on sundays and holy-days . they shall be taught to handle the pike and the musket , the use of the sword , the halbard , partisan , broad-sword , and other arms ; they shall be put to run , and leap , and wrestle . the lacedemonians ordinarily exercis'd their young people ; which was very providently done of them . for strength and expertness is not attained but by long and daily exercise . in the garisons shall be taught fortification , the mathematicks , dancing , vaulting , ridiug ; and it would do well , to take away academies and masters of exercise , from places not garison'd , that the garisons may be the academies , as i may term them , where these things are learnt . yea , to the end , that all sorts of persons might betake themselves to the garisons , it should be ordained , that no private masters shall take any apprentices , but in garison'd places ; and that no one keep a shop , or exercise any trade , in any city of the kingdom , without a testimonial from the governor , that he hath serv'd his apprentiship in a garison town : as we see , that no physicians , or advocates , are admitted to practise , but such as have studied in some university . order must be given , that masters cause their lacquies to learn a trade , and that for this , they give them , after four years service , 200 livres , and a suit of cloaths : or if they serve less time , a sum proportionable after that rate . nor must it be suffered , that lacquies have wages given them as is done ; because they are ill husbands , and lay up nothing . their reward-money must be put in a publick purse , or into some merchant's hands , who will be responsible for it . the share of lacquies that die , will serve for other youths that shall be chosen . this would prove an excellent means , for the having of soldiers : for the apprentices would serve in their turn , on military occasions : they would go upon the guard , &c. nor would this take them off from perfecting their skill in the calling they had chosen . it would too , be profitable , that poor soldiers have skill in one handicraft or other , and be made to work at it , whenever they are not on the guard ; by this means , they would avoid idling , and get money for a subsistance . the parishes both in town , and country , might be obliged to set forth and maintain each of them a soldier or two in garison , giving also a sum for their being taught a trade at the same time . there would be parishes able to maintain a man and half , others half a man , the rest in proportion to the number of communicants in each of them . so the king would have 50000 men well-nigh in garison , and a nursery of soldiers , without its costing him a quardecu ; for none must have pay , but old soldiers : it s by taking this course , that the turks raise their janizaries , and they become their best men , and most warlike . when the young men have been a while in garison , that is , two or three years , they shall be sent to the army , if there be war on foot : and all recruits shall be rais'd out of the garisons : by this means they will be rais'd without any expence at all : for instance , if there need a recruit of 4000 men , each of the governors shall be ordered to send , one an hundred , another two hundred : and the men being drawn out of the garisons , new supplies shall be put in , taken out of the parishes , which sent the former . thus the armies would be alway compos'd of none , but expert soldiers ; which is a matter of exceeding great consequence . i will not prescribe , in what towns , or in how many places , it is fit to settle garisons ; because this depends on the kings will and pleasure : and towns , to be chosen for this purpose , need not be nominated ; the most commodious , and best scituated are known . as to those that should be destin'd for sea-service , they might be taken out of the same garisons ; and should be taught principally navigation : but it would be better , to breed them up in the ships themselves , that they might be accustomed to the sea. it is fit that they should understand all the practise of mariners ; and also be handicrafts men , as well as soldiers : it would be very good , that some of the number were carpenters , or at least each of them somewhat skilled in use of the axe and adice . if soldiers both at sea and on land were artificers , their captains , or others might cause them to work . they should be paid for what they made , and the person that employed them might fell their work , either in gross or by retail : as garments , shooes , cloth , hatts , gloves ; and this would prove hugely beneficial ; all the soldiers would find content in it , & hardly one of them fall into debauch . when the youngsters have been some time in garison , and are not needed for recruits , they should be sent home with their discharge and certificate . hereupon they may set up the trade they have learned , or addict themselves to husbandry , as they should think most commodious for them . the country youth , not chosen by the king's commissioners for the garisons , should abide in their parishes , to learn the art of husbandry , and be exercised in it . a like course , as is to be taken with young men , should also be taken with young women . there must be school-mistresses in every city , publickly pay'd , who may teach them all kind of works : the maids giving them too , something for a reward . it would do well to use means , that women , and even those of highest rank , might count it a shame to be unskilfull : work would notably fix their thoughts , and busy them to excellent good purpose . of women i had not yet spoken ; nor will i say , of them , ought more : herein i shall imitate lycurgus , and besides him aristotle ; who both conceiv'd it not possible , to give them any rules , and that their temper was so imperious , that they could not endure to be restrained by law : this is more to be excused in french women than in others : 't is their due to be mistresses ; since they may glory , upon better title than the lacedemonian dames , that they give birth to men , who are capable of rendring themselves , by their valour , conquerors of all the earth it seems to me a fault , that maids should be suffer'd to marry at twelve , and males at fourteen , at which ages the too too indulgent laws have fixed the puberty of the sexes . for , as to nature , it is not possible but persons of those years only must extremely prejudice their health by marriage , and spend their strength before they have attain'd it . 't is the making of young trees bear fruit before the time : the children are without doubt the less vigorous for it . how can the parents give them , what they as yet have not themselves ? again , morality and the laws are concerned in the case : the truth is , when a girl is put so young into the possession of a husband , she hath the less of bashfulness and modesty ; nor is virtue so well secured for her . besides , at this age , neither man nor woman is of understanding to know their duty : and hence it comes , that the marriages of persons so young are ordinarily attended with no very sure felicity and success . finally , how can the one or the other , take care of the affairs of an house , being altogether unexperienced ? or duly govern their children , needing government themselves , and having not , by allowance of the laws , power to dispose of any thing ? so that it must be ordained , they shall not be capable of making a valid contract of marriage till they have attained , females , the age of eighteen years compleat , and males of twenty . chap. xiv . 1. how france should act with forreign princes , and first with the king of spain , and king of portugal . 2. with the pope , with venice , with the princes of italy . 3. with the swisses , with england . 4. with the emperor and princes of germany . 5. with the hollanders , the crowns of denmark , sweden and poland . 6. with the turks , and king of persia . 7. with the kings of the coast of barbary , and the king of morocco . 8. with all remote princes ; as the emperor of the negroes , prestor john , the great mogul . the other kings of the indies , of china , and of tartary . having treated in the precedent ceapters , of things internal to the state : i think it reasonable to speak of externals and what course is to be taken in them . for to promote the happiness of people , and govern them discreetly , 't is not enough , that you regulate their lives , and their comportment at home , but their ease and well-being must be secur'd against strangers abroad , and principally against their neighbors . now interest being the prime motive unto all states , we ought to consider other nations , either in quality of friends , or in that of enemies ; ever accounting of them , according to the advantage we may receive from them , or the damage they may do us . as they on their part take no thought of us , but in proportion to what they fear , or to what they hope for from our arms. besides , to treat safely with forreigners , it is necessary that we know their designs , their strength , their alliances , their temper , and their country . forasmuch then as spain shareth with us , at this time , the concerns of all europe ; and there is not a power in christendom , but hath alliance with the one or the other of these two crowns , it is meet we examine in the first place , what measures we are to observe with the spaniards . the council of spain proceeds with a great deal of slowness ; but always with a great deal of evenness : and since the house of austria put it in their head to get the dominion over all europe : the said council hath continually steered the same course . the end which these states-men have propos'd to themselves , has been tyrannical and unjust ; and the means they have made use of to attain it , bad , destrustive , and ill-adjusted , which the declining of their affairs doth evidently demonstrate . our enemies are always allies of theirs , either covertly , or openly and declared ; just in like manner , as they who chuse the king's protection , and to be interessed with france , will be enemies of spain . the emperor is leagu'd with the catholick king by consanguinity , and moreover , by reasons of state. for we are cause of fear to the empire on the north , and towards germany , as we are to spain on the south , and towards italy . of all the other princes , the duke of bavaria , seems fastest knit to the house of austria ; and the pope would , perhaps , be of the party , did not his dignity , of being the common father of christians , withhold him ; and if he , as a temporal prince , did not also apprehend some irruption on our part . spain is a country yielding little increase ; either for that the ground is barren ; or because the inhabitants neglect to cultivate it . the discovery of the west-indies , and the expulsion of the moors have dispeopled it . flanders , and the places in italy are a charge to spain , in time of war : and what is rais'd there doth scarce suffice to maintain the armies and garisons . their government is hard , and ill to be endured ; because they are inflexibly severe ; and the monks , ( whose depravation is there at the highest pitch ) and inquisitors , do under pretext of religion , exercise incredible grievances . the spaniards are valiant for their persons : but men of quality despise the military profession , as heretofore the carthaginians did : and the name of soldier is , in a manner , ignominious with them . they are idlers , and prefer pleasure , and a gallantry , before any thing , be it ever so important , or of greatest consequence . the king of spain hath little money , and much expense to defray . the vanity of the viceroys and governors of his places , doth spend him above measure . the spaniards are presumptuous , haughty , and provided there be honour done them , you may treat advantageously with them . charles v. had reason to say , that the spaniards seem to be wise ; but are not . their forces are not at all to be feared ; we ruin'd them in the late war ; and the affairs of portugal have hindred their recovering them . the minority of their king , the discontent of don john , and the pretensions of some lords upon the particular kingdoms , which compose the spanish monarchy , augment its weakness . sicily might easily make insurrection . the neapolitans upon a pretext of liberty , such a darling in italy , would set up for themselves , if they had succors ; and perhaps a new pope would favour our designs there , if he were made to see , that it would be no impossibility for him to make some person of his family king of naples , or joyn that kingdom to the state of the church , of which he is possess'd already . if ever the spaniards be attacked , it must be done with force , and all at once , in flanders , in italy , in spain it self , on the sea , and on the coast of portugal . this is the best method for the french. such a general effort would produce two effects . the first is , that the spanish partisans would be astonish'd , having no forces ready to make resistance . the second , that all their enemies would resume vigor , and might set on foot again their pretensions against them . if a through conquest be intended , we must not do as was done in the last war : must not make it our business to take all their fortifi'd places , one after another , or to keep them when taken . but this is a matter fit to be discours'd of by it self . as for portugal , it 's a state , yet under age , and not throughly setled : to us , a perpetual instrument for weakning the spaniard . france hath nothing to fear on that side . it would do well , to convey covertly some troops , or sums into the country : and above all , give secretly great hopes unto the french , that are in service there , if they made any important enterprises upon spain , which would divert their forces . it would , i say , do very well to order some soldiers thither , and 't were to be wish'd , there were so many french in portugal , that the partisans might not dare to make a peace with spain , for fear of having those same french for enemies . the queen of portugal , who is french , both by birth , and by affection , may bear up this interest ; and she may be told , that there is a necessity of it on her part , and that her fortune depends upon it . it must be accounted on in all treating with the spaniards , that they are every whit as foolish as they seem to be . the pope , the venetians , and all the princes of italy , are of one and the same temper . the italians are wise and circumspect : nor should we , but very seldom , enter into negotiation with them . to reduce them to our intentions , we must work by down-right force , they are weak , and ( as i have said ) wise : they are people for pleasure ; their country is the beautifullest , and best in the world ; consequently they love it , and know their interest ; they are able to foresee , and fear the ill that may betide them . the pope will ever consider france , by reason of the county of avignon , of the consequences of the concordat of 1618. and because of the jansenists . the venetians are weakned by their war with the turk ; the dukes of mantua , of modena , and of florence , and the genoese can do nothing that 's considerable . the duke of savoy must never separate from france . we have the entrance into his estates : and a war with us , but of 3 months , would utterly ruin him : he may be induc'd to hope , that he shall be reinstated in the principality of geneva . if war be made in italy , the italians must not have time given them to look about them . as they are the wisest , so when inur'd to war , they are the bravest upon earth . in one word , they are the masters of the universe . the swisses are mercenaries , who will alway serve the king for his money . as for matter of the english , they have not any friends : themselves be a sort of people without faith , without religion , without honesty , without any justice at all , of the greatest levity that can be , cruel , impatient , gluttonous , proud , audacious , covetous , fit for handy strokes , and a sudden execution ; but unable to carry on a war with judgment . their country is good enough for sustenance of life , but not rich enough to afford them means for issuing forth and making any conquest : accordingly , they never conquered any thing but ireland , whose inhabitants are weak , and ill soldiers . on the contrary , the romans conquer'd them ; then the danes , and the normans ; in such a manner too , that their present kings are the heirs of a conqueror . they hate one another , and are in continual division , either about religion , or about the government . a war of france for three or four years upon them , would totally ruin them . so , it seems reasonable that we should make no peace with them , but upon conditions of greatest advantage for us ; unless the king think meet to defer the execution of this project to another time ; or that his majesty , press'd with the love he hath for his own people , do incline to prefer their ease , before so fair hopes . one had need be a monarch , to know what it is to love subjects ; as be a father , to know how children are loved . in fine , if we had a mind to ruin the english , we need but oblige them to keep an army on foot : and there is no fear that they should make any invasion upon france ; that would be their undoubted ruin , if they be not call'd in by some rebels . now if they have an army , they will infallibly make war upon one another , and so ruin themselves . you must put them upon making great expences ; and for this end , raise a jealousie in them for the isles of jersey and guernsey , of wight and man , for the cinque-ports , and ireland : and by that means , oblige them to keep strong garisons in all those places : this will create a belief in the people that the king formeth great projects against their pretended liberty ; and while he is in arms , his subjects will hate him. they must be wrought to distrusts of one another , by writing letters in cypher to some particular persons , and causing them to be intercepted . for ( being suspicious and imprudent ) they will soon be perswaded , that the letters were seriously written . some forces should be landed in ireland , and in other parts . the irish may be induced to revolt , as having a mortal hatred for the english . the scots also will not neglect to set themselves at liberty . factions must be rais'd , and the sects favoured against one another ; especially the catholicks , among whom , the benedictine monks in particular , should be secretly promis'd , on the king of england's behalf ( wherein it will be easie to deceive them ) that they shall be restored to all the estates , which they once possessed in the island , according to the monasticon there printed . upon this , the monks will move heaven and earth , and the catholicks declare themselves . the rumor , which hath already gone abroad , that the king of england is a catholick , must be fortifi'd , and so all will fall into utter confusion , and the english monarchy be in case to be divided . on the other hand , our league with the hollanders should be renew'd , and they put into a belief , that we will give them all the trade still : because they have a through knowledge of it , and are proper for it ; whereas the french have no inclination that way , and nature cannot be forced . they must be told , that now they are come to the happy time for advancing their affairs , and ruining their competitors in the sovereignty of the northen seas . beside these particulars , if the king give belle-isle , or l'isle dieu , or the isle of ree , to the knights of malta , as i have said before , these knights will make irreconcilable war upon the english , redemand the commanderies of their order , and by their courses , and piracies , oblige them to keep great fleets at sea ; which will ruine them , by ruining the profit of their trade . mean time , the king shall increase his strength at sea ; and then finding his enemies weakned , consummate their depression , and subversion . it is not difficult , to make defence against any enterprises of the emperor ; for he cannot make war upon france , though he would : such a war would be too costly for him ; and and to make any progress in it , he must needs bring into the field excessive great armies . but if he armed him so potently , the princes of germany would grow jealous of him , and make levies to oppose him , and to hinder his passage through their territories : beside , his hereditary countrys would be disfurnish'd of men , and so expos'd to the inroads of the turks : so that there is no cause to apprehend any thing on the part of the emperor . on the contrary , he hath intentions to give the king content ; because he may receive great succors from him , in wars with the turk , as happen'd of late years . the princes of germany , whether catholicks or protestants , have an equal interest to keep themselves in the king's protection : for the reasons i noted afore in the chapter of the huguenots ; so that they will always oppose the emperors growing greater , on the side of france : as it may be , they would oppose the designs of the king ; if he should carry his arms too far up into germany . 't is the interest of lesser states , that the kings their neighbours be equal in power , that the one may maintain them against the others . to conclude : the king hath no allies , whom he should so highly esteem , as the germans ; there is not a braver nation , a nation more open , more honest . their original is also ours ; they have no vices ; are just and faithfull : there is among them an inexhaustible seminary of good soldiers : their generosity put alexander the great into admiration for 'em ; and wrought affection and confidence in 'em , in the first caesars ; who by committin● their persons to the virtue of these people entrusted them with the quiet of the universe . the hollanders will never attempt any thing against france ; but keep themselves in our alliance , as much as possibly they may . they are rich , and interessed as merchants commonly are . if the king had relinquish'd them , the●… state would have sunk . ( which yet by the rules of policy , cannot last long ; democracie● being subject to changes . ) it would be expedient , that the king do interpose in their affairs and some division be raised among them . we can hope for little from their armies ; and they would always be a charge , and expence to us . the king of denmark is a prince , whose state is but of small extent ; his whole strength consists in the king's protection , who upholds him against the suedes his enemies . sueden will never break off from the interest of france . it 's a country unfertile except in soldiers ; but there being little money in sueden , and they far of , they can of themselves make no considerable war : they are feared and hated in germany . so , we ought to consider them , as instruments , which for our money , we may make use of , to avenge our quarrels , either against the emperor , or the german princes ; or to divert the english and the holland forces , when his majesty makes any enterprise which pleaseth them not . poland and muscovy are of almost no use to 〈…〉 , except it be to serve us in stopping the en●erprises of the emperour . furs may be had ●om them ; and cloth , and silk-stuffs sent ●hem . the friendship of the turks is good for ●rance , to be made use of on occasion against ●he emperor ; and that of the king of persia , to ●e made use of against the turks . the one and ●he other may favour our commerce . there must be no reliance upon the promises of the kings of tripoly , tunis , and algier ; they ●re pirates , that take a pride in breaking their words , and have no faith at all . whenever ●ccasion serves , war must be made upon them , ●nd they attacqued home to their own doors in ●heir harbours , but with considerable forces ▪ they may be ruin'd in time , by hindring their courses at sea , and by causing the tributary princes to rise against them by land : as i have observed asore . upon this , the king , as the carthaginians did , might employ the numidian troops , so much magnified by the ancients . the emperor of fez and morocco is a potent prince , who 's alliance may be useful to the king against the spaniards , and for commerce . he is a mahometan ; and i would not have too much trust put in his oaths . in fine , when occasions for it are offered , we must not fail to compliment the african kings , as the emperors of the negros , and of the abyssins , then the great mogol , and the other kings of the indies , of china , of tartary and japan ▪ letting them know by presents , the virtue , the greatness and magnificence of the king. the conclusion . such are the political maxims , by which i have judged , that the subjects of this ( french ) monarchy might attain to the possession of a true , and stable felicity ; and so , the heroick labours of the king be crowned with immortal glory , and france enjoy in all its parts the highly beneficial virtue of its incomparable monarch . finis . reflections on the fourth chapter of the politicks of france , which treats of the clergy . london , printed for thomas basset , at the george , in fleetstreet , 1691. to monsieur p. h. marquess of c. sir , i took so great satisfaction in the reading of those your reflections upon the roman clergy , that i have thought i could not better employ my time , than illustrating them with a large comment ; and though sometimes i improvs upon your judgement , and make bold to push on somewhat farther than you are pleased to go , yet shall you not find that i have gloss'd upon your discourse , as some monks have done on the bible , for i have faithfully confirm'd your opinion by the history of our france , and by the wise sayings of the best authors . and if by their help i let you see that your maxims carry you to much higher enterprises than your counsels aim at , this is not to contradict , but to assist you , and per adventure to say for rou ; what you would have been content to have said your self . after having thus fought under your banners , the interest of my party , which in your fifth chapter you are so hard upon , obliges me to engage in their defence . and i know you are too generous , sir , to take this ill . but i bestow not above a third part of this discourse on that subject , that you may clearly perceive i have more than double the pleasure in following your steps , than i find in opposing you . to return then to my chief design , which is , to espouse your quarrel , and take your part against the vsurpations of rome , i will shew you what more remains to be said on that occasion , there is a pretty book called an examination of the powers of cardinal chigi , then when he came in the quality of leg at to his majesty . a book furnish'd with invincible reasons , and a profound knowledge of antiquity , especially for what concerns our france . and from thence i acknowledge to have received some of the authorities that i alledge . as in those two chapters , where you speak against two contrary parties , you consider not religion otherwise than as it affects the policy of france , i likewise have confin'd my self within the same bounds , and have not examin'd this , or the other religion , and the professors , farther than the state has or may have damage or benefit by them in temporals . i shall throughout this discourse forbear to say what i now only mention at parting , viz. that the interest of god ought to be dearer to us than that of the state ; and that these two interests accord so well , that where truth and piety reign , peace , justice , and the state can never fail to flourish . god of his goodness grant such happy times to france , this is the prayer of your most humble , and most obedient servant , de l'ormegeigny . reflections on the fourth chapter of the politicks of france , which treats of the clergy . france is much oblig'd to my lord the marquess of c. for having mark'd the many vsurpations of the court of rome , upon the rights of our kings . he has wisely observ'd , that the churchmen have attempted , on several occasions , to render themselves masters of all the temporal jurisdiction . that their obstinacy has proceeded so far , that making advantage of trouble some times , they have forced our kings to declare in their favour upon very unjust conditions , and to yield to them the rights of mortmain and indemnity for the lands they possess . whereby the state is so much the weaker as they grow in strength , and that the conceipt of these priviledges is so full in their heads , that to this day they can hardly acknowledge the king's sovereignty . that the multitude of monks is an abuse of so sensible , that the king can dissemble it no longer , and that 't is high time seriously and effectually to apply some remedy . that their blind subjection and dependance on the pope's will , makes a foreign monarchy even in the very bosom of france . and that they seduce the silly credulous people , which is a matter of pernicious consequence . that this policy is founded on the abusive and destructive maxims of rome , which are meerly politick . that those particular vows of obedience to the pope , and the name of religion in this case , is only a bugg and vain pretence laid hold on by the court of rome , for promoting their temporal power , and making their creatures in every corner . that the shiftings of the monks , and their rambles from one end of france to the other , serve only to debauch them with an universal acquaintance . all these observations are true and judicious . but the fear that my lord marquess shews of offending the court of rome , or at least , the complement he had made , that it is the glory of a king to honour the holy see , hinders him from sounding the bottom of the evil , and from presenting the necessary remedy . for it may be said of the wholsome rules that he prescribes for reducing the clergy to their duty , and for preventing of fraud in matters of benefices , that this comes to no more , than the paring a man's nails when his skull is broken , and ought to be trepann'd . the great honour , and the great interest of the king indeed , would be to think of a way , how he may roundly shake off this infamous and tyrannical yoke of the roman court , which my lord marquess calls the holy see. and deliver himself from this buzzard superstition which rides even our very statesmen , viz. that there can be no religion catholick , but in submitting to the spiritual jurisdiction of the holy. see. is it because the pope is the vicar of jesus christ , his majesty has a number of bishops within his realm , who , if they understand , and do their duty , are the vicars of jesus christ ? so that we need not travail over the alps to seek one . instead then of providing a french secretary of conscience , who may make a bank in the court of rome , by which means we might know what money passes from france to italy , which is the advice of mouns . the marquess , he should rather break the bank in france , and give order that no more money pass out of france into italy ; for this bank is a continual pump which draws away the fairest cash of france , which fattens a stranger with our kingdoms treasure , which carries much away , but returns nothing . i know all these tributes and respects are paid to the pope , because he is suppos'd to be the head of the church ; and his flatterers tell us , that the church can no more subsist without the pope than the body without the head. but that great chancellor of the university of paris , john gerson was not of this opinion , for he writ a book expresly de auferribilitate papa ab ecclesia . that is to say , to prove that this same head might very well be quite taken away , and the church yet be never the worse , nor take any harm . the cardinals have sometimes continued more than two years before they could agree about their choice of a pope . during all which time the body of the church was without a head. the churches of france and germany did not at all feel the want of it , and matters went still on there as they were wont . which puts me in mind of the man of wood , that being mounted on horse-back , and coming under a tree , a bough struck off his head to the ground , yet the heart of oak kept the saddle , and trotted on with the company nothing dismaid , for that the head was not essential to the rest of the body . it is too soft an expression to call the pope an unprofitable head of the church , he is absolutely pernicious to it . i pass by the spirituals , suiting my self herein with the humour of mouns . the marquess , who considers the catholick religion little farther than as it makes for the interest of france . but what greater mischief can the pope do to the church , than to render the power of the church suspected to sovereign princes , as a pure politick device to invade their rights , grind their subjects , and form even an empire within their empire . the marquess endeavours with great reason to make the king jealous of the popes temporal monarchy over his subjects . he might with as good reason have mov'd him to be jealous of that spiritual monarchy , which is in effect purely temporal . for he has well observ'd , that the name of religion is a false pretence us'd by the court of rome to advance his temporal power . and that the popes having begun with letters of recommendation to the chapters , to have an eye on such an ones mirit to be chosen bishop . have after in process of time turn'd these letters recommendatory to bulls and decrres to dispose of the bishopricks of france at their pleasure ; which is a tyranical invasion of the rights of the king , and of those of the church . glaber , who liv'd in the times of hugh capet , relates lib. 3. cap. 4. how pope john sent a cardinal into france to found and consecrate a monastery within the diocess of tours ; and that the prelates of france and hugh archbishop of tours opposed him , and said roundly , that the bishop of rome having a diocess to himself , ought not to meddle with the affairs of another diocess , nor send his commands to their bishops , who are his fellow bishops and colleagues . the doctors of the sorbon in their rescriptum publish'd at the time of the appeal , concerning the abuse about the breviary of anjou , by the bishop of e●gers , and his injunction to the church of the trinity , to use that of rheims , amongst other propositions declare , that the other bishops have the power of government and ordination within their diocess , as fully as the bishop of rome has within his . therefore in the time of st. cyprian , and even in st. angustin's days , the popes did write ad coepiscopos galliae & collegas . now collegue imports equality of power . and if the bishops of rome have not any power over the bishops of france , they can much less pretend to any over our kings . pope leo vi. promised lotharius , dist . 10. c. 9. can . 10. to obey his edicts both at present and for the future . pope pelagius to the like effect to childebert , the holy scriptures , ( says he ) command us to obey kings , and to be subject to them . the popes were always humble subjects of the roman emperors so long as that empire continued . and 't is but the other day that they got free from the emperors of germany ▪ onuphrius de varia creatione pontif l. 4. testifies , that even then when they were look'd upon as the successors of st. peter , their authority reached no farther , but only to maintain and defend the truth of the doctrines of faith. and for the rest were wholly subject to the emperors , who ordered all things according to their wills , and were wont to create the popes . it is a notable observation the marquess has made , that the tables were put into the hands of moses , and not into the hands of aaron , and that it is the part of secular princes , that the people be instructed in the laws of god. he was entrusted with the first table as well as with the second , to teach us that the care of the service of god belongs as much to the authority of the prince , as that of justice and civil government . those expressions of the marquess , that secular princes are the protectors of the church , of its doctrine , and of its canons , are intended by him in a more liberal and ingenious sense , than they meant , from whom he takes them ▪ for they are the ordinary terms of those who make the king subject to the pope , and who own not the king for the sovereign of the church , but only for its protector , and to execute the commands of his holiness , and for that his canons be observed . this is the stile of my lord bishop of montauban . peter bertier in his remonstrance made to the king in the city of rheims , june 8th , 1654. where after he had term'd his sovereign power a true resemblance of the deity , he sinks it again not only below the pope , but even below the bishops , who are the kings subjects , saying , that the bishops are the head to govern , and the mouth of the church to speak , but that the king is its arm , and its right hand to execute its decrees and ordinances . this scholar of the jesuits speaks like his masters ; for all the jesuits harp on the same string , which becanus in pref. ad reg. jac. kings are only to execute the popes commands . what is the duty of kings ( says he ) in relation to the church and to religion ? i will tell you in one word ; they ought to guard and defendit , not as lords but as servants , not as judges but as executioners . and why , i pray , has not the king the same sovereignty in france , that the emperor constantine , and the emperor charlemaigne enjoy'd ? under whom the canons of the synods were none other than counsel and advice , till these emperors had examin'd and authoriz'd them . did not these sovereigns altogether call and dissolve those synods of bishops at pleasure ? and wherefore shall our kings be rob'd of that power ? our great king who surpasses all his predecessors in glory and magnanimity , shall he suffer a stranger bishop to snatch from his crown this essential right , of governing the church of his kingdom , and he of a king become a serjeant to put in execution the commands of that bishop , and those of the bishops his subjects . the world is well chang'd since pope adrian in his letters , inserted in the second council of nice , express'd himself to the emperor constantine to this effect , we beseech your clemency with ardour of spirit , and as though we were present , we cast our selves at your knees , and lie at your feet , i with my brethren . then it was that popes kissed the feet of emperors , whereas now emperors kiss the popes toe . in the year 679. the pope agathon pray'd the emperor constantine to discharge the tribute which the bishops of rome pay'd ordinarily to the emperor for their conservation . very far from compelling the emperors , the day of their conservation , to lay a sum of money at the popes feet for tribute , as a token of subjection , which afterwards the emperors of germany have been oblig'd to do . gregory the first gave a good example for our popes at this day , how they should demean themselves towards the emperor , for he speaks thus to the emperor , l. 3. ep. 6. i am the unworthy servant of your pity . and in the same epistle , whilst i speak thus before my masters , what am i other than dust and a worm . and l. 2. ep. 61. i am subject to your commands . i might bring many examples how anciently the christian emperors , and the kings of italy created and depos'd the popes , commanding them , and deposing them at their pleasure . not to go farther than our france , there we may see what power our kings of the first line exercis'd in the government of the church . the history of gregory of tours may furnish us with many examples , l. 4. c. 5. king glotharius speaks thus to the inhabitants of tours , have not i commanded that the priest cato be made a bishop ? why are my commands slighted ? and chap. 18. pascentius is made bishop of paris , ex jussu regis chariberti , by the command of king heribert . the same king being provok'd , because emerius had been turn'd out of the bishoprick of xaintes , caused him to be beaten , who came to signifie to him that deposition , and made him be drawn upon a cart loaden with thorns , into banishment , and restor'd emerius to his place from whence he had been cast out , l. 6. c. 27. felix bishop of xaintes being deceas'd , nonnichius consobrinus rege ordinante successit . his cousin nonnichius succeeded him by the king's order , c. 39. king guntram created sulpitius bishop of bourges , rejecting the presents offered him for promoting another , and saying , it is not our custom to sell the priesthood for the price of money , l. 8. c. 22. are these words , then the king commanded that gundegesil be made a bishop , which was done accordingly . and c. 39. evantius bishop of vienna died , and in his place was substituted vitus a priest , the king chusing him . in all these passages we find no mention of the pope , nor of annates , nor of letters of investiture . for in those days the bishops of rome meddl'd not at all with the election of the bishops of france . above all is memorable the francique synod , to be found in the third tome of the councils of the edition of cologne , pag. 39. where carloman , who stiles himself duke and prince of the french , thus speaks , by the advice of my priests , and of the chief of the realm , we have appointed bishops for the towns , and have set over them boniface archbishop . pope adrian the first , by a council , made this law to pass , that charlemain should have the right and power to choose the pope , and to govern the roman see. which constitution is inserted in the roman decretal . the council of mayence held under charlemain , an . 813. dist . 63. can. hadrians , begins thus , to charles august , rector of the true religion , and defendor of the holy church of god ▪ and the second council of mayence , under lewis the debonnaire , to lewis the most soveraign rector of the true religion . at this day these titles would be counted wicked . now for all that charlemain and lewis the debonnaire have advanc'd the pope out of measure , yet his authority , even in spirituals , was no better than precarious , and suject to those kings that were emperors . for proof of this , hincmar relates l. 55. c. 20. that the emperor charlemain did convoke a general synod in france , whereby the worshipping of images was condemn'd ; and the second council of nice which defended them , was rejected as a false synod , thô the pope had approv'd it . and thô at this synod , convoked by charlemain , the authority of the pope was admitted . for the history of those times teaches us , that charlemain , who had advanced the pope , made use of the authority given him , to his own advantage , even against the pope himself , when he had a mind . insomuch that he was not content to make the popes opinion be condemn'd in this synod assembled ( pro forma at least ) by order of the pope ; but he sent to the pope a book , which he writ against the second council of nice , and against images , which we have still to this day . after that charlemain had rais'd the pope , in giving him a good share of the country , which he had taken from the lombards , the popes began to be puft up extreamly , and by little and little made themselves formidable , taking upon them the figure of judges and correctors of the actions of princes throughout christendom , by excommunications , interdictions , and finally , by the deposition of their crowns . now 't is very remarkable , that whereas , by their imaginary arms they have laid at their feet the emperors of germany and and the kings of england , and brought their estates into a miserable confusion , yet had they never the like success against france , they never have been able to depose our kings ▪ never could prevail to have any interdict receiv'd in their kingdoms , which so often as they attempted , they were mock'd , their officers beaten , and their partisans ruin'd . but alas , the submission which henry the great made to the pope ( the only instance that we can be reproacht withal ) is a cooling cast in our way . under lewis the debonnaire was held at paris a council against images , that is to say , against the pope who maintain'd them . of which council we have all the acts entire . and in the beginning of his reign claudius bishop of turin broke down all the images he could find within his diocess , and listed himself against the bishop of rome , who stood for their adoration , and writ a book against images , and the pope durst not be angry , because this bishop was supported by the authority of lewis . great troubles being stirr'd in france , gregory the fourth confederates with the sons of this lewis , too debonnaire , who had engag'd in a wicked conspiracy against their own father . sigebert about an . 832. testifies , that pope gregory came into france , and took part against the emperor with his sons . and the annals written at the same time , bochel . decret ▪ eccl. gall. l. 2. tit . 16. and the continuer of aimoinus , a religious of st. benet , writes , that the resolution of the french bishops was , that they would by no means yield to his will , and that if he came to excommunicate them , they would excommunicate him again . after this , pope nicholas the first excommunicated king lotharius , ( for in those days deposing was not talkt on ) to make him leave waldrade , and take again thetherge his former wife . whereupon , the articles drawn up by the french , and which may be seen in hinemar archbishop of bheims import , that the bishops hold that as the king ought not to be excommunicated by his bishops , so can he not be judged by other bishops : because he ought to be subject to the empire of god alone , who alone could establish him in his kingdom . then also , the clergy of france writ to the pope letters full of hard words , related by aventin in his annals of bavaria , insomuch as to call him thief , wolf , and tyrant . the popes growing in insolence , adrian ii. took upon him to command king charles the bald to leave the kingdom of lotharius entirely to his son lewis . the same hincmar , a man of great authority in his time , writ several letters to him , containing many remonstrances on this occasion , and amongst ▪ other matters , informs him , that the church-men and the seculars of the realm assembled at rheims , have said , and say by way of reproach , that never was such a command sent from that see to any of our predecessors . he adds , that bishops and secular lords us'd threatnings against the pope , which he dares not repeat . and for the king's part , see how little he valued the pope's commands ; amongst the epistles of the said hincmar , are to be found the letters of charles the bald to pope adrian , wherein , after having charg'd him with pride and usurpation , he adds , what pit of hell has vomited out this preposterous law ? what infernal gulf has disgorg'd it from the black and dismal dungeons , quite contrary to the way that is set before us by the holy scripture . and he forbids the pope to send any more such commands to him or to his bishops , unless he would be content to meet with contempt and dishonor . pope vrban excommunicated philip the first , and set his kingdom under an interdict . innocent the third did as much to philip the august . but nether of their thunderbolts had any effect , and were only receiv'd with mockery . which agrees with the relation of mat. paris , that after the pope had declar'd to philip the august by the cardinal d'anagnia , that he would set his land under an interdict , unless he would reconcile himself with the king of england ; the king answered , that he was not at all afraid of his sentence , seeing that it was not founded upon any just cause : adding moreover , that it belong'd not to the church of rome , to pronounce sentence against the king of france , the which du tillet , clerk of the parliament , tells us , was done by the advice of his barons . but what was ever more memorable in history than the truly royal courage of philip the fair an . 1302 ? boniface viii . that monster of pride , was irritated against him , because he held prisoner the bishop of pamiers , who had spoken defamatory words against him : and moreover , for that he assum'd to himself the collation of benefices . the pope then commands him to release the bishop , and writ him the following letter . fear god , and keep his commandments : we will that thou take notice , that thou art subject to us in spirituals and temporals ; that no collation of benefices and prebends belongs to thee ; that if thou hast the keeping of any that are vacant , thou reserve the profits for the successors ; if thou goest about to make any such collations , we decree them void , and so far as in fact they are executed , we revoke . those who shall believe otherwise , we shall count hereticks . a legate came to paris with these fine letters , which were torn from him by the king's people , and thrown into the fire by the count of artois . the answer of philip to the pope was this : philip , by the grace of god , king of the french , to boniface , that calls himself sovereign pontifex , wisheth little health , or rather none at all . may thy great sottishness know , that in temporals we are subject unto none , that the collation of churches and prebends belongs to us by our right of royalty ; and also to take to our selves the profits during the vacancies . that the collations made by us , and to be made , shall be strong and good , and that by vertue thereof we will defend those in possession courageously . those who believe otherwise we count fools and mad-men , the pope thus provok'd , excommunicates the king , but no body durst publish the excommunication , nor be the bearer of it . nevertheless the king assembles at paris , his knights , barons , and prelates , and demanded of them , of whom they held their fiefs , and their church-temporalties . they answered , that they hold them of the king , and not of the pope , whom they accus'd of heresie , murder , and of other crimes . in the mean while , the pope made it his business to stir up germany and the low countrys against france . but the king sent into italy , william de nogaret , who , assisted with the advice of sciarra a polander , took the pope at anagnia , and having mounted him upon an hurdle , carried him prisoner to rome , where he died of grief and anger . observe , that this pope who thundered against kings , had so little power at rome , and so little love of the people , that not a roman stirr'd a foot to deliver the bishop of rome , so rudely treated even in rome it self . for all this the king had immediately from the successors of boniface rare bulls , for abolishing the memory of all these transactions ; as may be seen in the extravaganta meruit of clement v. where this king is prais'd as a religious prince , who had deserv'd well of the holy see. for the popes are of the nature of spaniards , who will lick their masters feet when they have soundly bang'd them . in the year 1408. pope benedict xiii . angry because charles vi. had express'd the exactions and pilferings of the popes court , which drain'd france , sends into france a bull of excommunication against the king and his princes . the university of paris order'd , that these bulls be torn in pieces , and that the pope benedict , whom they call'd peter de luna , be declar'd heretick and schismatick , and disturber of the peace . and these bulls were torn by the sentence of the court , june 16. 1408. and ten days after , the court being risen , at eleven a clock in the morning , two bullbearers , who had brought this excommunication , made their honourable amends upon the stairs of the palace , and after were carried back to the lovre in the same manner they had been brought ( being drawn on two sledges , adorn'd with coats of painted canvas , and miters of paper on their heads ) with the sound of trumpets , and the publick laughter . so little did they care for the popes thunder . and what would they have done , if these bulls had brought the sentence of deposition against the king ? charles de moulin in his treatise against the perites dates , relates a pretty sentence of the court against the pope under charles vi. from the same vigor of the french , to defend the dignity of the crown of their kings , are risen these customs which have been observ'd many ages , that a legate of the pope is not receiv'd in france , nor any rescript , nor command of the pope , without the kings leave , and without that the legate communicate his powers to the kings procurator-general , and that they be view'd and verified in the court of parliament , who modifie and and restrain them to masters that do not derogate from the rights of the king , the liberties of the church , nor the ordinances royal. against which ancient form cardinal balui being come into france an . 1484. and there acting as a legate without the kings permission , the court , at the request of the procurator-general , decreed a commission for an information to be brought against him by two counsellors of the court , and did forbid him to use farther any faculty or legantine power , on pain of being declared rebel . an. 1510. the gallican-church being assembled at tours , it was concluded , that the king lewis xii . might with a good conscience dispise the abusive bulls and unjust censures of pope julius ii. and might by arms oppose his usurpations , though the pope should go on to excommunicate , or to depose him . which is more , by a council held at pisa , he declar'd himself fallen from the papacy , and caus'd money to be coin'd with this inscription around it . perdam nomen babylonis . there is some reason to believe he would have made good his word , had he been 30 years younger . and we hope that god has reserv'd this glory for another lewis in our days , who with the vigour of a flourishing youth , has the prudence of an old cato ; as also the courage and fortune of an alexander . when lewis xii . and his adherents were depos'd , john d'albert , king of navarre , was entangl'd with the same misfortune , whose kingdom by this pope julius ii. was given to ferdinand king of arragon . and this is all the right the spaniard has to that our great kings hereditary kingdom . in the year 1561. on friday 12th of december , master john tanquerel , a batchelor of divinity , was condemn'd by a sentence of the court to make confession publickly , that he had indiscreetly and rashly held this proposition ; that the pope is vicar of christ , having power spiritual and secular , and that he may deprive of their dignities the princes that rebel against his commands . and notwithstanding that tanquerel protested , that he had propos'd this doctrin aliter tantum & non juridice ; that is to say , not for affirming it as true , but as a subject for dispute in the schools , was he compell'd to make this acknowledgment . during the wars of the league an . 1591. were sent from rome bulls monitory of pope gregory xiv . by the which king henry the great was declar'd uncapable of the crown of france , as an heretick , and a relapser ; and his kingdom was exposed to prey . whereupon the court of parliament assembled at tours , made this decree . the court having regard to the conclusions of the kings procurator-general , have declared , and do declare the bulls monitory given at rome the first of march 1591. null , abusive , damnable , full of impiety , and impostures , contrary to the holy decretals , rights , franchises , and liberties of the gallican-church . do order that the copies sealed with the seal of marsilius landrianus , under-seal'd septilius lamprius , be torn by the executioner of high-justice , and burnt in a fire which shall be kindled for this occasion , before the great gate of the palace , &c. which was executed august 5th of the same year . i verily believe that many good freuch men read not these examples with pleasure , and reckon it no glory that the pope has never set his foot on the neck of a king of france , as pope alexander the third did to the emperor frederick , nor kick'd off his crown with his foot , as celestine ii. to the emperor henry vi. nor brought our kings to yield homage to the pope for their kingdom , as other kings have done , and do to this day . without doubt they will laugh at the just punishment which boniface viii . had for his insolence from the officers of the generous king philip the fair , and to see how after this treatment the popes successors of boniface , did compliment him with a many commendations , and apostolick benedictions . without doubt also these good french-men are well satisfied with the pragmatick sanctions whereby our kings have repress'd the exactions of the court of rome , and have appropriated the collation of a number of benefices ; and think we are well helpt up in that the king , the magistrates , and the sorbonne will own no other superior to the king but god , for what concerns temporals . but i pray to what end is all this briskness in our kings , in our parliaments , and in the sorbon against the usurpations of the pope in temporals , but to yield him the spirituals , and to confirm his pretensions even in temporals ? grant him the spiritual power , and he will be master of the temporal without contradiction , and he shall bring under his jurisdiction all secular causes under the colour of a sacrament , of an oath , of charitable uses , or of matters of conscience . the concords of our kings with rome , and their pragmatick sanctions about the collations of benefices , what have they come to ? is not this to come in for a share with the robbers , who had seiz'd the royalties , and by solemn articles to make them a title , which they had no pretence to before their invasions ? and what other do our kings , in acknowledging the spiritual power of the pope , but own themselves his subjects in temporals ? for the one hooks in the other of necessity . the experience of six ages has prov'd this truth . 't is the voluntary subjection of emperors and kings to the spiritual power of the pope , that has given him the liberty to excommunicate them , for this belongs to the spiritual jurisdiction . and the very same jurisdiction has authoris'd him to exempt their subjects from the oath of fidelity , for the keeping of an oath is a duty of religion : so that if the pope be obey'd by a discontented and factious people , you see an emperor or king is depos'd by the spiritual jurisdiction : and the pope may spare the other power that he pretends to over the temporalties of kings , seeing that his spiritual power all alone is sufficient to ruine the poor prince . and if that the christian princes , that are of his communion , own him for the vicar of jesus christ ; let the kings understand it in what sense they please , he will make them know , when-ever their weakness shall give him an opportunity , that he takes himself for the vicar of the secular power of jesus christ , as well as of the spiritual : and that to him , as to christ whom he represents , all power is given in heaven and on earth . this is what the last council of lateran attributes to him , and applies to him that prophesie of psalm 72. particular to jesus christ . all kings shall be prostrate before him , and all nations shall serve him the kings that prostrate themselves the most humbly before him , are those he throws at his feet . witness the treatment he gave our good king henry the third , who ador'd him : and yet he thundered upon him , and persecuted him even to death , and beyond death . for after he was assassinated , in pursuance of his excommunication and deposition , by his creatures of the league , and particularly of the house of guise that he favour'd : he would not at all suffer any obits or services to be made for him at rome , as if he had a mind to have him damn'd , after he had caus'd him to be murder'd . particularly he extoll'd , in a publick harangue , the execrable parricide jacob clement , and compares his fact to the mystery of the incarnation of the son of god. the design of this persecution drawn out so at length against the king , the princes of the blood , and against all the kingdom , is to be seen in the memoirs of the advocate david , intercepted at lions , an. 1577. as he was upon his return from rome , where he had been secretary to the bishop of paris , the king's ambassador with the pope . this bishop of paris , a creature of the duke of guise , being at rome , an. 1576. instead of serving the interests of the king his master , who had sent him to make an excuse , by reason of the necessity of the king's affairs , for the peace he had made with the duke alenzon his brother , and with the princes of the blood that were protestants ; he apply'd himself wholly to the interests of the duke of guise and the pope , who had then complotted together their devilish design of the league . for the pope , whose custom it is to build his greatness upon the weakness of kings , and the troubles of their states , seeing the royal-house declining , despis'd , and drawing to an end , and france harassed with civil wars ; was easily wrought upon to favour the house of guise , which aspir'd manifestly to the crown by the exclusion of the princes of the blood. so upon the whole matter , the duke of guise , a prince well made , and of high undertaking , powerful in friends , lov'd and ador'd by the people , promised to give him all the soveraignty in france , which he counts himself debarr'd of , by the pragmatick sanctions , and by the liberties of the gallicane-church . then during the stay of this ambassador at rome , an. 1576. an agreement was drawn between the pope and duke of guise , whereby the pope declares , that hugh capet had seiz'd the crown of france , which of right belong'd to the house of charlemaign . that he and his race had render'd the french refractory and disobedient to the holy see , by that damnable error which they call the liberties of the gallicane-church , which is none other , ( says he ) but the doctrine of the valdenses , albigenses , the poor of lyons , lutherans and calvinists . that it is this error which makes the arms of the kings of france , in defence of the holy church , unfortunate , and that they never will prosper , so long as the crown shall continue in this line . in order thereunto , an opportunity was now offer'd by reason of the present divisions , to labour in good earnest the restoration of the crown to the true successors of charlemaign who had always constantly obey'd the commands of the holy see. and who had in effect shew'd themselves the lawful heirs of the apostolick benediction upon that crown , though depriv'd of their inheritance by fraud and violence . that 't is plain , the race of the capets are wholly deliver'd over to a reprobate sense ; some being possess'd with a spirit of mopishness , stupid , and of no valour . others rejected by god and men for their heresie , proscribed and shut out from the communion of the holy church . whereas the branches of charlemaign are fresh and flourishing , lovers of virtue , vigorous of body and in mind , for the execution of high and laudable enterprizes . he goes on and prophesies for them , that as war bad been the means whereby they lost their degree , so peace shall do them the service to restore them to their ancient heritage of the kingdom , with the good will , the consent and the choice of all the people . afterwards follows a lesson of the conclave , for the execution of this design , well worthy to be read . for it is the whole plot and project of the league , which was exactly observ'd all along , even to the very last act with the states of blois , when the theatre on a suddain fell upon the actors heads , and that the tragical death of two of the principals broke the great design ready to be accomplisht ; which was to shut the king in a monastery , and the queen in another , and to put to death all the princes of the blood , to make way for monsieur the duke of guise , to whom immediately the crown was to be given . for the conclusion of this accord , his holiness requires of the duke of guise , that he shall cause to be acknowledg'd the power of the holy see , by the states of the realm , without any restriction or modification : abolishing the priviledges and the liberties of the gallican-church , the which he shall promise and swear to do before he take the crown . the pope enrag'd to see his great design quash'd , that he had laboured and push'd on with so much artifice , by the execution made by the king upon the persons of the duke of guise , and of the cardinal his brother , excommunicates and deposes the king , who , for all that , lost not his crown , till he lost his life ; also , being assassinated by james clement , a dominican-monk : who being immediately kill'd by the king's servants there present , had undoubtedly been canoniz'd by his holiness for his heroick act , if the business of the league had prosper'd : for we have have seen and read with horror the legend of st. james clement , printed and dispersed through france : and his execrable paracide has been defended as a just and meritorious action by the jesuit guignard , who has written a book expresly on that subject . even bellarmine condemns highly those that kill'd the monk who murdered his king , because , ( says he ) they kill'd sacratum virum , a man consecrated , accounting this detestable monk more sacred and more inviolable , than the sacred majesty of the king , henry the great having inherited the crown of henry the third , the pope prosecutes the league against him with a re-doubled zeal . so that besides the open war , there followed three several attempts upon his person , by villains instructed , and posted in convenient places for their design by the jesuits , who for this reason , were banish'd out of france , and a pyramid was erected close by the palace , with an inscription which declar'd the cause of their banishment . now , for all that his majesty professed the roman catholick religion , yet would not the pope of a long time receive him into the bosom of the church , because as yet his party was but weak . but when his holiness saw that the interests of the league declin'd , and that good cities and whole provinces treated with the king , then the holy spirit suggested to him , that he might receive into his fold of the church this straying sheep ; out of fear , least france , provoked too far , should , in the end , come to do what has been often threatned , that is , to make a patriarch of the gallicane-church . and yet in this reconciliation , the pope made appear so much pride and rancor , this great king could not but in the person of his ambassador , lying on the ground at the pope's feet , receive a bitter cup of repentance . never had a king of france made the pope the like submission . the pope has taught our kings a lesson to take advantage in their turn of his necessities , to make him bend or break . and i am full of hope that our great and glorious king will have a deep resentment of so great an indignity done to his heroick grandfather . especially might his majesty be pleas'd to consider , that the court of rome , notwithstanding that reconciliation , never pardon'd him ; keeping near his persons confessors that conspir'd against his life , causing seditious sermons to be preacht in paris , and censuring at rome in full consistory the sentence of the court of parliament against john castel , executed for having struck with a knife at this great king , in order to cut his throat . and this censure was made at rome four months before that this excellent king was kill'd , to prepare their spirits for this execrable assassination . thereupon , when ravaillac , who perform'd what the other martyrs of the pope had attempted , was examin'd , and asked why he undertook this detestable parricide , he answered , that there needed no more than to have heard the sermons preached in paris the last lent , to inform any body of the motives ; for the rest that the king was preparing to make war against god , in that he would make war against the pope , and that the pope is god. in short , one might find in this wretch the sparks of that fiery zeal , and blind devotion for his holiness , and the desperate spirit of the league , which the pope , by the means of the jesuits , industriously fomented in france , to produce this horrible and dire effect . when it was represented to these bigot parricides , that the king having been excommunicated , was afterwards absolv'd and reconcil'd to the pope ; they answer'd , that his conversion was feign'd . and they who attempted against his person , before this reconciliation , might shield themselves with the canon excommunicatorum of pope vrban , which speaks thus , we count them not murderers , who shall happen to kill any excommunicated persons , out of an ardour of zeal , for the catholick church their mother . observe then , that all they whom the pope taxes for heresie , they that appeal from the pope to a future council , and they that levy taxes upon the clergy , are excommunicated by the bull de coena domini , which the pope pronounces every thursday absolutely : a many kings and princes are involv'd in this excommunication , and the kings of france amongst the rest : no heresie being more criminal at rome , than the asserting of the liberties of the gallicane-church , and the not owning the terrestrial empire of his holiness . it concerns then those to make good provision for the securing of their lives , who are by this canon expos'd to all those who shall be pusht on to kill them by an ardor of zeal for the catholick church . he was much deceiv'd , who thought that the pope , and the jesuits , his emissaries , take it very ill any should represent to the world , that by the doctrine , and by the censures of rome , subjects are instructed to kill their kings , as often and as many as it shall please the pope to excommunicate ; and that the murder of our two last henries ensued thereupon . i think the quite contrary , they are well content that in laying to their charge these furious executions , which have plung'd our france in a gulph of miseries , we serve their design , which is to scare our kings and princes , and render them tame slaves to the court of rome , by the fear of excommunication , deposition , rebellion , knife and poison . but this is not to be fear'd save where the people are bigotted with a sottish zeal , and believe in the pope , instead of believing in god , and obeying the king. france at this time is pretty well purg'd of this zeal . and by the grace of god , and the wise conduct of his majesty , there is no longer now any ambitious prince within the kingdom to rob him of his peoples affection , or that may dare to make any alliance with the pope , to tumble him from his throne , and share the crown . we have this good fortune , that we may set out to the life the ill aspect of rome upon our kings , and that dangerous vigilance over france , without any danger of abating the courage of our great king ; but on the contrary , were his truly royal courage capable of an increase , it would yet swell the higher , from the consideration of the evils that rome has done , and will yet do to france , if he do not heartily oppose the usurpations she exercises , with impunity in all the parts of his kingdom . the honest french men that have the honour to be near his person , might represent to him the danger of this doctrine maintain'd by the popelings of his kingdom , that jesus christ committed to st. peter , as well the earthly as the heavenly empire , which are the very words of pope nicolas . therefore cardinal bellarmine , ch. 27. against barclay , holds absolutely , that the pope may dispose of all the temporals of the world. i affirm ( says he ) with confidence , that our lord jesus christ , the time he was mortal , might dispose of all temporal things , and deprive the kings and the princes of their kingdoms and dominions , and that without doubt he has left the same power to his vicar , to be employ'd , when he shall judge it necessary for the good of souls . the pope pius v. displays this power with great ostentation , in his bull against queen elizabeth of england ; wherein after that he calls himself servant of servants , he declares , that god has establisht the bishop of rome prince over all nations and kingdoms , to take , destroy , disperse , consume , plant and build , and in the power hereof he does anathemize , degrade , and depose this queen , absolves all her subjects from the oath of fidelity that they had made her , and forbids them absolutely to give her obedience . gregory xiv . set out such another bull against our great henry , declaring him uncapable of the crown , and exposing his kingdom to prey . but both this and the other bull were torn and cast into the fire by the hands of the hangman . observe that the pope exerciseth this power over the temporalties of kings for the good of souls , and as a spiritual prince . so that our french statesmen may cease to have their eyes wilfully seal'd up by that distinction of spiritual power , which they allow him , and temporal power that they deny him . for that it is by virtue of the spiritual power , that he exerciseth the temporal . see what cardinal bellarmin says , de pont . rom. l. 5. c. 5. the pope may change the kingdoms , take them from one , and give them to another , as a sovereign spiritual prince , when it shall be necessary for the good of souls . and of this necessity he shall be the only judge , as the sovereign spiritual prince . for 't is thus the cardinal argues , apol. pro garnet p. 84. if the church ( that is to say the pope ) had not the power to dispose of temporal things , she would not be perfect , and would want the power that is necessary for the attaining her end : for ( says he ) the wicked might entertain hereticks , and go scot-free , and so religion , be turn'd upside down . this reason charges imperfection on the church in the apostles time , for that had no power over the temporals . these horrible principles so strongly maintain'd by the court of rome , were of fresh memory found so prejudicial , both to the safety of our kings , and to the peace of france , that those ▪ of the third state an . 1615. were mov'd to propose to the general states an article , containing the means to dispossess , the people of that opinion , that the king might be depos'd by the pope , and that by the killing of kings one might gain the crown of martyrdom . cardinal du perron , in the name of the clergy , oppos'd this article , and employ'd all the strength of his eloquence and learning in two fair speeches , the one before the nobility , the other before the third state , to perswade them that our kings may be depos'd by the pope , offering himself to suffer martyrdom in defence of this truth . the lords of the nobility , to their great shame , joyn'd with the clergy , for the putting their kings crown under the miter of the pope , much degenerating from the vertue of their ancestors , those french banons , by whose advice philip the august declar'd to the cardinal d'anagnia , the popes legat , that threatned him , that it did not at all belong to the church of rome to pronounce sentence against the king of france . but the third state held firm to their article that maintain'd the dignity of their king , and the safety of his person ; and could never be won by promises , nor affrighted by threatnings to depart from it , shewing themselves in this more noble than the nobility . it is no wonder in this case that the third state shew'd more affection to their king than the clergy , seeing that the clerks hold , that they are not the king's subjects ; for in effect they acknowledge another sovereign out of the kingdom . and who can think it strange if they labour to heighten that monarchy of which they make a party ? but that the nobility , the kings right arm , that they should be so base to strike their head , and lay it at the feet of an italian bishop ; this is that which after ages will reflect upon with astonishment and indignation , and which historians shall blush to relate , and be vex'd that they cannot let pass in silence . so the nobility being joyn'd with the clergy , the article of the third state was censur'd and rejected . whereupon the pope writ triumphant letters to the clergy and the nobility , who had been faithful to him in this cause , glorying in his victory , and exalting the magnanimity of these genero●s nobles . but in truth , the deputies of these generous nobles deserv'd to have been degraded from their nobility , and they of the third state to have receiv'd their titles . the minority of the late king , and the easiness of the queen-mother , render'd them expos'd to these injuries , and apt to be circumvented ; insomuch that this harangue made to the third state was printed , with the priviledge of the king , and the pope gain'd his point . the false dealing of the cardinal , who made this speech , is remarkable ; namely , that he had a long time followed king henry the great , even then when he was of a contrary religion , and depos'd by the pope : and that a little before , in an assembly held at the jacobins in paris , he had resisted the popes nuncio , who would that this doctrine of the temporal sovereignty of the pope might be held for an article of faith. but in these two harangues , the cardinal made a kind of a recantation , and pronounc'd himself his own condemnation . ungrateful wretch ! to have thus abus'd the tender age of the son of his king , and his great benefactor : and to have basely betray'd the rights of the king , to oblige the court of rome . but this may not seem so strange , if one consider , that he got the best part of his preferment for certain services of pleasure , that do not much bind the conscience of him that receives them , nor that of him who is recompens'd for them . and in truth , those diverting services that he and monsieur de la ravenne render'd to king henry the great , deserve that posterity should erect for them statues crown'd with myrtle . god be thank'd that france now has a king vigorous both in age and in virtue , who is the terrour of rome , having shewn himself sensible of its usurpations upon france , beyond all his predecessors ; and of whom we have good occasion to hope that he will shake off this italian yoke , and banish all foreign jurisdiction out of his kingdom . we also ought to bless god , for that the french nobility at this day is much of a different temper from that which in the full states submitted the crown and life of their king to the popes tyranny 56 years ago . and that is ready to cover their fathers faults by generously assisting their king , to make him the only king within his kingdom . to effect this , above all things , those pretended immunities and exemptions must be taken from the clergy , which indeed are revolts from the kings authority to that of the popes . 't is in truth very reasonable , that they who have the charge of souls , should be discharg'd from many publick services , by reason they are vow'd and reserv'd to the service of god : but however , not that they and their lands should no longer depend on the king , and be subject to another sovereign . this is what was represented to king henry the great , by that illustrious personage achilles de harley , first president of his court of parliament at paris , in a speech he made to him , to disswade him from recalling the jesuits , he remonstrates to him , that according to their doctrine , he who has taken the lowest orders of the church , could not be guilty of high treason , whatever crime he committed , for that the clergy are no longer the kings subjects , nor belonging to his jurisdiction . in such manner that the church-men ( if one would believe them ) are exempt from secular powers , and may , without punishment , attempt against kings with their bloody-hands ; and that this doctrine they maintain in their publish'd books , thuanus l. 130. ad an . 1604. to this effect , the jesuit emanuel sa holds , that the rebellion of a clerk against the prince is not the crime laesae majestatis , because he is not a subject of the prince . words that have been left out in the edition of paris , but remain in that of cologne , and that of antwerp . bellarmin , that has not been purged , says the same thing . he affirms , de cl. c. 28. that a clerk cannot be punished by the civil judges , or in any wise brought before the judicial seat of a secular magistrate . he likewise says , that the sovereign pontifex having deliver'd the clerks from the subjection of princes , kings are no more the superiors of clerks . the pope then by his reckoning is the king of kings , if he can deliver whom he pleases from their subjection due to their princes by their birth , by making them clerks ; and it will be in his power not to leave in france any subject to the king , if all his subjects will but accept of the meanest orders . this body of the clergy has its judges and officers apart , and prisons apart . their causes will not bide the trial before the kings judges , but fly to the rota , or to the consistory at rome . there may be found an incredible number of persons in france , who , under the title of the clergy , have shaken off the yoke of the kings authority ; and a third part of the land of the kingdom is in the church-mens hands , for which they will neither render homage nor service to the king. and though the lots and vents , the quints , requints , and other rights of lordship belong to the king ; all these rights are lost after that the moveable goods are enter'd into the possession of the clergy . the king also loses his rights d'aubanir , of confiscation , and of deforence , the clergy being a body that never dies , yet mortifies the inheritances ; new donations falling to them every day , but none goes from them . a famous writer said pleasantly , that as the arms and thighs dwindle when the belly swels to excess ; so in the body of a state the nobility and people that are as the arms and legs of a commonweal , are impair'd by the fatning of the clergy . i am of those who wish the clergy may have those means , and that dignity which may lift them above contempt and oppression , and render them respected even of kings . but because i love them , i wish their riches may not be so excessive , as to create in kings a jealousie , that may cause them to be taken away , as has happen'd in england , and in other places . 't is therefore a great imprudence of our lords , the clergy of france , who possess the best part , and the fat of the kingdom , enough to cause jealousie in the seculars , and the avarice of sacriledge ; to add , yet this unjust pretension of immunity from all charges , both for their persons and for their goods ; and defend themselves with the popes authority , which exempts them . which , in effect , is to tell the king , that they are another kings subjects , who has power to command him , to dispose of the lands , under his obedience , and to limit his authority over the persons of the native french. if for this they alledge a long custom , we may say , that the popes to settle their usurpations in france , have ever embroil'd our kings in troubles , and oblig'd them to think of somewhat else , besides the repelling the blind encroachments of a stranger kingdom that crept into their realm ; and that they had to do with weak princes , or such as had their hands full other ways . but now that god has given france a king , wise , powerful , flourishing , and who has leisure to have an eye or all his interests , will these gentlemen expect that he will suffer long that a third of his kingdom lie unprofitable to him , and even that it be reserv'd to fortifie a foreign monarchy ? and though natural reason requires that they who live at ease should comfort those who fight for their preservation ; all this while that the nobles and the third state oppose the invasion of strangers , all this while that the king is fortifying his frontiers , entertaining garisons , setling officers both for the state and for the war , why do not the church-men , who are thereby maintain'd in the quiet enjoyment of so great plenty , contribute one mite towards the defraying of publick charges ? why shall their increase be a diminution to the strength of the king , who is kept waking for their repose and preservation ? shall not the king who is so clear-sighted , see what an impoverishment it is to his kingdom , that france be tributary to a stranger , under the title of annates , offerings , dispensations , absolutions , and causes matrimonial ? against these depredations , our ancient kings had provided some remedy by the pragmatick sanctions , vext to see the fairest revenue of the kingdom pass over the alps by a religious spoil , and go into the purses of those who laugh at our simplicity . but what reason is there that they who pay so willingly tribute to the pope , should make so great difficulty in paying to the king ? is it not because they believe they owe all to the pope , and nought to the king ? st. paul teaches them to pay tribute to the higher powers , inasmuch as they are ministess of god. and st. chrysostom commenting upon this text , tells them who are these higher powers . if ( says he ) the apostle has establisht this law whilst the princes were pagans , how much more ought this to be done under princes that are believers ? and he had said before , the apostle commands this to all , even to the priests , which is more , he adds , though thou art an apostle , though thou art an evangelist , or a prophet , or what ever else thou art . from st. ambrose we have the same lesson in his oration of delivering the temples , if tribute be demanded , refuse it not , the lands of the church pay tribute . even pope vrban and the roman decretal say , that the church pays tribute of its exterior goods . also , that tribute must be paid to the emperors , in acknowledgment of the peace and repose , in which they ought to maintain and defend us . the right of kings and truth must needs be very strong , that could draw from the pope and his canonistical doctors this acknowledgment . for the canon law was not founded for any other end , but to supplant the civil laws , and establish the popes jurisdiction throughout . this is a body of foreign laws , that have their tribunal apart , and that depends on a foreign prince , and where the king has nothing to do but look on ; i mean till such time as he shall please to take cognizance of so unreasonable an usurpation . and forbid that any cause be judged in france by other authority than his , and much less any cause commenc'd in france , be appeal'd to rome . and , in truth , he is but a king by halfs , till he alone possess all the jurisdiction exercis'd within his kingdom . this is what charles du moulin said in an epistle to henry ii. where he writes freely against the empire that the pope has set up within our france , where the pope has subjects that submit not to the laws of the king , but to those of the pope , which are the canon-law , and the constitutions that come from rome . but ( some may object ) would you have the king judge in spirituals ? i answer , that if the king ought not to be judge , it does not follow that the pope must . the king has his bishops that may and ought to judge of matters purely spiritual ; but of nought without being authoriz'd by the king : and there is no need of an authority out of the kingdom for this . i will say more , that the ecclesiastical government is a part of the office of a king. for so it was in the kingdom of israel . and who would believe that in this age , and in spain , where the inquisition reigns , king philip iv. assum'd to himself the soveraign power of churches within his dominions ? for this purpose he apply'd that excellent passage of isodore , which is attributed also to the council of paris , that the secular princes should know , that they ought to give an account of the charge of the church committed to them by jesus christ ; for whether that the peace or the discipline receive improvement by believing princes , or that they are impair'd : he who committed the church to their power , will demand an account . o the excellent passage ! o the holy lesson ! god give all christian kings the grace so well to learn it , that they may never leave this charge of the church which jesus christ has committed to them upon the hands of strangers ; and when they have taken it into their own hands , to acquit themselves worthily , and render a good account . alas ! alas ! have kings eyes to see their rights , and have they no hands to maintain them ? are they quick-sighted enough to perceive that the government of the church is committed to them , and that they are to render an account to god ; and have they not the courage to rescue them from unjust and strange hands that snatch them away ? think they to acquit themselves of this great account , of the government of the church of their kingdoms , by saying , that the holy father has discharg'd them of it , when they have in their hands the power to discharge him from his usurpations ? in truth , they will never be in condition to govern the church committed to them ; they will never be but kings by halfs , till they have banisht from their territories this pretended spiritual jurisdiction , which destroys the civil , and which will draw under its cognizance all sorts of causes , there being none , wherein there is not some matter of conscience , or some kind of transgression of gods commandments , and that by consequence belongs not to the jurisdiction of the pope , if he must be own'd the soveraign spiritual judge in france . the popes themselves inform our kings of their right to govern the church . leo iv. writing to lewis and to lotharius , did not he own that the investiture of the bishop comes from the emperor , and the pope has only the consecration ? did not he beseech the emperor to invest a person he had recommended ? and does he not acknowledge , that the metropolitan dares not consecrate him , without the emperors consent ? and pope john x. in his epistle to hereiman of cologue , about the business of heldwin of tongres ; does he not observe , that the old custom has this force , that none ought to confer a bishoprick upon any clerk , save the king , to whom the scepter has been given of god. the council held at thionvil , under lewis the debonnair , an. 835. gives us this good maxim , that the pope ought to be call'd pope and brother , not father and pontifex : and that lewis had more power in the government of the gallicane-church , than the bishop of rome , as agobard bishop of lions has it in his treatise of the co●●●●…ison of the two governments , related by bossellus in his decretals . gregory turonensis does furnish us with more than ten examples of the right of investiture belonging to our kings before the empire fell into their hands . in the times of clovis they held the royal right of the investiture of bishops . they had also a right which they call'd regal , which was the power of enjoying vacant bishopricks and prebends , and the moveables of bishops dying without a will. and it is very easie to prove , that under the first line of our kings , and a long while under the second , the kings of france were the soveraigns as well in spirituals as in temporals . and though they had lost their soveraignty about the end of the second line , and under the third by their negligence , and by the cunning of the popes , watchful for their advantage ; nevertheless an infinite of persons , in those times , both of the clergy and of the law , took notice of , and taxed the usurpations of the popes upon the rights of our kings . amongst others , aegydius romanus , archbishop of bourges , in the time of philip the fair , this archbishop , for the reasons registred in the court of parliament , remonstrates , that the gallicane-church has that right , and that liberty to provide for its occasions by synods of the bishops of the country , without that the pope ought to meddle , unless by way of exhortation . cardinal d'offat ( letter 90 to the king ) shews , that the pope ought not to meddle at all with the election of t●● french bishops , and this he proves by the ordinance of orleans , an. 1560 , and saith , that since the popes have reserv'd to themselves the provision of bishopricks , they have been very ill serv'd . the excellent archbishop of paris , peter de marca , in his agreement of empire and the priesthood , has wisely and boldly remonstrated ; that since the pope would hold the same degree in france , that the soveraign sacrificer held in the synagogue , he ought not to pretend to more authority in our france , than the soveraign sacrificer had in the kingdom of israel , where he was the kings subject : his person , his jurisdiction , the affairs of the church , the order of ceremonies were within the kings jurisdiction : who depos'd the sacrificer , and set another in his place , out of his pure and full authority . god be prais'd for that in these later times , where the throne of iniquity , the papal see is so much adored , he has rais'd up such brave assertors of our christian liberty , which would bear up again , and for which we want only to shake off the yoak . what is alledg'd the most specious for the necessity of a pope to superintend the christian kingdom , is , that the kings need an arbiter of their differences , that may be generally respected , and whose dignity and sanctity may oblige them to submission and veneration . but if this general arbiter , instead of making peace amongst princes , foment their differences , and embroil their affairs , to fish in troubl'd waters , they shall do wisely to let him alone , and yet more wisely to rid themselves of him . there 's no question but that when a general peace is for the advantage of the pope , that then he will set himself seriously about it . but it rarely happens otherwise , then that the good of one party shall be disadvantageous to the pope , and then 't is ill trusting to his arbitrement . france has more reason to stand upon its guard than any other nation , for the court of rome has always sought its ruin : has favour'd its enemies , or rais'd them up anew . when the english made war against us , rome abetted their quarrel , and aided them with spiritual weapons . i cannot let pass the ridiculous assistance sent to henry v. of england , when he levied an army to go into france : this was a ship loaden with consecrated apples , which were distributed to all who would list themselves for this war : and they listed themselves with a good will , having scrambl'd for the apples with greediness and devotion , and were well satisfied in conscience of the justice of this expedition by these apples apostolical . the pope employ'd more powerful means against us , when france was weak , and the spaniard powerful , whom he assisted with all his forces spiritual and temporal . what a strong league did he make to destroy both king and kingdom ? what evils did he heap on france ? and after the injury done us , how much praying did he require before he would be appeas'd ? thomas campanella speaks thus of this judge of differences , who shall carefully read history , shall find that the popes have made more wars amongst christians , than they have quieted . let france mark what he adds , so far have the popes been from opposing himself , hispanis imperiorum helluonibus , to the spainiards unsatiable devourers of empire , that the pontifical authority has lent pretences to their voracity : witness navarre and france in the times of henry iii. for this last hundred years , all the popes ( except vrban the viii . ) have favour'd the spaniard . and what reason can we have to expect better from them , seeing that the greatest part of the cardinals are born subjects to spain , in the principalities of milan , of naples , and of sicily ; and that the court of rome is inclos'd within these principalities ? judge what confidence we can have in such arbiters . france loses plainly both money and pains ' sending ambassadors to these gentlemen , courting them , and enriching them , when they are assembled for the election of a pope . the fear they have of france's power , may gain some respect , but it is a respect without friendship ; and when france has gain'd it , i do not see what france has gain'd . they have reason to fear the king , knowing that this great prince is sensible of their usurpations ; and they have no great reason to love his subjects , because they are no great purchasers of indulgences . and the less the king cares for them , the more will they fawn upon him ; but we may assure our selves , they employ all their strength , and set to work all their art and subtilty to put a stop to his progress , and to pull down his greatness . that agreement of the pope with the duke of guise ought never to be forgotten . what rancour did he testifie against the royal line that reigns at this day ? what pains did he take to disinherit and destroy it ? into what combustion did he cast the poor kingdom , that he might have a king of his own choice , who might abolish the liberties of the gallican-church , and make france a fief of the court of rome . let us for our experience learn the truth of that character given by aeneus sylvius , who was afterwards pope pius ii. that there was never any great slaughter in christendom , nor any great calamity happen'd either of church or state , whereof the bishops of rome were not the authors . hist . austria . and as much is said by machaivel in his history of florence . and if we consider that the great evils done by the pope to kings , were done under the colour of com-promise ; we shall find that 't is the surest way to decline his kindess , and to have nought to do with him ; and that he always comes better off that affronts him , than he that flatters him . the marquess after he has wisely consider'd , that the name of religion is a false pretext laid hold on by the court of rome , thereby to encrease their temporal power , and raise them creatures every where , the abuses he would have retrench'd after the example of charlemaign , and of many more great kings . but to compass this , it is not adviseable to appear in it barefac'd , for ( says he ) that would be to bring upon us the clamours and importunity of all the monks and their followers ; this would be to bring rome upon our back , which might give us trouble . i confess that no good can be acquir'd without trouble . but i cannot conceive that it would be much trouble to deliver france from the usurpations and the exactions of rome . to forbid that there be in france no more courts depending on the pope ; nor money carried from france to rome , or any cause removed thither by appeal . and that no provision of benefices be receiv'd from thence . this , in truth , would be to bring rome on our backs ; but not one sword would be drawn in the cause either within the kingdom or without . should the emperor do the same within his principalities , our king would not stir ; nor would the emperor any more be concern'd if the king should set back the jurisdiction of the pope to beyond the alps. when king henry viii . of england did the same in his kingdom , what prince undertook the quarrel against him : how easily would the people accustom themselves to be free from the papal exactions : and how vain and idle were the attempts of the popes partisans in england to restore his authority ? that prince hack'd and harass'd what he had a mind to in the ecclesiastick estate , and the clamours of the monks , which the marquess is affraid on , frighted not him , though he treated them coursely . nor are we at all to fear least the monks take up arms , as the chiefs of the league forc'd them to do ; which would serve only to make them be laught at , and gave a subject to the painters for those antick and ridiculous portracts that they have left us . or if any little broil should be rais'd by some of the bigots , how soon must it fall before a great king who is never without an army . who shall read over all the book of the marquiss , shall find that he proposes reformations in the state far more hand to be effected , than the banishing of the canon-law and papal jurisdiction out of the kingdom . for he would perfectly melt down the justice and policy , and cast them all anew . he has truly made it appear , that he understands the malady of the state , and yet his projects to remedy them cannot be put in execution , without bringing to ruine and despair many active spirits that live on their prosessions , which is very dangerous to attempt in a state. whereas the expulsion of the canon-law out of france , and the reduction of all causes thereon depending to the civil magistrate , and of all persons acknowledging the pope to the obedience of the king , would not at all be any dangerous innovation . to discontent the regular ecclesiasticks that are unactive , as bred up in the shade , and in contemplation , or in idleness , can be no great danger : especially leaving them their revenues , at least for life . i neither have the wit nor the presumption to give a model of what orders should be prescrib'd the church after the papal jurisdiction is banisht the kingdom . and i shall go no farther than to say , that i see no vigour in the roman jurisdiction , and their partisans in france , that may hinder the king from cashiering them absolutely , and making himself master at home . even the excommunications and interdicts that would follow , would strengthen him , being of no other effect but to provoke the parliaments , and to animate the people against the pope . the greatest part of the clergy would submit to the king , and would cast off all foreign domination : and the dissenting clergy would be inconsiderable , would be disperst , and vanish before the rays of the authority royal. and , i pray , a king of england , could he accomplish this work , to free himself from the papal-yoke , though carried thereunto more by passion than prudence ? and our great king , so vigorous , so powerful , so wise , shall not he dare to undertake it , for fear of vexing the pope and the monks ? shall he be scar'd with an imaginary monarchy , that has neither force nor foundation , save in the opinion of those that fear it , and establish it by their sottish fear ? what is most considerable in this example , is , that the pope continues banisht out of england . for though restor'd by queen mary , and his power own'd for the space of five years ; queen elizabeth , and the kings her successors , found themselves so much at ease in being deliver'd from the roman-yoke , and in being acknowledged supreme , under god , in all causes , and over all persons , as well ecclesiastical as civil ; that they have maintain'd , and do yet maintain this authority essential to their crown . this authority is no less essential to the crown of our great king ; and 't is this that the good prince , james king of england , represents to all kings and princes of christendom , in the remonstrance he has made them , touching the rights of their crowns . they have not hitherto been so happy to listen to it , but let us hear what he says to them . if you that are the most powerful , come to consider in earnest with your selves , that well-nigh a third of your people and of your lands belong to the church ; will not the thoughts of so great a loss move you , which withdraws from your jurisdiction so many men , and so much of your lands in such manner , that every where they plant colonies and provinces for the pope ? what thorns and thistles suffer you to grow in the country under your subjection , so long as so powerful a faction flourishes and spreads over so much good soil within your kingdoms , openly maintaining that they are exempt from your power , and that they are by no right subject to your laws , and to your judgments ? insomuch , that whereas formerly the clerks desir'd no more but their tiths , and liv'd thereon content ; at this day the pope , chief of the clerks , is not content with less than a third part of your subjects , and of your lands . these words of a king , our neighbour , happily enjoying a sovereignty independant of the pope , of which his ancestor robb'd this robber an hundred and forty years ago , ought to move in our kings a virtuous emulation to recover , and after to maintain the rights proper to their crown . and the example of so flourishing a success ought to encourage them to so just and so noble an undertaking . from this great and principal acquisition , that the king shall be the only sovereign in his kingdom , other advantages will arise . these stranger courts being put down ( that are the mills whither every one brings , and where the moulture goes all to rome , or to their creatures ) the money they drain from the kings subjects shall stay in france ; and seeing that this employs a great number of officers , that only do harm to the state ; when this gate shall be shut , the young men will seek out other ways to make themselves valued by , and the arts and commerce of the kingdom will be more considerable . we shall likewise save the treasure , that is spent unprofitably in the embassies to rome , and in courting the good graces of the cardinals at the elections of popes , and in the reception of legates and nuncio's ; by all which france does nought else but prosess and encrease her slavery , without the return of the least advantage . for what-ever compliments , what-ever expence france may make , yet the catholick king is the minion of rome ; and the subjects of spain are the chapmen that but most of their wares , and that have most blind devotion for the holy see. and in truth , seeing that the politicks of france ( by the marquess ) and monfieur silhon , and before them cardinal d'ossat , have testified their little satisfaction with rome , and publish'd her cheats , in so far that as we know that rome does not at all love us ; in like manner rome well knows , that we care not for her : and i cannot understand to what end serve all our civilities to the court of rome , but to puff them up the more , and provoke the gentlemen to laughter , who without doubt receive a wonderful pleasure in seeing their professed enemies come to kiss their feet . 't is true , that so long as france suffers rome to dispose of many benefices , we must always have occasion to deal with them ; and as the pope , to preserve his credit , amuses the princes with com-promises and treaties which he draws out at length , deporting himself as the judge of differences , whereas he creates more than he decides . so very often princes contribute to his inclination by their delays , and in setting before his council-board affairs that they have no intention should be concluded . and whatever their inclination be at the bottom , he is courted and caress'd as the arbiter , which pleases him extremely . and why should it not please him to have at his court the ambassadors of the empire , of france , of spain , of poland , of portugal , and other princes that bring him authority by their difference , and bring gain to his court and his citizens , by their liberalities , and by their expences , suitable to the dignity of their masters ? the great men and the sages of council to his majesty may , when they please , consider what good comes to our kings , by their keeping the pope in this humour , of his being their judge , and in letting him enjoy his pretended rights in france . and whether it is not better , and a shorter way , for france to do its own business without him , and to take from him what does not at all belong to him in our kingdom , that we may have no more to do with him . the king has been pleas'd to declare , that he desir'd to re-unite his subjects in their religion . this so christian and royal design cannot be executed , so long as the pope shall have any power in france ; for this re-union cannot be made , unless the parties mutually yield some matters either in the doctrine or in the discipline ; 't is certain that the pope will never consent , at least not to be own'd the vicar of jesus christ , that has all the power which jesus christ had upon earth ; and that on the other hand , the protestants who have quite another opinion of him , and such an one as all know ( though they make it not an article of their faith ) they can never submit to his authority . but if that france were not govern'd in spirituals , save by the king and his bishops , an half of the way to this great work were already over ; it being most certain , that most of the points in difference are not maintain'd by the theologians , vow'd to the popes service , farther than as they serve his interests . reflections upon the fifth chapter of the politicks of france , which treats of the huguenots . i have treated my lord , the marquess of c. with all the respect that was possible for me in my reflections upon his chapter of the clergy . i could not do more to comply with him and serve him , than by approving his judgment , and confirming it with authorities , adding only what he durst not venture , and ( may be ) had a mind to say . upon his chapter of the huguenots i shall keep my self within the same respect . but i would hope from his ingenuity , that after i have taken some pains in commending and defending the judgment he has made on the roman clergy , he in recompence would give me the liberty to oppose that which he has given , upon those he calls huguenots , and to complain of the treatment he would have dealt to them . but because i take great delight in according with him as far as is possible , i embrace the advice he gives at the entrance , that a king cannot have a more noble object of his care , than to preserve in his states the religion he has receiv'd from his ancestors . for though this proposition be not universally true , i will understand it in his senle , supposing that he means the true christian religion . and 't is that his majesty he receiv'd of his ancestors ; the which i presume he will not limit to two or three descents of his next predecessors ; but as he has drawn from three stocks the lawful succession of our last kings , and affirms , that they are branches sprung from the same root , he cannot take it ill that we go back to the first and second race , to find the religion that his majesty has receiv'd of his ancestors . therefore as the noble marquess in his second chapter , speaking of the pretended exemptions of the clergy , appeals for that matter to the old kings and emperors , who own'd no such thing , and says , that the clergy cannot take it amiss if his majesty reduce things to their primitive state . in like manner the marquess cannot take it amiss , that religion be reduc'd to its primitive state , at least to the state it was left in at the time when our kings were emperors . now i have shew'd in the foregoing chapter , that the emperor charlemaign , one of his majesties ancestors , convok'd a synod , in which the worship of images was condemned , and that he himself made a book against the second council of nice , and against images , which we have preserv'd to this day ; and that under lewis the mild , his son , another synod was held at paris against images , all the acts of which we have entire . this doctrine is a principal point of the religion that our kings receiv'd from their ancestors , and which we profess . and as much may be said in point of the holy sacrament , of which so much noise is made at this day , that we willingly refer our selves to what was believ'd in the times of his majesties ancestors . i should stray from my subject , should i enter upon controversie ; the marquess obliges me to stand upon another guard , employing his eloquence in treating us as rebels and enemies of the state. i am far from justifying the evil actions of our party . but since we are to deal with men of such a spirit , that display the evil and suppress the good , that insult over us for actions forc'd by the despair of a few , and protested against by the greater party ; and that will not acknowledge the signal services we have done for the crown , which ought never to have been forgotten , so long as the race of henry the great shall sit upon the throne . i think my self oblig'd to represent truly what is most considerable in their condition , and in their actions since the last return of the purity of the gospel into france . i say the last return , because that it has been , and has flourisht there two or three hundred years before , and the professors , remain'd there skulking , and yet in great numbers , after long and cruel persecutions . for we dissemble not , but own that this holy doctrine came to us , and was planted by the remains of those poor valdenses and albigenses , the destruction of whom is rank'd by the noble marquess , amongst the good works of the first rates . the character that reinerius , their cruel inquisitor , gave them , is very remarkable , and may satisfie those who ask , where was our religion before luther , c. 4. contra valdenses . this , says he , of all sects , is the most pernicious , for three reasons . first , because of its long duration , for some say , that it has continu'd since the time of pope sylvester ; others hold , that it began even in the apostles time . secondly , because of all sects , this is the most general , there scarce being any country where this sect has not taken root . in the third place , by reason that all contrary to other sects that become abominable , by the enormity of their blasphemies against god , these people seem very godly , for they live justly before men have a sound belief in all things , and of god , and of all the articles contain'd in the apostles creed : only this , they blaspheme against rome . an admirable testimony from the pen of a mortal enemy , that deserves to be writ in letters of gold. let us joyn hereunto that of good king lewis xii . the father of the people ; he was much importun'd by those of the clergy , who pray'd him to root out the inhabitants of the cabrieres , and of merindol in provence , that were of this profession , and some remainders of the albigenses . but this just king , afore he would grant that bloody request , would see their confession of faith , which having read , he swore they were better christians than he and his people , and preserv'd them from the rage of their enemies . but these enemies obtain'd what they desir'd of king francis the first , and made an horrible slaughter of those poor christians . if these albigenses be hereticks , because they blaspheme against rome , is not the marquess one , and all the men of politicks in france , who declaim so openly , and so generously against the pope's usurpations , that makes of religion a pretence thereby to invade the rights of the king , and make himself universal monarch of all the world ? these gentlemen would abate much of the hatred they bear us ; would they be pleas'd to consider that the pope and roman clergy hate us , for a cause that is common to us both . for it is not upon the account of any controversies about the holy sacrament , the invocation of saints , and the prayers for the dead ; but it is because we oppose boldly the usurpations of rome ; it is because we blaspheme against rome , as the albigenses in reinerius's days , that we are call'd ( as he calls us ) a pernicious sect. this is the great heresie for which we have been made objects of the publick hatred , and for which the devotion of the people is made to consist in a bloody zeal to burn us , and massacre us . in the year 1520. the light of the gospel shin'd throughout all the parts of france . and the queen of navarre , sister of king francis i. who was enlighten'd therewith , was a great rampire against the fury of the roman clergy , that labour'd to extinguish this holy light by persecution : however , she could not hinder , but that much cruelty was exercised . but after her decease the persecution grew hot again , and continued during the reign of francis i. and henry ii. for the space of forty years , those that were converted , maintain'd their holy profession , by a constancy in their sufferings , in imitation of the christians of the primitive church . notwithstanding this vigor , many of the princes , and of the best families of france , as the princes of the blood of the house of bourbon , embrac'd the reform'd religion . under the reign of francis ii. the princes of the blood , debarr'd of their rights by those of the house of guise , the queens uncles , form'd the design at ambois , to banish those from the king's person , that held them at distance . this attempt failing , was call'd a crime of high treason , and charg'd on them of the reform'd religion , though renaudy the chief of the plot , was a roman catholick , and this party was compos'd of noblemen and gentry of both the perswasions . whoso understands the priviledges of the princes of the blood in france , will never accuse these undertakers of the rebellion . thuanus testifies in their favour , hist . l. 24. that not one of them was prov'd to have attempted against the king , or against the queen , but only against strangers that govern'd all at court in a tyrannical way : for then the house of guise was still lookt upon as a stranger in france . francis ii. being dead , his successor charles ix . being a minor , the princes of the blood had more right than afore to be admitted to the management of publick affairs , at least joyntly with the queen-mother . but when they saw themselves excluded , and their persons in danger , they levy'd forces for their preservation . when the king came of age , the princes seeing him much incens'd against them , and that he was of a dangerous and implacable nature , they retir'd , and stood upon their guard. the several affronts they receiv'd , and the frequent massacres , occasion'd two or three little wars . to rid himself of them all at one blow , the king set his sister for a bait , to draw in and to destroy the whole party of the princes , giving her in marriage to the prince of navarre , who was afterwards our henry the great . he and his cousin germain the prince of conde were imprison'd , and the principals of their party slain in their beds , having danc'd at a ball the evening before . never were dancers at such a wedding . pope gregory xii . had a hand in this execrable action , his predecessor pius v. refused to consent to this marriage , because ( said he ) the prince of navarre is an heretick . but when the cardinal of lorrain told his successor gregory xii . that this marriage was a trap to catch the hereticks , he then dispatcht the dispensation , and encourag'd the design . the prince of navarre having sav'd himself at rochel , was immediately assisted by a great party that had escap'd the massacre , and the war broke out afresh . thereupon was form'd that faction of the league , to destroy the princes of the blood , under the colour of religion , and particularly , to destroy the king henry iii. as appear'd afterwards . during these long troubles , what refuge found the king of navarre , whom god reserv'd for the crown of france , but amongst these of the reform'd religion ? these were they that aided , that defended , and even nourisht him in his long and cruel adversities . and after , in the end , when the league had pull'd off the mask , and had driven the king from paris , and besieg'd him at tours , came not they to his relief under their brave chieftain , and did they not deliver him from the utmost danger , though he had sent his armies against them , to extirpate them ? i would gladly ask the noble marquess , where were then the honest french ? and where were the rebels ? would he find the honest french amongst the fiery zealots and bigots of the league , who have shed so much blood to beat down this dangerous sect , as he is pleas'd to brand us ? with your good leave , noble marquess , which of the two is this dangerous sect , that which teaches that the persons of kings are inviolable , and that exposes their lives to defend those kings that had persecuted them ; or that which holds , that a king excommunicated by the pope , may be justly kill'd by any body ; and which out of zeal for religion , plunge their bloody hands into the bowels of their soveraign , as st. jacob clement did , and as john castrel and peter bar●iere attempted , and as ravaillac perform'd ? where is the huguenot that ever offer'd any thing of this nature , during all the persecutions of their party ? or where is the minister that ever broacht such doctrine to his flock , to kill their king , which your spiritual fathers have so often done ? i would also ask the marquess , where he finds that term of near fourscorce years spent in quelling this dengerous sect , which is the title he is pleased to give us ? would he take in to these 80 years , the 38 after the death of francis ii. till the peace of amiens , in which time the reformed party were the constant , and the only support of the great henry for near 30 years ? will he venture to say , that those arms which defended the hope of after ages , and the fortune of france , were unjust ? let him also say if he please , whether by the zeal that has been to reduce the hereticks to their duty , he means that butchery of the st. bartholomews , and the massacres in every town of france , at that time and before , which are reductions of a strange nature . and because he may object , that their defence of the princes of the blood was only a pretence for the huguenots taking up arms , and their unjust resistance against their sovereign . it will suffice to answer , that their arms were necessary for the preservation of that great prince , whom god reserv'd for the blessing of france ; and that when he came to the crown , they were judg'd worthy of a reward . i would beseech also all indifferent persons to consider them simply as men , that are neither angels nor devils , and to tell us , if they think it strange that men , the relicks of fires and slaughters ( which were the only arguments employ'd for their conversion for so many years ) take the course at length that nature teaches them , to defend themselves against force with force . this to take it at the worst , is all the rebellion can be objected against them in all that past age , till the quiet settlement of henry the great . but the good providence of god has well clear'd them from the necessity of that excuse , having set them out an employment so just , and so fortunate for their arms , that all who love , and who shall for future ages love the prosperity of france , and the greatness of the royal family , will have perpetual reason to bless the timely succour of this party , and to praise god , who rais'd them for the everlasting good of the kingdom . let us come to their condition , after that henry the great was establish'd on his throne . the king being turn'd roman catholick , and seeing his party of the reformed religion discontent , and in trouble , as expos'd afresh to what they had afore tried , gave them places of security for about twenty years . this was the ground-work of all their miseries , and i am much inclin'd to believe that this was procur'd for them by those who projected their ruine . for their enemies might well think , that a king that understands his interest , would not long sufler in the heart of his kingdom places assign'd for protection , against himself in effect , and to make resistance , in case he kept not all his promises . that these places would be retreats for all discontented persons , and incendiaries that would trouble the state. that strangers seeing in france a party strengthen'd with garisons , and holding themselves in perpetual defiance , would never leave bidding them to cock up , and fomenting their discontents . that this thorn in the foot of france would always hinder it from advancing ; and after all , that this would be a kind of dangerous discipline in a state ; to accustom subjects to represent their grievances with sword in hand . on the other hand , they might well fore-see , that the reform'd being seiz'd of these places , would not quit them at the end of the term assign'd , imagining that the enjoyment of their religion , of their goods , and of their lives , depended all on their keeping of these places ; and that by their refusal , they would oblige the king to win them by force ; which would make them criminals , odious , and objects of the justice and vegeance of an incens'd master . and even so it happen'd . for their term for holding these places being expir'd , the king demands them again , and having at their instant request prolong'd their term for three or four years , at length wisely resolv'd to force them ; this gave occasion for the assembly of rochel , where most imprudently , and contrary to their duty to god and the king , they resolv'd to hold the places by force ; a resolution of despair ill-grounded . for though the king shew'd himself favourable to his subjects of the religion , after he had taken these places by his arms , he would have been yet more favourable to them , had they render'd the places humbly and peaceably at his demand . when the assembly of rochel began , was held the national synod of alaix , in which the famous du moulin was president . in that country where many of these places of security were , he apply'd himself seriously to consider the posture of the affairs of his party , to sound their inclinations , and to give them good counsel . and he found that the greatest and the best part was dispos'd to render their places to the king , and did not at all approve of the proceedings of the assembly of rochel , of which matter he thought himself oblig'd to inform that assembly ; and having return'd home , he writ them an excellent letter , a copy whereof i have procur'd , which is as follows : sirs , i write not to you , to pour my sorrows into your bosoms , or entertain you with my partcular afflictions . i need no consolation on that account , thinking my self greatly honour'd , that in the publick affliction of the church , it pleases god to set me the foremost . i should account my self very happy , if all the storm might fall on my head. so that i might be the only sufferer , and the church of god continue in peace and prosperity . one care more pressing , has mov'd me to write to you , and has forc'd nature , which was ever averse from medling with publick affairs , and acting beyond my calling . for seeing the church generally in eminent danger , and upon the brink of a precipice , it was impossible for me to hold from speaking . nor can i be silent in this urgent necessity , without making my self guilty of insensibility , and of cruelty towards the church of god. and , i hope , in speaking my thoughts about publick affairs , my domestick affliction will deliver me from jealousie in your opinion . and if i be not believ'd , at least i may be excus'd . i confess indeed , it does not become me to give counsel to an assembly of persons , chosen out of all the kingdom , to bear the weight of publick affairs in a time so full of difficulty ; but i think it for your advantage to be inform'd rightly what is the opinion , and what the disposition of our churches , from persons that have a particular knowledge of them . the question then being , whether you ought to break up your assembly , in obedience to his majesty , or continue to hold together , in order to provide for the affairs of the churches ; i am bound to tell you , that it is the general desire of our churches , that it might please god we may continue in peace , by obeying his majesty . and that seeing the king resolv'd to make himself obey'd by force of arms , they assure themselves , that you will to your power endeavour to avoid this tempest , and rather yield to necessity , than engage them in a war that will most certainly ruin the greatest part of our churches , and will plunge us in troubles , whereof we well see the beginning , but know not at all the end . by obeying the king , you will take away their pretence , who incense his majesty to persecute us . and if we are to be persecuted , all they who fear god , desire that this may be for the profession of the gospel , and that our persecution may truly be the cross of christ . in a word , sirs , i can assure you , that the greatest and the best part of our churches desire your assembly may break up , if it can be done with safety to your persons : and even many of the roman church , love that publick peace are continually about us , praying and exhorting us , that we may not , by throwing our selves down the precipice , involve them in our ruin . on this occasion i need not represent to you the general consternation of our poor flocks , who cast their eyes upon you as persons that may procure their quiet ; and by yielding to necessity , may divert that storm so ready to break upon their heads . many already have forsaken the conntry , many have quitted their religion , from whence you may judge what a distraction there will be , should these troubles go on farther . nor need i more recommend to you , to have a tender care for the preservation of our poor churches , knowing that you will rather chuse death , than draw upon you the reproach , that you have hasten'd on the persecution of the church , and destroy'd that which the zeal of our fathers had planted , and brought this state into confusion . i am not ignorant that many reasons are alledg'd to perswade you to hold on your assembly . as that the king has permitted it ; but for this permission you have not any warrant , nor any declaration in writing ; without which , all promises are but words in the air. for kings believe they have power to forbid what they have permitted , and to revoke what they have offer'd , when they judge it expedient for the good of their affairs . and there is none of you that having sent his servant any whither , or given him leave to go , does not think you have power to call him back again . above all , sovereign princes keep not willingly their promises , when they have been extorted from th●m . there are also represented to you many grievances and controventions to the kings edicts ; which complaints to our great sorrow , are but too true : yet , without alledging that we our selves have given the occasion of many of these evils ; the difficulty lies not in representing our grievances , but in finding redress . consider then , whether the continuance of your assembly may heal these maladies , whether your session may put our churches under shelter , provide necessaries for a war where the parties are so unequal , levy forces and make a fond for payment ; if all the good your session is capable to produce , shall be equivalent to the loss of so many churches that lye naked , and expos'd to the wrath of their enemies ; whether when they are beaten down , you can raise them again ; whether in the manifest division that is amongst us , you have the power to bring together all the scatter'd parts of this divided body , which were it well united , would yet be too weak to maintain it self on the defensive . pardon me , sirs , if i tell you , that you will not find all those of our religion dispos'd to obey your resolutions ; and that the fire being kindl'd all about you , you will remain feeble spectators of the ruin that you have made to tumble upon your heads . besides , you cannot be ignorant that many amongst us , of the best quality , and most capable to defend us , condemn openly your actions , imagining and expressing that to suffer for this cause , is not to suffer for the cause of god. these making no kind of resistance , and opening the gates of their places , and joyning their arms to those of the king , you may easily gather what the loss will be , and what a weakning of your party . how many persons of our nobility will forsake you , some by treachery , others through weakness ? even they that in an assembly are the most vehement , and that to appear zealous , are altogether for violent courses , are most commonly those that revolt , and that betray their brethren . they hurry our poor churches into the greatest danger , and there leave them , and run away after that they have set the house on fire . if a fight , or the siege of a town should happen , whatever might be the event of the fight or siege , it would prove a difficult thing to contain the people animated against us , and to hinder them from falling upon our churches , that have neither defence or retreat . and whatever orders the magistrates of the contrary religion should give , it will be impossible for them to take effect . i might also represent to you many reasons arising from the state of our churches , both within and out of the kingdom , to let you see that this commotion is altogether ill-tim'd ▪ , and that it is to sail against wind and tide . but you are wise enough to see and consider the posture of our neighbours , and from whence you may hope for succor , and whether amongst you the virtue and the good agreement , and the quality of your chiefs is augmented or diminish'd . certainly this is not the time when the troubling of that pool will bring us a cure. and it is plain , that if any thing can help us amidst so much weakness , it must be the zeal of religon , the which , in our fathers time , did support us , when we had less strength and more virtue . but in this cause you will find that zeal very cool , because the most part of our people believes that this evil might have been prevented , without making a breach in the conscience . assure your selves , there will always be divisions amongst us , when we shall stir upon civil accounts , and not directly for the cause of the gospel . against all this , 't is objected , that our enemies have resolv'd our ruin . that they undermine us by little and little , and that we had better begin presently , than attend longer . 't is very true , he must want common sense , that doubts of their ill-will mean time , when i reflect on our several losses , as that of letoure , of privas , and of bearn ; i find that our selves have contributed thereto : and we are not at all to wonder if our enemies are not much in pain to set us right , and if they joyn with us to undo us . but herein it does not follow , that we should throw the helve after the hatchet , and set fire to our own house , because others are resolv'd to burn it , or undertake to remedy particular evils by means weak for that end , but strong and effectual for the general ruin . god , who so often has diverted the counsels taken for our destruction , has not lost his power , neither has he chang'd his will. we shall find that he is always the same , if we have the grace to wait his assistance , and do not cast our selves headlong , through our impatience , and dash upon impossibilities . take this for certain , that though our enemies seek our ruin , they will never attempt it openly , and will lay hold on some other pretence , more plausible than that of religion , which we never ought to give them . if we contain our selves in the obedience that subjects owe to their soveraign , we shall see that whilst our enemies hope in vain , that we shall make our selves criminals by some disobedience . god will cut them out some other work , and furnish us with occasious to testifie to his majesty , that we are a body profitable to his state , and thereby put him in mind of the signal services our churches have paid to the late king of glorious memory . but if we are so unfortunate , that whilst we keep to our duty , the calamnies of our enemies prevail ; at the least , we shall have this satisfaction , that we have been just on our side , and that we have testified , that we love the peace of the state. notwithstanding all this , sirs , you can , and you ought to give order for the security of your persons . for his majesty and his council having said often , that if you will separate , he will leave to our churches the enjoyment of peace , and of the benefit of his edicts ; it is not reasonable that your separation should be made with danger to your persons . and when you shall require that you may separate with safety , i make no doubt but you will easily obtain your desires , provided that you insist upon what is possible , and such things as the misery of the times , and the present necessity may admit . it remains , that whilst you are together , you advise what ought to be done , in case you may be opprest , notwithstanding your separation . it concerns your prudence to give order , and is not my part to suggest . if in proposing these things to you , i have slipt beyond the bounds of discretion , impute it , if you please , to my zeal for the good and the preservation of the church . and if this my advice be rejected , as unworthy your consideration , i shall have this comfort , that i have discharg'd my conscience , and retiring into a strange country , i shall there finish the few days that remain for me to live , lamenting the ruin of the church , and the destruction of the temple ; for the building of which , i have labour'd with more courage and fidelity , than with success . the lord turn his wrath from us , guide your assembly , and preserve your persons . i am , &c. when this letter was read in the assembly , which did not at all approve it , some arose immediately , went from the assembly , and never return'd more ; and all found in the end , that the advertisements of this holy person were prophesies . it appears then , that notwithstanding the great temptations of fear and despair , that mov'd this assembly to resist the king , their resistance was disavow'd by the best and the greatest party of the reform'd churches of france , and that they were exhorted to obey the king by their divines , who , in matters of conscience , are the representative body of the church , when they are solemnly assembl'd . now this was the sense of the national synod , of which this eminent person came from being the president . 't is then wrongfully that the noble marquess taxes all our party with rebellion , when as our theologians declar'd themselves so strongly against it ; the most of those that held these places of security , open'd their gates to the king ; and more than three fourths of his subjects of the reform'd religion kept in their obedience . i cannot omit , that in the greatest heat of those who resisted , there yet remained many glances of loyaly and love for their king. i shall observe two : at the siege of montaubon , the most obstinately defended of all the other sieges , the king and his court passed before the walls , from whence they were shooting most furiously : but when the besieged beheld his majesty , they left off shooting , and cry'd out with a great force , long live the king. the instance of rochel is more remarkable , and it is very memorable . the rochellers besieg'd , implored the assistance of england , which was offer'd them ; but the duke of buckingham came late , so that the rochellers after they had eaten the horses , were now eating their saddles . in this great extremity the duke told their deputies , that if they would deliver the town to the king of england , they should be assisted effectually . the deputies refus'd , and the rochellers resolv'd to undergo all the rigours that their king , provok'd , would exercise upon them , rather than deliver the town to a stranger . this just king had notice thereof , and treated them the more mildly at the surrender , overcoming , like a christian , evil with good . the noble marquess does the quite contrary , for he studies to overcome good with evil ; displaying our faults , with all the aggravation , and concealing our services . he says , that the spirit of the huguenots is always ready for revolts , for confusion and anarchy . that there will be more than an hundred thousand men of the kings enemies in the bowels of his kingdom , so long as there shall be huguenots in france ; and that perhaps they wait only an occasion to rise up in arms. he pretends even to know their hearts , saying , that they have in their hearts the same hatred they had ; which are words flung out with more animosity than reason . for 't is but ill logick , that they are all rebels , because about a six part of their number took up arms , in their defence , to keep some places of safety ; and that because they have sin'd they never have repented . if all they who have been engag'd in the troubles of the state , within these last forty years , are to be thought the kings enemies for ever ; his majesty would find few persons in his kingdom whom he might trust ; and now forty years are past since the war for those places of safety , was ended . when the body is in a fever , the good humors are stir'd as well as the bad , and all settle again when the disease is over . the same is in the body of a state ; it is subject to hot fits that enflame both good and bad ; but all grow cool and quiet in time , by the wisdom of the sovereign , and by the repentance of those that are honest good men . to upbraid them as rebells and enemies , that took up arms against their duty , and laid them down again forty years ago ; this is to violate the laws of amnesty , without which no state could subsist . kings being the lieutenants of god , ought to deal with their subjects as god does with his . he forgives and forgets offences ; and makes them faithful that were disobedient , through his benefits . the protestants of languedoc stay'd not for the kings benefits , till they testifi'd their fidelity , and their oblivion of what they had suffer'd in the reduction of the places that they had held , than when their wounds were yet bleeding . this was when the duke of montmorency in longuedoc , where he was governor , made a party against the king , hoping to find the protestants , who are in great numbers in that province , ready for an insurrection from the resentment of their late sufferings . but he found the quite contrary ; for they all joyn'd as one man with the kings forces , and did him excellent service in a battel where the duke was defeated and taken , and a bishop with him . the old marshall de la force , who had scap'd the massacre of st. barth olomew , by hiding himself under the carkasses of his brothers , whose throats were cut , was one of the principal commanders in this action . that marquess confesses , that in the wars at paris , they put themselves in arms , and with great respect protested , that they were at the kings service ; and their actions would have justify'd their protestations , if his majesty had had occasion for their service . i will not loose time and pains in making reflections upon the fourteen ways he proposes to torment us , and make us weary of our religion , of our country , and our lives . ways enough are found out , without his proposing . and now , because the king , of late years , has had much to do with the court of rome , it has been a part of the policy of france , whilst they affront the pope , at the same time to treat us with some extraordinary severity , to prevent the suspicion of heresie . we humble our selves under the powerfull hand of god , and under that of our sovereign ; confessing that we are justly chastis'd for our sins . for the rest , we know in whom we have trusted , and shelter our selves under the hand that strikes us ; assuring our selves , that it will protect us , and that we shall find jesus christ our redeemer , and his spirit our comforter , both in this life and in that which is to come . as the marquess is very exact in giving instructions to ruine us , he does the same towards the end of his book for england ; counting it a nation that is good for nothing but to be ruin'd . we cannot take the advantage of these instructions given against us , to defend our selves against them , for we are a body meerly passive , expos'd , and submitted to all that god and the king will do with us . but for the english , when he has disoblig'd them by the most odious character that his malice could furnish his eloquence withall ; he obliges them , in publishing all those ways that must be taken to destroy them ; for it is likely , that being told of them , they will look to themselves . mean time , his readers will say of him , that they who tell aforehand of their cunning , are not very cunning . because that the noble marquess terms us rebels and enemies of the state , after the humble confession of our faults , which i have neither cloak'd nor dissembl'd ; i will take the boldness to compare them with those of some of the gentlemen of the roman clergy , especially of the jesuits and their disciples : and that they that are not pre-possest with passion may judge , whether to them rather , or to us , belongs the title , of enemies of the state , let us consider the actions and the doctrine of the one and the other , for the actions , the horrible attempts against the sacred persons of our kings , by ecclesiasticks and scholars of the jesuits , and all the enormities of the league , to destroy our kings , our laws , and our monarchy , and to transfer it to a stranger ; carry away without dispute the prize of villany , from those who being possest with a fear ill-grounded , have with arms defended the places that were lent to them by edict , for the security of their religion , of their goods , and of their lives . add hereto , that they had their hearts big with the sense of their incomparable service to the crown , and believ'd they well deserv'd what these endeavour'd to keep . and as for the doctrine , these never read lectures of rebellion and parricide . and the resistance some of the party made against the king , was condemn'd by their divines , whose writings are full of lessons of obedience , and of fidelity to their sovereigns . whereas those of the jesuits , and their disciples , teach the people to cast off and kill their king , so often as it may please the pope to excommucate him . france has felt the effects of this doctrine during the long wars of the league ; and it was the books and the sermons that made the sword be drawn , and that sharpen'd the daggers for the murder of our kings , whilst the protestants expos'd their lives for their preservation . now i am content to let pass what is past , provided the same may be done to us . let us fix upon the present . whom ought you to esteem the enemies of the state , those who subject the crown of our kings absolutely to the papal mitre , and who acknowledge another sovereign than the king ; or they who own him their only sovereign , and maintain that his crown depends not save on god alone ? what , in conscience , is the true ground of the great hatred that is born us ? is it not for that , if we are to be believ'd , there would not in france be any french-man that is not the kings subject , causes beneficial and matrimonial would not be carried to rome , nor the kingdom be tributary under the shadow of annates , and the like impositions . and on this subject , the testimony of cardinal perron for us , in his harangue to the third state , is very considerable ; whe● he says , the doctrine of the deposition of kings , by the pope , has been held in france until calvin . whereby he tacitely acknowledges , that our kings had been ill serv'd before ; and that those he calls hereticks having brought to light the holy scripture , have made the right of kings be known , which had been kept supprest . shall they be said friends of the state , who owning themselves subjects of a stranger soveraign , dare endeavour to make themselves masters of all the temporal jurisdiction ? of which the marquess complains loudly , and with good cause ; and of the great resistance they have made to maintain themselves in an usurpation so unreasonable . in this kind , those of the church of the reform'd religion could never be accus'd , in the towns where we have had some power . our religion is hated , because it combats the pride , the avarice , and the usur pations of the court of rome , and their substitutes in the kingdom ; and because we have shewn to the world that sordid bank of spiritual graces they have planted in the church , and how they have drawn to themselves a third of the lands of france , for fear of purgatory , from silly people , mop'd with a blind devotion , and from robbers and extortioners , who have thought to make peace with god by letting these share in the booty . 't is an advice very suitable to the politicks of france , to examine well the controversies that are most gainful to the clergy , as this of purgatory , concerning which an old poet said the truth , in his way of drollery . but if it be so , that no more souls shall go to old purgatory , then the pope will gain nought by the story . it would be wisely done to examine what necessity there is for so many begging-fryers , that suck out the blood and marrow of devout people ; and for so many markets of pardons in honour of a number of saints of a new edition ; and for what design are made so many controversies . and whether it would not be a great treasure for the kings subjects to teach them to work out their salvation , and put their consciences in quiet at a cheaper rate . god , justly provok'd , by the great sins of france , gives us not yet the grace of that gospel-truth , st. john , ch. 8. know the truth , and the truth will set you free . and though it shines out so clear , to let us see the usurpation of the popes upon the temporals of the king , and upon the spirituals of the church ; yet see we not clearly enough to discover all the mystery of iniquity , and to resolve to shake off the yoak . for this great design , no other war need be made by the pope , but only take from him all jurisdiction in france , all annates , and all evocation of causes to rome . this would hardly produce any other stirrs , but the complaints and murmuring of them that are loosers . and the condition , truly royal , that the king at present is in , will sufficiently secure him from insurrections at home , and invasions from abroad . or should any happen , behold , more than an hundred thousand huguenots , that the noble marquess has sound him , in the heart of his state , whom he is pleas'd to call his enemies , but who on all occasions , and on this especially would do his majesty a hearty and faithful service . the two main interests of france , being to weaken the house of austria , the princes of which enclose him on both sides ; and to throw off the yoake of rome , which holds a monarchy within the french monarchy ; 't is easie to judge that amongst the kings subjects , the protestants are absolutely the most proper to serve him on both these occasions . i know that amongst the roman catholicks , as well ecclesiasticks as seculars , there are excellent instruments to serve the king in both these interests . but there is need of great caution to well assure him , by reason of the multitude of jesuits scholars , with whom these fathers have industriously fill'd all professions of the state and church ; and it is for no other end that they have so many colledges . they who have been too good scholars of these masters , are contrary to both these interests , being so great catholicks , that they espouse the interest of the catholick king , to advance that of his holiness . but to find amongst the protestants trusty instruments for both these accounts , he need not try them ; they are fitted and form'd , by their education , for these two uses , so necessary to france . the marquess assures his majesty , with good reason of the friendship of the protestant princes of germany , which they would never testifie so freely , as in serving him to ruin the power of the pope , who savours that of the house of austria . for thereby they would kill two birds with one stone . not to mention our other neighbours , who have broken with rome , and being disquieted by its secret practises , will be ready to contribute to its destruction . who shall well consider the scheme of the affairs of christendem , shall judge , that all things invite his majesty to shut out the jurisdiction of rome beyond the mountains ; right , honour , profit , liberty , facility , his duty to his crown , to his subjects , and to his royal posterity ; and that many aids smile upon him , both within , and out of his kingdom , for so fair and so just an enterprize . this is the warm desire of the honest french-men . and none there are who better deserve that title , than they , who , with the most indignation , resent that their kings should kiss the feet of that prelate , who ought of right to kiss their feet , for having receiv'd his principalities from kings of france ; and who , in recompence of their good deeds , have plotted , and plot continually their ruin . when the king shall have deliver'd himself and his people , from this strange yoak , he will find the enmity amongst his subjects , for matter of religon , greatly diminisht ; and the way open to a re-union . and were the difficulties about the doctrine overcome , the protestants would not stick much at the discipline . god , who is the father of kings , and the king of glory , protect and strengthen our great king , to accomplsh the designs that turn to the general good of his church , to the greatness , and to the respect of his sacred person , and to the peace and prosperity of his state. finis . an epitome of frossard: or, a summarie collection of the most memorable histories contained in his chronicle, chiefly concerning the state of england and france wherin the famous warres and conquests of king edward the third, with the honorable atchieuements of the blacke prince, and other his sonnes, both in fraunce, spaine, and portugall, are compendiously described. ... compiled in latine by iohn sleydane, and translated into english, by p. golding. chroniques. english. abridgments froissart, jean, 1338?-1410?. 1608 approx. 488 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 108 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68075 stc 11399 estc s105661 99841387 99841387 5967 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5967) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 594:05, 1202:18) an epitome of frossard: or, a summarie collection of the most memorable histories contained in his chronicle, chiefly concerning the state of england and france wherin the famous warres and conquests of king edward the third, with the honorable atchieuements of the blacke prince, and other his sonnes, both in fraunce, spaine, and portugall, are compendiously described. ... compiled in latine by iohn sleydane, and translated into english, by p. golding. chroniques. english. abridgments froissart, jean, 1338?-1410?. sleidanus, johannes, 1506-1556. golding, arthur, 1536-1606. golding, per., attributed name. [4], 215, [1] p. printed by tho: purfoot, for per: golding, at london : 1608. cum priuilegio. a translation of a latin epitome by johannes sleidanus of the "chroniques" of jean froissart. in fact translated by arthur golding. the first leaf is blank. the title page is in two impositions, (1) without or (2) with a row of type ornaments at head. identified as stc 11399a on umi microfilm reel 594. reproduction of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. appears at reel 594 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 1202 (university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user 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michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hundred years' war, 1339-1453 -early works to 1800. france -history -14th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -14th century -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an epitome of frossard : or , a summarie collection of the most memorable histories contained in his chronicle , chiefly concerning the state of england and france . wherin the famous warres and conquests of king edward the third , with the honorable atchieuements of the blacke prince , and other his sonnes , both in fraunce , spaine , and portugall , are compendiously described . entermixed with other historicall occurrents of those times , very worthy , and profitable to be had in remembrance . compiled in latine by iohn sleydane , and translated into english , by p. golding . at london , ❧ printed by tho : purfoot , for per : golding . 1608. ¶ cum priuilegio . an epitome of frossard . or , a summarie collection of the most memorable histories contained in his chronicle , chiefly concerning the state of england and fraunce . the first booke . phillip , surnamed the faire , king of fraunce , had three sonnes , lewis , phillip , and charles , and one daughter . the two eldest succeeding one another , and deceasing without issue , left the kingdome by descent to their brother charles . this charles had a sonne , but he dyed very young during the life of his father . the daughter of king phillip and sister to charles , was married to edward the second king of england , who begat of her a sonne named edward , of whose most noble disposition , stout courage , and princely vertues , honourable mention is made in many places of this worke . there is a saying in homer , that children for the most part prooue , worse then their parents , seldome any better , but in this king it fell out otherwise : for his father was a man of euill disposition , much giuen to ryot and excesse , and greatly led by sicophants and flatterers , of which sort the principall were twoo noble men of the house of the spencers . these so bewitched the kings minde , that by their counsell and instigation hee put to death some twoo and twenty of the chiefest barons of england , and not so contented , banished also his wife and her son wholy out of the realme . but the queene at length , through the assistance of her faithfull friends beeing brought backe with her sonne into england , not onlye exacted most seuere punishment vppon those flatterers the father and the son , but further for diuers graue and weighty considerations , by authority of parliament remooued her husband from ruling the state as a person vnfit for gouernment , and restrained him to safe custodie . which done , the worthy prince edward ( a most vertuous son of a most vitious father ) who before had liued in exile with his mother , as is already declared , was crowned king of england at london by the name of edward the third , in the sixteenth yeare of his age , and the yeare of our lord 1326. he tooke to wife phillip the daughter of william earle of henault and holland , whome he had formerly begun to fancy amongst the rest of her sisters at such time as he came with his mother as a banished person out of england into henault . but the peeres of fraunce after the death of king charles , would in no wise admit his sister ( matched to the king of england ) to the succession of the crowne , because it was now of old receiued as a custome in that country , not to leaue the charge of so great a kingdome to bee mannaged by the discretion of women . wherevppon they likewise renounced edward the third , her sonne and grand-childe to king phillip as descending of the female line : and so with one consent they gaue the scepter and soueraignty to phillip of valoys , cousen germain to king phillip deceased . vppon this occasion ensued most cruell warres and bitter enmity , edward the third presuming that he had more rightfull interest , and a better title to the kingdome of fraunce , then phillip of valoys . and to further this quarrell , it so fell out , that a certain noble man of great account called robert of artoys , one who had been long of singuler respect and estimation with king phillip , at length falling in his disfauor , was banished the court , and could be suffered to rest in no place by reason of the kings displeasure . this man after many wandrings , at last arriued in england where hee found quiet harbour and abiding : and being by the king entertained as a counsellor , ceased not by his perswasions to prouoke and stirre him vp to armes against the french king. king edward purposing to warre vppon phillip , sollicited the frendshippe of the flemmings , at that time remaining scarce in due obedience of their lord : whereof the french king hauing intelligence , by the helpe of the earle of flanders thē soiourning in his court , he procured certain places of flaunders to bee fortified , where the english men must of necessity passe when they should come into fraunce . the king of england sent his forces against them and in a pitched field the flemmings were ouer throwne and chased . and further for the better dispatch of his affaires and to compasse the fauour of the germaine princes , the king of england came himselfe to antwerpe , where he entred into a league of amitie with the dukes of gelders , and iuliers , the archbishop of colen , and diuers others . and that the emperour should take no offence thereat , it was concluded , the duke of iuliers should be addressed vnto him in the name of the king of england and the rest , to acquainte him with these proceedings . the emperour was so farre from dislike of the matter , that he also created the king of england lievetenant generall of the romaine empire . the chiefe cause why lewis of bauier the emperour , so highly honoured the king of england , was for that he hoped during the tumults of the warres , hee might happily take some opportunity to recouer againe the citie of cambray , which being indeed a citie imperiall , was notwithstanding with-holden from him by the french men . the french king in the meane while contracted a league with dauid king of scottes , who for the same purpose came with his wife to paris . hee sent also a power into scotland to molest the english at home , that thereby their forces might be more weakened , and the king of englands puissance abated . the king of england proceeding in his purpose , with the power of his confederates besieged cambray to recouer it againe to the empire . but the citie was so well prouided both of munition and victuall , that hee attempted it in vaine : wherefore abandoning the siege , hee passed with his forces into fraunce . assoone as the english army was entred into fraunce , the earle of henault , who of late succeeded in the roome of his deceased father , and had been present at the siege of cambray ( as a matter of dutye in regard it concerned the empire ) refused now any longer to serue the king of england for feare of displeasing the french king , because hee thought that in this warre the king of england rather intended his own busines then the affaires of the empire . the french king at such time as his enemies forces were aduanced against him , and that the armyes on both sides stoode ready raunged in order of battell , albeit hee had a farre greater power then the king of england , ( as hauing in his armye aboue an hundreth thousand men , ) yet notwithstanding , partly perswaded by his lords , but principally terrifyed by the letters of robert king of sicill his neere kinseman an excellent astronomer , hee withdrew himselfe and departed without giuing battell . and so the king of england returned into braband , and the french king into his own country , much displeased with himselfe that he had refused to fight . the king of england shortly after being well assured of the faithfulnes of his confederates , passed ouer into his own kingdome . about this time in the citie of gaunt , a certaine person of the baser sort named jaques of arteuill , purchased himselfe such estimation among the commons , that in continuance of time there was none able to withstand his bold attempts , no not the earle of flaunders himselfe . the king of england to procure the good will of the flemmings , allyed this fellow vnto him , as one that might affoord him much helpe in his warres hereafter . of this iaques henceforth we shall often haue occasion to make mention . the king of england before hee returned into his owne conntrey as is a little before declared , had obtained a grant of the flemmings to ayde him in his warres , whereby himselfe might not onely assayle his enemie with the greater force , but they also recouer their lost towns , as lisle , tourney , and certaine others holden at that time by the french. but the flemmings pretended great difficulty in the matter , before they would conclude this league with the english . for they had formerly couenanted with the french king , and bound themselues vppon the forfeiture of twenty hundreth thousand crownes , neuer to beare armes against the king of fraunce , and these conditions were ratified by the bishop of rome . hereupon they perswaded the king of england to take vpon him the armes and stile of the realme of fraunce , and in so doing they thought themselues discharged of their oath . the king after much deliberation condiscended to their requests , and so the league was established betweene them . the french king hauing intelligence of the matter , practised with the flemmings by some friends of his , as it were in the name of the pope , to forsake the king of england and adhere to him againe , adding large promises of great reward : all which notwithstanding they refused , wherevppon presently ensued the popes thunderbolt . it made the flemmings shrewdly affraid , but the king of england so encouraged and hartened them by letters and messengers , that they brookt the matter with the better patience . then beganne the warres to growe hot between the flemmings and french men , and the king of fraunce sent his eldest sonne as generall , who with a puissant armye marched through the country euen as farre as henault . whilste william earle of henault for the establishing of his affayres , trauailed first into england , and afterward to lewis the emperour , the french men in his absence did meruaillously afflict his country by making continuall incursions vpon it . but the earle at his returne out of germanie , hauing associated himselfe with the king of england , the emperour , and diuers princes of the netherlands , raysed a mighty power , and being also ayded by him , who in a manner had the hearts of the flemmings at commaund , i meane iaques of artevile , enforced his enemies to retyre . so the armyes on both sides being prepared to fight , the earle of henault was very desirous to come to the encounter : but the duke of braband was of another opinion , and with weightie reasons disswaded him from hazarding the battaile till such time as the king of england were returned , whome they accounted as generall of this warre . assoone as the french king vnderstood the king of england was departed into his owne countrey , he gaue commaundement that a fleete of shippes should presently bee rigged and put forth to sea , to attend his comming backe , and then to assayle him with great violence , and bend all their forces to empeach his landing . but the king of england encountring them in his passage , put them valiantly to the worse , and with fortunes fauourable assistance arriued safely in flaunders . robert king of sicill of whome wee haue formerly spoken , foreseeing by the art of astrologie , that the kingdome of fraunce should sustaine great dammage by the english men , for the great affection he bare to that realme , trauailed himselfe to auinion , and there made earnest sute to the pope and colledge of cardinalls , that they would set an attonement betweene those twoo puissant princes . they promised to employ their endeuours , so the mindes of the kings were disposed according . about this time the brabanders , flemmings , and henowaies , entred into a most strict league among themselues , in such sort that if any of those countryes should happen to be molested with warre , or afflicted by any other meanes , the rest were bound to succour and assist them : and if any dissention or variance chaunced , they should arbitrate the matter among themselues , or else if the case were such that they could not decyde it , then it should bee determined by the discretion of the king of england , into whose hands they were all sworne to put the controuersie and to abide by his arbitriment . the king of england associated with the ayd of his confederates , besieged tourney with a strong army . many assaults were giuen , but they preuailed not by reason of the valiant defence made by the townsemen , who were furnished throughly aforehand , both with men and all thinges needefull to offend the enemye by commaundement from the french king , who was ptiuie to a great part of the deuises and consultations among his enemies . during the siege before tourney , the french king sending certain companies into scotland , ernestly entreated the captains left there in garrison for the safty of their country by king dauid , to make some invasion vppon the english , that by this meanes his enemie might bee enforced to rayse his siege and returne for the defence of his own country : promising moreouer that he would send them store of souldiers whose seruice they might employ in that action . the scots stoutly vndertaking the matter , wonne certain holdes and much endammaged their enemy . the french king in the meane while levied a great armye to rayse the siege before tourney . there came to his ayde charles king of boheme , the dukes of burgoine , britaine , burbon , and loraine , the earles of bar , sauoy , geneua , alauson , and flaunders . and besides these , the kings of nauarre , and scotland , the one as confederate , the other as feudarie to the crowne of fraunce . that the earle of flaunders followed the french king as we haue declared , whilste the flemmings tooke part with the english , let it not seeme straunge to any , for thus standeth the case . this iaques of arteuill whome we spake of before , was become so popular and growne to such authoritie amongst the commons , that the earle himselfe could finde no safe abyding in his own country , but was constrained for that cause to commit himselfe to the protection of the french king. the siege of tourney continued some three moneths , during which space iane os valoys the french kings sister , and mother to the earle of henault , laboured very earnestly to procure a composition . at length shee obtained thus much , that a day was appointed for a meeting to be had betweene the lords of fraunce and england , where they agreed vpon a truce for twelue months space , with condition that each party should hold whatsoeuer he had gotten by battell . herevppon the armies were both dismissed . and this further was concluded , that at a certain time prefixed within the yeare , another treatie should be had at arras , where commissioners from both princes , and from pope clement should meete together , and this likewise was performed . there the english men demaunded much , and the french men profered nothing , saue the earledome of ponthiew , which was giuen before in dowrie to king edwards mother , when shee married into england . more then thus was nothing done in this treaty , onely another yeere added to the truce , and the king of england returned into his country . when things were thus set at a stay , and that the duke of britaine prepared to returne into his owne country , he was seised vppon in his iourney by a most violent sicknes , whereof in short space he dyed , leauing behind no lawfull issue male to succeed him . he had two brothers , of whome the one which was earle of mountfort , was his brother onely by the fathers side , the other both by father and mother , but he died before him leauing issue one only daughter , whome the duke of britaine in his life time ioyned in marriage to charles of bloys sisters son to phillip the french king. for the duke fearing it might so fall out , that after his decease his brother the earle of mountfort would seise the seigniory of britaine into his owne handes , and by that meanes dispossesse , and as it were disinherite the lawfull daughter of his brother by the whole bloud , thought good to prouide a stay for the lady by marriage , and therefore his desire was the rather to match her to the kings nephew , because if the other should make any attēpt hereafter , he might the easilier be resisted . and so it came to passe . for the earle of mountfort had no sooner vnderstanding of his brothers death , but that partly by force , & partly by cōposition he possessed himselfe of the greater part of britane . and then the better to supporte his cause and stablish his estate , he went ouer to the king of england , where relating the whole discourse of his proceedings , he receiued from him the inuestiture of his dukedome . and the king of england considering that by this meanes he might haue a ready passage through britaine into fraunce , promised both his councell and furtherance to the newe duke against his enemie , whether it were the french king or any other whosoeuer . for he had lost the french kings fauor before , euer since he brought in the germaines to serue in his warres , vppon whome he had spent such a huge masse of money , withou● accomplishing any notable enterprise . and this is the true cause and originall ground of this warre . charles of bloys being aduertised of the proceedings and enterprises of mountfort , made great complaint of him to the french king. after consultation had , the king commaunded that the earle should be summoned to the parliament of paris . the earle came , and after some debatings on both sides , he was enioyned by the king not to depart the citie for a certaine season . neuerthelesse he conueyed himselfe secretly away , and so sentence was giuen with charles . it was a great blot in mountforts case that he had been inuested in his duchie by the king of england . and thervppon the french king denouncing charles to be rightfull heyre , encouraged him with his own mouth to recouer by force of armes the seigniorie due vnto him both by iudgement of law and right of inheritance : promising not only his owne ayde , but procuring other lords also to assist him in the maintenance of his rightful quarrell . the warre was vndertaken ( in the behalfe of charles ) with the power of the peeres of fraunce his friendly assistants . besides other , at length the citie of nants ( the principall in those partes ) was forced by assault . there mountfort himselfe was taken prisoner , and from thence conueyed to paris to the king , by whose commaundement being cast in prison , he there ended his life . his lady in the meane time bearing her fortune with a true manlike resolution , encouraged the fainting hearts of her people , and both fortified with garrisons and furnished with victuals ; the rest of the holdes yet vntaken by the enemie . vppon conclusion of the truce between the kings of england and fraunce , and dissoluing the siege before tournay , the king of england returning home , perceiued what great annoyance the scottes had wrought to his country in the meane while : wherevppon he assembled an armie . the scottes being pressed with great extremitie in the absence of the king , purchased a truce of the english vppon condition , that if within foure moneths space the king did not prouide for the rescue , they should yeeld . this was signified to the king of scottes , who therevppon returned , and being ayded with forraine power , wonne certaine holdes from the english . amongst other the citie of durham was one , where no mercy was shewen to no sex , age , nor order whatsoeuer , but the very churches and all were consumed with fire . afterward perceiuing that by further prosecutiug his enterprise , he did but lose his labour , and vnderstanding moreouer that the king of england approached with a mightie power , vppon deliberation with his counsell , he retired : in the meane while ministring proffers of a truce which notwithstanding he had no intention to admitte till he had first taken aduise of the french king with whome he was formerly confederate . the lordes of fraunce departing out of britaine for no other respect but because the winter whether compelled them , returned againe with their forces in the beginning of sommer , purposing to bring the rest of that duchy in subiection . whereof the lady of mountfort being aduertised , shee sent ambassadours to the king of england , requiring ayde vppon this condition , that her son whome shee had borne by the earle of mountfort , should take to wife some one of the kings daughters . but the succours which he sent for , the space of well nere twoo moneths together were tost vppon the seas with stormes and contrarie windes , in such sort as they could by no meanes attaine to their desired porte , so that in the meane season certaine places were recoured by the french men . but it is admirable to relate with what courrage and stowtnesse the lady mountfort demeaned her selfe : fot shee was not only content to fortifie stronge holdes , and encourage her followers with comfortable speeches , but shee also put on armor herselfe , and attended with a troupe of horse , came into the open field and prouoked her enemie . moreouer being besieged in a certaine castle and put to great distresse , when for the most part all that were about her perswaded to yeeld , shee alone ( amongst men ) persisted in opinion to the contrarie , and with this resolution held it out so long till at last the english forces which had wandred a great while vppon the seas , arriued to her rescue . a certaine french captaine called lewis of spaine , tooke the citie of dinant in britaine by composition , the citizens hauing slaine their gouernour in the market place , because he refused to yeeld it . another citie neere adioyning named gerand , was taken by the same captaine by force ; where not so much as children and little infants , nor the temples consecrated to gods seruice , could escape the vttermost rigour of warre , but were all destroyed with fire and sword. the duke was much displeased with this impious cruelty , and worthylie caused the authors of such wickednesse to be hanged . he also receiued the citie of vannes vppon composition without consent of the captaine , and many other places besides . to be short , diuerse encounters passed both by sea and land with variable fortune on both sides . a towne and castle in those partes called hamibout , was assaulted with great violence , but defended with more valour , for therin at that time remayned the duchesse of britaine whome wee spake of before . the french men perceiuing they spent their time in vaine , and that winter began to approach , perswaded charles of bloys to dismisse his armie , and withall to take a truce , and place his souldiers in garrison . it was so done , and the duchesse sayled ouer to the king of england , who sent an armie into britaine against the french men . about this time , the noble men of england counselled their king to take a stedfast truce with the scottes for three yeeres space if it might be : shewing how great a burthen it would be to him to supporte so huge a charged of wars round about him , in scotland on the one side , in fraunce on the other . herevppon ambassadours were sent to the scottish king , but nothing could be effected , for he would determine vppon nothing without the french kings counsell . the king of england mooued therewithall , raysed a mightie power in purpose to bring the scottes to vtter subuersion . but in the meane time , by the mediation of good men a truce was obtained & stablished . the english armie which we spake of erewhile , met with the french kings fleete well appointed , vppon the coast of britaine . there they encountred one another and continued in fight till within the euening . somewhat before midnight there arose a very dangerous tempest , which scattered them in such sort , that they were separated more then an hundreth miles asunder . in this conflict also , the countesse of mountfort her selfe performed knightly seruice . at length the english men recouered a hauen not farre from the city of vannes , at that time in possession of the french men , where putting on land their forces , they valiantly approched the citie . and in conclusion diuiding their army into three partes , with two of them they fiercely assaulted the town in two seuerall places in the night season , and whilste al men resorted thither to make resistance , they brought the rest of their forces to a place vnfortified and so entred the towne , putting all that were in it eyther to the sword or to flight . there were two french lords which had the custody of this towne , whome it full sorely greeued to see the citie thus taken . therefore assembling such forces as they could rayse vppon the suddaine , they gaue a fresh assault to the towne and so surprised it agine from the enemy . in these conflicts robert of artoys admirall of the english fleete , and generall of the warre , was wounded : who being conueyed to london for the cure of his hurts , in short space after there ended his life . whereat the king of england conceiued so great greefe and displeasure , that of purpose to reuenge the death of so worthy a man , so deerely esteemed , he himselse sailed ouer with a mighty power of shipping into britaine . so great was the number of the english forces , that at one instant they besieged three of the most puissant cities in all that countrey renes , vannes , and nants , where charles of bloys with his wife at the same time remained : besides the towne of dinant which they tooke by force . charles of bloys wrote to the french king concerning the state of his affaires , the arriuall of the english , the besieging of his townes : earnestly requiring that he would succour him in this great distresse . the french king sent his sonne the duke of normandy : who with an armie of some forty thousand , tooke his way directly towardes vannes at that time very streytly besieged by the english . and had not the winter season brought great impediment to their purpose , it had surelie come to a field battell . but at length through the intercession of twoo cardinals sent from pope clement , a truce was agreed vppon for three yeares , and a solemne o the taken of the princes for the due obseruation thereof in the meane space . so the king of england returned into his owne countrey . whilste the warres were yet open , the englishmen had laid siege to the citie of vannes latelie before recouered by the french : and it was stoutly defended by twoo noble men , the one called lord clisson , the other henrie of lyon. it was these mens fortune in a certaine light skirmish to be taken prisoners by the english : and because there was a lord of england also remaining among the french , vpon conclusion of the truce , communication was had for the exchange of prisoners . the king of england for the redeeming of his , deliuered to the french men the lord clisson , detayning the other still prisoner . herevppon as is most likely , some emulous obseruers of clissons cariage , raysed a suspition that he should be secretly affected to the english , and that for this respect , he rather then the other obtained his libertie . to be short , this iealousie encreased so farre , that he lost his head for it at paris . and for the like cause diuers other noble men suffered the like punishment . sure it was a lamentable spectacle , especially considering that clisson in the recouerie of vannes from the english , had so honourablie performed the office both of an excellent captaine and valiant souldier . this act of the french kings was taken in so ill part by the king of england ( esteeming it done in his reproch ) that he commaunded henrie of lyon to be presently set at libertie , and freely forgaue him his raunsome : onelie enioyning him at his returne to signifie to the french king , how he interpreted these proceedings no otherwise then as intended to his dishonour , and that thereby he held the late truce to be violated : wherefore he should expect no other from him but as an enemy . this message was deliuered to the french king , and the king of england sent an armie into aquitane , with certaine other forces to succour the lady mountfort . the englishmen were entertained with great applause at bayon and burdeaux . afterward laying siege to bergerat , a towne neere the riuer gerond , they receiued the townsemen to mercy , the english captaine taking their othe of fidelitie in the name of the king his master . they tooke many other places also partly by composition , partlie by force of armes . amongst other they wonne the castle of auberoch , a place notably fortified , and leauing there a garrison to defend it , the english captaine returned againe with the rest of his army to burdeaux . in the meane while the french men to the number of twelue thousand , besieged the same castle againe verie streytly and put the souldiers there in garrison to great distresse . but the english captaine at burdeaux hauing intelligence thereof , assembled some nine hundreth men , and in an euening , when the french men were to supperward , brake suddainelie out of a wood and charged so resolutely vppon them , that he put them to discomfiture , and in the chace tooke diuers prisoners , their captaine for one , being sore wounded , whome the people in those partes had in such estimation , as if he had beene a prince . as the english men lay in leaguer before a certaine castle , the souldiers put their captaine in holde because he refused to yeeld it vp to the enemy , and would by no meanes graunt his liberty , but vppon consent to their request . in the end he consented , and afterward comming to tholouse , was there arrained of treason , and hanged vppon a gibbet for his labour . the towne of rioll was likewise rendered into the englishmens handes , but the castle was still maintained by the captaine . the englishmen therefore drew a mine , & ouerthrew a great part of it to the ground : then the captaine considering his imminent perill , abandoned the place and left the castle to the english . they also receiued angolesme by composition , after a moneths respit which the townsemen had requested vppon hope to be releeued in the meane time by the french king. it is formerly tolde you of iaques de arteuill how he was growne so great among the flemmings , that the earle himselfe could haue no safe recourse into his own country . but at length hee receiued the iuste reward of a seditious rebell . he had giuen great hope to the king of england , that hee would procure the whole countrey of flaunders by generall consent to accept him for their soueraigne . and for accomplishment hereof the king of england with a well furnished nauie arriued in the hauen of flaunders . the matter was propounded to the commons , and all for the most part seemed well affected to the king of england . but the gauntoys tooke this practise in meruailous ill part , and when iaques returned into the citle , they entertained him nothing so kindly as they were wont , but besetting the house where he was , brake open the dores vppon him , and slew him as he thought to haue escaped at a posterne . amongst other articles wherewith they charged him , this also was a principall point , that he had priuately conueyed all the common treasure ouer to the king of england . the earle of flaunders moreouer had but one onelie sonne . about the same time , william earle of henault sayling with great assistance into friseland ( pretending himselfe to be rightfull lord of that country ) was himselfe there slaine in battell with diuers of his nobilitie . after his death , margaret princesse of henault and wife to lewis of bavier the emperour , tooke possession of this earledome . the french king was very desirous to draw vnto his partie one sir iohn of henault , a worthy gentleman and a gallant souldier , who had formerly done great seruice to the king of england . the matter was attempted by diuers meanes , and when no other would take effect , this devise was put in practise : to insinuate into his conceit , that the king of england had a purpose to withdrawe from him , his pensions and yeerely entertainments . he gaue such credit to this report , that forthwith he wholy estranged himselfe from the king of england , and yeelded his seruice to the french king. when the french king vnderstood that the englishmen wasted aquitaine , and had wonne many townes and fortresses there , he levied his forces , amounting to the number of an hundreth thousand men . ouer this armie he appointed his sonne john duke of normandy to be lievetenant generall . to the french kings ayde came odet duke of burgundy , with his sonne phillip earle of artoys and boloine , both of them excellently well accomplished for the warr . they recouered the towne of angolesme , & laid siege to the castle of aguillion , gotten before by the englishmen vppon composition , then which there was not a stronger nor better fortified in those quarters . the winning thereof was by sundry meanes attempted . but it is incredible to beleeue , with what courage and resolution the englishmen that laye there in garrison defended themselues . the french king being aduertised thereof , and demaunded what his pleasure was to be done in the matter , returned answere to his sonne that he should continue his siege till necessitie of hunger constrained them to yeeld . the king of england vnderstanding in what distresse his men were , raysed in continently a power of fourteen thousand souldiers . he was accompained amongst other with his son edward prince of wales , and a certain french gentleman called godfrey of harecourt , who being expulsed his country by the french king , fled to the king of england for safegard of himselfe , and reuenge of his iniuries : for the french king had seized vppon all his possessions . this godfrey was the cause that the king of england directed his course into normandy , being otherwise purposed to sayle into aquitaine . he diuided his armie into three partes , whereof two raunged along the sea coast , wasting the fields , sacking diuers townes , and leading away their prisoners , least afterward they might gather to a head and worke them some displeasure . the third wherein was the king himselfe , marched through the maine land , making hauocke of all things , and euery night they mette all together againe at the kings campe . the french king in the meane time caused such an armie to be raised , as a more puissant had not beene seene in fraunce of many yeeres . letters were also addressed to the king of bohemia for ayde , who at that time highly fauoured the french king. the englishmen tooke a very rich towne in normandy called saint lupes , and afterward hastened to the siege of another much richer called caē , borrowing that name of the riuer running by it . the townsmen were purposed to haue giuen battell to the englishmen in the field : but being people vnexperienced in armes , at the first fight of the enemie , they fled backe again into the towne . the french captaines had betaken themselues to their fortresses , but beholding the huge slaughter made in the citie ( for the englishmen had taken it ) they yeelded . amongst other prisoners the constable was one , whome with the rest which were taken in his company , the king of england afterwards bought of him that took them for twentie thousand crownes . the englishmen marching still forward , passed ouer the riuer seane towards roane , and their light horsmen scoured the country euen vnto the suburbes of paris : where encountring the townsmen of amience well appointed , posting towardes paris vppon commaundement from the king , because of long time before they had been charged with no seruice for the warres , they let fiercely vpon them , and bereft them of their carriage . the french king in the meane while ( notwithstanding the parisians earnest sute to the contrary ) departed from paris to saint dennis , whither as then the rest of the peeres were assembled . from thence pursuing his enemie with a certaine vehement and wonderfull desire to fight , he remoued to amience . the king of england assayed to passe his armie ouer the riuer some , but there was neither foord knowne , nor bridge possible to be taken , they were all so surely garded by the french men . at length after proclamation of enlargement and reward to any french prisoner that should performe it , a certaine young man taken by chaunce , discouered a forde . the french men suspecting they would passe ouer at the same place , opposed themselues strongly against them , and entertained them in the riuer with a sharpe skirmish . neuerthelesse the englishmen waded through and put them to flight . by this time the french king was come to abbevile , and the king of england wayted for him in the plaine fieldes , to giue him battell . when the time of battell approched , the king of england made his prayers to god to send him an happy victory , and diuided his wholy armie into three parts . in the vauntgarde was his sonne , in the reregard himselfe . the fight was furious on both sides , but at length the englishmen obtained the victory , which may seem a wonder considering the huge multitude of their enemies . in this battell the king of england ( who awaiting oportunitie , had not yet put himselfe in preasse ) being aduertised that his sonne fighting valiantly in the forefront , was wellnighe oppressed by the enemy , he made answere to the messengers in this sort : demaunde no helpe of me this day so long as my son liueth : for i will that he now shewe some proofe of his valor , and that the honour of the victory be wholy his and theirs that are appointed to attend him . in this battell was slaine henrie of lutzenburge father to charles king of bohemia , who although he were blinde , would needes adventure against the enemy notwithstanding . towards night the french king accompanied with very fewe , withdrewe himselfe out of the field . the king of england caused the dead bodies of the french men to be numbred , and there were found slaine , eleven princes , fourescore barons , twelue hundreth knights , and about thirtie thowsand others . by commaundement from the king , all the noble men were buried in the villages neere adioyning , and three daies truce was graunted to giue buriall to their dead . after the king of england had obtained this notable victorie , he tooke his way directly towards calice , and environning the towne with a stronge siege , there planted himselfe , in purpose not to depart before he had constrained them to yeelde for famine . meane while the french king sent word to his sonne the duke of normandy , lying still at the siege of aguillion , that he should giue ouer his enterprise , and conuey his forces againe into fraunce , to withstand the english men who subdued all things before them as they passed . before this aduertisement came to the army , there was another battell fought betweene the french and the english : wherein was present phillip son to the duke of burgundy , who falling with his horse soone after departed this life . during the siege of aguillion ( wherof an english baron was captaine ) the earle of derbie whome the king of england had before sent into aquitaine , remayning at burdeaux . assoone as he vnderstood that the siege was raysed and the duke of normandy departed , he assembled to the number of six thousand men , and raunging through a great part of the countrie thereabouts , at length tooke poitiers by assault , and then returning againe to burdeaux , dismissed his souldiers , leauing no garrison in poitiers , because the towne was vtterlie raced . whilste the king of england was busied about the siege of calice , david king of scottes ( partly of his owne motion , partly by procurement of the french king ) perswading himselfe that all the souldiers of england or at leastwise the greater part were gone a warfare with their king , assembled his forces to the number of fortie thousand or there about , and invaded england . the queene of england in the mean time behaved her selfe with great courage and discretion , consulting with the lords and prelates of her real me , about the direction of her affaires . so an armie was levied vpon the suddaine , and the enemie fiercely encountred certaine archbishops and bishops of england being present in the conflict : whose power notwithstanding it were sarre inferiour in number to the scottes , yet they obtained the victorie . in this battell the scottish king himselfe with many others , were taken prisoners . the number of them that were slaine , amounted to fifteene thousand , the rest saued themselues by flight . after the accomplishment of this honourable victorie , the queene of england crossed the seas and went to visite the king her husband . in the battell before mentioned , amongst others was also slaine the earle of flaunders , who by reason of the rebelliu of iaques de artevill , was compelled to put himselfe into the french kings protection . he left a sonne named lewis at that time about fifteene yeeres of age . now the king of england was in great expectation , that through the politicke assistance ▪ of iaques de artevill , he should haue brought the flemminges to receiue him for their soveraigne , and that his sonne the prince of wales with their generall acceptance , should haue obtained the lordship of all flaunders . but the author of so wicked a deuise was slaine as is already declared : for the flemmings would not disinherit the son of their lord , though they loued not his father . the king of england therefore began to treate of a marriage betweene the young earle , who was then remaining in the french court ( for he fled thither with his father at such time as the state grew troublesome in flaunders ) and a daughter of his named isabell . against this match the duke of braband opposed himself , for he also had a daughter at the same time whom he desired to match with the young earle . meanes were found by the flemminges to conuey the earle from the french king , and he returned into flaunders in hope to recouer his fathers possession . the king of england in the meane while was nothing slacke in soliciting his sute with the lordes of flaunders . by them the matter was mooued and the match profered to young lewis . but he vtterly refused it , protesting that he would neuer marrie the daughter of him that had slaine his father . when the counsellors of flaunders sawe him so resolute in this opinion and that he would giue them none other answere , they committed him to safe custody , and would graunt no enlargement , but vppon condition that he should be ruled by the aduise of his elders . so at length he was perswaded , and the king of england with the earles wife that should be , the lordes of flaunders , and himselfe , mette together at a day appointed . there the matter was debated , the earle consented , was forthwith contracted , and after returned into flaunders , where he was nothing so straightly lookt vnto as he had beene . a little before the nuptialls should be solemnized , he tooke occasion accompanied with a small traine , to ride a hawking , where pretending great earnestnesse in following a faulcon , which he had let flye at the heron , by little and little he outstripped the rest of his companie , till at last he lost sight of them all , and so escaped againe to the french king. whilste the king of england besieged calice , the truce which we told you was concluded by certaine cardinals between charles of bloys and the countesse of mountfort expired , by occasion where of the warres were renewed againe afresh . the king of england sent a competent crew of horsemen out of the army which besieged calice , to succour the lady mountfort . certaine englishmen were straightly environed by charles of bloys in a towne & castle which they had taken immediatly before : but certain other englishmen sent suddainly from the countesse in the dawning of the day , brake vnlookt for into the campe of the french men ( who by reason of a little good fortune in a certaine skirmish the day before , lookt negligently to their watch ) and putting a great part of them to the sword , tooke also the lord charles of bloys himselfe prisoner . in the meane time the king of england prested the town of calice with great vehemency , and the french king intending to raise his siege , levied a mighty army . whereof the king of england hauing aduertisement , so fortified all places , by which the french men might haue any accesse as well by the sea coast as the maine land , that they could not possibly make any approche to disturbe him . the french king seeing all entrance already foreclosed , required the king of england to giue him battell . but the king of england considering how he had spent welnigh a whole yeere in the siege of this citie , and withall consumed a great treasure about it , thought it good policy to hold his advantage . the same time also two cardinals sent from pope clement to endeuour an accord betweene the princes , had three dayes communication with the lords that were appointed commissioners from both parties , but could effect nothing of their purpose . wherevppon the french king presently after dissolued all his great army . the cal sians seeing themselues depriued both of present ayde and future expectatiō , began to parly of giuing vp the town . but the king of england would accept no other condition but one , which was to put themselues , life , and goods absolutelie into his power , and to remaine wholy at his disposition . his counsell earnestly disswading him from this obstinate resolution , as a thing tending to very ill example , at length the matter was brought to this issue : that six of the principall citizens , bareheaded and barefooted , with halters about their necks , and the keies of the towne in their hands , should present themselues before him to be disposed of at his pleasure . the report of those tydings , suddainly mooued great mourning and lamentation in the citie . in which sorrowfull confusion , when one not of the meaner ranke had protested openly that he would not shunne death in the behalfe of his country , now almost pined with hunger , his example soone after drewe fiue more to the like affection . these men being publikely brought forth in such manner as he appointed who had now iurisdiction over their liues , and by his commaundement adiudged to dye : when all the noble men had made intercession in vaine , the queene at length after many reasons alledged for her purpose , with much entreatie obtained their pardon . then were some sent to take possession of the towne , and by authority from the king all the old inhabitants were removed , and the citie new peopled with english . after this , by meanes of a certaine cardinall , a truce was taken for two yeares . the king of england entrusted the gouernment of calice to a certaine italian . not long after , a french lord that laye in garrison at saint omers , knowing the nature of the italians to be aboue all other people couetous of golde , practised priuately with this fellow , to sell him the castle for twenty thousand crownes . the king of england , i know not by what meanes , hauing intelligence hereof , dissembled his knowledge , and sending for the italian , examined him of the matter . who seeing no other remedy confessed the truth , and besought him of pardon . the king graunted , and at his departure gaue him in charge to proceede with his proiect . a day before this practise should be put in execution , the king himselfe strongly guarded , as couertly as might be entered into calice . the french man who had payd his money down , and knew nothing that the plot was discouered , sent his men of armes before to take the castle . assoone as they came in , not suspecting any such matter , they were presently attached and made prisoners to the english . then in the dawning of the day the king of england issuing out of the citie , charged suddainly vppon the rest of the french men which houered thereabout to see the successe of their enterprise , and put them to flight , taking many prisoners , and amongst others the same person that was the first contriuer of this treason . about this time king phillip of valois married another wife , the daughter of phillip king of navarre : and almost at the same instant iohn his eldest son tooke to wife i●aue duchesse of boloine , late wife to the duke of burgundies sonne , the same that at the siege of aguillion ended his life , in the yeere of our lord 1346. after the decease of king phillip , iohn his sonne succeeded in his stead , who not long after his coronation arrained the constable ( then newlie deliuered out of prison in england ) of treason , and caused him to be beheaded at paris . john the son of phillip de valoys . shortly after the coronation of king iohn , pope clement departed out of this life at avinon . he appointed for his successour in the papacy , the cardinall of ostia a french man borne , called before his election stephen albert , but afterward named innocent the sixt . by occasion of certaine disgracefull speeches mutually enterchanged , a mortall quarrell was growne betwixt the king of bohemia and the duke of lancaster , which they were at point to decide by single combate : but the french king interposing himselfe , by his mediation the matter was compounded . after the constable as we tolde you , was by the kings commandement put to death , charles of spaine , vpon whome the king had bestowed the seigniory of angolesme , & who had also espoused the daughter of charles of bloys , being aduanced to that office , was by charles king of navarre slaine suddainlie in his bed . with this fact , as ye may well iudge , the french kings mind was not a little troubled , neuerthelesse vppon certaine conditions he was pacified . to this charles thus murdred succeeded iaques of burbon . and the truce taken between the french king and the english to endure till aprill , was prolonged to midsommer . for the ambassadours of both kings meeting at avinion before the pope , when they could not agree vppon articles of peace , added so much more time to the continuance of the truce . the prince of wales brought an army into aquitaine , and the king his father intending to prosecute his warres in fraunce , came to calice . there the french king by an herauld profered the single combate , but the king of england refused it . the french king sending out his writtes , summoned to paris all his nobilitie , with the heads of the church and the burgesses of his townes , declaring vnto them how greatly it imported him to prouide for the warres . so by act of parliament a generall subsidy was graunted , from payment whereof there was no man could be exempted . the king of navarre , iohn earle of harecourt , and divers others , being surprised by the french kings vnsuspected approche , as they sat at dinner in the castle of roan , were suddainly apprehended and committed to safe custody . the king of navarre was sent prisoner to paris . the earle of harecourt had vttered i wot not what reprochfull words against the king , in presence of diuers noble men , stoutly maintaining that the subsidy lately exacted , ought not to be payd , and withall exhorting the residue to stand stifly in deniall thereof . hence grew the ground of his inditement , and hence proceeded the cause of his punishment . for herevppon the king commaunded him to be beheaded , and his body afterward to be hanged vppon a gibbet . the king of englands sonne who came lately ( as we told you ) into aquitaine , setting forth from burdeaux , wasted all the country thereabout , namely poytiers , turon , and berrie ; where fournishing himselfe with what was needfull for his owne vse , the rest he vtterly spoyled and destroyed , burning vp their corne , and shedding out their wines to the intent that afterwards it might not be cōuerted to the benefite of his enemy . the french king in the meane while hauing a great power assembled at charires , departed from thence , with all possible hast , and a right enemie-like affection following after the english prince . when he came neere vnto poytiers , newes was brought him that the english armie laie encamped not farre off . immediatlie herevppon calling his counsell , he gaue direction for the setting of his men in order , disposing his whole armie into three battalions . in the first he placed ●he duke of orleans , in the second charles his eldest son , and himselfe led the reregard . the number of his enemies was very small . assoone as he vnderstood by his scowts in what sort they were embattelled , and how they had planted themselues in a place both by nature and their owne industrie stronglie fortified , he gaue commaundement that all his people should fight on foote , three hundreth or somewhat more onlie excepted , who with their horses were appointed to breake the aray of the english archers . he was accompanied in the field with his foure realme , with great impunitie of vice , as generally happeneth in such cases , where scarce any are thought to remaine which by authoritie might repres●e mischiefe & punish offenders . theeues and robbers banding themselues together , filled the country with repine and murder , forestalling the highwaies , and spoyling the passengers . besides this , the s●ates could not well agree among themselues , for the nobilitie began to distaste the authoritie of the ●ix and thirty which were appointed to haue chiefe rule in the cōmon wealth . but most horrible of all other , was that ●umultuous insurrection of the peasants which assembled in champaine and the places thereabout , whose companie by little and little aug●enting through the daily concourse of such rascalles as resorted to them from all quarters , at length encreased so farre , that their number amounted to an hundreth thousand . their purpose was to have destroyed all the nobilitie and gentry of fraunce . and with this intent entring violently into the noble men and gentlemens houses , they ri●led them , bound the maisters to the postes , & ●auished their wiues and daughters before their faces , murthered cruelly all the whole houshoulde , and lastly consumed the houses with fire . and now their barbarous outrage preuayling so ●arre , that the women of greatest calling were compelled to forsake their dwellings and hide themselues in secret places , vnlesse they would abandon their bodies to the beastly lust of most filthy varlets , an army at length was raised , and at the towne of meaulx they were fought withall , and euerie one slaine or drowned in the riuer marne . charles the kings sonne , perceiuing there was a secret conspiracie betweene the king of navarre and the prouost of paris , departed out of the towne , and assembled his forces . it seemed as if the matter would haue growne to a troublesome issue , for hee besieged the cittie , but by the mediation of certaine bishops , the princes were reconciled . the prouoste neuerthelesse intending to set all in an vproare , had plotted one night to dispatch all those of the contrary faction . and the matter was brought to such forwa●dnesse , that he had already agreed with ce●taine ( ●ho for the same purpose awayted their prey without the gates ) that at a time appointed in the night they should enter into the cittie . but the treason beeing discouered , hee himselfe was apprehended in the night season with ●he keyes of the towne in his hand , and so slaine with so●e others that were partakers of his practise . this prouo●●e ( during the troublesome state of those times , ) was the first that enclosed paris with walles and ditches , and planted gates at the entrances into the cittie . the king of navarre beeing certified of this mans death , whome he dearely esteemed in regard of the manifolde benefits he had receiued at his handes , and partly moued with displeasure of the matter , but ●ore neerely touched , for that himselfe was commonly noted to bee chiefe author of that practise , as well of his o●ne accord , as by instigation of his brother philip , ( who had formerly vexed normandy with warres , & desired nothing more then to ●orke mischiefe to the realme of fraunce ) ●orthwith denounced warre , and hotly pursued it , making many excursions towards seane and marne , and ●inning also diuerse townes and fortresses about amien●e & arras . the prouost had furnished him with great sommes of money , and therefore he might maintaine men of warre at his pleasure : besides , many fauoured his pretence and furthered his proceedings . hereby it cam● to passe that oftentimes he tooke many townes and castles ●ith little or no difficultie : insomuch that certaine of the principall to●nesmen of amie●ce at an houre agreed vpon in the night , set open the gates of the towne for his soldiers to enter , where then nothing else remained to winne but the castle . but by good fortune certaine fre●ch horsemen falling vpon them , dissappoynted their purpose , putting the aduenture●s to flight , and the tra●tors to execution . together with these euills ( as is wonte to happen ) ensued a wonderfull dearth and scarcitie of all things , in such forte as the poorer people had much adoe to sustaine their liues : and this plague continued fower yeeres . for , so long as the insatiable soldiers deuoured all mens goods , of what estate or degree soeuer without controlment , so long the husbandman might not apply his labour in safetie , not the merchant exercise his trafficke without extreame hazard both of life and goods : what other effect could ensue thereof , but a generall & common mischiefe , and such a one as should concerne euerie particular person ? certaine of the king of navarres people beeing vpon a time surprised by their enemies at some disaduantage , whē they sawe that of necessity they must put their fortunes in tryall , though farre ouermatched in number , yet seeing no other remedy , they betooke themselues to a little hill , and putting off all their spurres , pitched them in the ground before thē with the rowells vpward to hinder the aproach of their enemies . but the euening came on so fast , that it stayed the frenchmen from the'ncounter . in the night time with great silence they conveyd themselues into the next village , and there making fires as if they had purposed to tarrie all night , they secretly departed contrarie to the frenchmens expectation , who pursued in vaine , but could not ouertake them . amongst other places the navarrois held melune vpon seane . to the besieging of this towne , the duke of normandy sent foure thousand horsemen . but by mediation of the cardinals which wee spake of before , a peace was concluded betweene them . but phillip the king of navarres brother would neuer giue his consent to any conditions of peace whatsoeuer , vpbraiding his brother that he was deluded with witchcraftes and enchauntments : and therefore he retired himselfe to certaine holdes vppon the sea coast which were in the kings of englands subiection . by that time the peace was confirmed betweene the navarrois and the frenchmen , the three yeeres truce ( obtained by the cardinals after the taking of king iohn ) betweene fraunce and england , expired . therefore all such as had serued ●nder the king of navarre , repayred to the english captaines for entertainment , and so one mischiefe drew on many more successiuely ensuing each other . notwithstanding for that time , the englishmen were but ill entreated by the french , though not without great dāmage to the poore wretches that inhabited in the vpland country , or in townes but weakly fortified . for the englishmen accompanied with forreine souldiers , made spoyle of them at their pleasure . when the time of truce ( as wee said before ) was worne out , the king of england and his eldest sonne with the french king and the duke of burbon , conferred priuately together at london concerning a peace , the articles whereof they sent ouer to the duke of normandy , and he propounded them to the three estates of the kingdome . but when the matter came to be debated in counsell , these conditions were vtterly disliked , and answere was giuen to the ambassadors , that they would rather choose to endure yet greater miseries , then condiscend to such articles . this answere was taken in very ill parte , as well by the captiue king of fraunce , as by the king of england : who immediately thereupon caused such an armie to be levyed , as neuer any man saw passe out of england before . hee tooke landing at calice , accompanied with his foure sons . but before his departure out of england , he made open declaration of his intent before the whole army : in effect , that he had vndertaken this expedition in hope and full purpose to enforce the french men to receiue such conditions as should be both for the honour of his person , the commoditie of his people , and the dignity of his crowne : and that he was resolued neuer to giue ouer , nor returne again , till such time as he had accomplished his affaires in such sorte as he desired . wherfore if any man disliked his pretence , hee should haue free liberty to depart , or tarrie . but there was none amongst them all which did not willingly embrace these conditions . from calice the king of england marched to rhemes , which cittie when he found for the bignesse thereof to be strongly fortifyed , he forbare to assault it , because he wold not rashly hazard the losse of any of his men whome he reserued for greater seruices . from thence after two moneths siege or somewhat more , he tooke his way into burgundy . the duke sent messengers to him , requesting that his souldiers might not be suffered to spoyle his country , the king of england beeing a very curteous prince was easily entreated ; but vppon condition that the duke of burgundy should pay him an hundreth thousand crownes . in the meane time fraunce was miserably wasted , partly by the king of england himselfe , partly by the rest of his army left in picardy , and not a little by the king of navarre , who yet againe moued armes against the duke of normandy . a certaine fryer of the order of saint frauncis , prophesied at avinion that both the clergy should suffer much for their pride , couetousnesse and ambition , and that the kingdome of fraunce should be extreamly afflicted by the invasions of strangers , in so much that no part of it should be free from that miserie . the pope because he foretolde matters that displeased him , cast this fryer in prison . the king of england sent word to the duke of normandy , that he would giue him battell : but the duke hauing no disposition to put himselfe to the curtesie of fortune , stayed still at paris . and because he well perceiued , that the state could not long continue at this passe without the vtter subuersion and ouerthrowe of the kingdome : by aduise of his nobility & counsell , he sent ambassadors to the king of england to entreate of peace . the matter was diuersly attempted , but it seemed almost an impossibility to accord their difference . for the king of england still absolutely maintayned , that the crowne of fraunce was his rightfull inheritance . whilst things were thus in consultation , there suddainly rose a meruailous tempest about chartres , the violence whereof was such , that it ouerthrew both men and horses . the king was so moued with the consideration hereof , that he made a vowe he would incline his minde vnto peace , & so at calice the matter was concluded . the conditions were these : that the king of england , his heyres , and successours after him , should hold & enioy the countyes , cities , castles , holds , lordships , isles , rents and revenues of all aquitaine ; also the cittie , castle , county and whole seigniorie of poytiers : the cittie and castell of rochell , and limoges with all the country about it . to these were added , angolesme , aswell the towne as the castle , with all the territory thereto belonging : also calice , and many other places besides , whereof as the number is great , so the rehersall would be tedious . item , that the king of fraunce should renounce his title to all these , and release all fealtie and right , which he , his heires or successors might by any meanes clayme therein , & that the king of england should hold them all frankly and freely without acknowledgment of any homage or superiority to the king of fraunce or his successors in that behalfe . item , that the king of england should againe , for himselfe , his heires and successors , disclaime all title , right and interest , which eyther hee or his posteritie might pretend to the crowne of france . item , that he should resigne all the portion which he challenged in the dukedomes of normandy , aniow and turon : also all his right to britaine . these and many other articles , described more at large in my author , both the kings and their sonnes were solemnly sworne to obserue . and for further assurance , the french king gaue in hostage , the dukes of orleance , aniow , berry & burbon , besides some twelue earles and barons , and diuerse personages of good account sent particularly from all the chiefe citties of fraunce . these being all conveyed to london , the french king was set at libertie and returned againe to paris , to the great reioycement of his subiects . immediately vpon his returne , he directed forth letters to all his officers , lievetenants , and captaines , to avoyd out of all such townes , castles and holds , as hee had departed withall to the king of england . but it is wonderfull to report , with what vnwillingnesse they all for the most part obayed this commandement : for it seemed a very strange and difficult matter for them to vndergoe the yoke and subiection of the english . but the french king beeing a iust and vertuous prince , would for no respect infringe his oath , or swarue from his covenants . therfore he gaue commaund that all things should bee performed according to the expresse tenor of the agreement . in like manner the king of england sent commissioners to surrender againe certaine castles and holdes taken in the warres into the french kings possession . when the townes and fortresses were in this sort delivered , the soldiers which had now accustomed themselues so long time together to liue vpon spoyle and pillage , considering that in regard of the wicked acts they had formerly committed , it would bee little for their profit , and lesse for their safetie to returne home againe , determined from thenceforth to seeke their fortunes . and thereupon assembling themselues together , they ranged through champaine and the places adioyning , wasting and destroying all things before them , and as it commonly falleth out , their number daily encreased . the french king beeing informed of their mischieuous proceedings , sent iaques of burbon against them with an armie . he found them encamped vppon a very high hill , the scituation wherof was such that it was impossible to take any perfect view of their forces : & being indeed some sixteen thousand , they appeared to his scouts not aboue 5000. when it came to the encoūter , it was fiercely fought on both sides , but fortune inclined to the worser party . many gallant gentlemen perished in this conflict : the duke of burbon himselfe with peter his eldest son were verie sore wounded , and being conveyed to lyons , died within three daies after . when these villaines had obtained this victorie , they tooke their waie directly towards avinion ; at whose approche the pope and his colledge of cardinals were not a little affrighted , for such was both their courage and their crueltie , that no man durst oppose himselfe against them . neuerthelesse the pope and his cardinalls being thus driuen to their shifts , and hauing no other meanes to represse this mutinous multitude , to whome no mischiefe came amisse , commaunded a croysie to be preached against them , with a graunt of cleere remission of all their sinnes which tooke it vppon them . many assembled , but when there was no mention of pay , they shrunke away euery one . the very same time the marques of mountferrat made warre vppon the duke of millaine . the pope therefore practised with him to lead away this rebellious rebell into lumbardie . and euen so it fell out , for when the pope and cardinalls had paied them threescore thousand crownes , and that the marques also had promised them entertainment besides , they followed him and did him good seruice in his warres . the french king passed through the dukedome of burgundy ( which was then lately fallen to him by the death of the younger duke ) towards avmion to visite the pope , who in short space after deceassed . and when they could not determine vpon a new election ( by reason of the inordinate strife which was chiefelie betweene twoo contending for the papacie ) at length a certaine abbot of saint victors in marseilles , a learned and godlie man , was chosen , and from thenceforth called pope vrbane . the king of ciprus the same time arriued at avinion , and made earnest intercession to the pope and the french king , for the vndertaking of an expedition against the saracens and other enemies of the christian faith . the pope promised his furtherance , and in a publike assembly propounded the matter . wherevppon the french king with a great part of his nobility , tooke vpon them the signe of the crosse . afterward the king of ciprus trauelled into bohemia to the emperour , and from thence through germante , brabant , and flaunders , he came into england , making the like petition to king edward , but he honourably excused himselfe . out of england he returned vnto amience where the french king then soiourned : and after that he repaired into gascoine to the prince of wales , who about the same time had a son borne named edward . the noble men that were left in hostage for the french king , began to grow discontented for the long restraint of their liberty , and king edward being of a gentle and curteous disposition , had giuen them leaue to go ouer to calice , as well to recreate and refresh their mindes , as also that from thence ( being so neere fraunce ) they might the more commodiously dispose of their affaires in their owne countrey . they sent oftentimes to the king and the duke of normandy his sonne . but the king was so busied about the preparation of his voyage against the sa●acens & withall so troubled by the king of navarre , who still continued in armes against him , that he could not convenientlie intend to dispatch them . by meanes whereof , it came to passe that the duke of aniow the kings sonne , leaving the rest of his felow pledges , returned againe into fraunce . the french king had a mervailous desire to see the king of england againe , because he had so honourably entreated him whilste he was his prisoner . he was counselled to the contrary , notwithstanding he still persisted in his purpose , and so much the rather for that he would excuse his sonne for departing without licence . so he went and was entertained very royally . but not long after he fell sicke and died at london . his body was conueied ouer into fraunce and buried in the towne of saint dennise , the king of ciprus being present at his funeralles . the king of navarre thinking that occasion was now fitlie offered him to make warre , collected forces from all partes where he could raise them : and in normandy a battell was fought with great fiercenesse and little advantage on both sides . after the death of king iohn , his sonne charles who was before stiled duke of normandy , succeeded in the inheritance of the kingdome , and was the same yeere crowned at reames , together with his wife the daughter of peter duke of burbon . at his coronation were present , the king of ciprus , wenslaus king of bohemia , and the dukes of lutzemburge and brabant . when the solemnities were finished and the new king returned to paris , he proclaimed his younger brother phillip , ( who had beene prisoner with his father in england ) duke of burgundy , the same being formerly promised him by king iohn before his last going ouer into england . charles the fift . as yet fraunce was not throughly purged from the remnant of those rauinous cutthroates before mentioned : and in normandy and the places thereabout , many taking part with the navarrois , much afflicted the countrey . the ringleader of these warres was lewis of navarre . king charles appointed his brother phillip ( lately created duke of burgundy ) to go against them , by whome all for the most part was againe recouered . about the same time the earle of mountpeliarde , ayded by certaine germaines his friends , entered into burgundy not farre from besanson . incontinently the duke repaired thither with his armie , but his enemies were retyred before his comming . amongst the articles of peace betweene the kings of england and fraunce , ( whereof we haue giuen you a breefe abstract before , ) the matters of britaine were excepted , and the kings had both promised to employ their mutuall endeauours that the controuersie might be indifferently decyded . but the matter was very slightly handled , and it happened that king iohn dyed as is already declared . by meanes whereof the warres brake forth afresh , and the french king sent a thousand horse to the ayde of charles of bloys , who vppon the delivery of his sons in hostage , was now released out of prison . on the other side , iohn earle of mountfort obtained succour partly from others , but principally from the englishmen , who at that time held the possession of aquitaine . when their armies were both come into the field and ready to ioyne battell , a cerraine nobleman of britaine ( for whome it was not lawfull to beare armes because he was a prisoner ) vndertooke to be a mediatour betwixt them , exhorting and humbly intreating them that they would accord friendly amongst themselues , and not suffer the matter to come to tryall of the sword . it was possible he might haue preuailed , but that certaine gentlemen secretly perswaded the earle of mountfort their generall , that he should not by any meanes come to composition with his enemy . for these men having already consumed the greatest part of their meanes , now set vp their rest , either to recouer themselves againe by the wars , or to lose what remayned in the adventure of their fortunes . thus battell was giuen , with much bloudshed on both sides , but the englishmens valour put their enemies to flight . charles himselfe was slaine in the field , which many thought to be a matter plotted of purpose , because there was no other meanes to bring those warres to conclusion . the earle of mountfort beholding his body depriued of life , could not refraine from teares notwithstanding he was his enemie . when mountfort had thus chased his enemies and gotten the victory , in short space after he recouered many townes of britaine . the french king being advertised of the state of these affaires , sent his brother the duke of aniow , as well to comfort the late wife ( now widdowe ) of charles , which remained exceeding sorrowfull and pensiue , as also to animate and encourage their mindes which in her behalfe still maintained their garrisons . but a great part of britaine being by this time brought vnder the subiection of mountfort , the french king vppon further deliberation with his counsell , sent ambassadours to him to treate of agreement . mountfort referred his cause to the king of england , who not disliking the matter , he accepted the conditions profered : which in substance were these . that mountfort should hold all the dukedome of britaine during his life , and if it fortuned him to dye without issue , then the inheritance should againe returne to the sonnes of charles , which as we told you were thē kept hostages in england . item , that he should assure vnto the widdow of charles , some earledome in those parts , whose yeerely revenue should amount to twentie thousand frankes . item , that at a time prescribed ( being summoned by the french king ) he should present himself in persō before him , to be by him invested in his dukedome , and to performe all ceremonies vsually incident to that solemnitie . and finally of his owne voluntary motion he promised to employ his endeauour for the ransōming of his kinsmen that remayned pledges in england . about this time lewis of navarre went into italy to be affianced to the queene of naples daughter . the french king lent him threescore thousand frankes for the furniture of his iourney , receyuing certaine castles of his in pawne for the repayment of his money . when he had almost brought his matters to effect at naples , shortly after he ended his life . after the warres of britaine and navarre were finished , euery place still swarmed with such cutthrote souldiers as were accustomed to liue vppon pillage , and these mightilie plagued the countrey . the french king well considered that they must be either wholy subverted , or by some other meanes remooued out of the realme . therefore , the king of hungary hauing wars at that time with the turke , he would gladly haue conveyed them over to him as he requested : but the old souldiers to whome that countrey was not vnknowne , disswaded their fellowes from vndertaking that voyage . then another devise was contrived , and pope vrbane lying at avinion , furthered the french king in his purpose . for he also out of his good affection to fraunce would willingly haue had that mischievous multitude dispatched out of the kingdome . there ragyned at that time in castile a king called don pietro , a wicked person and a notable tyrant . for he not onely put to death diuerse good and vertuous persons , but murthered many also with his owne hands , and amongst others his owne wife , discended of the honourable house of burbon . he cast the gouernors of the church in prison , and seased all their goods into his owne possession . it was reported by his own familiar freinds , that he had conspired with the king of granado the generall enemy of christendome . his father was king alphonso , who falling in affection with another woman besides his wife , had by her three sonnes , the eldest whereof named henrie was a man both of valiant courage and vertuous disposition . this tyrant in regard of the manifold crimes whereof he was often accused before the pope , had already prouoked all mens hatred against him . pope vrbane therefore vppon good consideration , sent for this bastard henrie , and peter king of arragon , ( who was at continuall enmity with the tyrant , as one that had bereft him of diuers lordships ) to come before him at avinion . there henrie the bastard was made legittimate , and denounced king of castile , the tyrant being first excommunicate , after desposed . the king of arragon promised free passage through his country , and prouision of victualles , to such armies as should be conducted into castile against the tyrant : intending also by the helpe of those forces to recouer his owne losses . to this expedition resorted many honourable personages : and by this meanes those souldiers that had so long annoyed the realme of fraunce , were conveyed into castile . the tyrant having intelligence of the armie that was comming against him , betooke himselfe to flight , with his wife , his two daughters , and one noble man onlie . for he was so hated of the commons , that not one of them would take armes in his defence : so he was forsaken and left destitute of all men . and henrie the bastard arriving in castile with great ioye and generall applause of the people , tooke vppon him the administration of the kingdome . after his coronation , when he had received the othe of allegeance from the most part of the nobilitie , and cities of the realme , the noble men by whose ayde he had obtained the crowne , tooke their leaues and departed : for now all semed to be accomplished . but he had not yet discharged those french make-shiftes , because he purposed to make warre against the king of granado . the tyrant remaining in these perplexities , by the aduise of that one noble man which attended him , addressed letters to the prince of wales , full of lamentable complaints concerning his misfortunes , beseeching him to commiserate his estate and to releleeue him with succor . shortly after , he himselfe not daring to trust his owne subiects , repayred to bayon . the princes counsell were of opinion that he ought not to be succoured in regard of his abhominable wickednesse and vngodly disposition , nor that any daungerous enterprise should be vndertaken for his sake . contrarily the prince iudged it an vnworthy thing that a bastard sonne should vsurpe the inheritance of the crowne , which was a very ill president and extended to the preiudice of other kings and princes . therefore when the tyrant came he receiued him courteously into the town of burdeaux , and promised him his assistance . neuerthelesse he sent in●… england to the king his father , declaring to him the wh●… circumstance of the matter , and requiring his cou●… and direction concerning his proceedings . the king of england in regard th●● of long time before , there had beene a league between 〈…〉 spaniard and him , encouraged his sonne ( in the answ●… of his letters ) to go forward with his purpose for the 〈…〉 him to his ●ing do 〈…〉 and so the iourney was 〈…〉 vppon betweene th●… . but one thing was 〈…〉 in the wa●… their ●…assage lay through the king ospan● varres country , who had lately contracted amity with henrie the newe king of spaine . howbeit matters were so handled , that a meeting was had at bayon , and vppon certaine conditions the king of navarre was ●o well satisfyed , that he promised all curtesy , frendship , and peace . king henrie being aduertised of these proceedings , sent to the king of fraunce forayd . the prince practised with the captaines of those souldiers which before had been so troublesome to fraunce & now tooke paye of the spaniard , that they should forsake king henries seruice , and follow him . there was about twelue thousand of them : and as they were marching towards gas●oine , in the kingdome of arragon they endured great distresse , the wayes and passages being on all sides soreclosed and fortified . nevertheles they made way through all inconveniences , and holding on their iourney till they came almost at tholous , they were receiued into mount albane , a towne pertayning to the territory of guyen . the french men vnderstanding thereof , besette the wayes rounde about that they might not issue foorth into tholous , or the places adioyning . in conclusion , it came to hand-strokes : and the french men fought valiantly , insomuch that they chased their enemies euen vnto the towne : but by reason of the fresh supplies comming continually to their rescue , in the end the french men were ouerthrowne , and the greater part of them eyther slaine or taken prisoners . in which number was the earle of provence , who came at that time to ayde the men of tholons : and besides him , diuerse others of great account both of provence and fraunce . hauing thus cleared their passage by the sword , they proceeded to the end of their iourney . the prince of wales because he was loth to burden the people of aquitaine with exactions for the maintenance of his soldiers , borrowed no small some of money of his father , & besides that conuerted all his plate both gold and siluer into coyne . many prisoners ( as the custome is ) were discharged vpon their worde ; so was the earle of provence . but pope vrbane for hatred he bare to those mutinous soldiers , took vppon him to acquite the earle of provence and others that were set at liberty after the same manner , from their ransoms : so that they payd not one farthing , but had a cleare dispensation from him of all bonds and obligations whatsoever . whilst the prince was making preparation for the warres , there arived at burdeaux the king of maiorica , who made grievous complaint of the king of arragon , which had slain his father in prison at barcelone , and withheld all his possessions from him by force : towards the reuenge of which iniuries and the recouerie of his inheritance he humbly implored the princes ayd . he had to wife the queene of naples . the prince vpon hearing of his complaint , promised that so soone as he had finished this enterprise for spaine , he would vndertake his affaires , and so bring to passe that either vppon reasonable conditions , or by force of armes , he should be restored to his kingdome . before the prince set out from burdeaux he had a sonne borne , to whom the banished king of maiorica was godfather . he was named richard , and afterward came to be king of england , edward the princes elder sonne being dead before his father . in the beginning of februarie the prince departed from burdeaux , and within a little while after , an vncertaine rumor was bruted abroad concerning the king of navarre , as if he had entred into a newe league with king henry of castile , and that therevpon the ptince and his army shold be denyed passage through his country . herevpon letters were addressed to the king of navarre , who aduisedly alleadging the reasons that moued him , withall declared his good affection to the prince and the banished tyrant . the prince marched with his army in three battels , one following another , the vauntgard was conducted by the duke of lancaster sent lately from the king of england to assist him , the king of maiorica had the leading of the rereward , and he himselfe accompanied with the tyrant marched in the maine battell . as they passed through navarre , the king himselfe for their better direction became their guide , and bare them company through a great part of his country . at pampelone also ( which is the chiefe citie of navarre , ) he entertayned the prince with a banket . many feared that the armies should haue been stay'd assoone as they came within his kingdome , but contrarie to their opinion , the king still persevered in peace and friendship . king henry hauing advertisement of the army comming against him out of aquitaine , levyed forces in spaine to the number of threscore thousand fighting men . for he was exceedingly beloued , and every man was willing to vndergo any danger for his sake . thē he sent an herault with letters to the prince , desiring to know what the reason was that he vndertooke these warres against him , seing that for his parte he had neuer offered him any manner of offence or iniury . the prince vpon deliberation with his councell detained the messenger , and marching still forwards , arriued at a towne called victoria , nere vnto which , both himselfe and his aduersarie encamped with their armies . the king of spaine had three thousand soldiers sent to his ayd out of fraunce . the englishmen had planted themselues vppon a hill . counsell was giuen to the spaniard that if he purposed to winne the victorie without slaughter and bloudshed , he should need to take no other course , but only to shutte vp the wayes that no prouision of victuall might be conveyd to his enemie . for the englishmen were enclosed as in a streight , & with small labour all passage might easily haue beene intercepted . but the king of spaine desirous to fight , in regard of the greatnesse of his forces which were now growne to aboue an hundred thousand ( for their number daily encreased ) chose rather to abide the tryall of battaile . when the prince had rested some fewe dayes in that place , because of the barrennes thereof he dislodged from thence , and encamped in another ground more commodious . and being not far distant from his enemie , he sent backe the messenger , whom he had now detayned almost three weekes , with letters to the king of spaine , containing briefly this answere : that , for respects of great importance he was come to succour the banished king , that he would willingly compound the difference betweene them , but vpon no other termes then that king henry should renounce the title and resigne the gouernment of that kingdome , whereto he could pretend no lawfull interest : and if this were refused , that he should finde him prepared as well the one way , as the other . we shewed you before in what manner the englishmen ordered their battells . the spaniards in like sort divided their whole power into three parts . the first was led by a certaine french captaine of great esteeme , and in it were about foure thousand men . the second was commanded by the two brothers of king henry , and it contained some fiue and twenty thousand , horse and foote . the third by king henry himselfe , and his battell far exceeded both the other in number , as hauing in it seaven thousand horse , and threscore thousand footemen , whereof a great part were armed with crossebowes . the field was pitcht betweene navarre and the towne of navarette . seldome or neuer hath any battell beene fought with greater fury and violence . the spaniards vsed slings , whose force was such that therewith they pierced the helmets of their enemies , surely a cruell kinde of fight . on the other side the englishmen being most expert arches , ouer whelmed them with the multitude of their shot . one of king henries brothers ( which as we told you had the leading of the vauntgard ) assoone as he sawe the princes colors aduance towards him , departed out of the battell , and neuer strooke stroke against the enemie . his example much discouraged a great many of the rest . but king henry himselfe wheresoeuer he sawe his men fainte or go by the worse , preassed in thither , calling earnestly vppon them , exhorting and encouraging them , and often putting them in remembrance both of his honour and their duty : in so much that thrise in that one day did his vehemēt acclamations adde new life to his souldiers courage , and thrise restrayned them from flying , when they were euen betaking thēselues to flight . neyther did the common soldiers onely , exercise their weapons that day , but the princes themselues also , laying hand to their swords , made honourable proofe of their particular valour . the deposed tyrant sought by all meanes he could to haue encountred king henry . the fight continued for a time very vehement & cruell , the soldiers on either part well expressing the hostilitie of their affection by the violence of their actions : but at length the spaniards vnable to withstand the vnited forces of the englishmen and gascones , gaue themselues to flight , neither could king henry by his authoritie or perswasion cause them to turne head against their enemies . so that perceiving himselfe to be more and more abandoned of his people , he was constrayned to fly also : for he made no question at all that he should be put to death if he had beene taken prisoner in the battell . the englishmen pursued the chace & meruaillous destruction was made partly of those that were slaine partly of those that-perished in a certaine notable river thereby , whereinto they chose rather to cast themselues hedlong , then to come alive into the hands of their enemies . when the chace was ended , a generall view was taken of the dead bodies , and there were found slaine , little lesse then six hundreth horsemen , and almost seaven thousand footmen , not accounting them that were killed at the bridge or drowned in the riuer . after this battell the princes came together to burgis ( a towne of spaine ) and thither resorted all the nobilitie of the country , from toledo , from lisbone , from gallicta , frō sivill , and from diuerse other places of castile , to sweare fealty to don pietro , againe restored : for well they saw , it was not possible to resist such power as he had now about him . these things dispatched , prince edward delt with the tyrant to provide money for the payment of his soldiers , by whose helpe he had recovered his kingdome : wherevpon don pietro tooke his iourney into sivill , there to levy mony for that purpose , pretending to returne within fewe weekes after , and to give satisfaction to all men . for at such time as he was driven out of castle , & came first to burdeaux to implore the princes ayd , as we haue formerly declared , hee made faithfull promise , that assoone as he should be restored to his kingdome , he wold giue liberall contentment to all that serued in his quarell : and to the same effect became bound to the prince , that so the prince might be his surety to the captaines and gentlemen that were readie to vndertake the enterprise in his behalfe . at his departing towards sivill , he made certaine appointment with the prince , and gaue him his faith to returne verie shortly againe , and to bring mony with him for the discharge of his soldiers . when the prince vppon expectation of his returne , had taryed certaine moneths beyond the time prefixed , he sent messengers to inquire the cause of his delay . the tyrant excused himself , how he had sent certaine of his servants with the mony , & that they were intercepted in the way by theeves . wherfore he requested him to returne into his owne country , & leave some officers of his in castile , to whome he would make satisfaction to the vttermost . this answere greatly displeased the prince , but no other at that time could be obtayned . king henry escaping out of the battell , fled to valentia a cittie of arragon , and there acquainted the king with his calamitie . from thence he went to mountpelier to the duke of aniow , a mortall enemy of the english . after that , he tooke his iourney to avinion to pope vrbane ( who was then prepayring to depart from thence to rome ) and to him likewise recounted his miseries and misfortunes . at last being privately ayded , by the duke of aniow , he assembled certaine forces , and invaded prince edwards dominions . the princesse somewhat amazed with the suddainnesse thereof , sent to the french king to represse her enemie . but the french king winked at the matter . herevppon prince edward having advertisement how the world went , was constrayned to returne into his owne country before the king of castile had payd him his money . as he came through arragon he met with some impediments , & his passage was stopped . neverthelesse at a day of meeting the matter was taken vp friendly betweene them . prince edward after his returne into his owne dominion , because he had consumed a great masse of money about this expedition into spaine , summoned all the nobilitie of aquitaine with the burgesses of the citties , to a parliament : and there made publike request for the graunt of a generall subsidy to belevyed through all his dominion , and that only for five yeeres , in consideration as well of the great debt wherewith he had charged himselfe , and had not yet discharged his soldiers , as also for that he had spent , and in a manner cleerely exhausted all his owne treasure about this voyage . all the citties for the most parte gave their consents ; but many of the greatest lords opposed themselues against the princes purpose . affirming that so long as they were subiect to the king of fraunce , they were never burdened with any such exactions , and rather then they would now vndergoe them , they would endure the vttermost whatsoever . when the prince would relent no part of his rigor , the lords which had thus gainsa●d him , tooke their way directly to paris to the french king , where in assembly of the councell , they declared their griefe , making sore complaint of the prince , and withall beseeching the french king to receive them into his protection . the french king made answere that he would deale by the advise of his counsell , and according to the articles of peace concluded betweene his father and the king of england . meane while the lords of gascoine remained at paris . the subsidy was such , that euerie houshold should pay yeerely one francke : which had amounted to the some of twelve hundreth thousand frankes by the yeere . king henry having advertisement of the rebellion of the gascones , and holding it good pollicie to make vse of another mans trouble , resolved not to let slip so faire an opportunity . therefore by the king of arragons assistance , he raised an army of ten thousandmen , and which way soever he directed his forces , he recovered townes and castles againe to his subiection . don pietro remaining the same time at sivill , assoone as he heard newes of these proceedings , sent presently to the king of portingall and the king of granado for succour . he obtayned his request , and had gathered together in all , forty thousand men , amongst whom there were many saracens . king henrie seeing it stood him in hand to proceede rather by discretion and pollicy , then by plaine force , ( for the tyrant farre exceeded him in number of souldiers , ) following the aduise of a certaine captaine of his , even in the mornings first approche , contrary to expectation , suddainly invaded his enemies , and fought prosperously : in such sort , that the tyrant was constrained to fly for tefuge into a castle thereby , whereof assoone as king henry had intelligence , he brought all his army thither , and bent his forces against it . the tyrant perceiving his imminent perill , issued secretly out of the castle , accompanied with some sewe in the dead time of the night , hoping so to haue escaped by flight . but it was his fortune to fall into the hands of the captaine of the scowtwatch , by whome he was apprehended and brought forth with before king henry , who at his first entrance began presently to inveigh against him with most bitter termes , and the tyrant for his part also returned words of like reproach , calling him sonne of a strumpet . to be short , king henry overthrowing him to the ground and getting vpon him , stab'd him to the hart with his dagger , and in short space after his death , with small trouble recovered againe the possession of the whole kingdome . the king of portingall wēt about to haue revenged the death of his kinsman don pietro by battell , but he was pacified . during the time that the lords of gascoine soiourned at paris , the french king had a sonne borne , which afterward carried the name of his father . in the mean while the lords of gascoine made often supplication to the french king , that he would vndertake the defence of their cause against prince edward : which thing if he refused to doe , extreme necessitie would compell them to seeke some vnder whose protection they might quietly enioye their possessions ; by meanes whereof it might come to passe in time , that the kings of fraunce should forgoe all their right and interest in the whole province of aquitaine . the french king considering the great importance and daunger of the warre , tooke long respite to deliberate vppon the matter . most of his counsell perswaded him to warre , affirming with great vehemency that the articles of peace were infringed by the king of england . at length it seemed good to summon the prince to appeare in person at the parliament of paris , and certaine were appointed to carry the summons accordingly . prince edward when he heard this message , after some pause , made answere to this effect , that sithence the french king had so commanded him he would surely come to paris , but it should bee with his helmet on his head , and threescore thousand souldiers in his company . the messengers departed out of burdeaux , and being apprehended in their way homeward , wereby the princes commandement cast in prison . here by the way , it shall not be amisse to make some remembrance of the hostages left in england . the duke of aniow ( as is declared already ) had conveyed himselfe away before the death of king iohn . the duke of berry through the king of englands curtesie , had intreated a yeeres respite to solace himselfe in fraunce . and vppon like fauour diuers others were licenced to depart for a season . some one or twoo onely by the payment of their ransomes purchaced their liberty . those that the king had thus dismissed , after the wars began againe , returned no more . the french king proclaimed open warre against the king of england , and committed the charge thereof vnto twoo of his brethren , who mustered souldiers from all partes , so that the number of them amounted to an hundred thousand men . the french men made often incursions vppon the countrey of poytiers and other of the princes dominions . and the princes souldiers likewise invaded the lordships of those who had given the first occasion of these warres , and made complaint of him to the french king. the french king published his cause and the necessity of this warre in diuers places by cunning persons , with so well seeming circumstances , as no man could otherwise iudge , but that his proceedinges were grounded vppon most iust and reasonable occasions . the same did the king of england also , verily to this intent , that by declaring the causes of the warre they might haue the people more at commandement to pay their subsidies , and to beare the burden of their exactions . lewis earle of flaunders had no issue but one daughter : the king of england sought by all meanes to haue obtained her in marriage for his youngest sonne , and the matter was laboured for the space of three whole yeeres together . in the earle himselfe was no want of good affection : but pope vrbane in regard they were of his kinred , would in no wise giue his consent to the marriage . the earle therfore perceiving this match might not go forward , began to make meanes by his friends to phillip duke of burgundy the french kings brother , that the marriage might be made betweene him and his daughter . this treatie tooke effect , and so it came to passe that burgoigne and flaunders were vnited together . the king of england considering how by meanes of this marriage the duke of burgundy should become heyre to the earle of flaunders , practised with the king of navarre who bare a secret grudge to the french king for certaine lordshippes , that he should denounce open wars against him . the french king had provided a great power of shipping , intending to send his brother the duke of burgundy with an army of choyce souldiers to make warres in england . the king of england having intelligence thereof , made preparation according , and determined to receiue them with some entertainement in their passage . moreover he sent his sonne the duke of lancaster with certaine forces to calice ; which when the french king vnderstood , by the advise of his counsell he altered his purpose , iudging it the better course to encounter with his enemie , when he had already passed the seas of his owne accord . herevppon the duke of burgundy was set forth well appointed , who at such time as he lay encamped neere his enemy , notwithstanding he were of much greater puissance , yet would he not adventure to giue him battell , vnlesse he had expresse direction for the same from the king his brother . my author reporteth that a certaine english captaine , a man of approoved valour and discretion and withall very fortunate in his affayres , hauing one day observed a faire oportunitie , would haue attempted some exploit vppon the enemy : and to the intent the better to effect his purpose , had requested an english earle to guard him with certaine horsemen for the performance of his enterprise . which when the earle had condiscended vnto , some followers of his gaue him counsell to the contrary , perswading him that if the adventure prooved succesfull , the reputation thereof would redownd to another , and therefore that it were better for him to vndertake some service by himselfe , the honour where of might be entirely his owne . by this meanes the captaine being disappointed , was faine to leaue his desired enterprise vnperformed . thus we see , envy and ambition , hath some predominance in all places , and oftentimes it falleth out , that through private ●mulation , whilste one will adventure nothing in anothers behalfe , many notable occasions are neglected , which perhaps the enemy afterward converteth to his owne aduantage . when the french and english armies had thus a while conf●onted one another , the duke of burgundy by the kings commaund brake vp his campe , and licensed all his souldiers to depart . the duke of lancaster returned to calice , and when he had there rested some fewe daies to refresh himselfe , reassembling his forces , he tooke his way into fraunce , where having burnt vp certaine townes , because the winter approched , he dissolved his army and returned into england . these long-lasting warres greatly grieved many noble men of fraunce , insomuch that divers of them conveyed away their goods & housholdstuffe , remooved thēselus into other places where they might with more safety expect the comfort of a calmer season , wisely mistrusting least in sitting still , o● taking part either with the french king or the english , they might haue taryed to their cost howsoeuer . for so stood the ca●e with many of them who had possessions in both princes dominions , that they could neither adhere to the one nor forsake the other , without preiudice to their owne estate , and apparant losse of whatsoeuer they held within either of their iurisdictions . on the other side many lords of gascoine revolted from prince edward and ioyned with the french . king edward as he was a man of singular wisedome and stayed disposition , foreseeing that this defection of the nobility from his sonne would tend to much mischiefe , addressed letters into gascoine to this effect . how he vnderstood that they all for the most part were discontented with the subsidy which his sonne had lately imposed vppon them : his mind was therefore to apply a remedy to this inconvenience , and wholy to take away all occasions which might any way mooue dissen●ion or controuersie . to which purpose and intent he had giuen commandement to his sonne that he should surcease from all such exaction of money , and that all those which found themselues o●er-charged or burthened , either by him or any of his officers , should haue satisfaction allowed them according to the dammage they had sustained . and further he pardoned all such as had reuolted to the french king , vppon condition that within one moneth after they should returne againe into gascoigne : requesting this only at their hands , that they would not stirre sedition , but calling to minde their promised faith and allegeance , rest contented to conforme themselues to the present state of gouernment . in so doing they should find him ready to make particular recompence to as many as could iustly complaine of oppression . and for conclusion that this was the intention and desire both of himselfe and all his counsellours . these letters were published in divers places of gascoine , but they wrought small effect , for many were seen daily to forsake the prince , and to resort to the french king notwithstanding : whereby it appeared plainely , that no vertue hath more force to hold the hearts of men in obedience , then affability . for prince edward though otherwise a worthy gentleman , being puffed vp as men commōly are , with the prosperous atchieving of great enterprises , began to carry himselfe roughly and austerely towards the noble men that were his subiects : whereby it came to passe that they could not loue him . but the french king for that besides his excellent wisedome , he was also gentle and curteous , easily insinuated himselfe into the fauour and affection of all men . by meanes whereof he greatly enriched the realme of fraunce , and worthily deserved to bee registred in the number of the most prudent princes . the french king by the aduise of his brethren , the dukes of aniow , berry , and burgoyne , with other of his nobility , sent a puissant army into gascoine . the duke of aniow marching with his forces from tholouse , easily recouered either by force or by composition , whatsoeuer townes or holds were pertaining to the english in those quarters . the duke of berrie invaded the territory of lymoges . certaine lords of gascoine ioyned themselues with the duke of aniow , they were the same that by their complaints and accusations had formerly incited the french king to vndertake this warre . the duke of berry was associated with the dukes of burbon and alaunson and diuers others : which way soeuer they tooke , they found easie passage . about this time the french king fell to agreement with the king of navarre . for it stood him vppon to make him his friend , least perhappes he should haue giuen accesse to the english forces through a part of normandy which he held , and by the seacoast , into the rest of that country pertayning to the crowne of fraunce . the agreement was vppon this point , that the king of navarre assoone as he returned into his own kingdōe , should make his defiance to the king of england . there came also a power out of spaine to the ayd of the french king , vpon the bountie and good affection of king henrie . in the mean time the prince of wales not vnmindful of his frends & adherents , raysed men of warre on all sides ; and the king his father that he might with more ease sustaine the brunt of these warres , tooke a truce with the scottish king for nine yeeres , in such sort as it should be lawfull for the scots to serue for entertainment on either partie at their pleasure . he sent also another armie to wast the countrey of picardy : the charge whereof he committed to one sir robert knolles , a man marvailously affected to the english natiō , though himselfe were a stranger and a briton borne . the number of his forces came to some ten thousand men . with this power departing from calice and marching through artois , when he came before arras , he forbare to assault it , but by setting fire to the subvrbes , tempted the townesmen to make some sallie out of their gates , whereto notwithstanding he could not provoke them . so he proceeded forward destroying all with fire and sword as he passed . the duke of aniow after he had recouered diuers places from the english , in regard he thought sufficient , was performed for the present , imparting his purpose to the rest of his associates ▪ dissolved his army and distributed his men into garrisons . the duke of berry after long siege , received the city of lymoges by composition . whereat the prince of wales conceived so great offence and indignation , that raysing a power immediatly , he begirt the towne with a new siege , vowing never to depart before he reduced it againe into his subiection . and when he vnderstood by such as had taken exact view of the scituation and strength thereof , that it was too hard a matter for him to take it by assault , he caused a mine to be drawne and conveyed vnder the earth even close to the gates of the citie : which being set on fire , the violence thereof overthrew a great peece of the wall , and opened a large breach for his souldiers to enter . but who is able to report the miserable and vnmercifull slaughter which then ensued ? not so much as women and young children which cast themselues prostrate at the feete of the english , lamentably imploring the saftie of their liues , could obtained any favour , but were all put to the sword : so implacable was the princes wrath , so relentlesse his displeasure . and after all this terrible massacre of people , the spoile and sacke of the citizens goods , with the committing of all beastly and inhumane outrage , according to the lust and furie of the souldier , the towne it selfe by prince edwards commaund being set on fire , was vtterly raced and laid levell with the ground . the duke of berry when he wanne this citie had dismissed his army as his brother had donne before him : by meanes whereof it came to passe , that his souldiers being dispersed and fewe perhaps remayning there in garrison , the townesmen were left destitute of releefe . the armie of sir robert knolles which had pierced through fraunce into the country of aniow , was at length slaine by the constable , and sir robert himselfe escaping by flight retourned into britaine . about this time dyed pope vrbane , who but lately before was retuned to avinion . in his place was set vp gregorie the xi . through the earnest sute and great travell of the french king , who foresawe that this bishop would be a great strength to his procedings . prince edward by the advise of his phisitions left gascoine , and returned into his owne country . for at such time as he warred in spaine , in the behalfe of don pietro the banished tyrant of castile , he caught a greevous and welneere incurable disease , which was now so farre growne and encreased vppon him , that he was not able to sit vppon horsebacke , but was faine to be caried from place to place in a litter : wherevppon his phisitions gaue him counsell to go into england , because they were of opinion he might better be recouered , in regard the temperature of the climate ( being his natiue soile ) was more agreeable to the constitution of his body . at his departure out of aquitaine , he appointed his brother the duke of lancaster , ( who during the whole continuance of the warres had beene partaker of his fortunes ) to be his vicegerent into those quarters : beseeching the noble men of gascoine which were assembled at burdeaux that they would be contēt to accept of his government . we haue formerly made mention of the king of maiorica , who in hope to be revenged of the disgrace and iniury done vnto him , had for a time depended vppon the faithfull promise of prince edward to ayd him against his enemie the king of arragon , then confederate with the spaniard . but king henrie of spaine when after the princes depature he had almost recovered all that belonged to his dominion , found this king of maiorica in a certaine towne of spaine , left there by the english for recovery of his helth : and because he had taken part with his enemis , apprehended him and detained him in prison for the space of certain yeeres after . at length by the helpe of his friends and vppon the paiment of an hundreth thousand pistolets , he procured his liberty , and levying great forces against the king of arragon , the matter had surely come to a bloudy conclusion , had he not againe fallen suddenly into a violent sicknes , which in short space ended his life . by this meanes therefore the occasion being taken away , the warres ceassed . don pietro the tyrant of spaine , whose history we haue discoursed already , left behind him two daughters , constance & isabell , whome certaine noble men of spaine immediately vpon their fathers death conveyed by sea into aquitaine . the duke of lancaster by aduise and perswasion of his friends , espoused constance the elder of these sissters : wherevnto he was the rather moved , aswell in commiseration of the young ladies miserie , as in hope hereafter to obtaine the possession of their inheritance . the king of spaine having intelligence hereof , & fearing likewise that the king of englands fift sonne would marry the other daughter , addressed his ambassadors to the french king , with whome he ioyned in most stedfast league of friendship : the french king for his part promising him assured ayd against any enemy whatsoever , and moreouer that he would never enter into other conditions of peace with the king of england , but such as should be both to the honour and profit of the king of spaine . the duke of lancaster shortly after his marriage assembled the lords of the country together , and declaring to them his occasions and purpose of departure , appointed such officers as should governe in his absence , and departed with his wife into england . king edward vpon advisement with his counsell , determined to send his sonne the duke of lancaster with an army into picardy , which wasting and destroying that country , should from thence proceede forward into fraunce . moreover he sent the earle of pembroke with another army into aquitaine , to make warre likewise in those parts , that so the french men might not faile to haue their hands full on all sides . but the french king hauing knowledge hereof , by meanes of certaine english men that resorted vnto him , forefortifyed with garrisons all places of picardy , and further vnderstanding by relation of those fugitives , that the english fleete should arrive in gascoigne , he gave secret intelligence therof to the king of spaine his new cōfederate . the spanyard performed the part of a friend , & sent 40 great ships with thirteene others of lesse receyt , well appointed to meete with the english men in their passage . not farre from rochell the spanish fleete encountred the english with great violence , and the fight continued almost a whole day without intermission . during which space the rochellers stood like idle spectators beholding the conflict , and being requested by their governors to helpe the english in their necessitie , alleadged frivolous matters for excuse and refused : for howsoever they , dissembled outwardly to the worlde , yet in their harts they vttterly abhorred the englishmens government . the next day they renewed their fight afresh , and it was maintained with as great resolution as ever was any . notwithstanding , in the end the spaniards obtayned victory , by reason that both in number of men and shipping , and in the greatnesse of their vessells also they much overmatched the english . many were slaine , and many taken prisoners , amongst whom was the earle of pembroke himselfe , and most part of the captaines in his fleete . the ship likewise which carryed a great quantity of treasure for the maintayning of three thousand soldiers , was swallowed vp in the sea . after this battell was ended , came a sufficient power out of gascoigne to rochell , but it was too late when the matter had falne out so vnprosperously before . thus it came to passe , that by little and little the king of england lost all his whole seigniory of gascoigne , the people partly rebelling , and partly yeelding themselues willingly to his enemy . whilst these things passed , there repaired to the french kings court one ivan , the sonne of a certaine brittish lord , making grevous complaint of great iniury done vnto him by the king of england , both in causing his father ammon prince of wales to be wrongfully put to death , & afterward in conferring the principalitie of the whole coūtry to his owne sonne edward . vpon relation of his grevance , the french king furnished him with a fleete of ships and some foure thousand men to serue him , by whose helpe this ivan , entring into a certaine yland belonging to the english , and comming to encounter with his enemies , overthrew them in the field and put them to flight . after which exploit he was recalled by the french king and sent into spaine , there to make provision of more shippes , that he might lay siege to the towne of rochell . this good successe of the french kings affaires both by the spanyards and by ivan , gave him occasion to thinke that the rest of the english provinces , would easily be brought to revolte ; especially if the english men should receive but another overthrowe , or at leastwise be put to any extraordinary trouble or molestation . herevpon he sent the constable , with a great power of the chiefest peeres of his kingdome , to renewe the warres againe in his enemies countries . assoone as they came into the territory of poytiers , all the townes and castles thereabout rendred themselues into their subiection . the townesmen of poytiers being at variance among themselues , addressed letters to the constable , signifying their good affection toward him , and earely in the next morning according to promise , set open their gates to receive him into the cittie . this example of the poitevins diverse other townes tooke as a president for themselues to imitate . in the meane while , this ivans whom we spake of before , accompanied with the spanish admirall came with a well furnished navy out of spaine and arrived at rochell : which towne notwithstanding sustained no damage at their hands , because the townesmen hated the english , and desired by all meanes to be againe vnder the french kings government . they had long since freed themselves from their forced subiection , but that the english garrison which kept the castle , held them alwaies in such awe as they durst never venter to put their purpose in execution . at length contriving a stratageme politick enough for the time ; vnder pretence of taking a generall muster as well of the townesmen , as of the garrison , they allured the captaine ( who was a man of no great forecaste ) with all his company out of the hold . which done , forthwith a great number of the townesmen , breaking out from an ambush , gaue assault to the forte and suddenly surprised it , those fewe which made resistance being easily repressed . the noble men of fraunce were at the same time assembled at poytiers , and having intelligence hereof , were desirous to be received by the rochellers into their towne . wherevnto they condiscended , but vppon certaine conditions which were these . 1. that it should be lawfull for the men of rochell vtterly to race their castle , out of which they had often received so great displeasure , and to lay it levell with the ground : 2 , that the french men should solemnely promise neverto erecte any castle there againe : 3 , and that rochell from thenceforth should perpetually remaine a member of the crowne of fraunce , and never be alyenated to any other lord , by any possible meanes that might be devised according as times and states should happen to alter afterward . when the king ( who was made acquainted with these proceedings by the lords ) had confirmed and ratifyed these covenants , rochell became subiect again to the french : and the revolting of this towne , gave occasion to many other of their neighbours to doe the like . the french kings captaines holding it discretion to follow their fortune , vsed such industry , that in short space they recovered all the territorie of poytow and the country adioyning , not without some helpe and furtherance from the britons , who were exceedingly inclined to the french king , though their lord wholly favoured the king of england , as by whose meanes he had obtayned his dukedome . it happened not long after that the englishmen immediately vppon their comming into britaine , burnt vp seaven great shippes of the king of spaines as they lay there in harbour . herevppon suspicion arose , that this matter was done by the duke of britaines consent and direction , whereof the french king being advertised by certaine lords of britaine , sent the constable to make warres vppon the duke and to conquer his country , as one who had forseited his estate by entring into a league with the english men against him , of whome he had received the investiture of his dukedome , and to whome as the custome is he had sworne homage and fealtie . the duke of britaine in this extremitie , distrusting his owne subiects fled into england . and the constable by the helpe of the britons themselves brought much of the country in subiection . david king of scotland deceassed without issue , and by right of succession , the crowne descended to robert. it is said before , that king edward after his sonne the duke of lancaster was come with his wife into england , had determined to send him ouer againe to make warres in picardy . but the matter was delayed . for this yeere was the first time of his arrivall at calice accompanied with the duke of britaine , and thirteene thousand soldiers . they raunged through a great part of picardy , putting all to fire and sword , but they abstayned from besieging of townes for the french king had long before sufficiently strengthned them with garrisons . and as they marched forward making havocke of all things , the french army still followed without intermission : notwithstanding they never came to ioyne battell , but by intercession of the popes legates , a truce was taken , and a time appointed for another meeting at bruges in flaunders there to treate of waightyer matters . before this truce was proclaymed , the duke of britaine by the englishmens ayd , had recovered diverse places , and was like to have gotten more , had not the newes of this truce beene a stay to his proceedings . therfore discharging his army and leaving good garrisons in the places recovered , he returned into england . about the calends of november the ambassadors of both kings repayred to bruges , that there by mediation of the popes legates , they might treate of a marriage betweene richard sonne to the prince of wales , and marie the french kings daughter . the matter was diversely debated , but could not bee brought to any perfect conclusion . pope gregorie taking offence thereat , departed from avinion and went to rome . about this time prince edward the king of englands eldest sonne , a most worthy and valiant gentleman , ended his life at london . after whose death king edward assembling the rest of his sons and the nobilitie of his realme , declared publikelie vnto them , his purpose that richard the sonne of his sonne deceassed , should succeed in the inheritance of the kingdome . and because he had long since imparted asmuch both to the noble men and the residue of his sonnes , before he made his last voyage into fraunce , it was no hard matter to perswade them all to approve his determination , and to confirme the same by oath . within a while after the king himselfe also departed this life , not without great sorrowe of as many as knewe him : for he was a prince so renowmed , that even the french king himselfe , when he heard of his death , gave this report , that he thought him worthy to be numbred amongst the wisest of princes . after his deceasse , succeeded richard his grand sonne , according to his owne appointment in his life time , and was crowned king of england the eleuenth yeere of his age , anno dom. 1377. the duke of lancaster was chosen protectour , and tooke vpon him the government of the realme during the kings minority , who in the meane while was trayned vp vnder the instruction of a certaine noble man appoynted to that charge by generall election . it is declared before how the french king the better to maintain his warres against england , had made a league with the king of navarre , but it fell out afterward that two gentlemen of the house of nauarre , attending vppon the king of navarres sonnes in the french court , were had in suspition of giving poyson to the king. which fact when they had publickly confessed before the people , they were put to execution for the same . immediately herevpon the french king sent an army into the sea coast of normandy belonging to the king of nauarre , vnder the conduct of the constable , who easily subdued all that part of the country . besides this , the king of spaine the french kings new confederate , made warre also vpon the king of nauarre : who beeing driuen to this distresse , required ayd of richard king of england , of whome he accordingly obtayned it . the duke of britaine remayning still in england , made importunate suite to the young king from time to time for ayd , but the king gaue alwaies a dea●e ●are to his request . for the duke of lancaster aspiring to get that seigniory to himselfe , assembled a power , and sayled over into britaine , where he layd siege to certaine places , but the french army wherof the constable was generall , compelled him to depart . the second booke . in the former booke is declared how the french men recouered a great parte of aquitaine from the english . there were many still notwithstanding in those places , which stood stoutly for the king of england . the duke of aniow therefore comming thither with an army subdued in a mannner all that euer remayned . the gascoignes had lately before sent into england for succour : but by reason there was trouble and insuirection budding vp within the realme , their sending was to none effect . for the duke of lancaster who had all the authoritie in his hands , was much hated by the commons , which afterward was the occasion of much mischiefe in england . thus when no forces came from thence to their rescue , the gascones destitute of all succour , were constrayned to yeeld themselues to the enemie . the french king being a wise and politicke prince , held correspondence with all men which might stand him instead , or from whome he expected any commoditie or furtherance : considering therefore with himselfe how the king of england was yet vnder age , and that trouble and part-taking were growing within the realme , he sollicited robert king of scotland , and put him often in remēbrance by his letters , to make warre vppon the englishmen now while so great opportunity was offered , that being thereby busyed at home , they might not haue so good leysure to passe ouer into fraunce . the scottish king moued with these instigations , and partly of himselfe desirous to reuenge old iniuries , especially whilste the king of england was yet in his nouage , vppon consultation of the matter , sent commaundement for the assembling of his people to meete him at a certaine time ready furnished and appointed for the warres , vppon the borders of england and scotland . when they were come together , a certaine scottish lord desirous to shew some proffe of his vasor and bold courage , associating himselfe with some fewe others , in the night season whilste the watch were all sleeping or negligēt , without any great difficulty surprised the castle of barwicke . when the gouernour of the towne vnderstood it , he gatherd together a company of the townsemen and early in the morning assoone as any daylight appeared , first brake downe the bridge ( which was the onely passage to issue out , ) and then environed the castle round about with a siege , so straightly that it was impossible for his enemy to make any evasion . the people of the country being also certified by him how the matter stood , brought in ten thousand men to his ayde . at the tydings whereof , the scottish men raised their campe to come and rescue their besieged companions . but they were so terrified with the greatnes of the english army , that they would not aduenture the curtesie of fortune . so in conclusion , assault was giuen , the castle recovered , and all that were in it were put to the sword , saue onely the captaine himselfe , vppon whose authoritie this enterprise was vndertaken . after the castle was thus gotten againe , it seemed good to the englishmen to pursue their eniemies in their retreyte , which they likewise did , though it fell out to their own deadly disaduantage , fortune fauouring the scottish . pope gregorie in time past had made a solemne vow , that if euer he attained to the papacy , he would neuer keepe his residence any other where then are rome . this was very offensiue to some of the cardinals which bare scarce good affection to the romaines : and it was nothing pleasing to the french king , who was desirous to haue had the pope his neerer neighbour . therefore he sent his brother the duke of aniow to avinion to perswade with him , but he was not able to diuert him from his purpose . so he went to rome , the place he desired , and within a while after there ended his life . when the cardinals as the custome is were assembled together for the election of another , the people of rome began to make great tumult in the court , threatning violent effects of their displeasure , if they made choyce of any other to be pope , then such a one as was both by birth and ancestors a romaine : and therewithall rushing in amongst the cardinals , and with their fury interrupting their businesse , it came to passe by meanes of this disturbance , that one was chosen for pope which was 100 yeeres old . this man the romanes hoysed vp vpon a white mule , and with great solemnity led him about the citie . but the crooked old man wearie with this troublesome kind of curtesie , and tyred with this tumbling vp and downe , within three daies afeer gaue vp the ghost . wherevppon ensued another hurliburly , the romaines therein with arrogant threates shewing themselues more outragious then before . at length a romaine borne was elected and called afterward by the name of vrbane the sixt . about the same time dyed the queene of navarre the french kings sister , and by her decease a certaine seigniory in normandy fell to charles and peter the king of nauarres sonnes , which were brought vp in the french court. many counselled the french king to seize into his hands all the king of navarres possessions in normandy , and to hold the same till his sonnes were come of age . the king of navarre mistrusting as much , requested to haue his sonnes sent home , pretending that he was purposed to bestow the elder of thē in marriage with the king of spaines daughter . answere was returned by the french king , that his sonnes could not be in a better or more honourable place then in his court. for he would bring them vp in all respects , as was fitting for the sonnes of a king , and such as were alyed in bloud to himselfe . this answere was taken in displeasure by the king of navarre , who therevppon fortified those places of normondy against the force of the french men . many important occasions mooued the french king to conceiue offence against the king of navarre , but especially that matter of poisoning , which we told you before was confessed . wherefore sending an army against him , he subdued mountpelier , and the country about it , which at that time were vnder the king of nauarres subiection . the king of navarre being thus molested both vpon the frontiers of his owne kingdome , and in normandy , ( for the french king had sent an army thither also ) made request to the king of england by ambassadours , that he might be receiued into his frendship . the king of england sent him answere , how he thought it expedient , that if he would deale seriously and effectually in matters of such importance , he should come into england himselfe . this motion was well accepted by the king of nauarre , and accordingly he repaired into england : where recounting his misfortunes , after the matter had been debated in counsell , he was receiued into league and amity with the king of england , vppon these or the like conditions . 1. that from thenceforth euer after he should take part with the english : 2. that he should neuer make peace with the french king or the king of spaine vppon any tearmes whatsoeuer , without consent of the king of england and his counsell : 3. that he should fortifie the castle of chirburg in normandy , and maintaine a garrison in it for three yeeres space to the vse of the king of england : 4. that , if it should happen the englishmen to recouer any townes in these quarters from the french , then the king of england to haue the profits of the same , the propriety of the places remaining to the king of navarre . and this especially was most acceptable to the english , because from thence they might alwaies haue accesse into france at their pleasure . it was further agreed , that the king of england should immediatly send foure thousand horsemen into navarre to be employed against the spaniard , and that it should not be lawfull for them to depart out of the king of navarres seruice , till such time as the warres were finished . this to be done , not at the king of englands charged , but his owne . the french king being aduertised by some of the king of navarres owne houshold , that he was purposed to goe into england , perswaded the king of spaine to make inuasion vppon his country in the meane while . the commaunder of that army which the french king had sent into normandy was a great souldier , and one well experienced in martiall affaires , called the lord cowcy . this man whilste the king of navarre was absent negotiating his affaires in england , recouered many townes and fortresses thereabout , and with so much more facility because he caried in his company charles the king of nauarres eldest sonne ; in whose behalfe when many heard those warres were vndertaken , they stoode not much vppon resistance ▪ onely the castle of chirburg remayned still to be brought in subiection . henrie king of castile besieging bayon ( a towne of the english dominion ) with a great army , had surely enforced them to yeeld had not the plague consumed his souldiers . neuerthelosse he brought not forth his forces in vaine , for he subdued many other townes thereabouts : and besides a great part of his army was conveyed to the siege of pampelone the chiefe citie of nauarre . i told you before of one ivan a welch man , who after the death of his father prince of wales , had from thenceforth of a child beene brought vp vnder phillip , iohn , & charles , kings of fraunce . this ivan being growne to mans estate , and desirous of reuengment , omitted no occasion whereby he might worke displeasure to the english : and in all military employments so demeaned himselfe , that the french king held him in great reputation . as he lay at the siege of a certaine castle in the country of burdeloys , and had brought the besieged to that point that famine must of necessity haue enforced them to yeeld , a certaine welchman vnder pretence of bringing priuate intelligence of his countrymens good affection , insinuated himselfe into his acquaintance , and in conclusion waiting oportunitie one day when he had no other company about him , cruelly murthered him vnawares as he sat idely gazing vppon the castle & combing his head . the rest of the captaines though they were much troubled with this shāefull murther of so gallant a souldier , yet continued their siege very straightly notwithstanding . but vpon the approche of a great number of englishmen comming by sea , both the french men , and britons ( which ioyned to their ayd ) were constrained to breake vp their campe and leaue their enterprise vnperformed . by this occasion the englishmen recouered much in the territory of burdeauz . amongst other places , the english had besieged a towne in britaine called saint maloes , at that time in possession of the french men . many assaults were giuen and those very violent , but the french king then abyding at roan , sent an army , whose comming somewhat abated the fury of the assaylants , and gaue a stop to their proceedings . neuertheles they went forward with their enterprise and attempted to cōpasse it by vndermining . which when the townes-men perceiued , taking the aduantage of opportunity , one night very secretly they issued out of the towne , and whilst their enemies kept negligent watch , brake vp the mines in such sort , that those which laboured in the workes vnderneath , were ouerwhelmed with the earth which they tumbled vppon them . the english thus preuented , and disappointed of their purpose , thought it best for their behoofe to returne into their couuntrey . two of the king of englands vncles were cheefe cōmanders in this seruice . iohn the king of spaines sonne ( termed the infant of spaine ) and the constable of spain together besieged pampelone . the king of nauarre emboldened with the assistance of the english , valiantly defended himselfe and was purposed to haue giuen battell in the field : but king henrie vppon some occasions recalled his sonne , and so the army was dispersed . the englishmen and nauarroys together pursued the spaniards in their departure , and burned and sacked certaine townes and villages vppon the frontiers . wherewith the king of spaine was so vehemently mooued , that he raysed an army of some forty thousand , in purpose to haue besieged tudell , the place where the king of nauarre wintered . but by mediation of good men , a meanes was found to make peace between them . which was , that charles the king of nauarres son should take to wife the king of spaines daughter , and the king of spaines sonne should likewise marry the king of nauarres daughter . this charles ( as we told you ) had been detained certaine yeeres by the french king : but at such time as this treaty of marriage tooke effect , vpon the king of spaines request , he was honourably sent home to her father . immediatly vppon the conclusion of these matters , the king of spaine deceassed , and iohn his sonne with the generall consent and approbation of the state , was receiued in his steed . the duke of lancaster and his brother ( who had married the daughters of pietro the tyrant slaine by king henrie ) tooke it in high displeasure that the matter was knit vp in this sort ; not a little enuing the new kings coronation . the king of portingall also was very much offended at the succession of king iohn , as shall be declared more at large hereafter . the french king being a notable politicke prince , and of great experience in matters of state , to the intent he might more commodiously maintaine his warres against the english , sent an ambassadour into scotland to retayne the scottish king in amity and frendship . this man arriuing by the way at sluce in flaunders from whence he purposed to haue proceeded on his iouruey , was by the magistrate of the towne brought before the earle then remayning at bruges : where by occasiō of some vndiscreet speeches , he was reprooued and sharpely checkt with tearmes of reproch , both by the earle of flaunders himselfe , and by the duke of britaine ; inueying earnestly against such kind of persons , as the chiefe causers of all dissention and vnquietnes . there were others also which put him in feare that if he committed himselfe to sea , it was likely that the englishmen lying in waight for such oportunities , would intercept him in his passage . here vppon altering his purposes he returned into fraunce without dispatch of his commission : and vppon the report he made of these matters , the french king wrote very sharpe letters to the earle of flaunders , exhorting and aduising him as he tendred his owne welfare , that he should not foster his enemy the duke of britaine . when the earle had imparted these letters to his counsell , there were none but perswaded him , that a banished prince forced in such sort to flye his country , was by all meanes to be releeued : many of them boasting , that if it should come to the push to haue warres for the matter , flaunders was able to withstand the vttermost that fraunce could doe . neuertheles the duke of britaine shortly after of his owne accord departed into england , and the minds and affections of his people began to incline more fauourably towardes him then in former times they had done . it is declared before , how the cardinals after the death of pope gregorie , to pacify the tumult of the romanes , had through feare and compulsion chosen vrbane the sixt . now because this vrbane by reason of his pride and insolency was misliked of all men , the cardinals by generall consent proceeded to a new election , and chose robert bishop of cambrey , called afterwards by the name of clement . there remained at that time in the territory of the romanes one robert budaeus , a m●n honourably descended in the country of britaine and a stout warriour , hauing twoo thousand of his country men vnder his command . him did pope clement sollicite for the maintenance of his quarrell , who nothing misliking the motion , was secretly conveyed with his men into the castle from thence , to worke disturbance to the romanes . on the other side the romanes oftentimes sent the germane and italian souldiers whome they had waged in their defence , against these britons : and they handled the matter in such sort , that their enemies wearied with their often and continuall assaultes , were at length constrained to yeeld vp the castle vppon no other conditions , but only the sauing of their liues . robert their captaine who was not present at the dooing hereof , but lay encamped without the citie , when he heard these tydings , waighted oportunitie till such time as he vnderstood by his espialles , that the romanes should assemble together in the castle to consult of their affaires : then taking his way through secret passages , and vnder the euenings couert entring closely into the citie euen at the fittest time that could be wished for his purpose , he assayled the romanes as they came out of the counsell house , vnarmed and suspecting no such matter : of whome he made a terrible slaughter , and killed many of the principall men and cheefe citizens amongst them . after the accomplishment of which misch●efe , he returned againe to his campe at leysure . when the french king vnderstood that a newe pope was created , he called a conuocation of certaine estates & chiefly of diuines , demaunding their opinion whether of the two popes ought in this diuersitie to be acknowledged . their censures for the most part as happeneth in such cases , were variable and different . the lords of the spiritualty with the kings brothers , and many of the diuines , were of opinion that cleoment ought to be receiued . this determination pleased the king well , and was immediately proclaymed through the whole kingdom , that a certainty might generally be knowne for his subiects to trust vnto . of the same iudgement were the king of spaine , the earle of savoy , the duke of millaine , and the queene of naples . charles of boheme the emperour dissembled his minde , notwithstanding the greater parte of the empire tooke parte with pope vrbane . the scottish king also inclined to clement . lewis earle of flaunders affirmed boldly , that open iniurie was offered to vrbane : the henaulters stood newter , adhering neither to ▪ the one , nor the other . pope clement the better to confirme his cause , directed the cardinall of poytiers into fraunce and the countries adioyning , to publish in all places where he came , how vrbane had beene by force and violence vtterly against the willes of the cardinalles , intruded into the papacie . it was an easie matter to perswade the french men , who had already giuen sentence on his side . the earles of henault and barband , omitted not to giue him all honourable and curteous entertainment , but for aught else , there was nothing to be obtayned at their handes . the earle of flaunders had sent him word long before , that he had no desire to talke with him , for he accounted vrbane as chiefe shepheard of the lords flock , and intended neuer to forsake him . moreouer pope clement sent to avinion to haue his court prepared and furnished with all things necessary against his comming . about this time the queene of naples resorted to the pope to treate with him of very important affaires : and thus stood the case . lewis of sicill duke of apulia and calabria , lying vpon his death bed , caused this his daughter to come before him & addressed his speech to her in this manner . thou art now ( my deare daughter ) to enter vpon the inheritance of a most flourishing estate , & i doubt not but many princes will be forward to desire thee in marriage , in respect of this thy goodly and glorious heritage . therefore if thou wilt follow thy fathers counsell , match thy selfe to a prince that is rich and powerfull whose puissance may be able to defend both thee and thy possessions . and if it happen that thou haste no issue , then make conueyance of all thy patrimony according to the direction of the pope then being . this my father robert enioyned me at his death , and this ( to discharge my selfe of that duetie ) i likewise giue in charge to thee againe . when the father had discoursed much more to this effect , the daughter deuoutly promised in the presence of many , that she would not faile in her duety for the performance of his commaund . after her fathers deceasse , she was marryed to andrew the brother of lewis the king of hungary : but of this marriage proceeded no issue , be reason that her husband dyed very young . afterward she matcht her selfe to charles prince of tarent , and by him had only one daughter . against this charles , the king of hungary moued warres , and subdewed from him the countries of apulia and calabria , charles himselfe being likewise taken prisoner in battell and carryed away into hungary where he ended his life . after him she marryed to the king of maiorica , and sent ambassadours into fraunce to lewis of navarre ( of whome we haue formerly made mention ) for the concluding of a match betweene him and her daughter . who taking his iourney for the same intent , deceassed by the way before he could attaine the accomplishment of his purpose . the king of maiorica in hope to recover his fathers inheritance , prepared to make sharp warres vpon the king of arragon , by whome it was with-holden from him . his wife desirous to retaine him still at home , disswaded him all she could from his intended enterprise , alleadging how he already enioyed a kingdom large and flourishing sufficient of it selfe to maintaine plēty euen with superfluitie : but she could not preuaile . therefore giving place to his resolution , at his departure she earnestly exhorted him , that he should open all his estate to charles king of fraunce who was a wise and prudent prince , and declaring to him his iniuries receiued , dispose all his proceedings according to his direction . but the king of maiorica expecting i know not what greater helpes otherwhere , required ayde of prince edward the king of englands sonne , who indeede faithfully promised him what he was able to performe . now during his absence , vppon these occasions his wife sent a messenger to the french king , requesting him that out of his royall curtesie he would be a meanes to procure her a match for her daughter , such a one as both for the nobilitie of his birth and the worthinesse of his person , were fitting for her estate : to the intent that so ample & rich possessions might not at any time fall into the hands of straungers . the frēch king moued with her reasonable petition , sent a kinsman of of his , vnto whome she willingly espoused her daughter . the king of maiorica as is shewed before , ended his life in the pursute of his enterprise : after his death the queen marryed againe the fourth time . whereat the king of hungaries nephew named charles , conceiuing great offence , made warres vpon the new king , and besieging him in a certaine castle vppon the sea coast , at the winning therof ( which was by composition ) he tooke both him and her prisoners , and with them also her daughter and her husband , which vnfortunate payre it fortuned soone after to exchange this life for a better . the king and his wife were both released , vppon condition that they should surrender apulia and calabria . which when charles had once gotten into his possession , thenceforth establishing his estate , & augmenting his puissance by ioyning in league with the princes round about him , he gaped also for the kingdomes of naples , sicill , and province . the queene therefore fearing , and in a manner foreseeing that assoone as she were dead , charles would with all his forces inuade those dominions , repayred to the pope discoursing to him the whole state of her affayres , and withall beseeching him that he would receiue her into his protection . hereupon by a franke and free graunt , she conueyed naples , sicill , calabria , apulia & province , absolutely to the pope , to bestow them all vppon whomsoeuer he pleased hereafter . the pope accepted this donatiō of hers very thankfully , & caused instruments of the same made in forme of lawe , to be publikely recorded . not long after , the pope at his comming to auinion bestowed all those seignioryes vppon the duke of aniow which came thither from tholous to visite him : and this graunt was confirmed to him and to his heyres for euer . the men of bruges endeauoured with great labour and cost to drawe the riuer lisa from gaunt to their towne ; & for effecting thereof , kept well nere fiue hundreth men at worke . the gauntoyes being certifyed of their proceedings , began to make some stirre and to shew themselues discontent with the matter . there was at that time in gaunt a meruailous factious fellowe and very popular , called iohn lyon , one that applyed his whole studie and industry to incense the people against their prince . his counsell being demaunded by the commons in this matter ; with a set speech and composed countenance , he made answere to this effect . that in truth this attempt of the men of bruges was not to be tollerated , but withall , that an auncient custome of the cittie ( very laudable though at that time growne out of vse ) was necessary to be renued , namely , that all such as were desirous of the auncient libertie , should we are white cappes . for ( sayd he ) the gauntoyes haue had many and those very notable priueledges aboue others , which by little and little were now worne out of date and vtterly extinguished , to the great wrong & preiudice of the citizens : and if they would be so contented still , it would come to passe in the end , that euen those that remayned should be taken from them . that the cittie of gaunt had in times past so flourished that men of great account held themselues well appayd , and thought no small honour if eyther by desert , reward , or fauour they might obtaine to be made free denizens of the citty : but now the world was so chaunged , that no man ( no not for benefite & commoditie profered him ) would much desire to be admitted into their societie . with these and such like speeches he exceedingly stirred vp their mindes , and easily drew the worser sorte of people to followe him . euery man betooke him to his white cap : and one day amongst the rest assembling themselues together , they tooke armes & went forth to destroy the labourers of bruges . but they hauing incling thereof , left their worke vnfinished , and prouided for their safety by flight . another matter which greatly exaggerated their displeasure , was this . the gauntoys would haue had a townesman of theirs set at liberty whom the earle had caused to be apprehended : exclayming that therby their priuiledges were violated . and therfore when they had sent their messenger to the sheriffe , and could not obtaine his deliuerance , they made meanes to the earle to get him released . the earle promised he would willingly afforde them that pleasure , adding further that he would doe nothing whereby their liberties might any way be infringed , and moreouer that he would giue commandement to the men of bruges wholy to surceasse from their attempted enterprise , and to fill vp all those ditches which they had digged and cut out already . desiring onely in the meane time that they would leaue of that fashion of wearing white cappes , as a thing that ministred perpetuall matter of faction and sedition . when this answere was brought to the gauntoyes , it greatly alienated their affections from the earle , especially being so exasperated and prouoked against him by lyon the author of this insurrection : who perswaded them confidently that if this custome might be abollished , it were the next way to reduce them againe into their old subiection and seruitude . now although the earle of flaunders entreated his people faire to lay aside their cappes , yet neuerthelesse he sent some two hundred men to haue entred vnlookt for into the citie , who surprising lyon and certaine others , should haue conveyd them from the people , and committed them to prison . but this matter could not be so couertly handled , but lyon gat knowledge thereof , and had leasure both to call the people together and to exhort them with vehement perswasions , that if euer they would fight for the maintenance of their liberty , they should now presently make proofe of their valour . hereupon hauing some fower hundred of his faction about him , he proceeded to the market place : where encountring the gouernor of the towne , he snatcht the earles ensigne out of his hands , and tearing it in peaces , trode it vnder his feete , killing the gouernor himselfe from whome he tooke it . what should i tell you , how mightily the earles patience was moued with this villany ? the citizens & twownedwellers which were of honester mindes and better discretion , foreseing that all things tended to a sorrowfull issue , consulted amongst themselues , and sent certaine of their principall men to make sute to the earle for pardon of their offence . the earle at the first receyued them somwhat roughly , but afterward least by seueritie out of season the mischiefe might haue growne greater , he was content to remit the rigour of his displeasure . whilst those men trauelled about the common benefite , lyon who sought nothing but trouble and disturbance , to the intent he might know the certaine number of his followers , mustred them without the towne , and found them to be almost ten thowsand . then speaking to them in open audience many and diuerse things concerning the maintenance of their liberty , he gaue them counsell to pull downe a certaine castle ( which the earle had lately builded ) because from thence the citty might be much annoyed : and it was no hard matter to perswade his seditious multitude . so they easily wan it hauing no garrison to defend it , and when they had rifled , it they set it on fire : lyon in the meane time making showe as if he had beene sorrie for the fact , pretending that it happened by mischaunce , whereas in trueth it was committed of meere malice and set purpose . these tydings so troubled the earle , that he would not endure to heare the messengers of the people speak crauing pardon for this offence , as they had done for the other , but there threatned them to punishment as the fact deserued . for he had bestowed a great some of money about the building of this castle , besides the reproachfulnes of the action , wherewith his noble spirit was much more prouoked then by any other occcasion . the earle made greuous cōplaynt amongst a great company of noblemen & knights assembled at lisle in flaunders , of the intollerable pride of his rebellious subiects , and of the vnworthy iniu●ies they had offered him ; wherewith he so moued their affections , that they all with one consent promised him their vttermostayd and furtherance , and to be ready prepared for any seruice wherein he would employ them . herevpon soldiers were forthwith placed in garrisons and warres begonne ; the very originall whereof , is the same which wee haue already discoursed . when the earles minde was thus incensed against the flemmings , lyon hauing thereby gotten greater opportunity , after he had in open assembly slaunderously inveyed against the cruelty and obstinate wilfulnesse of the aduerse party , and vnder that pretext perswaded the people that it was very necessarie to procure their neighbours to ioyne with them in league and confederacie , he againe mustered his souldiers by the poule , and found them to be nerehand twelue thousand . amongst others which followed his faction , were the men of a certaine towne called damme : in which towne shortly after lyon dyed very suddainly , not without suspition of poysoning . the men of ipre were likewise of his confederacy , into which towne the rebells entring by permission of the commons , slue certaine gentlemen that lay therein garrison . after lyon was dead , the gantoyes created them newe captaines , and being assisted by the men of bruges and many other townes which tooke their parte , their number encreasing to an infinite multitude , they besieged ( a long while to little purpose ) the castle of teremund , wherein the earle of flaunders at that time remayned . wherefore raysing their siege and ioyning those forces to the rest of their army , they proceeded forward to the towne of arde , which they streytly beleagered , and the townesmen as stoutly defended . notwithstanding , when no way could be deuised to bring victuall to the besieged , the earle foreseing that the necessity thereof in conclusion would force them to yeeld , wished secretly that some conditions of peace might be procured betweene them . hereunto also his mother the lady of artoyes was meruailously inclined : who but lately before addressing most friendly letters to the duke of burgundy ( which had marryed the earle of flanders daughter ) earnestly besought him that he would employ his diligent endeauour to bring this matter of agrement to effecte . for the accomplishment whereof a treaty being had at tournay , after fifteene dayes spent in debating of diuerse matters ( the gauntoyes in that while shewing themselues very arrogant & lusty ) at length it was concluded to this purpose . that the gantoyes should breake vp their siege before ard , and within one yeare next ensuing reedify the castle which they had lately raced : and that the earle laying aside all memory of former displeasures , should come and make his residence at gaunt . the duke of britaine because he was loth by his long soiourning with the earle of flaunders , to procure him the french kings displeasure , departed from thence ( as i tolde you before ) into england . during his continuance there , he receiued verie comfortable letters from almost all the states of his countrie , solliciting his returne home againe : wherupon by the king of englands aduise he returned , but not without english ayd for his better assurance and safety . when the earle of flaunders according to his former agreement , was come to gaunt , he made an eloquent oration before all the people , wherein he at large declared his good affection , ( by the way lightly glauncing at their ingratitude ) and withall ( doing the office of a gracious prince ) exhorted them , from thencefoorth to maintaine peace and tranquility in the common wealth . for his part , protesting that he would so order all his affaires , as no occasion of trouble should any way be deriued frō his proceedings . onely this he requested with great earnestnes at their hands , that they would forbeare that fashion of wearing white cappes , and cause the custome thereof to be discontinued . to all the rest of his speech they gaue quiet attention , but assoone as he talked of laying aside their cappes , yee might haue seene the colours and countenances of most of them changed . the earle ( as it is likely ) perceyuing their mindes , and considering with himselfe that the seedes of discord were generally dispersed amongst them , dismissed his audience and departed out of gaunt . this was a pleasant spectacle to the seditious , but the honestly affected were greatly greeued that this priuate grudge and inward debate should thus be more and more augmented . after the earle of flaunders had forsaken the towne of gaunt , a certaine gentleman mooued with desire of reuenge for the death of the gouernour his kinseman lately murthered by the rebelles , made defiance to the gauntoys , & by occasion set vpon certain marchants as they were sayling vp the riuer of skeld with corne for prouision of the towne . he tooke thē and cut off their hands & put out their eyes : which fact of his was generally interpreted by townsmen as done by the earles direction . the seditious sort , as if hereby a gap had been opened to doe what mischiefe they listed , assembled to the number of fiue thousand men , and suddainely surprised arde , ( which at that time was vnfurnisht for defence , expecting no daunger in regard the peace was so lately concluded ) and when they had taken it , beat down certaine gates and towers , and that part of the wall which looked towards gaunt . then the earle being as it were ouercome , and vanquished with their intollerable outrage , after he had by his messengers directed into the citie , layed open in plaine tearmes before the people , both their wicked proceedings , and his patient forbearance , proclaymed open warres and vtter enmity against them . in the meane season those citizens which were desirous of peace , perswaded and preuailed with the rest , that to mittigate the earles displeasure , they should make restitution of the towne they had taken , and banish certaine of the chiefe authors of the enterprise . this thing gaue the earle some satisfaction . and for example sake , he put to death certaine commoners of the towne of ipre , which had been chiefe moouers of the late insurrection . vpon the report whereof , the rebels and ring●eaders of mischiefe at gaunt , began to mistrust that all would be amisse on their sides also . wherefore following the counsell of one of their own stampe ( who was of opinion that liberty could not be procured , but by subuersion of the nobilitie and gentlemens estates ) they ouerthrew and beat downe all the castles and gentlemens houses they could come to , and rifling their goods , diuided the spoile amongst them . the gentlemen mooued with this violent iniury , and increased in number by the losse of their substance , vppon complaint to the earle , obtained his licence and with such power as they procured , made cruell warres vppon the gauntoys . who fearing least the earle should procure ayd out of fraunce , they sent messengers afore hand to the french king , beseeching him that he would not take armes against their common wealth ; affirming that they contended with their lord and endured the discommodities of warre , not vppon any wilfull obstinacy , but in desire to maintaine their liberty . the french king being already scarce well pleased with the earle of flaunders for harbouring the duke of britaine , both condiscended to their requests , and gaue them encouragement . pope clement also , whome the earle had refused to acknowledge , was nothing forgetfull thereof , but kept it in mind against occasion should serue , to worke him as great a displeasure . when the duke of britaine ( as we haue told you ) being called home by his subiects letters , was returned into his country , the king of england according to promise sent a number of souldiers to his succour : but by violence of tēpest they were driuen back into england . the duke in the meane while not knowing hereof , and wondering at the occasion of their delay , sollicited the king againe for ayd . herevppon the king sent on of his vncles , ( the youngest son of king edward ) and with him six thousand men . after he had passed through a good part of fraunce , when he approched nere his enemy the duke of burgundy , the french kings brother ; the duke was desirous to haue giuen him battell ; but the french king for weighty considerations commanded the contrary , presupposing it would come to passe that they might be disseuered of themselues . and as he was indued with a kind of fortunate discretion for the managing of his affaires , he practised by his letters as secretly as might be with the men of nants , ( a rich and populous citie in those quaters ) putting them in remembrance of their dutie , and earnestly desiring them that they would not take part with his enemies against him . they in regard of their affection to fraunce , promised assurance of their good will and faithfull endeauour , thereby discharging the kings mind of al doubts , and that they might better make resistance against their enemies , they requested him to send a conuenient number of souldiers to remaine with them in garrison . the englishmen after a combersome iourny and many difficulties , at length arriued in britaine . my author reporteth that the engligmen were wont to obserue this custome : that when they went forth to warfare into any forraine country , they were solemnly sworne to their king , first to conceale and in any wise to keepe secret all counsels and purposes concerning the seruice vndertaken : and then that they should conclude no absolute peace with the enemy , but with the consent and approbation of their king and his nobility . as the englishmen ( according to my former speech ) were marching through the middest of fraunce towards britaine , king charles the wisest and most prudent prince of his times , fell gre●uously sicke . it is declared before how certaine of the king of nauarres frends had giuen him poyson . the op●… of which poyson was so violent , that both his haire an●… nailes fell off , and his body became so withered , that scarce the image of a man remained . neuertheles the emperour sent him a certaine germaine phisition , who abated the force thereof in such sort , both nayles and haire and health also by little and little returned . but his body could neuer be so cleerely purged , but some part of the venome remained , which being drawne into his arme , distilled out at an issue made for the purpose . and the phisition told him at his departure , that whensoeuer that issue dried vp , he should not liue long after . therefore despairing of health , and feeling his own weaknes , he sent for his brethren the dukes of burgundy and berry , with the duke of burbon , to whome he spake in this manner : ( as for the duke of aniow because he seemed so gripple and couetous , he desired not his presence . ) i feele vndoubtedly my deere brothers , that i cannot long continue amongst you . therefore i commend charles my sonne to your tuition , beseeching you that you will be alwaies assistant to him with your wisedome and counsell , as it becommeth vncles to assist their nephew which must vndergoe the weight of so great a burthen , and that in so tender yeeres as he can no waies be able to helpe himselfe . assoone as i am dead , let it be your care to see him crowned : for in you i repose all my trust and confidence . ye see he is but a very child , and therfore shall stand in need of good bringing vp and wholesome instruction . so let him be taught , and trayned vp in all points pertaining to the office of a king , as it may appeare to the world that you haue performed your duties . and for a wife when time shall serue and yeeres be fitting , let me entreat you to make his choice , for birth and estate such a one , as by her match the realme may rather be honoured , then impayred . i haue had much conference with a certaine astronomer of great learning and iudgement ; who told me , that in the time of his youth he should be put to much trouble and disquietnes , and should escape many casualties of fortune . surely i haue often and very much considered with my selfe , by what occasions such things should come to passe . for at this present through the diuine fauour , ye haue a state reasonable quiet and setled . of flaunders i know not what to thinke : the duke of britaine is subtill , a friend to the english , an enemy to vs : therefore it is behoouefull that ye retaine the cheefe cities of britaine in loue and amitie , for by this meanes shall the dukes counselles be frustrate . surely the britons deserue to be commended , and are worthy to be well esteemed : for they haue alwaies done me faithfull seruice , both in defending my kingdome , and pursuing my enemies . send into germanie , to prouide a wife for my sonne in those quarters , that by such meanes the bond of league and frendshippe betwixt vs may be more strongly combined . ye haue heard how the king of england takes the same course , and seekes a wife from thence , that he may strengthen and establish his affaires by such alliance . this realme of ours ( as we see ) is much disquiered , and suffereth many displeasures by the english : i beseech you endeuor to take away all such occasions of warre and enmity . for howsoeuer i may seeme to haue nourished warres , yet in my heart i haue vtterly abhorred them , and the thought thereof at this present moues no small remorce in my conscience . these and many other things were spoken by him to the like effect . the duke of aniow was absent as i told you a little before , notwithstanding by messengers that went and came , hee easily vnderstood how all things passed : and vppon aduertisement from some of his frends remayning at the court , he came to paris the same day that the king ended his life . as soone as he heard certainely that the king was dead , incontinently he seazed vpon all the kings apparell and iewelles and whatsoeuer else was there of worth or value . for at the same time he had determined vppon a iourney into naples , towards the furniture whereof he had need of many such necessaries , especially being so augmented in honour as he was lately before by the gift of pope clement . now although it were appointed by the kings will who should haue the administration of his goods , yet neuertheles the duke of aniow took it vpon him , & his brothers did not greatly gainsay him , peraduēture inrespect he was their elder . afterward it was decreed by the peeres of the realme , that so soone as the coronation of their new king were finished , the gouernment of the state should be committed to his vncles , to remaine in their hands till the king came to one and twentie yeares of age . to the coronation of this king were called albert duke of bavaria , the earle of savoy , and the dukes of gelders and iuliers : there were also present wenceslaus duke of braband , with the duke of loraine , the earle of marche , and others . the earle of flaunders excused himselfe . the young king was then twelue yeares old , he had one brother , and one sister , both , by father and mother ; their names were lewis , and katherine . after these solemnities ended , great consultacion was had about matters concerning the honour and fafety of the kingdome . at length it was concluded , that the duke of berry should gouerne all that prouince which is commonly called languedoc , the duke of burgoine should rule picardy and normandy , and the duke of aniow remaining about the kings person , should haue the chiefe gouernment of the whole kingdome . king charles was a prince so wise and prudent , that sitting in his gowne at paris in ease and quietnes , he recouered many things by counsell and policie , which his predecessors fighting themselues in the field with all the forces they could make , had lost before in battell , to their enemies . and amongst other vexations which happened to king edward at his last voyage that he intended into britaine for the rescue of his men besieged , when he was forced backe by the extremitie of weather : this one thing troubled him aboue the rest , that he must make warre with such an enemie as neuer bare armes , nor came into the field : whervppon it is reported he should say , that he neuer delt with any enemie which vsed so little armor and put him to so much trouble . for indeed king charles after he came to the crowne , neuer put on armour himselfe , but mannaging all his affaires by wisedome and policy , committed the execution thereof to his brothers . charles the sixt . it is shewed before how the youngest sonne of king edward passed with his forces through fraunce into britaine to ayd the duke : who albeit he were recalled by his subiects ( as i told you ) yet the king of fraunce wrought so much by his policy that he found small faithfulnes , and but cold affection in many of them , especially in the people of nants and some others . when the duke discoursed of his vnfortunate aduentures , and the subtilty of his enemies proceedings , the king of englands sonne alwaies comforted him and promised assurance of frendship and succour . so they agreed betweene themselues to besiege the towne of nants with both their forces vnited together , and the englishmen went about it without further delay . the duke of britaine in the meane time sollicited his people to furnish him with succours for the proceeding in his enterprise . but they made him answere , that they would in no wise waste their owne country for the englishmens pleasures , and that they would neuer take armes in his quarell so long as the englishmen lingred in britaine . this was the very occasion and impediment which made him breake promise with the english . and the king of englands sonne meruailing what the matter meant , began to be somewhat offended , especially because there came no newes at all from the duke ( the messengers which carried letters between them being indeed cut off by the way . ) at length after long and dayly expectation when he had spent two moneths in the siege , finding that all he could do of himselfe was but labour lost , vnlesse more forces came from his confederate , leauing his enterprise vnperformed , he himselfe tooke his iourney to the duke , intending to know directly what was his purpose & resolution . the duke aduis●dly purged himselfe , imputing the blame to his people , by whose treachery being deceiued , he was not able to performe his promise . neuerthelesse , to render his friend some satisfaction , he gaue him leaue to winter with his army at vannes . during the time that nants was besieged , certaine noble men of britaine of more eminent respect and authority then the rest , had some communication with their prince in these words , or the like . sir , you sufficiently declare and manifestly shew , that you are wholy addicted to the english nation . but what fruite or commodity , what honour or aduauncement , doe you expect from their friendship ? what motiues induce you to obserue them with such affection ? for when you haue brought thē into britaine , they shall bereaue you of your goods , and dispossesse you of your inheritance descended from your auncestors , and this they will doe if euer they obtaine the vpper hand of the french men . let the king of nauarres example moue you : who in regard of the singular good opinion he had conceiued of their faithfulnes , committed into their hands the towne and castle of chirburg : whereinto being once admitted , they would neuer out of it but held it for euer after as their owne . by like occasion , if through your sufferance and fauour they be once receiued into our citties here , neuer perswade your selfe that they will at any time forgoe them : for they may alwaies haue ayd out , of their owne country at pleasure , whereby their courage shall be refreshed , & their forces renewed . we neede not seeke farre for a president : see you not how they detaine brest , a towne entirely of your owne seigniory and iurisdiction ? but when will they finde time to restore it againe ? assure your selfe for certainty they intend nothing lesse . let this therefore be your warning , and holde your selfe well appayd that you are beloued of your people , who are resolutely of this minde and purpose , neuer to forsake the french king to pleasure the english , will you for your wiues sake , because you haue marryed an english woman , take a course to ouerthrow your selfe and your estate ? will you therefore aduenture the losse of so goodly and large an heritage , for the keeping whereof you haue sustayned so many perills and so great dangers ? will you be at the charge to maintaine soldiers perpetually ? what are you able to performe of your selfe , when your subiects shall forsake you , yea and take armes and fight against you also ? but omitting all these reasons and considerations : the french king is now dead which was so vehemently incensed against you , and in his place his sonne succeded , who is yet very young and of no euill disposition , we will apply our endeauours to reconcile you vnto him , that friendship and amity may be established betweene yo● . so shall it come to passe , that both you shall enjoy your owne without trouble or disturbance , and these englishmen finding their expectations and purpose preuented , shall get them home into their country . the duke although he were much moued with this kinde of discourse , yet dissembled the matter for feare of giuing offence to the english . and the noble men which had giuen him this counsell , thinking it was no time to vse longer delay , posted secretly to the french king lying then at paris , where declaring what had passed , they treated for peace . the english generall not knowing what was in hand , purposed against the next spring to haue had new supplies out of england , and to haue made sharper warres in fraunce then before . the french men themselues mistrusted as much : foreseeing that at one time or other some great mischiefe would befall them from the english . the britons which negotiated with the king for agreement , perceiuing that such a matter was feared in fraunce ( like discrect commissioners who obserue all things diligently in such occasions , and apply the same to their owne aduantage ) in their treaty of peace , did meruailously exaggerate that point , and with great pollicy , insomuch that by mentioning such matters and casting doubts thereupon , they had the french king farre easier to be delt with in all their affaires . the duke of aniow ( as i told you ) was chiefe in authoritie : who for that he was purposed shortly after to take his iourney into calabria and the other prouinces which he had obtained in gift from the pope , intended nothing lesse then that fraunce should be troubled with any new warres , by occasion whereof he might lose the opportunity of performing what he had before determined . therefore accepting the counsell of the briton commissioners , so much rather for the doubts of future warre which they had suggested into his opinion , he willingly condiscended to the motion of agreement . so it was concluded , to this effect : that the duke of britaine being receiued into the french kings fauour , should do homage to him for his dukedome , with performance of all rights belonging to such ceremonies . and further , to the intent that the english generall ( who vpon the dukes request had trauelled such an infinite compasse of ground to come to his ayd ) might in some sort be honourably satisfied , it was permitted to the duke to furnish him with ships and all other things necessary for the conueying of him and his people againe into his country . the english generall seeing himselfe thus deluded , and deceiued , would admit no excuses , but full of indignation , hoysed sayles to the winde & made homeward into england . about this time the earle of flaunders was exceedingly incensed against the gauntoyes for their intollerable proud and arrogant demeanor . it happened the same time very fortunately for him , that variance rose amongst the men of bruges , betweene the aldermen and the commons : insomuch that the magistrate wrote letters to the earle , instantly desiring his presence . whereupon he came , and hauing put to death some fiue hundreth one & other , he receiued the towne into his protection , with certain other of their neighbors which were desirous of the like fauour . being therefore emboldened by the accession of these forces , he determined to chastice the men of ipre , who had slaine certaine gentlemen of his houshold , and receiued the gauntoyes into their towne . at their request , the gauntoyes their confederates sent three thousand men to ayd them . the earles army with the helpe of the men of bruges amounted well nere to the number of twenty thousand . the gantoyes therefore augmented their power likewise by leuying nine thousand more : and so proceeding some miles on their way , they sent word to their fellowes , that they should also bring forth their men into the field , that so with vnited forces they might ioyntly assayle their enemie . there came forth some eight thousand , who when they had marched a while in order of battell , arriuing at a three-way leete , and consulting among themselues which way was to be taken , at length they followed the same which was forelayd before by any ambush of the earles souldiers : whereinto being once falne , before they could cleere themselues from the daunger , and come to ioyne with their confederates , they lost three thousand of their men , the rest hardly escaping by flight . the party which gaue them counsell to enter that passage , being accused of treason for his labour , was by the people in their furie and vprore admitting no excuse , miserably slaine and torne in peeces one limme from another , euery man snatching some part to wreake his particular malice . the vnhappy wretch ( doubtlesse ) had this punishment vndeserued : for had he committed such a villany , surely he would neuer haue trusted himselfe in their hands afterward . after this good successe , the earle forthwith addressed himself to the siege of ipre , now whilst they were all in this feare & perplexity . but the men of ipre terrifyed with the late accident , submitted themselues to his mercy . being receiued into the towne , he put to death some 700 commoners , and sent three hundreth or thereabouts of the wealthyer sort , prisoners to bruges . many other townes following the example of ipre , yeelded themselues likewise to his obedience . the gauntoyes therefore which now in a manner alone stood out against him , were besieged , but it could not be done so streytly , but that victuall and prouision might freely be conueyd into the towne at one gate or another . for the place is naturally very strong , both in regard of the ground wherupon it is scituate , and the commoditie of two riuers called skeld and lise running by it : therfore he had neede of a very populous army that should enuiron it on all sides . the townesmen mustered themselues by poule , and there were found of such as for their yeares were able to beare armes , to the number of foure score thousand . they so little esteemed the siege that euen then whilst their enemies lay before the cittie , they went forth and sacked certaine townes of flaunders . amongst others the men of bruxelles fauoured them exceedingly : and the liegeois also would surely haue sent them succour , but that the great distance betweene them was a hinderance to their purpose . the earle perceiuing he did but lose time and labour in besieging gaunt , for that the winter also approched , brake vp his siege & dispersed his army . in the beginning of the next spring he leuyed some twenty thousand men and besieged gawre . the captaine that lay there in garrison desired helpe of the gauntoyes , and they presently sent a band of six thousand : who falling by chaunce vppon some six hundreth soldiers of arde , which vpon commandement were marching in great haste towards the earle , oppressed them with their multitude , and slue them euery one . besides this , one peter de bois a valiant fellowe , receiuing other six thousand men of the gauntoyes , had couenanted with him that went before to the reliefe of gawre , that he should not fight with the earle , but ioyntly together with both their forces . but the other notwithstanding , hearing that his enemy approched ready to giue battell , was so enflamed with desire of honor , that without further expecting the company of his assistant , though his owne power were far too weake for such an encounter , yet he put his men in order against the enemy . the earle diuided his battell into fiue squadrons , in euery of which were foure thousand soldiers , and giuing charge vpon his enemies , albeit they valiantly defended themselues , yet by reason of their small number , vnable to sustaine so great violence , he soone ouerthrew them and put them to flight . his horsemen pursued the chace with great cruelty : and when they had withdrawn themselues for refuge into a certaine monastery therby , the earle because none of the whole rout should escape , caused fire to be set on all the housing about it . there were two captaines ouer these forces , whereof the one fighting valiantly at the gate of the place was there slaine , the other which had gotten himselfe vp into a tower , was cōpelled at length by violence of the flame which had now caught hold of euery thing about him , to leape down headlong amongst the thickest of his enemies , where being receiued vpon their pikes and swordes points , he was hoysed vp againe into the fyre and so ended his life . all the rest perished miserably in the fire , three hundreth onely excepted which tooke their flight directly homeward towards gaunt , and so escaped . this peter de boys whom we spake of , being not farre of , saw in what distresse his fellowes remayned , and beheld the sad spectacle of their destruction , but by reason of a riuer and certaine marishes betweene , he was not able to come time enough to their rescue . for which cause assoone as he came home with his company to gaunt , he had like to haue beene slaine by the common people . but he alledged such reasonable excuse , that he gaue them contentment , and withall perswaded them , that in regard they had lost two expert men of warre in this defeat , they should authorise some one other by whose industry they thought the affaires of the common wealth might be better directed : for so it was needfull hauing to deale with such a cruell enemy . the earle dismissing a good part of his army , sent the rest into garrisons , but especially to the defence of arde. in the meane time about twelue hundred of the faction of the white cappes , hauing aduertisement what time certaine gentlemen would raunge abroad out of arde to fetch in some booty , brake out of an ambush vppon them as they returned with their prey , and put most of them to the sword . but they escaped not scot●ree with this trick : for themselues being circumuented with like policy , by the companions of those that were slaine few or none of them returned to boast of their enterprise . the wealthyer and honester sort of cittizens in gaunt did greatly lament ( though secretly to themselues ) that the state of their common weale was thus crazed and shaken , their captaines and men of warre being from time to time killed vp , and themselues also by little and little consumed by the earle of flaunders . for such rascall●es and base varlets as in time of peace were of no reputation , but rather esteemed as beggers , by reason of their number and power , were now in chiefe authoritie and ruled all things in the cittie at their pleasure . and because in these troublesome affayres they might both do & commaund what they listed , they were well pleased with this bloudy spectacle of daily tumult and insurrection . moreouer peter de boys the very well-spring of mischiefe , considering with himselfe that howsoeuer matters should fall out , and though the earle were reconciled to the ganntoys , yet he should hardly escape without perill of his life , began to looke about for a fellow whom he might commēd to the people for their purpose , such a one indeede as could stirre sedition cunningly , and would persist in the maintenance thereof to the vttermost . at last he bethought himselfe of philip de arteuill , the sonne of iaques often heretofore mentioned ; who albeit in regard of his disposition and sufficiency , he were a fellow fit for such imployment , yet because his father was slaine ( in such sort as we haue formerly declared ) by the gauntoyes , hee alwaies kept himselfe within the compasse of a priuate life . in euery place as on passed through the cittie , a man might haue heard the peoples words wishing againe either for iaques whom they had already killed , or some other such like whom they might follow as their captaine and gouernor . boys making vse hereof to his aduantage , brake the matter to some of his owne faction , but not before such time as he had conferred with philip , whome by declaring these circumstances , proposing great rewards , and se●ting before his eies what honour he might obtaine by this meanes in such a cittie as gaunt , he easily allured to his purpose . the next day he began to commend phillip to the people , taking occasion at his father iaques , how there was neuer any who with greater fidelity had gouerned the state of flaunders then he : wherof the old men of the country , to whome the truth thereof was knowne , could sufficiently beare witnesse how he had alwaies most earnestly defended the honour and profit of the country , which could not possibly haue escaped extreame miserie long agoe , had it not beene preserued by the wisedome of that one man alone , wherefore for his part he thought his countrimen should not doe amisse to choose an impe of the same stocke ( being no worse then it was ) to place in the common wealth for the maintenance of publike welfare . through these perswasions the people made choise of phillip to be their captaine . it is declared before how iohn the sonne of henry king of cast●e , was by generall consent of the state admitted to the succession of the crowne . this much displeased ferdinando king of portugall , who held it a great indignity that the sonne of a bastard should be exalted to the gouernment of so great a dominion , and the lawfull kings daughters be disinherited the while : of whome as we haue sayd before , the duke of lancaster had married one , and his brother the other . moued therefore with the vnworthines of the matter , and also because he was alyed in bloud to the ladies , he proclaymed warres against the king of spaine , desiring ayd of the king of england , who sent his vncle the earle of cambridge with an army , hauing also in his company isabell his wife and iohn his sonne . the duke of lancaster was sent into scotland to treate with the scottish king for the renewing of peace , or at least wise to take a truce for a season . during his absence , there sprung vp a most perillous insurrection , the occasion whereof in effect was this . the country people in those places ( as in diuerse others ) hold their livings of the nobilitie and gentlemen , in such sort as they are bound both to till their lands , to fell their corne , to gather it together , bestowe it in their barnes , thresh it , dresse it , and whatsoeuer else belongs vnto it : they are also bound to cut their wood and carry it home to their landlords houses . now the same time there was a certain masse priest called sir iohn wallis , who had preached in his sermōs to the people , that equalitie ought to be obserued in all things , that one man was no better then another , the gentleman then the churle , the rich then the poore , the learned then the ignorant : but all men were deriued frō the selfe same parents , euen adam & eve , and that our first fore-fathers liued all after one sort , without any ine quality of state , or difference of persons . herewithall he perswaded them to assemble in great number , and make suite to the king for redresse , who because he was young , might perhaps be brought to harken to their requests , or if he would not , then to set themselues at libertie by the sword . this priest being apprenhended and committed to prison for these matters , was by the archbishop of canterburie let loose , vpon what conscience i know not , but sutelie it proued to his owne sorrow and confusion . for after he was once abroad , he proceeded with his enterprise more boldlie then before . the poorer sort of the londoners for enuie they bare to the rich ( as it is commonly seene ) commended this course of the rebelles , and by letters soll icited them to come to london , promising to giue them entrance into the citie . herevppon gathering their company together both out of all the country adio●ing , and from some places further of , wel neere to the number of threescore thousand , they came to canterburie a towne of their owne faction , and there spoiled the shrine of saint thomas . next dare marching forwards , they beat down to the ground all houses in their way which belonged not to some of their conspiracie , and which way soeuer they went they compelled all husbandmen to be pertakers of their proceedings . at rochester they tooke a certaine knight by force , and made him to become their leader : and for assurance that he should not deceiue them , made him deliuer his children into their hands for pledges . when they came within a little of london , they sent him to the king with this message , that they were minded to haue some speech with him concerning weightie affaires , and therefore that he should come forth and talke with them . the king vppon deliberation , made aunswere that he would performe their request . so the next day accompanied with certaine lords he entred his barge , and rowing neere the place where they were descended to the shore in great number expecting his comming , he demaunded of them what they would with him ? they required that he would come out of his barge to parlie , and then their demands should be declared vnto him . but the king distrusting their multitude , without any further communication returned backe againe . then being more vehemently mooued , they hastned to london , making spoile of some lawyers and gentlemens houses in their way . and when they approched the citie , finding the gates shut against them , they threatned to set fire on the suburbs , with the cruellest effects of their furie besides , and that if they entred by force , it should be to the vtter destruction of all that were in it . the citizens herewith dismaid , especially considering that a great number within inclined to sedition and tumult , gaue them entrance . they were no sooner come in but presentlie they raunged through all the tauernes and tipling houses and fell to drinking and making good cheere , no man presuming so much as once to say them nay of any thing . the captaines in the mean while with some twentie thousand , marching through the middest of the citie , set fire on the duke of lancasters house , and some others which they burned to the ground . they put all strangers to the sword and rifled the houses of the exchangers . in the euening they assembled themselues altogether againe in a company before the tower ( where the king then remained , and with him a great number of the chiefe of the citie ) openly protesting that they would neuer from thence till such time as they had obtained their purpose . the king & some others thought it best to haue set vpon them in the night season as they lay negligently dispersed and vnarmed , ouerwhelmed with sleepe & drunkēnes , and so to haue defeated them . others to whome this attempt seemed daungerous and of great vncertainty in the euent , iudged it better that means were made to pacifie them with some gentle and plausible oration . and this counsell tooke effect . the day following the king sent them word , that as many as would speake with him should repaire to a certaine place where he would meete them , and giue satisfaction to their demaunds . many came , and many taried still in the citie , especially the cheefe captaines of the sedition : who assoone as the king was gone forth , followed with some fower hundreth of their companions brake into the tower , and there surprising the archbishop of canterburie lord chancellor of england , they cut of his head , and serued diuers others also of great account in the same sort , whose heads they prict vpon polles , and set them vp vppon the bridge , and other places of greatest view and most resort in the citie . when the king came to communication with the rebells , he demaunded gently of them , what they required ? marry ( quoth they ) that thou set vs and our children and our posteritie that shall come after vs at libertie for euer , and being so enlarged , maintaine and preserue vs from all manner of bondage and seruitude , either in shew , or substance . the king promised to fulfill their requests , and therevppon signed & deliuered vnto them certain writings and charters for the same , wherewith a great part of them were reasonably well satisfied , and began to be much more tractable . but the principall heads of rebellion which , as i told you , abode still behinde , being villaines of most wicked disposition , whose only desire was to make a prey of rich mens goods , had drawn together in the meane time some twentie thousand with part of the comminalty intending to haue falne to rifling presently . but the king comming vnawares ( though not out of season ) vpon them , as he returned from parly with the rebells at the place appointed without the citie , espying such a multitude together , paused a while to vnderstand the matter . immediatly one of those varlets stepping forth , began to talke to him in a very rude and contemptuous fashion , hauing formerly giuen in charge to his companions , that at a certaine signe or watchworde which he would giue them , they should rush violently forth and kill all that were abount the king , whom only he would haue spared in regard of his age . as he continued in his arrogant speeches and behauiour to the king , the mayor of the citie disdaining thereat , thrust him through with his sword . then might ye haue seene the enraged multitude in a blind furie euen ready to haue destroyed them all : but the king pacified them pressing himselfe alone into the thickest of them , which otherwise perhaps might haue seemed a poin● of indiscretion ; but the successe warranted the action . many counselled the king to haue pursued them in their departure , and to haue set vppon them as they were separated and dispersed . but the king would not allow of that course , nor suffer any violence as then to be vsed towards them : thinking that with more ease and better leisure he might take punishment of them at his pleasure hereafter . neither were all offenders alike : for , as in such commotions it happeneth , a great sort were taken vp by the way perforce , and compelled to go along with the rest for company . and he vsed this gentlenesse the rather because the chiefe captaines and ringleaders of this mischiefe , beeing detected by the people , they onely might be put to death , and the residue be pardoned . the earle of flaunders once again besieged gaunt , assembling men of warre out of henault and artoys , the lordship wherof was lately befalne him by the death of his mother . in the meane time a certaine captaine of his , winning a little village belonging to the gauntoys called grantmont , slue all that were in it , euery one both old men , women , and children , not sparing so much as women with childe , and those that lay sicke in their beds . the churches were destroyed with fire , and the towne layd leuell with the ground . it happened the author of this so miserable and vnmercifull spectacle , in a certaine skirmish ( such as there were many ) falling into an ambush of the gauntoys , to be slaine . the earle taking his death very greeuously ( for he had not any man about him whome he more deerely esteemed ) brake vp his siege , conceiuing greater displeasure against the gauntoys then before . neuerthelesse by mediation of the lords of henault and braband , and vppon the earnest sute of the people , peace was againe concluded . amongst other articles this was one , that within fifteen daies after , the gauntoys should deliuer two hundreth persons such as the earle should nominate , to be disposed of at his pleasure . peter de bloys and phillip of arteuill hauing secret intelligence hereof , and suspecting themselues might be some of the number , prouided a competent crew of their faction to be in a readinesse at all assayes , and the next morning when the articles of peace were read publikely in the towne-house , they entred in strongly accompanied , and slue twoo aldermen of great account : the same which were chiefe agents for the towne in this treaty of agreement . with this fact the earle was so exceedingly prouoked that it seemd from thence forth he would neuer haue come to any composition with the gauntoyes before he had vtterly rooted out the whole rabble of that seditious generation . about this time happened an insurrection in paris : the citizens requiring that the late subsidy and new exactions imposed vppon them , might be taken away , from paiment wherof they pleaded immunity by a graunt they had obtained from king charles the fift , which they said the new king at his coronation had likewise confirmed . the king to whome it was vnpleasing and tedious to liue amongst contentious persons , departed out of paris to meaulx . the people in the meane while rising in an vprore , brake vp the prisons , let out the prisoners , and killed certaine of the kings officers . at length a certaine noble man of the court who was very well beloued of the people , being sent to appease the tumult , dealt with the citizens in such sort , that they were content in regard of the necessity of the time , to disburse weekely ten thousand sranks towards the maintenance of the king warres and paiment of his souldiers . another vprore happened also at roan not vnlike to this at paris , but it was suppressed by the king himselfe . many cities and common wealths following the footsteps of the gauntoys ( whome they extolled with high cōmendation as most stout defenders of their liberty ) rebelled against their magistrates . behold to what ruine all things tended , if by the industrie of valiant princes , these euils had not been restrained . the earle of cambridge of whome we spake before , making a long passage for want of good weather , after he had been much tossed vppon the seas with the contrary winds , at last arriued with all his souldiers at lisbone in portugall : when he had taried there certaine moneths , the king of portingale bestowed all his men in garrisons , giuing commandement that they should not attempt any thing against the enemy without his knowledge and direction . the englishmen and gascoines vnacquainted with idlenesse , and desirous to be employed in some exercise of armes , vppon a time when they could not obtayne licence of the king , went forth of their owne heads , and winning certaine holds of the spaniards , placed garrisons in them and returned . no other memorable seruice was performed of many moneths after , by meanes whereof the king of spaine had time and leisure more then enough , to make sufficient preparation for his defence . he had ayd also sent him out of fraunce , which was allowed free passage through arragon by reason of the league that was confirmed between both kings vppon conclusion of the marriage , as we haue discoursed already . the king of england sending ambassadours into germamany , to charles king of bohemia , requested to haue his sister to wife . the matter was debated a tweluemoneth and more , and at last tooke effect . the french king to the intent to hinder this marriage , gaue commaundement to the normans to enter the seas with a puissant fleet , and to intercept the new bride with all her traine in their passage . but the duke of braband , putting him in mind how vnfitting it were for his honour to attempt such an enterprise against a company of silly women vnable to make resistance : partly by the iustnesse of his request , and partly by intreaty and perswasion , diuerted the king from his purpose . it was covenanted between the king and the parisians , that the mony which they were to pay weekly shold be kept by the treasurer of the citie , and no part of it to be expēded about any other occasiō but only in time of necessity for the maintenance of men of warre . now the french king when he should send his succours unto spaine , required the treasurer to disburse an hundreth thousand franks for the vse of that seruice . the treasurer neither refusing , nor performing , delayed the matter with friuolous excuses . the duke of aniow at that time standing in great fauour with the people , to the intent the more commodiously to furnish himselfe for his iourney into naples , wrought secretly in such sort , that no part of this money was sent to the king : but hauing all the authority in his owne hands , found meanes to bring the matter so about , that the whole summe which the king demaunded , was without any grudging deliuered to himselfe . being therefore plentifully furnished with all things needfull , and hauing gathered together about thirtie thousand men , he proceeded on his voyage . when he arriued at auinion where pope clement then remained , he found the hearts of the noblity meruailously inclined towards him . afterward leauing prouence , he passed through italy into apulia and calabria : of which countries when with most earnest affection of the people he had taken possession , he tooke his way towards naples . but the neapolitanes were altogether addicted to his aduersarie , charles the king of hungaries nephewe heretofore mentioned . this charles after the death of the queene of naples , who left no issue of her owne to enioye her inheritance , vsurped the title and dominion of all these seigniories : affirming that the popes gifte to the duke of aniow was for twoo especiall causes of no force nor value . first , because it was not in the deceased queenes power to alienate those things that were not her owne : which opinion of his the neapolitanes and sicilians stoutly mayntained . and againe , though it had beene most free for her to dispose of them all at her pleasure , yet because in those countries they acknowledged vrbane for chiefe bishop , and not clement to whome and from whome that conveyance was made , the gift must necessarily be voyd and frustrate . charles had long before furnished with all manner of prouision a certaine castle called leuf , planted ( as the people say ) by art magicke , encompast on euery side with the sea and so impregnably fortified , that by any other means then by such like skill , it was impossible to be conquered . into this castle abundantly stored with all necessaries for certain yeares , he withdrew himselfe and his retinue : taking no great thought for the rest , in regard he was wel assured that the neapolitanes would neuer forsake him , and as for calabria though he lost it for the present , yet after a yeere or two he made no question to recouer it . for he knew the duke must alwaies maintaine a great army in pay for feare of rebellion , which he could not long continue , but either want of money or victuall would force him to great inconuenience . so that his power being weakened and his numbers dispersed , he might easily be ouerthrowne and driuen out of the country . but there was a certaine coniurer which promised the duke of aniow to blinde the eies of them in the castle , in such sorte as they should belieue there was a bridge made ouer frō the main land , by meanes whereof they should be compelled to yeeld for feare . but by procurement of the earle of sauoy ( who accompanyed the duke in that expedition ) he was put to death for a like peece of seruice which he had done long before . the englishmen and gascones hauing taryed almost nine moneths in portingale without performing any notable exployt , like men that hated such slolthfulnes , determined once againe to aduenture sorth against the spaniards . their captaine the earle of cambridge , when they acquainted him with the matter was against it , but they neuerthelesse went forward with their purpose , and hauing good successe brought certaine townes in subiection . after their returne , they complayned that their entertaynment was not payd them . the king of portingale halfe angry because they aduentured without his commission , made shew as if he would not haue contented them . whereupon some counselled to forrey the country & take out their wages in pillage ; but others of more stayed iudgment and sounder discretion perswaded the contrary , and so at length by intreaty they obtayned that which they were purposed to haue gotten by violence . after this the king of portingale leuyed an army of fifteene thousand besides the english : and the king of spaine hauing a power of thirty thousand , bad him battell . both their forces came into the field , and many dayes together light skirmishes passed betweene them . but the king of portingale because his enemies forces were more in number then his , would in no wise ioyne with him in a sette battell . the duke of lancaster ( whom this matter chiefly concerned , in regard he marryed the eldest daughter of don pietro ) had promised his brother at his setting forth towards spaine , that as soone as he had dispatcht his affaires in scotland , he would come thither also himselfe , and bring an other army . his comming the king of portingale expected . but by reason of the late insurrection , the state being somewhat troublesome in england , the king thought it not conuenient to send his men of warre out of the countrey . the king of portingale therefore seeing no more succours come , began to treate with the spaniard of peace , though altogether against the mindes of the english : whose generall highly offended with the matter , returned thereupon into england , and tooke with him his sonne also , to whome the king of portingales daughter named beatrice a lady of 10 years old had beene lately betrothed . the nextyeere following , the king of spaines wife ( which was the king of arragons daughter ) deceassed , and the king of spaine marryed this beatrice , whom the earle of cambridge had in a manner cast off and forsaken . this marriage was ratifyed by the pope . not long after , also dyed ferdinando king of portingale , in whose place , not the king of spaine which had marryed his daughter , but a bastard brother of his succeeded , being admitted to the crowne rather by fauour of the clergy and authoritie of the citties , then by election or approbation of the nobility . vpon this occasion much trouble and great warres ensued afterward . when the gauntoys through the earle of flaunders procurement were kept streitly from victuall out of all places adioyning , certaine of their towne to the number of twelue thousand , passing through barband came to liege and were there relieued with corne and other necessaries . in their returne homeward , they earnestly besought the dutches of braband ( for the duke was then at lutzemburgh ) to be a meanes to the earle of flaunders , that at leastwise he wold be fo farre pleased as to suffer the matters betweene them , to be debated by indifferent persons at some time & place appointed . the earle condiscended , and a meeting was had at tornay . thither resorted the commissioners of diuerse neighbour states , to compound the strife if it might be possible . for the gauntoys came philip● of arteuile . but after much expectation , when it seemed the earle would neither come himselfe , nor send any other to treate in his behalfe , the parties assembled wrote letters , admonishing and earnestly entreating him , that he would not neglect this good opportunity , now whilst his aduersaries were so tractable to deale with , and so desirous of agreement . whereunto the earle made answere , that he had not leysure to be present there himselfe , but to gratify those honourable persons that had trauelled so farre in the matter , he would send some in few daies after , which should fully acquaint them with his resolution : the effect whereof , vpon relation of his messengers , was much to this purpose . that he would not come to composition with the gauntoys vppon any other termes , then that all of them generally betweene fifteene and threescore yeeres of age , presenting themselues without the cittie vppon the open plaine , without any manner of weapon , bare headed and bare footed , with halters about their necks , should first craue pardon of him for their offences , & afterward submit themselues to his mercie , to determine of them and their liues at his pleasure . other answere then this ( notwithstanding all the intercession of his friends ) none could be obtayned , and so the assembly brake vp . phillip returning to gaunt , the next day discoursed the successe of his treaty to the people . then might ye haue seene the lamentable state of a citty reduced to extreame miserie & desperation . in which generall calamitie philip put them in choise of three courses to be taken , eyther to accept the conditions profered , or to shut themselues vp in their churches , and there praying to god for pardon of their sinnes , abide patiently the end of their liues : or else some fiue thousand of them to issue out of the towne and fight with their enemy . after deliberation , this last tooke place : for indeede there was no other remedy , but either to try their fortunes forthwith by the sword , or else to perish miserably for hunger . the earle had his men of warre about him the same time at bruges to the number of forty thousand . for knowing that his enemies were now brought to such distresse , he was resolued by all meanes to make an honourable conclusion of this warre : and therefore when he heard tydings of the gauntoys approach , ●e disposed his forces to receiue them . the gauntoyes though they were fewe in number , yet being hartened by perswasions , and chiefly for that they left a poore , forlorne , afflicted , and most miserable citty behinde them , wherein their wiues , their children , and whatsoeuer else was deere to them remayned , the safety or destruction of all which depended wholly vppon the successe of that one dayes seruice , came to the field with a bold courage & desperate resolution . the men of bruges who before were exceedingly forward and desirous to fight ( in so much that the earle was in a manner constrayned by their importunity to giue battell that day against his owne minde and purpose ) assoone as the armies ioyned , being strooken with a suddaine feare , vppon what occasion i knowe not , except because the sunne was in their faces , brake their aray and ranne headlong out of the battell . the earle himselfe also when he could by no meanes restrayne them , was forced to fly and his battell of horsemen with him . the earle outryding the rest of his company , recouered the towne of bruges , and would haue closed the gates against the entrance of his enemies : but it was in vaine , for they pursued so fast after him as he fled , that they entred the cittie a little before night . and euen then the earle not altogether past hope , gathered the town●●●●en together , & made head against the enemie : but he was brought to such extremity , that somewhat before midnight the gauntoyes hauing ouerrunne all the citty , and he being vtterly destirute and forsaken of his people , was faine to conuey himselfe by stealth sometime into one lane and sometime into another , and at length entring into the cottage of a poore woman , who had scarce so much in all her house as to hide him , with much adoe saued his life . behold here the misery and straunge mutability of mans estate . after this victory , the men of bruges were cruelly entreated by the enemy , and amongst other things that pleased the conquerour , some fiue hundreth of the wealthyest of their cittie were carryed prisoners to gaunt . the earle still doubtfull of his life , after he had lurked there a while in great secrecy , fled to lisle one while on foote , and other whiles on a mares back without any saddle , in most wearysome way and most tedious weather . this successe of the gauntoys greatly reioyced the people of paris , of roan , of liege , of braband and all the citties thereabout ; not only in regard of the example , but because they also wished ill to the earle of flaunders , whom they generally noted of pride : phillip was highly honoured in all places where he became , and in all things vsed such excesse as euer in a prince might haue beene counted superfluity . all the townes generally submitted themselues to the victorious people of gaunt . only the men of arde being summoned to yeild , when they had valiantly refused euen in despight of their enemies , were besieged by phillip with a strong power leuyed from all parts of flannders . the gauntoyes in the meane time made many rodes into the country , rissing and destroying diuerse gentle mens houses . and amongst the rest , a certaine castle of the earles where they found the holy funt wherein the earle was christened , with his cradle and such other things , which were all made a prey to the barbarous fury and outrage of the soldier . the earle being thus vtterly ouerthrowne & brought vnder foote , considered how there was no other hope of recouery now remayning but one , which was to moue the french king to commiseration of his estate . to this therefore he addressed himselfe : and for better obtaynment of his purpose , employed the friendly endeauour of his sonne in law , the vncle of him at whose hands he required succour . the young king easily induced by his perswasions , vndertooke this warre with great alacrity . when phillip of arteuill vnderstood that by the duke of burgoines intercession , the earles suite was preferred in fraunce , he addressed letters forthwith in the name of the people to the french king , beseeching him that he would be a meanes to make reconciliation betweene the earle & his country . he wrote not this so much for any good faith which he intended , as to learne hereby what opinion was holden of him in fraunce . but assoone as hee saw himselfe disappointed there ( for the king had disdaine at his letters ) he turned to the king of england , of whome he not onely requested ayd for the gauntoyes , but also ( altogether out of season ) demaunded the two hundreth thousand crownes that his father iaques had lent king edward at the siege of tourney : by meanes whereof it came to passe that he obtayned neither the one nor the other . for had he made no mention at all of the money , but onely entreated of the league , it is like enough he might haue obtayned his desire . the earle of flaunders hauing accesse now opened vnto him by reason the kings mind was so addicted to this war , tooke his iourney into fraunce . and after he had receiued his inauguration at the kings hands , for the county of artoys ( which was lately befalne him ) he began to conceiue better hope of his affaires : especially when he sawe so puissant a prince , with such forwardnes of affection , bring a mighty army of no lesse then threescore thousand men , to wage batell against his enemy in the maintenance of his quarell . whereof so soone as phillip had receiued aduertisement , he omitted no part of what pertained to his charge , but commaunded presently that all the bridges vpon the riuer lise which were nere hand , should be broken downe . moreouer he caused two passages vpon the riuer to be strongly fortifyed and defended with good garrisons : the one of them ( at comius ) being kept by peter de boys with nine thousand men . whereof the french men being not ignorant , sundry opinions rose amongst thē as they consulted of their affaires : some thinking it were best to goe about by saint omers where the riuer is shallowest ; others giuing counsell to make a bridge ouer skeld not farre from tourney , to the intent the army might passe easily from thence into arde. at length it likte them best to venture vppon the enemy before mentioned which lay at comius . when they came thither , they found the bridge broken downe and no passage to get ouer , whereuppon they fell againe to consultation . in the meane while certaine aduenturous gallants which were desirous to make some proofe of their valour ( hauing formerly agreed amongst themselues , that if no passage could be found , they would secretly vse some meanes by their owne industry without knowledge of their commanders , to conuey themselues ouer ) with the helpe of three or foure small botes slyding along by a cord fastened to both sides of the riuer , passed ouer in that sorte by a fewe at once , till they had gotten all their company to the further side in safety : and this they did with so little trouble or daunger , that the enemy who lay encamped not farre of , neuer perceiued it before such time as he saw them marching towards him with ensignes displayd . peter de boyis immagining that so small a number durst neuer venture vppon him , because the cuening approched , would not fight with them as then , but rather thought to set vppon them in the night when the wearinesse of their trauell had ouertaken them with sleepe . but the french men whom the boldnes of their attempt had made circumspect in their proceedings , considering how great and dangerous an enterprise they had vndertaken without lycence either of king or captaine , were exceedingly watchfull , and stood alwaies vpon their guard for feare of disaduantage . about the breake of day their enemies came forth to assayle them , whom they encountred with such resolution ( albeit their number were but a handfull in comparison ) that they slew well ●ere six thousand , and chased the rest into a towne thereby which they tooke for refuge . after this battell the french king presently building vp a bridge , brought ouer the rest of his forces , and marched directly towards ipre . the townesmē following the fortune of the conquerours army , slew their gouernour because he refused to yeild , and committed themselues to the french king. all their neighbours immitating their example , did both pay great summes of money , and also brought their captaines prisoners which perswaded them to stand out in rebellion . but the earle of flaunders was called to councell in none of these proceedings . the men of bruges could haue bene contented to yeild as well as the rest , but their captaines so encouraged them with hope of ayd out of england , that they held it out notwithstanding . when phillip of arteuill vnderstood that the power of the most puissant king was encamped not farre from him , he also brought forth his army into the field , which consisted of some fifty thousand men . there he exhorted them in a pithy oration , that now going to battell they set before their ●ies that memorable ouerthrowe which with so small a company they had giuen to the earle of flaunders ; and withall to consider how after this battell , if they obtayned victory , they should thenceforth become lords of all , and be able to make opposition against them . which thing in their behalfe all good and well gouerned common wealthes desired , to whome no tydings could be more acceptable , then to heare that the gauntoys fighting valiantly and constantly in defence of their liberty , had reaped the honourable reward of their vertue and courage , by destroying such persons as through ambition and couetousnesse could not suffer any common wealth to remain in quiet . when he had spoken much more to this effect , he commanded that in the conflict they should put all to the sword , and spare no man , the king only excepted . the flemings not forgetting what phillip had told them , fought very manfully : & this also not a little sharpened their courage , that they had stirred vp such a puissant enemy against them , whome if they might ouercome , it would redound to their perpetual fame amongst all posterity . notwithstāding at length being enclosed betweene two wings of their enemies & forced into a straight , they were ouerthrowne . the battel lasted not much aboue an hower , and yet in that little space xxv . thousand of their number were wanting . philip fighting valiantly amongst the thickest of his enemies was slaine in the field , and his body being sought for and found amongst the dead , was by the kings commaundement hanged vppon a tree . vndoubtedly , that dayes battell was fought in a fortunate houre for all noblemen and gentlemen . for had it falne out otherwise then it did , surely ( as the world then went ) it would haue giuen a great blow to their anthority , and haue shaken euen the seates of kings and princes . the parisians , who lately before had begun a cōmotion , long'd exceedingly to heare some good newes of the successe of this battell . in champaigne and a great part of fraunce besides , all the wealthiest cities , and the peasants of the country began to make insurrection . therefore vppon the successe of this action , depended the safety or ruine of many princes estates . the king was then between thirteene and fourteene yeares of age . the men of bruges perceiuing that by this ouerthrow of the gauntoyes , all hope of succour was bereft them , and all meanes of recouery taken away , submitted themselues to the kings mercy . and the earle of flaunders because he bare no displeasure to this towne , became intercessour for them to the king , that they might be receiued into fauour paying six score thousand franks . those that be sieged arde , assoone as they heard tydings how their fellowes were discomfited , brake vp their campe and returned to gaunt . the gauntoyes altogether broken and discouraged with this so great misfortune , began to consider with themselues how they might best mooue the kings mind to mercy and compassion . but peter de boys being brought thither in a horselitter ( for he was yet weake of his wounds ) with his great words and glorious vaunts , quite put that immagination out of their heads . after the french king vppon deliberation with his counsell , thought it not conuenient as then to besiege gaunt , he distributed his men into diuers garrisons , and returned to tourney . the gauntoys as is shewed before , had sent to the king of england about the obtaynment of a league ; the articles whereof ( deuised by his counsell ) the king sent to them in writing by a gentleman of his houshold , that if the flemings allowed them , they should confirme them with their seales . but the ambassadour arriuing at calice , when he heard how the gauntoys were ouerthrowne , and that the french men had subdued most part of the country , without performance of his commission he returned into england . neither were the english nobility greatly sory that the gauntoys went by the worse : whome if it had fortuned to go away with victory , the commons generally in all countyres adioyning , would from thence haue deriued a patterne of pride and rebellion , and considering how but lately before there had been most perillous tumults in england , euery small matter might haue ministred new occasion of insurrection . thus they thought , and this was their opinion . whilst the french king lay at tourney , diuers well disposed persons laboured very earnestly to make a reconciliation between the earle and his rebellious subiects . the gauntoys refused not to be at the french kings disposition , but rather then receiue the earle lewis againe , it seemed they would endure all extremityes whatsoeuer . when nothing could be brought to effect , the french king returned homeward : & as he approched neere paris , there came forth to meete him some 20000 of the townesemen , all armed and well appointed . this seemed very straunge both to the king and all that were about him : and because in those dayes it was no trusting to such a multitude in armes , ther were some sent to inquire their meaning . their answere was thus : that they came forth in such sort prouided , to the intent the king might see with what power the parisians could furnish him vppon short warning whensoeuer he had need of their seruice . this they framed for , an excuse at the present time , but doubtlesse their intention was farre otherwise before , and had not the king come home with victory , surely straunge things had happened . being commaunded to returne into the towne and put off their armour , they obeyed . the king brought with him a great army of britons and burgonions , the countenance whereof kept the parisians in feare . then by aduise of his vncles he began leysurely to deale with them according to their deserts . he caused all their cors●ets to be brought together vppon a heape , and tooke them from them : put to death many principall men of your citty , imposed diuers taxes and tributes vpon them , and in conclusion wip●e them off some foure hundreth thousand franks for fines and ransomes . there was mortall contention the same time between the two popes clement , and vrbane . clement then remained at avinion , and vrbane , partly for other causes , but principally the more commodiously to annoy his aduersary the french king , repaired to genoa . he came not out of italy vnfurnisht of meanes wherewith to strengthen his supremacy . and these were his practises . he determined to send his bulles into england , directed to the archbishops and bishops of the realme , wherein he graunted free remission of all sinnes to such as impugned the clementines : for so did pope clement with him in fraunce . and being well assured that he could no way worke the frenchmen greater displeasure then by this meanes to set the englishmen against them , he practised another deuise for the getting of mony , without which , he knew the english nobility would be nothing forward to take armes for all his absolutions . therefore he thought it best besides for his former pardons , to graunt the king licence to leuie a tenth vpon all churchmens goods , the principall prelates excepted , out of which collection the souldiers employed in that seruice , should be allowed their entertainment . and to compasse this matter the better , he suborned the chiefe of the clergy ( whome he had exempted from this payment ) to vrge forwarde the inferiour sort to make contribution . by this meanes , neither the kings treasure is exhausted , nor the common people burthened more thē they gaue of their own voluntary affection : which surely euery man did for his part most liberally , as the world went in those dayes : especially in consideration of the reward proposed ( which was not meane nor ordinarie ) the oportunity of obtaining whereof , no man thought was in any wise to be neglected . thus partly by the great number of bulles which pope vrbane sent into england , and partly by sermons preached in euery place to that purpose , mens mindes were so rauished , that they thought themselues already in paradise , which had the fortune to dye in such a blessed season : so that in short space there was gathered together , of the tenths of the clergy and beneuolence of the people , ahout the summe of fiue and twenty hundred thousand franks . and that the matter might import more credit , it was the popes pleasure some churchmen which had experience in such affaires , associated with some other skilfull captaine , should haue chiefe commaund ouer the army thus assembled . in like manner he sent his bulles into portingale , and vsed the like practise there to trouble the king of spaine which tooke part against him . so the duke of lancaster was appointed to inuade spaine , and a bishop of the family of the spencers was sent to make wars in fraunce . but in regard the duke was nothing fauoured by the commons , and suspected to haue taken vppon him this voyage , rather for couetousnesse then any conscience , most patt of the people desired to serue vnder the bishop . to whome the king at his setting forth , gaue commaundement that he should tarry for his other associate and fellow captaine of the warre , at calice . but the bishop being one that could away with no lingring , and supposing there was no delay to be vsed in the matter , led forth his army presently into flaunders . the earle lying then at lile , sent to him to know the cause of his suddaine inuasion without defiance . whereto he aunswered , that he persecuted all the clementines in the behalfe of pope vrbane . the messengers replyed , that flaunders held altogether of vrbanes side ; & it there were none other occasion but that , he had vniustly vndertaken this warre against those that had no way deserued it . wherefore they desired him to graunt them safe conduct , that they might passe ouer into england to speake with the king. then the bishop in a froward fashion told them , that for his part he would make them no safe conduct neither to goe nor tarry ; if they would needs passe , they might do it at their owne perill . when no other aunswere then this could be obtained from a person so arrogant and vnciuill , the flemings to the number of twelue thousand made opposition against the english , not farre from the towne of dunkirke ; where encountring them in battell , ( after they had slayne a herauld sent with a message from the englishmen ) they were ouerthrowne and put to flight with the losse of some nine thousand of their people . then the englishmen hauing taken certaine little townes thereabout , marched forward to besiege ipre . and to the intent to make their power the stronger , they sent word to the gauntoys that they also should draw out their forces into the field . for there was no league established between them , and it grieued the english not a little that the french men wonne the victory in the former battell , so enuious were they of the french mens honour or good fortune . the gauntoys therefore sent them 20000. men to the siege of ipre . whilst ipre was thus streightly enuironed , the earle of flaunders by mediation of the bishop of liege , determined to fall to some friendly agreemēt with the english , whome ( as in reason it might be supposed ) he should find tractable in that behalfe , considering how the warre was raysed onely against the clementines , and himselfe with all his people were vrbanists but the gauntoys who were partakers of the english mens counsels , for hatred they bare to their lord , interrupted this treaty . then had the earle no other hope but the helpe of the french king , who being againe sollicited by the duke of burgome , his vncle , and the earle of flaunders sonne in law , vndertooke the matter , and raysed an army of aboue an hundred thousand men . the bishop as vnskilfull in matters of warre so wonderously proud , when he heard that the kings power was comming against him , streytway dislodged his campe , and breaking vp his siege withdrew himselfe towards the sea coast , with part of his army ( the rest being dispersed in garrisons ) to the intent that when his enemy approched , he might the better prouide for his safety by an easy retreyte to calice . in the kings army was the duke of britaine , which seemed a straunge sight to the englishmen , through whose friendship and assistance he had often been succoured & restored to his duke dome . but he might lawfully do it at that time without empeachment of his honour . first , because he was lately before reconciled to the french king : and againe in regard he ought this reciprocall dutie to the earle of flaunders , whose bounty and good affection he had abundantly tasted in the time of his necessity , when he liued as an exile , expnlsed out of his owne country . such is the instability of mans estate , that the affliction which oppresseth one to day , seizeth vppon another to morrow . and yet the duke shewed himselfe no whit vnmindfull of the benefits he had receiued from the english , who vpon the approche of the french army , had retyred themselues into a certaine towne called borborough , and were besieged in the same . for considering the imminent perill that hung ouer their heads , which they could no way auoyd but by yeelding ( the successe whereof was likewise vncertaine ) he ceased not to exhort them ( as they parlyed with him from the walles ) to prouide in time for their owne safegard by offering some reasonable composition . the englishmen not only vnthankfully accepted his motion , but further entreated him to be a meanes to the king for the effecting of their purpose , which he also vndertooke and performed . so the king vppon some deliberation , receiuing the towne into his hands , suffered all the englishmen to depart without harme or violence . when the expedition was ended , and the army brake vp , the king gaue honourable thanks to such forraine captaines as had serued him in this iourney , especially to duke frederick of bauier , who had put himselfe forth into this action , only vpon desire to see the countries and to obserue the order and discipline of the french warres . the duke of britaine desirous in regard of his good affection , aswell to the french king as the english , to bring them to agreement , procured so much by his great trauell and diligence , that an appointment was made for the meeting of certaine ambassadours from fraunce , england , and spaine . for the french king would not deale with the english , but so as the spaniard might be included in the treaty . and because in so doubtfull a case , neither the french men wold come to calice , nor the englishmen to boloine , a place indifferent betweene both was assigned for their meeting . there the french kings vncles demaunded againe all aquitaine , together with calice , and all the fortresses which the englishmen then held on that side the sea , as farre as the riuer of gerond , aswell in normandy , as in the countries of britaine , poytow , and rochell . contrariwise the englishmen would part from none of all those things , and besides , the principall points which they had in cō●ission to treate of , they would also that the gauntoys should be receiued into this society : for so it was formerly agreed betweene the gauntoys and them at calice . but against this demaund the earle of flaunders opposed himselfe with great vehemency , affirming that they were in no wise to be admitted into league with so great princes . in conclusion , when nothing else could be agreed vppon , a truce was taken for tenne moneths both by s●a and land , between the french , english , spanish , scottish , and gauntoys , notwithstanding all that the earle of flaunders could alledge or perswade to the contrary . this also was added , that somewhat before the truce expired , the ambassadours should meete againe at a place appointed to conferre of these affaires more at large . within a while after deceased the earle of flaunders , whome fortune for a time had wonderfully entangled with warres amongst his owne subiects ; so that in his example alone we may behold , how great a happinesse it is for a prince so to gouerne his people as he may be both beloued and feared : and contrarily , how daungerous it is to happen vppon a puissant common wealth which vnder pretence of maintayning their liberty , confoundeth all things together , to the intent to shift their necks wholy out of the yoke of obedience . when the ambassadours departed from the treaty aboue mentioned , it was agreed amongst other matters , that the french men should giue notice of the truce to the king of scotland . but this was left vnperformed , by what errour or negligence i know not . it should seeme after the earle of flaunders death , the duke of burgoynes brai●e was so busied that he quite forgot it : for all that inheritance was descended to him . certaine english gentlemen taking aduantage of this occasion made a rode into scotland , wasting the country as they went with fire and sword . the scottes who knew nothing what had passed , meruailled much at the matter , seeing no warre was proclaymed , and so much the more because they had heard a certaine darke rumor of a truce . but howsoeuer the case stoode , they prepared to defend themselues . when report hereof was brought to the french king , the peeres began to accuse one another of negligence in forgetting a matter of so great moment . and because there was now no other remedy , they sent certaine into scotland , which by declaring the true circumstances of the matter should giue them satisfaction . the king himselfe was well inclined to peace , but the lords of his country made much adoe and were very hot vppon reuenge , and in like maner rode forth into the borders of england to shew that they neither wanted courage nor ability to defend themselues and their goods from their enemies . at length being pacifyed and the king perswaded , the french ambassadors sent an herauld into england , and so quieted the strife . and when the truce was receiued and ratifyed on both parts , it was proclaymed by sound of trumpet , that no man should presume to transgresse the articles therein contayned . but to perswade the king of england to this peace ( for he was highly offended at the late inuasion of the scottish ) great meanes were made by the duke of lancaster , who had formerly determined to make his voyage this yeere into spaine , with the assistance of the king of portingale : which warre he was the more desirous to accōplish , in regard he had issue by his wife , to whome he affirmed the kingdome of spaine was both by the lawe of nations and nature it selfe , of right apper●ayning . it is shewed before with how great preparation & puissance the duke of aniow passed into italy . when he came thither he found no opposition , but onely in the neapolitanes , who would in no wise be turned from his aduersarie : but prouence , calabria , and apulia receiued him . the earle of sauoy ( as i told you ) accompanied him in his iourney , and about this time ended his life . now when he had retayned his souldiers for the space of three yeeres together , being almost drayned dry with so great and cōtinuall charges , he requested his brothers that they would not faile him in these his affaires of so great honour and importance . they out of their loue and honourable affection , holding it not fit to abandon him in so ●ust a quarrell , sent an army to ayd him : which when it came to auinion , receiued certaine tydings that he was lately dead at a castle not farre from naples , and so returned home againe . after the death of the earle of flaunders , the inheritance of that country descended to phillip duke of burgundy which had married his daughter . now the dutchesse of braband ( whose husband wenceslaus of bohemia dyed lately before at lutzemburge ) desired earnestly , that burgundy , henault and flaunders , might be vnited in perpetuall league and amitie . the duke of burgoigne had a sonne named iohn . this iohn marryed margaret the daughter of albert duke of bauier and henault at cambray . and william the sonne of albert tooke to wife margaret daughter to the duke of burgoigne . the french king was present at these nuptialles . and the duke of burgoigne gaue in dowry with his daughter an hundred thousand franks . these allyances troubled the duke of lancaster , who had a purpose to haue matcht a daughter of his to the sonne of duke albert. and therefore at such time as these matters were in treaty , he endeauoured by his letters to albert , to haue hindred their proceedings , but it preuayled not . concerning the earles of henault , ye must conceiue that william the lord of this seigniory had foure daughters , margaret , phillip , ione , and isabell , and one sonne named vvilliam . margaret was married to lewis of bauier the emperour : edward king of england , marryed phillip : vvilliam was slaine in battell against the phrisoners & left no issue . therefore by his death the right of succession deuolued to margaret the eldest sister : and she enioyed the heritage till such time as albert her sonne whom she had by lewis the emperour , being growne to mans estate , entred vpon the inheritance of his ancestors . and afterward vvilliam the sonne of albert married the duke of burgoignes daughter , as is a little before declared . the duke of aniow left behinde him two sonnes , lewis , and charles : in whose right their mother ( by the counsell of pope clement and the french king ) made warre vppon the people of prouence , not without the french kings assistance , who supplyed her wants both with men and money . the men of manceilles were well affected towards her , but all the rest opposed themselues against her , and as it seemed , would not accept her for their soueraigne , before calabria , naples and apulia had done the same : of which countries when she could showe her selfe to haue quiet possession , they also offered to put themsel es vnder her obedience . the truce by this time being expired , the french king had a mervailous desire to bee doing with the king of england . hereupon leuying an army , he sent the duke of burbon into aquitaine , that if it were possible he might expell the english men wholly out of fraunce . he sent another army also into scotland vnder the conduct of his admirall , to the intent the scottish power and his being ioyned together , might put the king of england to the greater vexation . but when the admirall arriued in scotland , he found not such friendly entertaynement as he lookt for . charles the fift , vpon his death-bed had requested his brothers to chuse a wife for his son of some noble family , & especially out of germany , that the allyance might be the stronger . they did according to his desire . for he married isabell the daughter o● stephen duke of bauier , a lady of most excellent beauty . but the first meanes of this match was deriued from this occasion , that fredericke of bauier her vnckle had followed the french king in his late warres against the english , as hath beene already declared . shortly after the death of the duke of aniow , who had attempted great matters in italie , dyed also his aduersary charles , sur●amed the peaceable . it was supposed , that he was made away by the queene of hungarie , who hauing two daughters by her husband lewis deceassed , feared lest this charles which was his brothers sonne , should dispossesse them of their inheritance , specially for that he openly tearmed himselfe king of hungarie : and therefore wrought meanes to dispatch him out of the worlde : but whether this be a true report or a coniecture , i cannot affirme . then sent she ambassadors to the french king , requiring that her daughter might be matchd to his brother lewis of valoys . this being not mislikte in fraunce , commissioners were sent into hungarie to go through with the matter in the behalfe of duke lewis , and others afterward sent from thence into fraunce to fetch the bridegroome . in the meane while henry of bohemia , called the marques of blankford , the naturall brother of charles king of bohemia , disdayning that a king should be sought so farre off , by the procurement of certaine lords of hungary , and not without consent of his brother , besieged the queene and her daughter , as they soiourned for their recreation in a certaine castle seated in a solitary place farre from resort of people . by meanes whereof she was at length constrayned to giue him her daughter to wife . the french kings brother who was proceeded on his iourney , as sarre as champaigne with all his houshold and retinue , when he heard newes of this alteration in hungary , was not a little discontented with the matter & returned again to his brother : who seemed not greatly sorie , for as much as hungary by reason of the farre distance of the country from fraunce could hardly afforde him any helpe at neede . the scottish king vnderstanding the admiralles desire to be employed , leuyed an army of thirty thousand men . he himselfe would not be present in the iourney , but he sent his nine sonnes : who together with the french men set forth towards their enemies country , and wasted the borders farre and neere . but assoone as they vnderstood that the king of england approched with an armie of seauenty thousand men , they made no longer abode , but retyred and the english pursued after . the admirall perswaded to giue battell , but the scottish men in regard their enemies were more in number then they , and because they knew likewise that the english were men of great practise and experience in armes , by all meanes refused the encounter . and it appeared , the english were neuer almost more vehemently bent to doe the scottish a displeasure , then at that time , because they had then waged forraine soldiers against them , and that out of fraunce : wherwith the english men were exceedingly prouoked . the scottish men the better to satisfie the admirall ( who still vrged them to giue battell ) brought him to a hill there by of exceeding great height , from whence he might perfectly take a view of all his enemies forces . which assoone as he had seene , he was content to followe their counsell that were of a contrary opinion to his owne . notwithstanding least they should seeme to haue performed nothing , with both their powers ioyned together , they inuaded the marches of wales , where they did somewhat more harme then they could in england . the duke of lancaster and many others gaue counsell to followe after them , but a certaine person of great credyt and authority , quite diuerted the kings minde from that purpose , suggesting into his conceit , how the duke sought to thrust him forth into this dangerous action , to the intent he might perish in battell , and so himselfe get possession of the crowne . how much mischiefe this bringing the king in suspition of his vnckles bred afterward in england , shall be declared in place conuenient . the gauntoys tyred with seauen yeeres warres , were desirous of peace , but it was priuately amongst themselues . for peter de boys who knew it was most for his profit and reputation , to haue the people alwaies in trouble & contention , held them vnder in such sort , that scarce any man durst openly make mention of peace . neuerthelesse , through the diligent endeauour of two well disposed cittizens ( men studious of the publike welfare ) and a certaine gentleman of vertuous qualitie , who was well beloued and befriended in fraunce , their matter was brought to a peaceable conclusion : and the duke of burgoigne who was lately become lord of the country , shewed himselfe very gentle and tractable , which he did so much the rather , because in the beginning of the next spring he was purposed to make warres in england . my author makes a large rehersall of the articles of this peace , which here it shall not be needfull to insert . when peter de boys vnderstood these proceedings , he likte them so well , that he left the cittie , and went ouer into england with an english gentleman whom the gauntoys long before had procured vppon ernest entreaty to be gouernour of their towne . for howsoeuer after the peace was confirmed , it seemd he might haue stayed there in safetie , yet not daring to trust the multitude , he thought it his best course to conuey himselfe out of their danger . the author of this worke after rehearsall of these matters , discourseth how himselfe for his better knowledge and instruction of such occurrenty as happened in spaine , portingale , gascoigne , and the countries thereabout ( when he was of those yeares that he was able to endure the trauell of the iourney , and of that capacity and vnderstanding that he could describe and register in writing such things as he learned by his owne or others obseruation ) came at length to the house of a gascone lord called the earle of foys , a man of much honour and respect in those times : by whome being familiarly entertayned for certaine moneths together , he receiued diuerse informations both from the earle himselfe , and from other persons of great credyt and account which had bene present themselues at the doing of those things whereof they made relation . amongst the rest he recounteth a certaine sorrowfull aduenture , and such a one as would make euen nature it selfe astonished ; the discourse is this . the earle of foys an honourable and valiant gentleman , held in custodie a certaine noble man whom he had taken prisoner , by the lawe of armes , who for his ransome couenanted to pay fifty thousand franks , for which summe the king of nauarre ( whose sister the earle had married ) profered to become surety . but the earle suspecting the kings credite ( wherewith perhaps he had beene too well acquainted ) would not but vpon better assurance , deliuer his prisoner . his wife displeased to see her brother no better respected , was very importunate with her husband , and would not be in quiet till she had perswaded him : oftentimes making mention how there was a matter of as great value as that , to be assigned to her brother in consideration of her dowry , and therefore that he neede not feare to be deceiued . the prisoner by this meanes being set at liberty , as soone as he came home into his countrey , to the intent to discharge his credite , prouided the summe of mony and sent it at his day accordingly , not to the earle himselfe , but to the king of nauarre his surety : which when the earle vnderstoode , hee maruelled much the mony was not brought him , and by his wife ( who willingly vndertooke the iourney ) signified his minde to the king of nauarre , desiring him to remember his promise , who vpon receit of the message answered his sister in this sort : sister , this mony belongs all to you as your husbands debt in lieu of your dowry , and since it is now come to my handes , i will in no wise suffer it to passe from me againe . then beganne she to intreate and earnestly to beseech him that hee would alter his purpose in that behalfe , shewing how great occasion it would minister of perpetuall hatred and contention betweene them , & how she durst neuer returne home to her husband , vnlesse she brought the mony with her : for hee was by nature wrathfull , and would neuer be pleased with her againe , if he sawe himselfe deceitfully dealt with , considering how she was the onely meanes which mooued him to accept that assurance , and to deliuer his prisoner , neither of which he would haue done but vpon hir intreatie , and therefore the whole blame would be imputed to her by her husband . when she had oftentimes thus expostulated in vaine , and sawe his obstinate minde would be nothing changed , not daring to goe backe into her owne country , she abode still in nauarre with her brother . during the time she soiorned there , her sonne which bare his fathers name , a youth of some fifteene yeares of age , came thither to visite her : and after certaine moneths tar●iance when he prepared to depart , he would faine haue perswaded her to returne with him to his father , but she would by no meanes be intreated . so he tooke his leaue , and went from thence to pampelone to doe the like to his vncle : who not onely vsed him with all honourable and kinde respect , but also at his departure gaue him many rich giftes , and amongst the rest , a purse with a little box in it full of a certaine confection in fine powlder , the force whereof was such , that whosoeuer had tasted of it in neuer so smal quantity , should incontinently haue died . in presenting this amiable gift to his yong kinseman , he vtterd these speeches . you see ( sweet nephew ) how great displeasure your father hath conceiued against your mother , yet not so great but that there is possibility they may be againe reconciled . no man will imagine how much i am grieued for the discontentment betweene them , and no lesse in duty ought you to be also . but for remedy of this inconuenience , when you are returned to your father , you shall find the meanes to cast alittle of this powlder vpon the meate which shal be set before him , but you must do it very closely : for it will come to passe , that whereas now he vtterly abhorreth her , as soone as he hath eaten of that meate , he shall desire her aboue all things ; insomuch as he shall scarcely at any time endure her out of his company , so great shall be his loue , so ardent his affection . vndoubtedly you haue much reason to wish it were so ; but in any wise beware you make no man of your counsell , for then you loose your labour . the yong gentleman as yet vnacquainted with the world , thinking his vncle ( of whom he would neuer haue suspected ill ) had intended good faith and spoken as he thought , receiued the gift thākfully , & promised to do according to his direction . when he came home , his father gently welcōmed him , inquiring of diuers circumstances concerning his iourney , and other nouelties , and amongst the rest , whether his vncle had giuen him any at his parting , or no. he answered yes , and shewed him all his gifts , the box only excepted . but it so fell out , that a bastard son of the earles , who kept familiar company with his brother , i know not by what occasion , lighted vppon his garment and found the purse hanging at it , wherein he perceiued some speciall thing whatsoeuer it were , was contained . wherevppon questioning with his brother what it should be that he carryed so continually about him in his bosome , he would giue him no answere , but changed colour and seemed angry that he had been so inquisitiue . within few dayes after they fell at variance playing at tennice , and the young lord buffetted his bastard brother with his fists : who hauing no other meanes to make his party good , ranne straight to the earle with a lamentable complaint , shewing what iniury was donne to him by his brother , who indeed deserued to be beaten himselfe , and well chastized with a whip . and for what cause ( quoth the earle ) doest thou thinke him worthy to be whipt ? because ( quoth the bastard ) euer since he ruturned from his mother , he hath carryed about him at his breast a thing with a ranke sauour , to what purpose i know not , but that he told me it would not be long before his mother and you were reconciled . with that the earle began to haue some suspition , and commaunded the boy to keepe all secret . next meale as he sat at dinner , and his sonne ( after his ordinary custome ) seruing him with assay , he espyed the purstrings hanging at his bosome : wherevppon he harkened him to him as if he wou●ld haue whispe●ed in his eare , and when he came nigh , tooke hold of his dublet and vnbuttoned it , and cutting of the purse , made a proose of the confection vppon a dog , who assoone as he had reciued it , fell downe dead immediatly . then the earle enraged with anger , and trembling all ouer his body , rose vp against his sonne intending doubtlesse to haue slaine him , but that the gentlemen which were about him , abhorring the cruelty of such a fact , and amazed at the strangenes of the accident , withheld him . when he saw he could be suffered to vse no other violence , with bitter execrations he cursed his sonne , that had gone about so vnnaturally , and with so horrible kind of death to haue murthered his owne father , who had oftentimes sustained great warres against mighty and puissant princes , only to enlarge his seigniorie and to leaue him the richer inheritance . all that were presēt did what they could to appease his wrath : but he commaunded his sonne forth with to prison , and to be sure he should not escape , gaue in charge that he should be streyghtly watched , threatning this keeper with extreame punishment if he shewed him any fauour . moreouer he put to death with most cruell torments about fifteen persons all gentlemen of good worth because that being conuersant and familiar with his so●ne , they had not discouered this damnable practise . afterwards in an assembly of all the states of his country , whome he had summoned to be present at a day appointed , when he had declared at large the most wicked and vnnaturall treason which his sonne had practised against him , amplifying the matter with diuers circumstances to make it appeare more haynous , he gaue sentence vppon him that he should be put to death . intercession was made of all hands humbly entreating him that he would not shew so cruell an example : neyther would they depart from thence before hee had faithfully assured them , that his sonnes life should be saued . he performed his promise , but detayned him still in prison . when report of this matter came to pope gregory the xi . he sent certaine cardinals from avinion , whome he had giuen in charge to make a perfect attonement betweene the father and the sonne . but ( god knowes ) they came to late . for the young earle during the space of tenne daies that he was kept in prison , had taken little or no sustenance , ( though meate were set before him ) so as it should seeme , through continuall musing vppon the strangenes of his misfortune , he had conceiued so great g●eese , as he desired nothing but death . whereof his father being informed by the keeper , he entred in vnto him with a troubled mind , holding a penknife in his hand wherewith he was paring his nailes , and by what fatall aduenture i know not , cut a vaine of his sons throat , chiding him bitterly in the meane time for refusing his meate , and so departed out of the roome . immediatly after , the keeper comming in , found him dead vppon the floore . which newes being brought to the earle , did maruailously afflict him though he were much disquieted before . for this accident happened altogether beyond his intent and expectation . yee haue heard before of the death of ferdinando king of portingale , in whose place was chosen not iohn king of castile the deceased kings sonne in law , but another of the clergy , ferdinandoes base brother , & that rather by fauor of the cities , thē of the nobility . whervpon the king of spain sent ambassadors forthwith to the state of lisbone ( the principall & most florishing of all that country ) sharpely accusing & reprouing them for so vniustly taking the inheritance of the crowne from him , who had married the only daughter of their king ferdinando , and conferring the same vppon one which in right had no title at all to that dignity . when this would not preuaile , and that they shewed themselues themselues resolute to abide by their election , he raysed an armie of thirty thousand men , and besiegd their citty . but after a yeares continuance and more , hauing performed no notable seruice , he was constrained to returne into spaine by reason of a pestilence which consumed wel-nee● 20000. of his men : & not long after there came succours to him to out of fraunce , wherewith both his power and his courage were anew reenforced . neuerthelesse when it came to consultatiō , the spaniards thought best to discharge the army , but the french men being demaunded their opinion , gaue counsell to fight with the enemy , alleadging probable reasons for the same . at such time as the king of spaine retyred with his army from lisbone , certaine shippes of the englishmen arriued in the hauen . they were not sent thither by the king of england , but of their own heads , after they had roued about from place to place in gascoigne and guyen , they assembled at burdeaux , and there taking shipping would needes goe serue the king of portingale . the king was very glad of their seruice , and thereupon leuied his forces again in purpose to giue his enemy battell in the field . but diuers of the nobilitie such as had not giuen their consents to his election , being offended with the cittizens of lisbone , whose authoritie in that behalfe preuailed , refused to take armes at his commaundement . the king hereuppon aduising with his counsell , they perswaded him to make no longer delay in the matter , but to go forth against his enemy with such power as he had already : how there was no other meanes to set the kingdome in quiet : that it behooued him to make way for his fortunes by the sword , and not be discouraged though his enemy were of greater puissance than he , for oftentimes it fell out , and examples were plentifull , that great numbers were ouerthrowne by small handfulles : lastly , that he should propose to himselfe the example of henrie , the father of the king of castile then raigning , who by the sword had conquered that kingdome , and by the sword maintained his conquest . encouraged with these and such like speeches , he brought his army into the field , consisting of ten thousand men . the englishmen seeing themselues ouermatched in number , gaue the king counsell , that he should not abide in the plaines , but seeke some place of stronge situation to encampe in , where the enemy might make no approche but to his disaduantage . such a place was found , which they likewise so fortifyed by their industrie , and compast on euery side with sundry impediments , that but by one onely entrance , and that not very large , there was no possible meanes to come at them . in the spanish army , the french men carried greatest sway by reason of the kings fauour , who ordered all his affaires by their counsell and direction : which things stirred vp enuie in the spaniards hearts , as those that could by no means endure , so great hope should be reposed in the ayd of strangers . this also much encreased their grudge , that when the king had brought his army to the place of battell , the french men sued importunatly to haue the leading of the vauntguard . when they approched neere their enemyes , the french men perswaded to giue battell presently , but the spaniards counselled ●o deferre it till the next morning , because night was then at hand . but the frenchmens perswasion tooke place : who assoone as the signe of battell was giuen , ran furiously vppon their enemyes , and assayled them with great violence . the fight was maintained with great force and courage on both sides : but the valour and skill of the english archers here approoued it selfe , as it had oftentimes done in other places . for the showers of arrowes which they sent amongst the frenchmen , so galled their horses , and distressed their men , that the greatest part of them being slaine the residue were all taken prisoners . the king of spaine with the rest of his forces to the nomber of twenty thousand , was two miles behind when the french men gaue this ouer-hasty onset : and when word was brought him , that they were dangerously engaged , and in perill to be all slaine , he was very desirous to haue come to their rescue , but he could not bring his souldiers forward . for it was determined amongst them , that seeing the french men would needes seeme valiant aboue the rest , and had vaunted themselues with so great brauery , they would giue them leaue to goe through with their enterprise alone , and disclaime all interest in the successe of their proceedings . a little before night the king of spaine drewe neere to his enemy , who vppon aduertisement thereof , first placed his men againe in order of battell , and then gaue commaundement on paine of death , that all such as had any prisoners should presently kill thē , least in the ensuing conflict , they might happen to recouer armes and ioyne with the enemy . surely it was a cruell sight , and such a one as mooued even the conquerours themselues to pitty and teares : but there was no remedy , they must doe as they were commaunded . there was about a thousand of these prisoners , all which were consumed by a cowardly kind of death ; so as it appeared , their fellowes which dyed valiantly before in fight were much more happy then they , who being both by fortune and their owne vertue preserued , after assurance giuen by the enemy , and receiued by them according to the law of atmes , fell into extreame calamity at such time as they thought themselues most secure of life and safety , and were slaine by the conquerour , not enraged and angry as in the fury of battell , but being now at peace with them and euen himselfe abhorring such an vnnaturall slaughter . the portingales through the great aduantage of their ground , ouerthrew their enemies againe ; and in this second battell was mercy shewed to no man. they that could , saued themselues by flight , the rest were all slaine . the spaniards mist of their number about seauen thousand . afterwards ( as the custome of princes is when they haue performed many notable mischiefes ) a truce was agreed vppon . so the king of spaine dismissed his souldiers , and the king of portugale was receiued with great triumph into lisbone . about the same time the french men recouered all that was holden by certaine brigants in the country of tholous & the places there adioining . the gascones for that the wars they made in france was greatly to their enriching , did willingly serue vnder the king of england : and if they had been gently and respectiuely vsed they would neuer haue changed their lord. but the king of englands sonne by his strāge behauiour alienated the greatest part of the nobility from him , in such sort that they forsooke him , & put themselues vnder protection of the french king. besides this , his officers vsed the gascones disdainfully as vnworthy to whome any charge in the common wealth should be committed . herevpon grew hatred betweene them , and by this occasion charles the fift recouered all againe , as hath been already declared . whilst the warres were yet hotly pursued between the two popes , the souldiers of clement had besieged vrbane in a certaine castle of italy , and if money had come to content them he had surely beene taken . but the bishops treasure at avinion was already so wasted , that the sūme of twenty thousand frankes which should be distributed amongst the souldiers , could not possibly be raised . this dissention betweene the two popes , drew almost all the princes of christendom into sundry factions , as hath beene shewed before . these miseries and many other wherewith the clergie should sometimes be afflicted , a certaine franciscane fryer had long since foretolde in the time of pope innocent : and being for the same cast in prison at auinion , had lost his head for his labour , but that he confirmed his sayings by authoritie of scripture . we haue spoken of ferdinando king of portingall , which left behinde him one onely daughter named beatrice , marryed to the king of spaine . now my author declareth how he vnderstood afterward , that she was begotten by the king of portugall vppon a certaine ladie whome he had rauished , and whose husband he had chased out of the kingdome : and that his daughter so borne was afterwards by pope vrbane made legitimate . and moreouer , at such time as the marriage was in treaty betweene this lady and the king of spaine , this matter was also brought in controuersie . but the king of portugall to remoue all doubts , dealt in such sort with his nobilitie and chiefest of the citties , that they all solemnly promised him , not to acknowledge any other soueraigne after his death , then this his onely daughter , neither to admitte any man else to the succession of the crowne , but him that should haue her in marriage . assoone as he was departed out of this life , the noble men were desirous the inheritance should passe to the king of spaine : but the citties for hatred they bare to the spanyards , aduanced him to the crowne , of whom we haue oftentimes spoken before , namely the base brother of the king deceassed . and because at such time as the king of portugall dyed , the ladies husband remayned still aliue , most men thought that the childe begotten betweene them , was borne in adultery . moreouer that couple had liued fiue yeeres together as man and wife , whē the king doting in his wicked and frantick affection , attempted this dishonourable practise , not only for a prince , but for any other person , most vnworthy and shamefull . the wretched husband being robbed of his wife , gat him to the king of spaine : and after the king of portingales decease returned againe to lishone , but receiued his wife no more , following therein the ●ounsell of his frends , who alledged great reasons to the contrary . afterward he was slaine in a certaine skirmish : and it is likely he had small ioy of his life , considering the extreame iniury and disgrace receiued from such a one , of whom he had no hope to be reuenged . at such time as lisbone was besieged by the spanyards , the king of portingale sent embassadors into england , exhorting and requesting the duke of lancaster to succour him in this great necessitie , against such an enemy as both possessed a kingdome which was none of his owne , and sought also by force to seize vpon the crowne of portingale , whereto he had no more right then to the other . vppon hearing of their ambassage , it was concluded that the duke of lancaster should be sent into portingale , and all things were prepared and made ready for his voyage , when suddainly the admirall of fraunce landing with an army in scotland , from thence made warre vppon the english , as hath bene before declared . hereuppon the dukes iourney was stayed . neuerthelesse the king of portingale fought prosperously , and vanquished his enemie in two battells as is shewed already . and after this victorie returning to lisbone , by aduise of his counsell , he sent ambassadours againe to the king of england , and the duke of lancaster , desiring him if euer he meant to attempt any thing against his aduersarie the king of spaine , that he would not neglect the present opportunitie . for twise he himselfe had already defeated him in battell , and driuen him from the field : now did he quake and tremble for distrust of his estate , and it were an easie matter to ouerthrowe him whollie , specially if they should assaile him with both their forces vnited together . scarce could he know on which side to turne him , his affaires and his counsels would be all so confounded : and that his state might be more violently shaken , it seemed best in his opinion to make present inuasion vppon him befote he should recouer his strength or bethinke him of the danger . when these and many other like matters had beene deliuered by the ambassadors , it pleased the king that the duke of lancaster should now at length proceede with his voyage before vndertaken . so with a certaine number of horsemen , and more then two thousand archers , accompanied with his wife and children , he tooke shipping at a certain hauen in wales , whither the portingales vppon aduertisement from their ambassadors , had before sent fiue and twentie shippes and gallies to attend him . and because he saw great likelyhood of troubles to arise in england , & that he was enuyed by many which were in authority about the king his nephew , he was very glad and desirous to goe this iourney . his first landing was in the hauen of brest , which towne because the englishmen refused to restore to the duke of britaine , was at that time by the britons and frenchmen together beseiged . but the duke of lancasters puissance enforced the britons to raise their seige . then directed he his course towards cologne a towne in spaine . for after much deliberation it was generally thought more honour to land first in their enemies country , then to go streight to their friends . but the towne was so strongly fortifyed as their atttempt and endeauour was vaine . therefore loosing from thence they sayled to compostella , into which towne after some parly they were honourably receiued . assoone as the king of spaine heard tydings of the englishmens arriuall , he tooke counsell with certaine french lords whome he chiefly fauoured , concerning his affaires , and what they thought of the englishmens proceedings . they were absolutely of opinion , that the king of portugale should marry the duke of lancasters daughter , and therefore that it behou'd him to require ayde of the french king : who both in respect of his owne good disposition , and the most strict and auncient alliance betweene spaine and fraunce , would not faile of his friendly dutie in that behalfe . moreouer assuring him that there were a great number in fraunce so ill affected to idlenes that nothing could happen more according to their desires , then to meete with any occasion of millitary employment . when they had giuen him this counsell , they further aduised him to take order , that all weake holds , churches , and such like , whereinto the country people had conueyed their goods for feare of the forraging souldiers should be beaten downe . for those places were such as could not be defended , and if they were taken , the prey and pillage therein would afforde greate profite and aduantage to the enemy . the king to whō this counsell seemed not amisse , authorised the french men to cast downe what they thought good at their discretion , and withall to seize whatsoeuer they found in them ( after a day prefixed ) to their owne commodity . the french king being solicited by the king of spayne for ayd , required him to be of good courage , for within short space he would bend all the forces he was able to make against the english nation : who being once subdued , he would send store of souldiers into spaine , by whose helpe he should be enabled , not onely to brydle and restrayne , but to breake and confound the puissance of both his aduersaries . whilst the englishmen wintred at compostella , they made often rodes into the country , and brought certaine townes vnder their subiection . in the meane time the king of pontingale wrote diuerse letters to the duke of lancaster full of great kindnesse and affection . but counsell was giuen the duke , that he should delay the matter no longer , nor negociate with the king any further by letters : that it was very behooueful for him , now he had proceeded thus farre , to goe through with his affaires as speedily as might be : the french men were subtle fellowes , the spaniards had small faithfulnes : and it might so fall out that the french men , by whome the king of spaine was wholy carryed , would perswade him to agreement with the king of portingale vppon some indifferent conditions . these reasons were approoued , and therevppon the duke sent word to the king of portingale that he was desirous to speak with him , whereto he condiscended and so they met at a place appointed . after much communication , it was concluded that the duke of lancaster should stay all the winter at compostella , sending abrode his souldiers to forrey the country in the meane while , and assoone as the spring time approched , to aduance their standards both together against the enemy , in what part of the kingdome soeuer he remayned . also that the king of portugale should take his choyce which of the dukes daughters he would haue in marriage . he chose phillip the dukes daughter by his first wife . the matters thus accomplished , the duke returned to compostella . the king of spaine being disquicted by the english souldiers , which wasted his country and forced his townes to yeeld , meruailed much that there came no ayd all this while out of fraunce : but the french lords alwaies encouraged him , putting him in comfort , that assoone as the wars in england were dispatched , he should not faile of sufficient succours . the french king , vppon a meruailous desire to inuade england , assembled the greatest puissance he could possibly make . there were numbred of noblemen and gentlemen aboue twenty thousand , and more then fifteene hundred shippes , abundantly furnished with all necessaries , euen to smallest trifles . and although this preparation was such , as a greater or more sumptuous had not been seen in mans remembrance , yet ( as it often happeneth in such occasions ) the report thereof in england farre exceeded the truth , and was extended aboue measure . in so much that publicke prayers and supplications were daily offered to god , that he would auert and turne from them this imminent mischeife . all the hauens and port townes where they suspected the french men might land , were strongly fortified and planted with garrisons : and an vnmeasurable masse of mony was leuied , amounting to the ●umme of twenty hūdred thousand florēs , so as there was no man in the whole kingdome which felt not the waight of this heauy burthen . all good and well disposed persons bewayled the present state of their country ; but idle vnthrif●s , male-contents , and such as had nothing to take to , were of nothing more desirous . the french army was now fully furnished and all things put in a readines in the hauen of sluse in flaunders , nothing was wanting , but onely the duke of berryes presence . he neuer allowed this enterprise , and at his comming thither , when consultation was had about setting forward on their iourney , he perswaded the contrary with diuers reasons , as the roughnes of the winter weather ( for it was then about christmas ) and the tender age of the king whome he thought in no wise was to be committed to the vncertainty of winds and seas at that vnseasonable time of the yeere . his counsell preuailed , and therevppon the voyage was put of till the next spring ; the preparation whereof stood fraunce in little lesse then thirty hundred thousand frankes . it was oftentimes reported for certainty to the king of portugale , that the french kings army was already entered into england . wherevppon some gaue him counsell , that he should not be to forward in marrying his wife which he had lately affianced , but rather to exspect what issue the wars would come to : for if it should happen the king of england to go by the worse ( as it was likely enough at that time ) the duke of lancasters friendship would then do him small pleasure . the king following their aduise , dissembled his marriage , and for a while made nomotion at all thereof , but with kind letters and costly presents still continued the dukes fauour for his aduantage . leo king of armenia who had been driuen out of his country by the tartars , and came lately before into france , being not a little sory that so great dissension should grow between two such puissant princes as the french king and the english , of a certaine godly zeale and good disposition sayled ouer into england , to make a tryall if he could doe ought in establishing a peace between them . the king of england gaue him patient eare in discoursing his miseries and banishment , and how the power of the turkes and barbarians daily encreased through the mutuall wars and dissention of the christian princes . and when by occasion hereof he descended to the point , to exhort to loue and concord , the king answered , that he should first deale with his aduersary to discharge his great army ; and that done , for his part he was not so peruerse , but he would willingly embrace whatsoeuer was agreeable to equity and reason . herevpon he returned to the french king , who seemed nothing affected , nor inclinable to peace . the third booke . it fortuned in fraunce , that a certaine gentleman of the earle of alaunsons house , rauished another mans wife whilste her husband was absent in a forraine country . assoone as he returned , the sorrowfull lady with teares in her eyes and shame in her countenance , declared vnto him the violence shee had suffered . her husband complained to the earle of alaunson , and the party accused denied the deed . now the earle shewing himselfe more fauourable to the offender , then to him that had the iniury , the plaintiffe appealed to the parliament of paris . a whole yeere and more the matter was there ca●uassed ; and in conclusion , when the one still auouched the fact , and the other stood stoutly in denyall , it was decreed , that the controuersie should be decided by combate . so at a certaine day which either themselues had chosen , or the iudges appointed , they encountred one another firston on horse-backe , after on foote . not blind fortune , which otherwise is wont to beare sway in such cases , but iustice and true valour shewed their force in this conflict . for he that held his wiues chasti●y deerer then his owne life , and was not affraid to venture his head in defence of the same , by his aduersaries destruction , made it manifest to the worlde , that there is a god of vengeance , which will not suffer secret wickednesse to escape vnpunished . after he was slaine , the hangman drew his bodie to the gallowes and hung it vp : whereas if he had fortuned to g●t the victorie , the woman for falsly accusing him , should by decree of the parliament haue bene burned , and her husband after his death , put to the same reproch which now was vsed to his aduersarie . the whole company of honourable spectators highly exstolled the conqueror , and applauded his victory with deserued commendation . moreouer the french king out of a certaine princely respect and inclination , not suffering so worthy an acte to passe vnrewarded , gaue him presently a thousand franks , and from thenceforth a pension of two hundreth pounds by the yeere , during his life . about this time deceassed the king of arragon : who a little before his death calling his sonnes vnto him , exhorted them to mutuall loue and concord : & for as much as in so great partaking of princes , he onely had stood indifferent betweene the two popes , he desired his sonnes that they would doe the like , and not apply themselues to any faction till the truth were more manifestly discussed . neuerthelesse when he was dead , pope clement and the french king , drew iohn his eldest sonne to their party . but when he came to be crowned , the citties would not consent , vnlesse he were first solemnly sworne not to leuy any tributes or exactions of money , other then such as had bene formerly accustomed . edward prince of wales as long as he liued , was for his noble chiualry and glorious fortune held in great admiration , and many sought his friendship and alliance . amōgst others there was also a league betweene him and the king of arragon , vnder these conditions . that the englishmen should at no time make warres vppon the realme of arragon : and in consideration hereof , that the king of arragon should yeerely send fiue hundreth horse to serue the duke of aquitaine against any enemy whatsoeuer , or if he could not conuen●ently finde so many horsemen , he shold pay him a certaine summe of mony . now for the space of ten yeeres he had neither done the king of england any seruice , nor payd him any money . the duke of lancaster therefore ( to whom at his setting forth towards portugall , the king his nephew had giuen authority to demaund all rights and seruices belonging to the dukedom of aquitaine , either from the king of arragon , or any other ) thinking that so great a masse of money would much pleasure him in his present affaires , wrote letters requiring those arrerages , and sent them to the king of arragon by the archbishop of burdeaux . who at his cōming found the king very sicke , so as he dyed within few dayes after . the archbishop neuerthelesse still prosecuted his suite , and the new king offended with his importunity cast him in prison at barcelone . whereof when the duke of lancaster was informed , he gaue commandement to the english garrison at lourde ( which is the only strong and impregnable castle in those quarters ) that they should infest the arragonians with warre , and doe them as much displeasure as they could . they were nothing slack in performing his commaund , and wrought great annoyance to the country , especially to the merchants , whom they intercepted at euery passage and spoyled of their commodities . the people of barcelone being vexed with their daily excursions , and caught vp as a prey by the rauenous souldiers , made such meanes to their king by intercession of the nobility , that he was content to release his prisoner . after that by perswasion of the duke of ber●y , the voyage into england was deferred , as we haue shewed a little before : assoone as the spring came on , it was appointed that the constable of fraunce with twelue thousand men should be sent to inuade england , and besides that certaine forces should be likewise conueid into spaine to the reliefe of king iohn against the englishmen & portingales . vppon this occasion a new subsidy beeing sessed againe through all fraunce , ye might haue seen many country people and towne-dwellers , which not knowing how otherwise to helpe themselues , abandoned their lands and tenements , and departed either into henault , or into the bishoprick of liege , because those places at that time were free from the burthen of such intollerable exactions . the succours sent into spaine were six thousand horsemen , vnder conduct of the duke of burbon . we haue told you before how the king of portugall expecting the successe of the english warre , dissembled politickly with the duke of lancaster in the meane while . now when he saw that england was discharged of the daunger , and that the french kings army was dissolued , he sent some forthwith to affiance the duke of lancasters daughter in his name , whome within fewe daies after being honourably conducted vnto him , he espoused . after the marriage he sent worde to his father in lawe , that he should draw out his forces assoone as he pleased , and he would doe the like , that so they might ioyntly together proceede against their enemy . in the meane while the french men well appointed and gallantly furnished , arriued in spaine . after whose comming , consultation being had whether it were best to bring their forces in to the field , or to place their men in ga●rrisons , when sundry opinions rose amongst them , the spaniards perswading battell , the french men the contrary , it was referred by the king to one of the french captaines of most experience , to determine the matter at his discretion . and he in regard the duke of burbon their generall was not yet come , thought it altogether vnfitting to fight with the enemy , but rather to bestow their souldiers in places conuenient till neede should require : for by this meanes it would come to passe , that the englishmen ranging ouer all the country , through the intemperate heate of the climate , should fall into many dangerous diseases : and although for the present they became lords of diuerse places , yet should they not be able to maintaine them long : and when their strength began once to decrease , it would be an easie matter to recouer all againe , especially after the duke of burbons comming , with the rest of their forces . this determination tooke place , and so immediately the men of warre were conueyd into those parts of spaine which border vppon portugall , to defend the frontiers of the kingdome . the constable who was appointed to make inuasion vpon england , had his army prepared , and his ships ready rigged in a certaine hauen of britaine . diuerse other lords of fraunce were likewise ready to be embarked at harflew in normandy , whose direction was to haue landed their forces together with his , vpon the coast of england . but there happened a suddaine aduenture in the meane time , whereby their whole enterprise was ouerthrowne , and that ye may the better conceiue the discourse , we will rehearse the matter from his first originall . it is declared before , how charles of bloys being taken prisoner by the englishmen that ayded the countesse of mountfort , was set at liberty vppon condition he should pay two hundreth thousand crownes to the king of england for his ransom , and for assurance of the same , left his two sonnes iohn & guy in hostage . it fortuned afterward that he was slaine in battell against the duke of britaine . after which time the englishmen at the duke of britaines request , came thorough the middest of fraunce with a great power to ayde him . whereupon the french king fearing least the duke by this occasion should yield himselfe subiect to the king of england , made composition with him as hath beene before declared . whereat the englishmen ( who had trauelled a long iourney through many perills and great difficulties , to come into britaine ) were exceedingly offended , and assoone as they came home , made complaint to their king of the dukes discurtesie and ingratitude . and to the intent to worke him as great displeasure , they made this offer to iohn the sonne of charles of bloys , ( whome they held still as pledge for his fathers ransome , his brother being deceassed there already ) that if he would receiue and holde the duchy of britaine of the king of england , and doe homage and fealtie to him for the same , he should be deliuered out of prison , and set in possession of his dukedome , and besides , haue in marriage phillip the duke of lancasters daughter ; the same which was afterwards queene of portugall . the offer of marriage he was well contented to accept , but to seeme disloyall to the french king , or be an enemy to the crowne of fraunce , that he would neuer consent to . whereupon remayning stedfast in his resolution , he was againe committed to prison . now the constable of fraunce sir oliuer clisson , ( who although his inheritance lay in britaine , yet loued not the duke , and the duke on the other side hated him more then any man else , because vpon the kings commaund ; he had troubled his country with warre ) had a daughter whom he much desired to marry with this iohn that was prisoner in england , thinking it would be a great aduancement to his house if he might bring it to pas●e . therefore when he had cast in his minde by what meanes he might best purchase his liberty , he began secretly to practise with the duke of ireland ( a man whom the king highly fauoured and much delighted in his company ) promising to giue him six score thousand frankes if he would vndertake to procure his enlargement . the duke accepted his offer : not withstanding as long as the duke of lancaster remained in the relame ; in regard the matter had beene motioned before for his daughter , he could effect nothing of his purpose . but after he was gone ▪ the duke of ireland desirous of the gold , ontreated the king ( with whom no mā was more familiar then himselfe ) that in consideration of his seruices and paines taken in the common wealth , he would bestowe the prisoner vppon him , for whose raunsome he might get a great masse of money . the king who was altogether carryed by this man , in such sorte as he both neglected and hated his vnckles in respect of him , did willingly condiscend to his request . assoone as the prisoner was deliuered into his hands , he conueid him ouer to boloine , receiuing there three score thousand frankes , the rest to be payd him at paris : where the constable expecting the young mans arriuall , when he came receiued him with great honour , and married him forthwith to his daughter . how much this matter troubled the duke of britaine , he may well coniecture that remembreth the discourse , and considereth the circumstances of such things as haue bene heretofore rehearsed touching the warres in britaine . for he sawe that by this marriage his whole estate was called in question , and like to be much endaungered . therefore he prepared reuenge , hauing the thought thereof more conuersant in his mind , then any other . and at such time as the constable had his army about him in the dukes country , ready to haue passe into england as we told ye before , the duke summoned all his nobility to be at vannes by a certaine day , for weightie affaires that he had to consult of : desiring the constable also by letters , that he would honour the assembly with his presence . the constable though he were nothing ignorant of the mutuall grudge betweene them , yet presuming vpon the greatnesse of his office , and the authoritie of his present emploiment against the king enemies , came thither as he was requested . after some consultation had about the matters they met for , the duke as it were for plesure and recreation , inuited certaine of the chiefe noble men , and amongst them also the constable , into a certaine castle there by which he had lately begunne to build , and now in a manner finished . when they came thither , the duke stoutly dissembling his purpose , and himselfe leading the constable from place to place , as it had bene to doe him the more honour , at last brought him to a certaine tower of farre more sumptuous and costly building then the rest , desiring him to view it well , and if he espied any fault , that he would frankely tell him his opinion . the constable entred in alone , and mounting vp the first story the dores were presently closed beneath , and certaine armed men rushing suddainly forth , laide hands vppon him and bound him in fetters . the hangman was likewise ready by the dukes appointment to haue taken away his life . neuerthelesse at the humble entreaty and teares of a certaine noble man that came in his company , the duke hardly relenting delayed his execution , commanding him to be kept streitly in yrons . but within fewe houres after , anger boyling in his brest , & admitting no other thought but reuenge , his wrath not like others being any whit asswaged , but rather more vehemently encreased by respit and consideration , he againe commanded that his head should be stricken of . but what labour and care , what perill and difficulty he againe sustained , by whose meanes the constable had hitherto beene saued ; how many , how sorrowfull , how effectuall matters he alleadged , before he could moue the dukes most obdurate minde to any sense or feeling of compassion : none can conceiue but hee which knoweth that the duke long since had resolued vppon nothing more certainly then by one meanes or other , to bring the constable to destruction ; none but he which knoweth that the duke for many yeres together had with incredible desire hunted for this opportunity ; none but he which considereth that it was a most vnnaturall & outragious kinde of anger , which vpon time to muse & thinke of it , was not quenched but enflamed , and could be satisfied with nothing , but the bloud and slaughter of a man which was brought in danger by deceipt , and vnder the pretence of friendship . therefore that the constable was saued from the dukes deadly intent , next to the prouidence of the euerliuing god , he was onely to thanke this man for his deliuerance ; who immediately made intercession for him , and neuer rested till by extreame importutunity he had extorted from the duke , the assurance of his friends life and safety . so at length the duke was cōtented to set the constable at liberty , vppon condition that he should pay him an hundreth thousand crownes before he departed , and deliuer three castles into his hands , to remaine to him and his heires for euer . wherof assoone as the duke had taken possession , he dismissed his prisoner , who within two dayes after came to paris & made greuous complaint to the king of the great iniurie and violence he had suffered . the king gaue him comfort and hope of redresse , but the kings vnckles vppon relation of the circumstances , were so farre from pittying his mischaunce , that they rather seemed angry and offended , because when he had all things in a readinesse for his iourney , he neglected his affaires and the opportunity of the season , to followe matters of pleasure and idle disporte , giuing rash credyt to such a one , as both he himselfe hated , and who he knew well enough , had long since sought aduantage of his life . the admirall and the rest of the lords which were ready to take shipping in normandy , vppon vnderstanding of these occurrents , dismissed their forces . so it came to passe that this expedition against england , which by the generall consent and good liking of the whole kingdome had beene most certainly resolued and concluded vppon , was by these occasions that yee haue heard , vtterly ouerthrowne and disappointed . at the same time also the young duke of gelders proclaymed warres against the french king , and sent him his defiance : for the king of england , for so doing had giuen him a pension of foure thousand frankes . the chiefe motiues that stirred the duke of britaine to this fact before mentioned , were first the mortall hatred he bare to the constable : and secondly , that he might thereby reconcile himselfe to the king of england , whose displeasure he had mightily procured by entring in league with the french king. most part of the noblemen of fraunce perswaded the king in the constables behalfe , that he should not suffer such a deed to escape vnpunished . herevpon messengers were sent to the duke , to let him vnderstand that both the king and his vncles and the whole counsell of state were highly offended with him , because through his violent apprehension and detayning of the constable , he had frustrated the kings purpose of inuading his enemies . wherefore their will and pleasure was , that he should make full restitution both of the mony and castles which he had wrongfully taken : and concerning his disappointment of the voyage , that he should come in person to paris , there to render an account of his doings . the duke when he had receiued this message , after some deliberation of the matter , made answere to this effect : that he not only nothing repented him of what he had done to the cōstable , but was also exceeding sory that he did no more , and that it greeued him at the heart as often as he remēbred it , that euer he suffered him to go away aliue . as for the castles , seeing he had them in his possession , he would by no meanes restore them againe , nor neuer depart with them vnles the king put him out by force . the mony was all bestowed amongst those that helpt him to defend his country against the cōstable , thē whome he had not a more mortall enemy in the world . for interrupring the iourney into england , he had neuer any such thought in his mind , it was a priuate case between the constable and him , and whatsoeuer was done , proceeded of no other intent , but only desire of reuenge . yee haue heard , how at such time as inuasion was feared in england , great summes of money were leuied for the maintenance of war , to defend the realme . now , when the french men altering their purpose , returned without performance of their enterprise , many gaue out speeches that it was vniustly done of the kings officers to keepe still the mony , the daunger being auoyded without any charge or expences . this muttering being stilled for a while , vppon occasion of a new subsidy demaunded for payment of the souldiers wages which had byn placed in garrisons , was againe renued more boldly then before . the commons tooke the matter very haynously , and framed grieuous accusations against certaine persons , through whose dishonesty and vnfaithfulnes , they said the whole treasure of the kingdome , and the goods of the subiects , were wastfully consumed . the king was led altogether by a few of the meaner sort , men of base quality and ignorant disposition . but especially , the duke of ireland had him in a manner at command , and possest him in such sort , as it seemed he had enchaunted the young kings affections . for whatsoeuer he sayd was done , and there was nothing so vniust or contrary to reason , which the king would not credit vppon his report . he brought the kings vncles in suspition and hatred , so as they had much ado to keepe themselues out of daunger . as for them , they were nothing displeased with the peoples complaints : for by this occasion they saw many alterations would happen . therfore they inclined to the people , allowing their pretence , and encouraging them to proceed as they had already begunne . in conclusion it came to this passe , that at a certaine time when the king and his nobility were assembled together , the londoners made grieuous complaint of the new subsidies and exactions which from time to time were imposed vpon them : and which grieued them most of all , that they saw no good or necessary vse wherto all that mony was conuerted . they thought the king was not made priuy to any thing , and therefore they required that a day might be assigned to the kings collectors and receiuors to yeeld an account of their receits and payments , whereby it might appeare , who had carryed thēselues vprightly in their office , & who otherwise , that the one might be retained , & the other discharged . the duke of gloucester one of the kings vncles , had giuen them counsell & direction to frame their speech in this manner . but the king assoone as he heard their sute , reiected it at the first , and would haue put of his aunswere till another time . but the people still vrged their demaund , and pressed vpon him with more earnestnes , because many of the noble men about him did opēly allow of their petitiō . so at length he was contented , that within a few daies after an account should be taken of all those officers , and that his vncles and certaine other whome the people required , should haue the examination of the matter . in many of the officers was found great fraud and extortion , all which the law condemned to death . immediatly vppon receit of the accompts , the king accompanyed with his minion the duke of ireland , tooke his iourney into another part of the realme . where vnderstanding that certaine of his houshold were put to execution at london , he was exceedingly mooued to displeasure both against the commons , and against his vncles . for the duke of ireland had as it were imprinted this conceit in his mind , that they went about to depose him from his crowne , and therefore neuer ceased to incense and prouoke him ( who of himselfe was too apprehensiue of such occasions ) till he had perswaded him to make warre against them . so the duke was made general , and by the kings appointment leuied some fifteene thousand men . but before he would march forward with his army , he sent a certaine freind of his disguised in the habite of a marchant , to london , where the kings vncles were assembled , to discouer their counsels and manner of proceedings . but this gentleman ( most contrary to his expectation ) i wot not by what misfortune , was discouered himselfe , and when he had reuealed to the lords certaine matters concerning the king , he was put to death . this occasion as ye may well coniecture , did mightily aggrauate the kings displeasure . now , when the duke of ireland saw the power of his aduersaries approching against him , as fierce and slout as he seemed before , yet performed he nothing worthy of a valiant or discreet commaunder . for he was absolutely perswaded out of a selfe-guilty opinion of his own desert , that if it were his fortune to be taken in battell , there would be no other way with him , but death . therefore assoone as he had placed his men in order , he began to prouide for his own security , retyring into the rereward , to the intent that as occasion should serue , he might be the readyer to conuay himselfe out of daunger . the souldiers hearing a suddaine rumor that their generall had forsaken them , abandoned themselues presently to flight , without exchanging any stroke with their enemy . very fewe were slaine , and those only in chase , certaine knights were taken and put to death at london . the duke of ireland accompanyed with one or two of his freinds , fled ouer the seas into holland , whither he had long before caused all his treasure to be conueyed . for albeit he had the king wholy on his side , yet he much mistrusted and feared his vncles , of whome he had so well deserued , that nothing but vtter enmity was to be expected at their hands . these troubles being thus quieted , and the noble men yet hearing no newes of the king ; it was thought conuenient , that the archbishop of canterburie should be addressed vnto him in the name of his vncles & the people , signifying how they were al very desirous of his presence , and that if it pleased him to repaire to london , he should be honourably and louingly receiued . for they sought nothing but the wel-fare and tranquility of the kingdome , which it was impossible for him to maintaine without the good willes of his subiects ▪ that it was not without causes of great importance , that some were openly punished , and others driuen out of the realme ; for as much as through the authority and ill gonernment of those persons , the honour of the kingdome was impaired . what the noblemen had done in that behalfe , was for the generall good of the common wealth , and as the state then stood that it was a matter of necessity , and therefore he had no iust cause of displeasure against them . although the king were highly offended with the occasions which had passed before : yet vpon these and such other reasons as the archbishop vsed , he was perswaded to come to london . after he had remayned there a while , a parliament was called at westminster , where the lords and prelates of the realme renued their othe of allegiance to him , which they had formerly sworne to his vncles in his behalfe : for he was now attayned to the age of one and twenty yeeres , the age accustomably prescribed for the administration of publicke affaires . in this meane while , the duke of lancaster subdued may townes in spaine , and the king of portugall was not idle but in an other part of the country , brought much into his father in lawes subiection . and when they had practised this kind of warre-fare for a time , at length they ioyned their forces together , to giue their enemies battell in the field . the king of spaine in the meane season meruailed much at the duke of burbons long tariance and delay , whose only comming he had waited for all this while with so great expectation . the french mens aduise being againe demaunded , they persisted resolute in their first opinion , holding it altogether vnexpedient to giue the englishmen battell , though they had gotten many townes , for those might easily be recouered hereafter : and it must needs come to passe , that the englishmen being tyred with the continuall trauels of warre , sometimes ouercome with extremity of heate , otherwhiles enfeebled through the subtiltie of the piercing ayre entring in at the open pores of their bodies , should fall into sundry diseases and infirmities . and indeed so it happened . for by reason of the vehement heat and suddaine cold , which they were forced to abide in the day time , through the suns scorching violence and their owne trauell , in the night by occasion of their watches , & open lodgings in the field , diuers pes●ilent sicknesses were engendred amongst them . besides this , most part of their horses not finding wherewith to sustaine them in the country , perished for hunger . herevppon rose many sorrowfull complaints amongst the poore souldiers lamenting their misfortune . the king of portugales counsell being asked in this necessity , he thought it best in regard of the intemperatenes of the season , to withdraw into some of the townes which they had taken , and to discharge the army . the duke on the other side feared least when their souldiers were dispersed , the duke of burbon whome he knew to be comming , should surprise them vnawares . wherevppon resoluing as yet not to breake vp their campe , they continued still in the field . but it was lamentable to behold the english , who being altogether vnaccustomed to the intollerable heat of that country , and the drinking of those hot wines , were so afflicted with sicknes , that the poore wretches with great misery had much adoe to sustaine their liues . then the generall of the horsmen , who could both heare and discerne the state of the army more neerly , by reason of his dayly entercourse in all affaires , acquainted the duke of lancaster with the calamity of his people , and shewed him how the case was such as required both speedy helpe and present resolution . herevppon it was concluded to dismisse the army , at the tydings wherof , there was great reioycing through the whole cāpe . neuertheles they saw no meanes how to returne into their country . by sea they could not , they were to farre within land , and besides , most of them were so feeble and diseased , as they could not possibly brooke the violence of waues & tempests : by lād there was no going , for their passage must lye through spaine , nauarre and arragon , king dōes confederate against them : what should be done in this extremity ? an herauld was sent to the enemie , to require a safe conduct for certaine english gentlemen , to come and parly with the king. the spanyard musing what straunge occasion should moue them , admitted their request : the effect whereof was this : that for as much as their whole army was greeuously visited with sicknes , the king calling to remembrance the miseries of mankind , which are incident to all , would giue leaue to their sicke persons to withdraw themselues into some of his townes , & to abide there till their health might be recouered . and for the rest which were desirous to returne into their countrey , that he would graunt them licence to passe quietly through his kingdome of spaine , and withall to be a meanes to the kings of arragon and navarre , that they would likewise suffer them to trauel in safety through their dominions . the king of spaine after deliberation , condiscended to their request vpon condition , that aswel those which went now directly towards their countrey , as the rest that stayed for recouery of their health , should at their departure be solemnly sworne , neither to returne any more to the duke of lancaster , nor to come within the confines of spaine vppon any occasion of warre , for the space of six yeeres after . these conditions though they seemed greeuous vnto them , yet so earnest was their desire and affection home-wards , as they would willingly haue accepted them , had they beene much worse . the duke of lancaster who had compassed this matter by collaterall meanes in another mans name , least he should seeme to haue craued ought at his enemies handes , after the dissoluing of his army , departed againe to compostella , dispersing his sicke people into the townes and villages there adioyning . of those that went for england , diuers lords and gentlemen , beside great numbers of the common sort , being vnable to sustaine the violence of their disease , and the trauell of their iourney , ended their liues in the way . in the meane time the duke of burbon who had lingred a long while , and fetched a great compasse ( for he had visited pope clement at avinion ) arriued in spaine : and although he heard tydings of the dissoluing of the english army , yet neuertheles in regard he had proceeded thus farre , he would not now goe out of the country before he had seen the king. the spaniard was affrayde least if the french souldiers should make any long tariance , or at leastwise be admitted , they would demaund entertainment , which if he should deny them , they would rob and spoyle his country : therefore within few dayes after the dukes comming thither ( whome otherwise he receiued with all honour and curtesie ) he declared vnto him , how at that time the enemy being deprarted of his owne accord , he had no further imployment for sorraine souldiets . the duke was not only nothing offended with this discharge , but very glad of the occasion to be soone dispatched , for he found the countrey did not agree with his peoples complexion . the duke of lancaster lay sicke a while at compostella , and vppon the recouery of his strength , hearing of the duke of burbons departure , he also set his mind vppon returning into his country : for he well perceiued , that by reason of these calamities and afflictions , he was vtterly disabled from going through with his enterprise . therefore borrowing both men and shipping of the king of portugall , he set sayles to the wind , and in fower houres after arriued at bayon . here may you see how strange and lamentable are the aduētures & casualties of mans life , and how vncertain are the euents of all our actions , of all our cogitatiōs . for this duke , who sometimes through occasion of forraine warres , and otherwhiles by reason of ciuill discord and rebellion , being restrayned from his purpose , could not when he would , accomplish this voyage , which for many yeeres before he had so ardently desired : now after such time as vppon often inuitements and embassages from the king of portugall , he was come into the kingdome which pertayned to his wiues inheritance , was at length compelled without atchieuing any memorable matter , and with the losse of his souldiers , vnder a colourable submission to his enemy , to leaue all his affayres and intents vnperformed , and to returne home into his owne country . we haue formerly made mention of the duke of gelders which denounced warres against the realme of fraunce ; and that was done in a very proud and contemptuous fashion , contrary to the accustomed manner of defiance . now for the better vnderstanding of all circumstances , obserue this discourse . reynold earle of gelders through prod●gality and ryot , had much impouerished his estate ; and when by reason of his wants , hee could hardly maintaine the reputation of his calling , in this distresse he repayred to his vncle the archbishop of colen for counsell . the bishop after so sharpe reprehension , vsed these , or the like speeches . cousen , you see and perceiue wel-enough that there is not any prince , nor noble man of so small account , which will bestowe his daughter with you in marriage , you haue so spent & consumed your means , and set your selfe so exceedingly in debt . but there is a rich merchant , bertold of machline , which you know hath but one only daughter , to whome in expectation of her large dowry , many great lords haue beene suters . you cannot make a better match for your selfe than to seize vpon such a booty . you shall do well therefore to make this offer to her father : that if hee will vndertake with his mony to redeeme those townes and castles which you haue pawned to your creditors , and withall be contēted to release such bonds of debt as he hath of yours already , in consideration hereof you will take his daughter to wife . this counsell was well accepted of the earle , and so he sent one to make the motion . when bertold had receiued the message , his answere was this : that he should hold it a great honour both to himselfe and all his house , if his daughter might seem worthy to be matched with such a husband : the respects which he thought moued the earle to desire it , were that he might be discharged frō the danger of his creditors , and possesse his owne without controlment . therefore he was well content to proceede with the marriage , and dislikte not of the conditions profered , so as these likewise for his part might be added : that if it fortuned the earle to dye first , leauing no issue , then all his possessions to remaine entirely to his wife during her life . and if it happened her to die first , leauing issue by the earle , that then her children should be admitted to their fathers inheritance , and not be debarred of their fortune , though he should afterward marry a woman of more honourable birth , and haue issue by her also . these conditions being accepted , marie the daughter of bertold was marryed to the earle of gelders , and the fourth yeere after deceased , leauing issue by her husband one daughter named isabell . after her decease the earle married againe , isabell sister to that most worthy & prudent prince , edward king of england , by whom he had two sonnes , reignold and edward , and one daughter called ioane . it fortuned both the reignolds , as wel the father as the son , deceased : edward tooke to wife a daughter of albert duke of bauier , and afterwards in a battell against wenceslaus duke of braband , was wounded to death , and departed without issue . ioane therefore after the death of her brothers , presumed the inheritance should be hers ; but isabell which was descended of the first marriage , maintained the contrary , affirming that herselfe only had rightfull interest in the succession . this isabell was ioyned in marriage to iohn of bloys , who had much alteration with his aduersaries about the inheritance , and great contention was like to haue growne betweene them , so farre forth as the matter had surely come to tryall of the sword , but that by his wiues departure in the mean season , the controuersie was decided . then ioane which was now the onely and vndoubted heyre of her father , being married to william marques of iuliers , bare to him a son called after his fathers name , william . this william made duke of gelders in the right of his mother , tooke to wife the daughter of albert duke of bauier , the same which had beene formerly espoused to edward of gelders his vnele , but by reason of her tender yeeres , remaining still a mayden widdowe . reignold earle of gelders which marryed the king of englands sister , in regard of his great league and allyance with king edward , was highly fauoured by lewis of bauier then emperour , in so much that he aduanced both him and the marquesse of iuliers to a higher degree of honour , and created them both dukes . now the occasion why this william the young duke of gelders made defiance to the french king , was both because he bare good affection to the king of engand ▪ to whō he was alyed be faith and homage , and also for that wenceslaus duke of braband , whom he exceedingly hated , was confederate with the french men . the cause of his hatred against the duke of braband was this . reignold which marryed first mary of machline , and afterward king edwards sister , being a man beyond all measure prodigall , morgaged three castles to the earle of morse , a rich lord in germany , for a great sum of money . ●he earle a long while after , seeing his debter vnable to redeeme his pledge , solde the castles to wenceslaus duke of braband . after the death of reignold , edward his sonne addressing letters to wenceslaus , requested to haue the castles againe and he would repay him all the money that he had disbursed . which when wenceslaus absolutely refused , preparation was made for waries , which doubtles should haue bene the conclusion , but that by intreatie of the duke of iuliers , and albert of bauier , the matter for that time was compounded . the same yeere charles the emperour appointed his brother wenceslaus as publik protectour of the high waies , for the punishment of theeues and robbers , that people might passe quietly from one place to another . now it fortuned that certaine merchants of flaunders and braband , as they trauelled about their affaires into germany were robbed of their money & spoyled of all their goods in the country of iuliers , through which they made their journey . it was reported , that the offenders were receiued and fostered by the duke of iuliers , who ( as many more besides himselfe ) was thought to repine at the giuing of so great an honour to duke wenceslaus . the poore merchants that sustained the losse , made grieuous complaint to him which had the charge of redressing such enormities : who thereuppon directing friendly letters to the duke of iuliers , preuailed so little , that he might plainly perceiue , he rather desired warre , then peace . wenceslaus therefore least the suffering of such disorders to escape vnpunished , should bring the authority of his office in contempt , leuyed an army . the duke of iuliers did the like , & was ayded by edward duke of g●lders . the battell was fought in iuliers with great fiercenesse on both sides : but the brabanders were discōfited and put to flight , and amongst others the duke himselfe also taken prisoner . edward duke of gelders was likewise mortally wounded , and dyed of the same . when the dutchesse of braband heard tidings of her husbands captiuity , by aduise of the french king she resorted to the emperour at confluence : who vppon her complaint being moued with his brothers misfortune , prepared sharp warres against the duke of iuliers , intending to haue made a notable spoile and destruction of his country , had he not bene pacifyed by the princes electors , who thought it would be an ill president , that a fellowe of the empire should be so oppressed . the duke therefore being by their meanes brought before the emperors presence , when he had voluntarily discharged his prisoner , after sharpe reprehension , he was againe reconciled and restored to the emperours fauour . within fewe yeeres after , dyed wenceslaus duke of braband , then william the duke of iuliers sonne , holding the seigniory of gelders in right of his mother , claymed againe from the dutchesse of braband these castles which his vnckle edward in his life time had challenged before . the restitution wherof being denyed , ministred newe occasion whereby the olde grudge was againe reuiued . and because braband at that time was in league with fraunce , and the duke of burgoine the french kings brother , was next heyre to the widdowe ; the duke of gelders ( who studyed all the displeasure he could against the house of fraunce ) to the intent to shewe his loue towards the english nation , passed ouer the seas , and contracted great alliance with king richard , receiuing from him a pension of foure thousand franks , as hath bene before declared , and afterward at his returne , defied the french king , and professed open enmitie against the brabanders : in so much that the duke of burgoigne vppon aduertisement from the widdowe , of his daily incursions , was constraimed to send thither certaine companies of horsemen , for defence of the frontyers . mention is made before of the duke of lancaster , who by reason of great plague and mortality in his army , was forced to discharge his soldiers and returne to the king of portingale . now when the spanyards and french men sawe their enemies dispersed , they easily recouered all that was lost , the englishmen which remained in garrisons being either expelled by force , or dismissed by composition . the king of portugall perswaded his father in lawe to send for a new supply out of england . but the duke considering how it was farre of , and that the state of england was at that time greatly encombred , made speedy prouision for his departure , and sayled ( as we haue shewed you ) to bayon : from whence he wrote diuerse letters both to the king , and to his brothers for succour . but the englishmens minds were so alienated from the wars of portingall , by reason of the great miseries they endured there , that scarce any man could be found which would enter his name to goe vppon that voyage . besides this , the troubles , seditions , and executions which had bene lately in the realme before , remayned still so fresh in euery mans memory , as they had no leysure to intend to forreine affaires . the french king vnderstanding how the world went in england , to the intent to make vse of his aduersaries ill fortune , vpon great hopes and large promises , allured the duke of ireland out of the neatherlands into fraunce . charles king of nauarre about this time sessing his people at a subsidy of two hundred thousand franks , assembled the burgesses of his townes at pampelone the chiefe citty of his kingdome : and when he saw that they stucke vppon the matter , he shut them vp in a certaine court enclosed about with high walles , threatning that if they concluded not the sooner , he would handle them according to their deserts . but in the meane while happened a wonderfull accident . after he had left them in this angry moode , he gaue himselfe to sleepe : and because he was aged , his seruants were accustomed to burne a perfume about him , to prouoke him to sweat . now it fortuned ( by what negligence or mischaunce at that time i know not ) that some sparke of fire caught hold of the bed ; which by little and little encreasing and gathering strength , at last brake forth in a burning siame about him : by means whereof the wretched king being alone and not able by reason of his age to helpe himselfe , nor to winde out of the linnen which entangled him , was almost consumed in the flames before any could come to his rescue . many lords of fraunce which were much displeased that the duke of gelders had made defiance to their king in such proud termes , contrary to the custome of other princes , were of opinion , that if he should escape cleerely away withall , it might perhaps hereafter be imputed as a blame and reproch to them which were now of the kings counsell . the king was forwarde enough to haue taken a course of reuenge , but in regard the duke of britaine attempted new troubles , solliciting the english to be partakers of his proceedings , the enterprise which both himselfe and many other desired , could not then be performed . the duke of berry sent one priuately in his owne name , to deale with the duke of britaine in friendly manner , to drawe him to some reasonable agreement : but it was in vaine , and that made the french men in greater feare and suspition . for they considered what perill it might be to the realme , if the king as he desired him selfe , and was perswaded by others , should now addresse himselfe into germany , when the duke of britaine shewed so small affection to peace as he seemd altogether desirous of warre , attending but for opportunity to discouer his intention . when they had long varied in opinions , some thinking such indignity was in no wise to be taken at so meane a lords hands as the duke of gelders , & that the king now in his youth was to be enured to armes ; others opposing against this counsell , the present state of the kingdome , the charge of the warres , and the fiercenesse of the germanes : at length it was agreed , to contemne the duke of gelders as a young man , whom rather heate of youth , then any aduised iudgement had moued to that action : and if he proceeded to make warres as he had threatned , that then it should be more honour for the king to aduance his forces against him . but by all means it was thought necessarie to fall to agrement with the duke of britaine . for he ( as we said before ) seemed openly to practise with the king of england , and already certaine english ships scowred the seas betweene normandy and britaine ; which notwithstanding they did no harme to fraunce , yet because they still houe●ed about that coast , the french men alwaies mistrusted the worst . for these causes many thought it the fittest course by warr to chastize the dukes presumption . but the kings vncles and some others of sadder discretion , who alwaies held the successe of warre vncertaine , were of a contrary opinion . for it was easie to coniecture , that the warres with england would be renewed vppon this occasion , which was the onely thing that the duke of britaine desired . commissioners were therefore directed vnto him to make a peaceable conclusion of the matter . whereof the duke beeing informed , before their comming , consulted of his affaires at large . his counsell with weighty reasons perswaded him , that hee should desist from his course , and restrayning his affections , submitte himselfe to the french king , whose puissance was such , as hee had restored great lords , yea , and princes , to their honour and estates , and had driuen others againe to whome he bare displeasure , out of their seigniories and dominions . therefore their best aduise was , that he should of his owne accord , restore againe to the constable the castles which he had lately taken from him . for it would be more honourable for him to deliuer them now willingly , then hereafter by compulsion . the duke following their counsell , made restitution of all , and besides , put euery officer in his place againe , as he found them when he first seized the castles into his possession . the fame hereof being presently spred into fraunce , met the commissioners also vpon the confines of britaine . who when they came before the duke , because of his owne accord , he had already performed that which otherwise they should haue requested at his handes , they proceeded to the other part of their commission , which was , to require him , that at a day prefixed he would repaire to the towne of bloys vppon the riuer loire , there to meete and conferre with the kings vncles . the duke condiscended , and being come thither accordingly , they exhorted and entreated him , that for assurance and confirmation of peace , he would speake with the king himselfe , and doe homage vnto him as all others had done , he only excepted . the duke as one that was not ignorant how great enemies he had about the king , namely the constable , and iohn his son lately set free out of england , discreetly and earnestly excused himselfe . neuertheles after the kings vncles had made him faithfull promise that he should both goe and returne in safety , without any offence or interruption , he was contented at length to beare them company to paris . when the duke of lancaster had sent many letters from bayon into england for succours , and could not preuaile , seing all mens affections generally enstranged from the voiage of spaine , it was a mighty greefe and corrosiue to his heart , considering with himselfe how strong and well furnished an army he had brought forth against his enemy , through the puissance whereof , he had conquered no small number of townes and fortresses : and afterward how cruelly fortune had dealt with him and his , ouerthrowing the whole course of his proceedings in such sort , as he sawe no possible meanes left , how euer to obtaine his inheritance of the kingdōe of castile . in musing vpon this his misfortune , he compared it to that calamity which the duke of aniow suffered in calabria , who being come into italy vpon large hopes and great expectation , not only fayled of the endes whereto he aspired , but spent his life also in the pursute of his enterprise . this only was a comfort to him in all his discouragements , that he had a daughter by his wife constance , whome he thought some french lord of high estate , eyther in respect of her birth or possibility , would desire to haue in marriage . now the duke of berry was at the same time a widdower , and his freinds now and then discoursing with him about a wife , amongst others mentioned also the duke of lancasters daughter . the duke presently began to conceiue some good affection that way , and therevppon aduertised the duke of lancaster of his intent : whome when he had found nothing strange in the matter , he sent cōmissioners againe to negotiate with him further in that behalfe . the duke of lancaster in the meane time , politickly dispersed the fame hereof into all countries far and neere , by sending to his freinds instructed for the purpose , both the copyes of his owne and the duke of berries letters : for he was well assured that these tydings would meruailously trouble and disquiet the king of spaine . who indeed assoone as he heard of the matter , began to enter into a deepe consideration with himselfe , how great inconuenience might redound vnto him by this marriage , namely , that peace being established between england and fraunce , both those nations vniting their forces together , would make warres vppon spaine , and so conuey the possession of the crowne to the duke of lancasters wife . wherefore , vpon aduise which his counsell , it was thought good to make a secret motion , that the duke of lancasters daughter might be giuen in marriage to henrie his sonne , whome hee had by the king of arragons daughter . herevpon a sew were sent , and those slenderly accompanyed , least the french men by whose friendship he possessed his kingdome , should come to any knowledge of the businesse intended . the duke gaue good eare to their message . and yet he put the french commissioners still in great hope , euer making this exception , that he would go through with nothing without the consent and approbation of the king of england his nephew , to whome he had wholy referred the conclusion of these matters : and with this answere he dismist them . but he carryed himselfe much more familiarly towards the spaniards , through his wiues procurement , who sawe by this meanes , that her daughter without any empeachment or difficulty , should orderly succeed in the inheritance of that flourishing kingdome , for the obtayning whereof so many travailes and painefull aduentures had been sustained by her husband . the hatred kindled euery day more and more , betweene the brabanders and gelders ; and the brabanders assembling about fortie thousand men , besieged graue a towne neere adioyning to the riuer maze . the duke of gelders lying the same time at nymmeghen , because he had great confidence both in the townsemen and the garrison left at graue , did not greatly passe for that siege . neuerthelesse he required ayde of the king of england , sor so it was conditioned between them when he made his defiance to the french king. but the state of england was so intangled with ciuill dissention , and troubled with expectation of wars out of scotland , that no ayd could be obtayned from thence . and the brabanders seeing they wasted their time in vaine , sent some tenne thousand of their men abroade to harry their enemies countrey . the duke of gelders being certified thereof , gathered together about three hundred horsemen , and contrary to the perswasions of almost all his counsell , with that small company marched towardes his enemy with great courage : esteeming it better to die fighting manfully in the field , than to be shut vp within the walles of a towne , and besieged . therefore when hee had put his men in array , hee exhorted them to knightly prowesse and valiant demea●our , giuing so great encouragement by example of his owne resolution , that setting sputres to their horses , they all in one troupe ranne suriously vpon their enemies , preuenting their expectation with such a desperat charge before they could settle themselues to any orderly resistance , that they easily ouercame them , and with small losse obtained an honorable victorie . many perished , some slaine in fight , others drowned in the riuer maze : such as escaped , fled with all the speede they could make , and carried tidings of their ouerthrowe to the campe before graue . whereupon so great terrour rose presently amongst them , that without further delay they abandoned the siege , and for haste left all their prouision and baggage behinde them . the french king being exceedingly desirous to take reuengement of the duke of gelders for those arrogant and reprochfull letters he had sent him , raised a mighty armie . many disswaded him from this voiage , and among the rest , his vncles ; but because the duke of brittaine was now fully concluded withall , insomuch that he had repayd the money also that he had taken from the constable , the king would not by any meanes omit the present occasion of accomplishing his purpose . and first he sent ambassadors to the emperour to acquaint him with the causes of this warre : for so it be hooued him , in regard of certaine couenants and articles made formerly betwixt the emperour and him . it was thought best to passe the army through braband ; and the dutchesse her selfe was well contented it should be so ; but all the people besides , stoode stowtly against it , and were readie to defend their frontires from admitting such a multitude , as being once receiued , would doe no lesse harme and annoyance to the country , than if their enemies should waste and spoile it . moreouer , they threatned the dutchesse , that if she gratified the frenchmen in this behalfe , they would neuer take armes against the duke of gelders . then she aduise dly excused her selfe to the king , imputing the blame to her people , and beseeching him not to take anie offence at her deniall . therefore taking his iourney through champaigne , hee sent three thousand before to make way through the forrest of ardenne , which otherwise he could not haue passed . moreouer he sent vnto the emperour , a coppie of the letter which the duke of gelders would haue had carried into france when he made his defiance . when the emperour had seene that despightful and vnreuerent manner of writing , he gaue answer to the ambassadors in such sort as might wel assure thē he would be no hindrance to the frenchmens proceedings . who hewing their passage through the forrest of arden , entred into the territorie of lutzemburge ; and when they approched neere the country of liege , the bishoppe ( whose name was arnold , of the house of the earles of horne ) moued by the archbishop of colen , made intercession to the king for the duke of iuliers , whose seigniory was like to be the first that should haue tasted the violence of that warre . the king was not much against his request , so the duke himselfe would come and shew how the matters which he alleaged for his excuse , were iust and reasonable . the duke being brought to the kings presence , protested that hee neither counselled his sonne to make that defiance , nor had anie knowledge thereof before the letters were sent . and for confirmation of his innocencie in this case , promised that hee would perswade with his sonne , to make his purgation aduisedly before the king , and desire him of pardon : which thing if hee could not effect , hee would set open all his townes to the king , that by meanes thereof hee might accomplish his warres with more aduantage . this condition was accepted , and the rather by the duke of burgoigns perswasion . the duke of iuliers therfore accompanied with the archbishop of collen , resorted to his sonne , and ye will not beleeue what trauell and endeuour hee vsed to alter his obstinate minde . for all his discourse sauoured of nothing but meere fiercenesse and contempt of the king , whose puissance he perswaded himselfe , that he should be able to withstand through the helpe of the english . at length after many rebukes and sharp threatnings , with milde speeches and gentle intreaties now and then intermingled betweene , being forced as it were by assault , hee condiscended to his father . then the duke drew him a forme of excuse to this effect ; that whatsoeuer hee had doone in this matter , was by counsell and procurement of the king of england . when the french king had seene the duke of gelders , and heard what hee had spoken for himselfe , his mindeseemed to relent with a singular kinde of affection : for hee not onely pardoned his fault , but from thenceforth beganne to loue him , and that much more earnestly , than if he had neuer offended him . when the scottish men vnderstoode that discord was hatching in england , and by continuance of time had gathered greater strength , being daily more and more augmented , to the intent to reuenge olde iniuries , without acquainting the king with their purpose , they assembled to the number of fortie thousand men . they thought likewise to haue concealed it from their enemies by a pollicie , but they were deceiued . for the english hauing intelligence thereof , made preparation to with stand them . it came to a pitched field , and neuer was battell fought with greater force betweene them . the scottish army being diuided in two partes , came not with equall puissance to the encounter , because they were separated one farre from an other : neuerthelesse they went away with victory . after the french mens departure , the duke of gelders being one that tooke no pleasure in case and idlenesse , raysed certaine forces and tooke his iourney towards prussia . it happened , that as he passed through germany , hee was taken prisoner . but the lordes of prussia rescued him againe by force , and caused the party which had taken him , to flie for his owne safety , lest hee should haue fallen into the like mi●fortune himselfe . now although he were set free by the helpe of his friends , and as hee lost his libertie by the lawe of armes , so hee had recouered it by the same meanes againe : yet bicause he would keepe faith with his enemy , he came at a certaine time to a place appointed , and compounded for his ransome . the duke of lancaster ( as we shewed before ) kept the duke of berry still a suter in great exspectation , and yet he was all the while more affected to the spaniard . amongst other doubts which he cast , this was one : that if the duke of berry should fortune to die , his daughter should then remaine but a poore lady in respect of her other sisters , for the duke had children by his first wife , which doubtlesse would goe away with the greatest part of his estate . when the french king vnderstoode how the king of spaine had put in a barre against the duke of berrios proceedings , hee was wonderfully offended ; so was the whole counsell of fraunce , who knew well how highly spaine was bound to the kings of fraunce for great benefites receiued many ages together . for by the ayde of charles the sift , henry the bastard being set in possession of the kingdome , left the same after his decease , to his sonne iohn now raigning : yet not in such sort that he was able to defend it against the english men and their confederates the portingales , if hee had not beene vpholden by the succour of the french men . this ingratitude therefore being generally taken in very ill part , ambassadours were addressed to the king of spaine with this message . that he should take good aduisement and consider well with himselfe , what hee did , and with whome he contracted freindship : sieldome any marriages were made , but there passed leagues and confederacies betweene the parties . there were yet extant counterpanes of the allyance between henrie his father , and his posterity on the one part , and the kings of fraunce on the other : against the couenants whereof it were not good to transgresse : if he did , that he should thinke no wronge done him by the french king in forsaking his freindship , which notwithstanding was the thing that he studied by all possible meanes to preserue and continue . the king of spaine answered , that indeed there had beene debating of certaine matters in his name with the duke of lancaster , but it should be in no wise preiudiciall to the state of fraunce ; and that he would neuer attempt any action , whereby in the least degree he might seeme to haue broken the bondes of freindship and alliance between them . assoone as he had dismissed the ambassadours with this answere , immediatly after he went through with the marriage , and therevppon the lady constance to put the matter out of question , conueyed katherine her daughter into spaine , and there marryed her to henrie the yong prince of castile . which done , shee made diligent serch for her fathers bones , and when the place of his buriall at length was discouered , she caused them to be taken vp , and honourably entumbed againe at siuill . through the trauell and industrie of certaine well disposed persons , communication was had concerning a truce betweene the kings of england and fraunce , with their confederates , viz. spaine , portugall , and scotland . now because the scottes lately before had some good successe against the english , there was much adoe to draw them to any agreement : neuertheles their king being well inclined to quietnes , in the end they also changed their copie . so a truce was concluded for three yeeres , in such sort , that whosoeuer should by any meanes infringe it , should be accounted , as a wicked and periured person . we haue spoken before of the duke of ireland , who being driuen out of england , and lately through faire promises allured out of the low countries into fraunce , remained there a while , but could not purchase any setled aboade or continuall resting place . for the lord cow●y a man of great authority about the french king , vppon iust and weighty occasions , hated him extreamely . for the duke of ireland hauing taken to wife this lord cow●yes daughter , fell afterwards in loue with an other woman , and by dispensation from pope vrbane , who was ready by all meanes to pleasure the king of england , diuorced his wife and marryed his paramour . the lord cowey therefore , father of the wronged lady , being deeply mooued with such dishonourable iniury , would neuer be in quiet , till he had bayted out of fraunce this man , whome the world charged with more crimes , then that alone . see here the ●bbing and slowing of humain estates , the affections of princes , and the ends of wicked persons . the french king was perswaded by some about him , to make a progresse into the furthest partes of his kingdōe , as a thing so acceptable to the people , as nothing could be more effectuall to winne their hartes . so he tooke his iourney through campaigne , burgoigne , and other prouinces till he came to avinion : and when he had visited the pope , went from thence to mountpelyer . which citty although by reason of trasicke and merchandize it be very wealthy , yet it had been so oppressed with tributes and exactions , that as then it was much impouerished . for as long as king charles the fift liued , the duke of aniow had the rule of all those countries , to the great enriching of his owne cofers . and at such time as in pursute of greater fortunes , he vndertook his voyage towards naples , by consent of the peeres the duke of berry succeded in his gouernment . but assoone as the king came to one and twenty yeares of age , he displaced his vncles from their authority , and tooke the administration of their offices into his owne hands . now when he came into prouince and the places adioyning , many grieuous complaints were preferred against his vncle of berry , who had beyond measure polled the poore commons of their goods , and brought them in a manner to extreame desperation . yee might daily haue seene great numbers of suters putting vp petitions and supplications , complaining of deceyt , iniury , violence , rapes , extortions , and proscriptions . it greiued the king exceedingly to see the miseries of his people , and therefore for an example to terrify others , he caused the duke of berries treasurer , the cheifest man in those quarters , to be burned● ; for there came many accusations against him , of great wrong and oppression which he had done in the country . the duke of berry by his letters made earnest intercession to saue his life , but he could not preuaile . when the king vndertooke this iourney , he would in no wise be accompanyed by his vncles , wherewith they were greatly offended , but especially because they sawe some others of meane estate , to growe in great reputation about him . about this time departed pope vrbane out of this life , whereof clement being certified within ten dayes after , at avinion , he earnestly commended his cause to the french king , desiring him that now vpon this occasion he would vse his credit with the emperour , the king of hungary , and other princes , to the intent that all discord being remooued , peace and quietnesse might at length be established in the church . he was in good hope that now when his aduersary was dead , the supremacy would entirely haue falne to him . but he was farre deceiued ; for the cardinalles created boniface of naples . the moores and barbarians made often excursions vppon the genowaies , and the citties and ilands vnder their subjection . which thing they might more commodiously doe , because vppon the confines , comming from genoa towards their country , they held a very strong and defensible towne called affricke . out of this towne they issue forth against their enemies by sea with great ease and aduantage , and if need require , they haue recourse againe into the same , as a most safe harbor & receptacle . the genowayes therfore enforced through the cōplaints & entreaty of their freinds , began to consider how they might worke redresse . and because they vnderstood there was a truce lately concluded between fraunce , england , and the kingdomes conconfederate , they sent ambassadours to the french king , requiring him of succour . the king was so inclinable to this warre , that he not only vndertooke it himselfe , but solicited diuers of his neighbour princes , to set their helping hands to performance of the enterprise . therefore assembling no small power out of fraunce , britaine , artoys , flaunders , and england , he sent it into lombardy , vnder the conduct of lewis duke of burbon , with whome he ioyned in commission the lord cowcy , a man of most knowledge and experience , and in greatest iudgement and direction in military affaires , that liued in those times . these taking shipping together at genoa , at length ouercame the contrary waues and tempests which encountred them at sea , and arriued safely in their enemies country . now as the moores were consulting , because they saw that the genowayes vppon this redoubling of their puissance , by the comming of the french and other forraine nations to their ayd , would besiege their citty ; a certaine graue old man amongst them , descended of a noble family , gaue counsell in this manner . that they should not giue battell to their enemies , in regard of their great number ; but rather suffer them quietly to encampe and settle themselues before the citty ; for it was strong ynough to abide the violence of their siege for a long season . therefore let their enemies roast themselues abroad in the heate of the scorching sunne beames , whilst they being fenced from the iniury of the weather , with houses and shadowy places , rested at their ease within the citty . for it would come to passe , that when their prouision by little and little was consumed , themselues tormented with heate , and tyred with a thousand other discommodities , they would get home againe without speeding of their purpose . the olde mans counsell was well liked , and the citty being besieged both by sea and land , many light skirmishes were daily interchanged . the barbarians sent an ambassador desiring to knowe for what causes this warre was mooued against them . the french men made answere , that the chiefe reason was , because their forefathers had put the sauiour of the world to a shameful death , for that they excluded baptisme , were blasphemers of god , and spake vnreuerently of the holy virgine mother of christ : these were the occasions why they bent their forces against them , as the common enemies of christendome . this answer seemed but a mockery to the moores , so farre were they from any thoght of misliking their religion . the sicillians and other countries neere adioyning brought corne , wine and other prouision aboundantly into the campe of the besiegers . but by reason of the hotenesse of those countrey wines , and the extreame intemperatenesse of the ayre , it could not be otherwise but that very many fell into most dangerous diseases . amongst these inconueniences the duke of burbon now altogether out of season beeing haughty , prowde and cruell , and such a one as no man almost might presume into his presence , would remitte no parte of his seueritie : insomuch that through his default , shewing himselfe alwaies rough and intractable , many notable exploits were omitted . after two moneths siege , when they had bestowed all their labour in vaine , virtaile waxing scant , and scarcitie being feared , because the winter approched and their watching grew painefull ( for the barbarians did continually molest them in the night ) the pestilence being also mistrusted to hang ouer their heads , most were of opinion , that the best course was , to dissolue the army . this also was another thing which they suspected , that the genowayes perhaps might fall to agreement with their enemies , and ther was already such a rumor spread through al the camp . vpon these considerations therefore the french men raysing their siege ( which greatly displesed the genowais ) addressed themselues homeward . wherupon the barbarians resuming greater courage , began to conceiue large hopes and to promise themselues the performance of great matters heereafter . and that they might be able to repulse their enemies with greater force another time , they ioyned in league with the princes that bordered about them . iohn king of spaine , within two yeares after his sonne had married the duke of lancasters daughter , departed this life , leauing the succession of the crowne to henry his sonne . moreouer at such time as the marriage was concluded , this also was one couenant betwixt them : that the king of spaine should yearely pay to the duke of lancaster and his wife , a hundred thousand crownes , and for assurance therof , should deliuer as pledges , foure of the chiefe earles of his kingdome . galeas duke of millaine surprized his vncle barnabas by treason , and put him to death . the sonne of this barnabas tooke to wife the earle of arminackes sister . and lewis duke of orleance brother to king charles the sixt , had maried valentine the daughter of galeas . now the earle of arminacke vpon the incessant importunity of his sister , assembled an army of the companions in france , and leading them into italy , layd siege to alexandria , a towne pertaining to the dutchy of millaine . galeas , who soiourned the same time at pauy , sent thither fiue hundred horsemen to lie there in garrison : for his enemies were not then of so great number , that they could enuiron the towne round about . the captaine of those horsemen being a skilfull man of armes , after he had laine a while at alexandria , issued forth one day with 300. horse to draw his enemies to some disaduantage : for he knew well they would proffer some skirmish to the townes-men . therfore at his going out he gaue commandement , that in their fight they should retire from the enemy , and suffer him to pursue them , till they had drawne him within compasse of their danger . he was nothing deceiued in his opinion : for as they were skirmishing after their ordinary maner , the townesmen gaue backe till they came to the place where their fellowes lay in ambush , who incontinently brake foorth with great violence . the french men thus vnexpectedly engaged , behaued themselues with great courage and valour : but being ouerwearied with trauell , and faint with heate of the sunne , they were vnable to sustaine the reviewed force and fury of their enemies . the earle himselfe hauing gotten out of the preasse to take ayre , found a brooke there by , whereof he drunke so aboundantly , that he was sodainely taken with such a sicknesse , as both presently bereft him of his speech , and within few houres after , of his life . his souldiers by this means discouraged , made as much haste as they could to get themselues out of italy . but many of them being intercepted & slaine in their passage , the rest when they came to the confines of fraunce , were by the kings commaundement prohibited to enter . the duke of britaine , who had larely beene at paris , and done his homage according to the custome , being vnable to change the disposition of his nature , though he had bin oftentimes reconciled to the french king , yet in his heart he could not choose but hate him , and loue the king of england at such time as this attonement was made at paris , hee promised from thencefoorth to become a clementine . but assoone as hee was returned into his owne countrey , hee performed nothing lesse . and when the kings officers were sent vnto him , hee would not admit them to his presence : carying himselfe altogether in such a fashion , as it might plainely appeare hee sought new occasions of warre and contention . many counselled the king to leuie armes against him , to abate his pride and arrogancie , which was in tollerable . but the kings vncles , and especially the duke of burgoigne ( whose wife was the duke of britaines kinswoman ) employed their trauell to this effect , that a day certaine might be assigned for communication . so a meeting was had at tours : and certaine pointes were there rehearsed , wherein the duke might seeme to haue contemned the kings authority . the duke answered respectiuely to euery of them , and sharpely enough , glauncing couertly somtimes at certaine persons of base linage in the court , vpon whose counsell and opinions the king much depended . such difference and alteration was about the matter , that it seemed not likely to be otherwise ended , than by the sword . neuerthelesse , in conclusion a meanes was found to make amity and peace betweene them . the french king gaue his daughter in marriage to the duke of brittaines sonne : and the sonne of iohn of bloys ( the constables son in lawe ) married the duke of britaines daughter . verily , for the most part , to such comicall conclusions , come the tragicall contentions of princes . guy earle of bloys had rich and ample inheritance , both in fraunce and other countries . but after the death of lewis his sonne , who deceased very yong , he had no one certaine heire , but diuerse in diuerse places , according as his lands lay separated one farre from another . now the duke of touraine the french kings brother , by the meanes of his wife which was daughter to gal●as duke of millaine , had a greatmasse of money lying by him . and because he was desirous to bestow it to some benefite , he would neuer rest till he had perswaded the earle to sell him al the lands pertaining to the earledome of bloys . it was a hard matter to compasse , and good reason why : but being ouercome at last by the intreaty of his wife , the duke of berryes daughter ( whom the french king had suborned ) when he saw no hope of issue , he solde him the reuersion of his earledome for two hundred thousand franks . gascone earle of foys , whose singular wisedome and liberality my author dooth oftentimes commend , fell sodainly downe dead one day when he was come home from hunting , as he washed his hands to go to dinner . by what mischaunce his onely sonne perished , we haue shewed before . now of his base sonnes he loued one so well , that he was earnestly in hand with the french king for his legittimation , that he might haue made him his heyre : and if suddaine death had not preuented him , perhaps he might haue brought the matter to passe as he desired . the next of his kinted to succeed him was the vicount of chastillon , but as long as he liued , he alwaies hated him , & to the intent to doe him displeasure , besides his purpose and endeauour to haue conueyed the inheritance to his bastard sonne , he also borrowed of the french king ( when he had no need ) fiue hundred thousand frankes , because if euer he happened to become his heyre , he would be sure to charge him with a heauy burthen . assoone as the earle was dead , there wanted not some to perswade the king , that in regard he deceassed without issue , and was indebted to him so great a summe of money , he should seize all the earldome into his owne possession . after the matter had been diuersly debated , at length by inter cession of the duke of berry , the king was contented to depart with the earldome to the vicount , vpon these conditions : that he should pay vnto him threescore thousand frankes , and twenty thousand more to such as had trauelled and taken paines in his behalfe for the obtainment of his sute ; and finally , that by the censure of indifferēt persons , he should deale friendly and honourably with the earles two bastard sonnes that remayned . after the french men were returned out of barbary , vppon relation which many made of the occurrents they had seene , the king was enflamed with a meruailous desire to goe into those countries to conquer the barbarians : and there were diuers that prouoked and put him forward to the action , as an enterprise fitting a prince of such puissance . but it was generally thought necessary , that the church should first be setled in quiet , before this expedition were vndertaken . and that could not otherwise be brought to passe , then by suppressing the new pope lately chosen at rome : this counsell was well approoued , and there vppon proclamation made through all fraunce , that the king would addresse himselfe to the warres , at the beginning of the next spring . now when this voyage was thus fully resolued vppon , ambassadours arryued out of england , signifying how their king was very desirous of peace . this newes wonderfully reioyced the french king , and therevppon a meeting was appointed at amience . the king of england sent thither two of his vncles the dukes of lancaster , and yorke , but the duke of gloucester the great aduersary of peace , he kept still with himselfe at douer . the french king was present in person at this treaty . the englishmen demaunded againe all aquitaine , which king iohn had departed from by the law of armes : and besides , fourteene hundred thousand frankes which remayned yet vnpayed for his raunsome . the french men offered them a part of aquitaine , namely , that they had already in possession , and nyne bishoprickes . for the payment of their money they required three yeares respit , and that calice might be raced to the ground . the conditions were reiected on both sides . for although the englishmen enclind wonderfully to peace , yet without their kings consent , they would not conclude vpon any thing , for that was beyond the limits of their commission . it seemed the king of england did not greatly disallow the rest of the articles , sauing only the racing of calice . but the duke of gloucester , the disturber of peace , and enemy to all agreement , made vehement opposition ; affirming that it was impossible euer to drawe the french men to any accord which might be for the profit and honour of england . and because in these affaires of so great consequence , the king alone had not authority sufficient to confirme the articles of peace , though he likte them neuer so well , without consent of the three estates of his kingdome assembled in parliament ; it was agreed , that to the former , three yeeres truce , another tweluemonth should be added , that in the meane time conuenient leisure might be had , to consider and determine of the matter at large . neuerthelesse at the duke of lancasters departure , the french king discouering his minde , shewed him how earnestly he was desirous of peace , to the intent that by this meanes he might bend all his forces against the turkes and barbarians , who had lately both driuen the king of armenia out of his country , and also entred with great cruelty into the kingdome of hungary . the duke well disposed of himselfe , and mooued with the kings most curteous and honourable discourse , promised him his faithfull furtherance , and that he would neuer cease the imploying of his best endeauours , till he had brought the matter to such a conclusion , as by the king especially , and by all well affected people was generally desired . the french king made an exchange with his brother lewis , for the duke dome of toureine , in liev whereof he gaue him the duke dome of orleance which was much greater ; but with this condition , that all his heyres and successours should do homage and fealty to the kings of fraunce for the same . a certaine gentleman of the court called peter of craon , was highly in fauour with the duke of orleance , who besides his wife , bare secret affection to another lady of excellent beauty ; and this matter was not vnknowne to that friend of his , whome he vsed so familiarly . it so fell out , that the duchesse had intelligence of her husbands loue , and therevppon , sending for the lady , rebukte and threatned her very sharpely . the lady all a basht and sorrowfull , excused her selfe as well as shee could , and at her next meeting with the duke , told him all what had happened , and how the matter which he desired to keepe most secret , was discouered to his wife . the duke dissembling his knowledge , carryed himselfe so kindly towards his wife , that in the end he got notice from her , of the party which had betrayed him , namely , peter of craon : who by this meanes being brought both into the dukes , and the kings displeasure , was shortly after banisht the court. and therevppon finding no quiet harbour in fraunce , he resorted to the duke of britaine ; who burning with irteconcileable hatred towards the constable , handled the matter in such sort , as sir peter of craon was perswaded , that the constable through secret complaints and accusations against him , had been the procurer of his banishment . herevppon imagining with himselfe by what meanes he might be reuenged of this iniury , he sent certaine of his houshold seruants at sundry times to paris , commaunding them to enter the towne disguised , and to keepe themselues priuate in a house of his : within a while he followed after himselfe . and one day when he had learned certainly by his spies , what time the constable would returne from court , he set vppon him comming homeward in the night with small attendants , and wounded him very grieuously : in so much that hauing ouerthrowne him from his horse , he left him in the place for dead . newes hereof was presently brought to the king , who himselfe came foorthwith to visite the constable , and gaue commaundement also to the prouost of the citty , that he should make diligent search with all possible speed to find out the offenders . but it was to no purpose : for saint peter of craon assoone as he had committed the fact , fled immediatly vpō the spur towards britaine , through the gate of s. anthony , which at that time stood open , & had done both night and day for many yeeres before . the king sent a messenger to the duke of britaine , cōmanding him vpon his allegeance to apprehend sir peter of craon and send him to paris . the duke stifly denyed any such to be there . but the king helde that excuse altogether vnsufficient : and therefore partly mooued with the heinousnesse of the offence , which in some sorte he thought concerned his owne person , and likewise for that hee sawe the duke to be a continuall disturber of the realme , he leuied a great army and marched towards britaine . the kings vncles for hatred they bare to the constable , perswaded him as much as they could , to desist from his purpose . but when they could not preuaile , they themselues also accompanied him in his iourney . at such time as they approched the enemies frontiers , the king who had beene troubled before with a feauer , and certaine light fantasies in his braine , being now distempered with ouermuch heate of the weather , and disquieted with other matters , was sodainely , as he rode vppon the way , depriued of all power and vse of vnderstanding . in such sort , that imagining hee had beene amongest his enemies , he drew out his sword and ranne desperately vpon the lordes , and the rest of the company which was about him , chasing his owne brother and diuerse others a great way together , so as for their better safety , they were forced to alight from their horses ; and shift as well away as they could on foote . at length , catching holde of him behinde , and disarming him , they conueyed him to the next towne for a while , and afterwardes to a certaine castle of fraunce more nearer to paris . which doone , when consultation was had , to whom the gouernment of the commonwealth should be committed , whether to the kings vncles , or to his brother , it was thought fittest that his vncles should haue the authoritie , because the other was yet too yong to take the administration vpon him . whilest the king lay thus diseased , his vncles hauing gotten power and opportunity to deale straitly with those that before had led the king as they listed , droue the constable out of france , and put diuerse others in prison and bondes . the constable was not expulsed by force , but vpon some sharp speeches giuen him by the duke of burgoigne , departed of his owne accord , holding it his safest course , by a timely flight to preuent future inconueniences . it grieued his enemies , that he had so escaped , and to the intent they might not seeme to proceede indirectly against him ( for they knew the duke of burbon and the duke of orleance wished him well ) they cited him after hee was gone , to the parliament of paris . at the day prefixed when he made no appearance , he was condemned both of felony and treason . for at such time as he lay dangerously sicke of his wounds , vppon the making of his will , his mooueable goodes were found to be in value about seauenteene hundred thousand frankes : which huge masse of money many were of opinion he had gotten by very vnlawfull meanes . the rest that were holden in prison , being bereft both of landes and goods , remained also in great daunger of their liues . of this number , one or two , when they saw their innocence could not shield them from extreamity of perill , conceiued so great sorrow with the consideration of their present estate compared to the glory of their former fortunes , that with weeping and lamenting they had almost made themselues blinde . the fourth booke . as well the french kings vncles , as the english , labored very earnestly , that at length a finall peace might be concluded betwixt them . the matter was negotiated by writing , to the intent euery circumstance might be more diligently examined and considered . it seemed to the englishmen , and specially to the duke of glocester , that the french men vsed certaine wordes of doubtfull signification , which afterward , as occasion should serue , they might interpret in another sence for their owne aduantage . therefore they were more circumspect in discussing euery particular , and wheresoeuer any vncertainty or doubtful manner of speech occurred , they would be resolued in what construction it should be taken before they passed any further . all such for the most part as had wasted their substance , and impouerished their estates in time of peace , were now desirous of warre ; but the two kings were exceedingly inclined to concord : and especially the french king , in regard of the occasions before mentioned . the banished king of armenia also , by discoursing with how insatiable desire , and what mighty puissance the barbarous nations gap●d , not onely after the kingdome of hungary ; but in a maner for all christendome , gaue great furtherance to the matter in handling . in conclusion , a truce was taken for foure yeares both by sea and land , it being further agreed , that certaine seigniories should be restored on either party , as well to the english as the french , and all the souldiers which liued by spoile and pillage , to be dismissed . the french king who lately before , by the helpe of a certaine skilfull physitian , had recouered both his vnderstanding , and his speech , about this time relapsed againe into his former extreamitie . pope clement ( who had sustained the opposition of two aduersaries , first vrbane , then boniface newly erected ) being dead at avinion , the cardinalles substituted benedict in his place , conditionally , that if the french king did not ratifie his election , another should be chosen . both the popes sent their legates to the french king , and he gaue them both friendly audience , howbeit by the counsell of his diuines , he inclind neither to the one , nor the other , but rather sought meanes how to take a way all ground of dissention , and to establish quietnesse in the church . therefore sending ambassadours to the emperour , whose authoritie , care , and diligence ought to be chiefe in that behalfe , and likewise to the kings of bohemia , hungary and england , he besought them earnestly , that they would help to further the publike welfare and tranquillitie of christendome . the king of england at this time , by consent of the whole state of his realme , gaue all the dutchie of aquitaine entirely and freely to the duke of lancaster , and to his heires for euer . the duke therefore disposing of his affaires in england , sailed ouer into aquitaine , and at burdeaux shewed the graunt which king richard had giuen him . the townesmen made him answere , that of his presence and comming thither they were glad and ioyful : but to admit his gouernement , and acknowledge him for their soueraigne lord , that could they not yet resolue vpon . let him first deale and agree with the rest of the citties , whome it equally concerned , and if they would be content to ratifie the kings graunt , neither should their part of duety be vnperformed . the men of bayon aunswered him after the same fashion . and when hee assayed the disposition of seuerall persons , the noblemen and gentlemen being assembled together , gaue this determination : that in regarde the aquitaines were so linked , and as it were engraffed together with the english , that they might by no meanes be separated or conueyed ouer to any other lorde , therefore they were of opinion , that this gift of the kings must necessarily be voide and frustrate . at length it was thought good , that commissioners should be sent to pleade the matter before the king himselfe . who when they came thither , boldely maintained their right ; affirming that their seigniory ought not to be alienated from the crowne of england , neither by gift , marriage , composition , nor any other meanes whatsoeuer . that the kings of england were accustomed at their coronation , to promise by solemne oth that it should be so , and that the king there present had done the same : and there withall they produced their charter . they alleadged further , that it was most necessarie and behoouefull for the realme , that this custome authorized by the wisedome of graue counsellors , and established by continuance of long time , should still be kept firme and inuiolate . for howsoeuer the duke of lancaster at this present were a faithfull and assured friend to the english men , yet things could not alwayes continue at one stay : and it might happen heereafter , that hee should conclude some league , or agree vpon some marriage with the frenchmen , britons , burgonions , or others , according as time should serue , and his owne affaires require : whereby it might come to passe , that the dukedome of aquitaine , which by a certaine peculiar prerogatiue was now annexed to the crown of england , should be transferred to a strange lord , and from thenceforth lost all their ancient aliance and societie with the english nation . when they had finished their speech to this purpose , many were mooued by their reasons to be of the same opinion . but the duke of gloucester with great vehemencie of spirite opposed himselfe against them , not so much for any affection to his brother , as for that hee wisht him by this meanes to be remooued further off from the realme , to the intent himselfe might the more commodiously rule all things as he listed . after much debating , the gascones request preuailed ; and therevppon word was sent to the duke of lancaster , that hee shoulde surcease from his enterprise , and insist vpon his graunt no further . whilst the duke was absent in the partes of aquitaine , king richard raysing an army of thirty thousand archers , and foure thousand horsemen , passed ouer into ireland : for the conquest whereof , in former times great warres had beene made by his auncestors . nine moneths after his arriuall , the country was yeelded into his subiection , and their foure petty kings taken prisoners , in framing whose fashions to ciuillity and good manners , no arte nor diligence was omitted : but hardly may a barbarous minde and sauage nature be reduced to ciuill conuersation . after the death of queene anne daughter to charles the emperour , the king of england because he had no issue , resolued vpon a second marriage . but especially aboue all other nations , he desired to linke himselfe with fraunce in a most stedfast bond of amity . herevpō he began to be a suter for isabell the french kings daughter , which had lately before been betrothed to the duke of britaines sonne , at tours . this motion did greatly displease the duke of gloucester , who desired nothing but warres . the french men for the most part were of opinion , that nothing was to be determined in this matter , before peace were throughly concluded and established . henrie king of hungary , brother to charles the emperor , being threatned with warres from basam a mighty and puissant prince of the turkes , required ayde of the french king : who sent two thousand young gentlemen to his succour . iohn the sonne of phillip duke of burgoigne a young lord of the age of two and twenty yeares , associated for his better direction , with that worthy and valiant souldier the lord cowcy , was appointed generall of these forces . they passed out of france into austria , and from thence to buda in hurgary , where being arriued , although the enemie before had prefixed a day of battell , yet heard they no newes of his comming ; therefore it was thought best to passe the army ouer danubius , and to assaile him in his owne countrey . they were almost an hundred thousand strong , the greater parte of them being horsemen ▪ now when the● were entred into the turkes dominion , after the taking of some townes , they layd siege to the citty of nicopolis , the principall and strongest in those quarters . the siege continuing somewhat long , and affoording more vacant time than was conuenient for souldiers , the lorde cowcy desirous to aduaunce his honour and the reputation of his name , accompanied with fiue hundred launces , and as many archers , all on horse-backe , ranged abroad somewhat farther into the countrey , to see if hee could meete with any enemy vpon whome he might aduenture his fortune . it happened according to his desire . for the enemy vnderstanding that there were forragers abroade , assembled to the number of twenty thousand , and marched directly against them . when the french men had intelligence thereof , they practised a deuise as the time then serued not vnfitting for their purpose . entring all into a wood , they sent about some hundreth horsemen to entice the turkes out of their strength where they lay at the defence of a certaine passage , to come foorth and skirmish with them . the turkes supposing there had bin no more of their ennemies than they sawe , issued presently out against them : and the french men purposely retired vntill such time as they had drawne them to the wood , within compasse of their ambush , which sodainely brake foorth , and inuaded them on all sides . by this meanes the turkes being intercepted and cut off , as well by those that freshly assailed them , as by the other which before made countenaunce to flie , but now turned furiously vppon them , were slaine to the number of fifteene thousand , and the rest hardly saued themselues by flight . basan the turkish king , howsoeuer hee seemed slacke in his affaires , yet had he perfect intelligence of all his enemies proceedings . for hee was continually certified thereof by galeas duke of millaine , with whome he had great entercourse of friendship . therefore hee assembled a huge army , the souldan of babylon , the medes , and the king of persia , sending great forces to aide him . concerning the duke of millaine , ye shall vnderstand , that there were sometimes three brothers , manfred , galeas , and barnabas . the vncle of these was archbishop of millaine . lewis of bauier being elected emperour , when he could not obtaine his confirmation from the pope , went to rome , and there of his owne authority creating another pope , and certaine cardinalles , was by him inuested in his imperiall dignity : and afterward permitted his souldiers to take the payment of their wages out of the spoyle of the citty . charles king of bohemia , the sonne of henry of lutzemburge , was created emperour against this lewis . which charles cōming newly into italy from aquisgraue where he had receiued his cōsecratiō of the pope , this archbishop of millaine entertayned him with great curtesie , and did him all the honour he could , lending him mony also at his departure , to the sum of an hundred thousand crownes . the emperour in consideration hereof , and to shew his gratefull mind , created the archbishop , vicount of millaine , and gaue to him and to his nephews after him , all that seigniory , to hold and enioy the same , till such time as the emperour should redeeme it againe by repaiment of the whole sum which he had borrowed . after the archbishops death , manfred his eldest nephew by the emperours consentand good liking , succeeded in the seigniory of millaine . but his brothers for enuy dispatched him out of the way , concluding with themselues to seize vppon his estate , and afterward to confirme their authority by alliance in marriage with other princes . so when they had ●idde their elder brother of his life , they made equall partitiō between them , and rayned puissantly by force and policy . galeas in regard he was the elder , had tenne townes , and barnabas had nine . millaine it selfe was indifferently allotted to them both , the one to haue it one yeare , and the other another , by turnes . they leuyed subsidies and taxes of their people from time to time , by most vniust and violent meanes . such fortresses as either of them held , they furninished with garrisons of forraine souldiers , of all nations but their own , whome they principally distrusted . through compulsion and rigour they kept the people in great awe and subiection , exacting most cruell punishment vpon such as stirred neuer so little against them , to the intent to terrify others by their example . they purchased the alliance of princes with great summes of mony . galeas paid to the earle of sauoy whose sister he married , an 100000 crowns . this galeas had like wise a sonne of his own name that marryed the daughter of iohn king of fraunce , who in consideration hereof , departed with six hundred thousand frankes towards the payment of his father in lawes ransome , to the king of england . valentine the daughter of this younger galeas , was marryed to lewis duke of orleans , brother to the french king charles the sixt : but her father first paied to him that should be his sonne in law , tenne hundred thousand franks , surely a wonderfull summe of mony : with part whereof the earledome of bloys was purchased , as we haue heretofore declared . betweene the two brothers there was no contention , as long as they liued together . but the younger galeas after his fathers deceasse , surprised his vncle barnabas by treason , and slew him . one of this barnabas daughters was married to stephon duke of bauier , and brought forth a daughter named isabell , who afterward became the wife of charles king of fraunce , as is mentioned in this history already . galeas hauing thus trecherously slaine his vncle , was not so contented , but persecuted euen his childrens children , and all their generation , seizing into his hands all their goods and possessions . also he burthened the people with grieuous and continuall exactions . besides this , he held a wicked and vnreuerent opinion concerning the godhead . so he might enrich himselfe and aduance his authority , he regarded not by what means it were effected . amongst other precepts of good doctrine wherewith he was plentifully instructed , he was also mis-led in this opinion , and tooke it as hereditary from his ancestors , vtterly ro despise the popes authority , and to reioyce exceedingly when any dissention happened in the church . now the duke of orleance wife being a very ambitious woman , was not a little faine and desirous that her husband might attaine to the crowne , by what meanes shee did not greatly regard . herevppon many suspected that the kings mind had beene all this while enchaunted by her witch-craft . the ground of the suspition grew vppon this occasion . shee had a sonne by her husband , a fayre young child , much about the age of the dolphin . as these two children were sporting together in a chamber , a poysoned appell was cast in amongst them , on that side where the kings sonne was : but the child ( which may seeme a wonder ) refused to meddle withall . then the other when no body perceiued him , caught it vp , and within a little while after he had eaten of it , through the violent operation of the poyson , yeelded vp the ghost . the report hereof was presently carried to the court , and soone dispersed ouer all the country . this also was another thing which encreased the suspition , that during all the time of the kings sicknes , he would endure neyther the queene , nor any other woman to come about him , but only this duchesse of orleans . by these occasions , mens minds being meruailously incensed , shee was conueyed from the court to a certaine castle not farre from paris , and there restrayned of her liberty . besides , her husband conceiued great displeasure against her about the death of his sonne . when galeas of millaine vnderstood how his daughter was entreated , he was highly offended , and sent ambassadours forthwith into fraunce , where they found nothing so friendly entertainment as he expected . therefore about such time as the voyage was vndertaken into hungarie , he proclaymed warres against the french king : and the more to grieue his enemy , entred in league with basan the turke , and made him acquainted both with his owne affaires , and with the state of fraunce . albert earle of henault , whereas william his sonne was purposed to haue gone this expedition against the turkes , ceassed not to exhort him that he should rather make warre vppon the phrisoners , which contrary to all right withdrew themselues from his obedience . the young earle obeying his fathers commaund , assembled his men of warre from all parts adioyning , and being likewise assisted both with french and english succours , tooke shipping together and sayled into fris●land . within few daies after their arriuall , endeuouring to passe ouer the banks and ditches wherewith that country is strongly fenced , the wilde fri●oners hauing intelligence of their enemies approche , made stout opposition against them . but after long conflict , through the valour and prowesse of the horsemen and archers , who by a secret passage had conueyed themselues neerer vnto them , they were suddainely ouer-charged and many of them slaine . little else was performed at that time , by reason the winter was so neere at hand . but about twoo yeares after , the warres being renued there againe , those haughty and prowd stomacks of theirs , were forced to yeild vnder his subiection , and to acknowledge him for their lord , whome alwaies before they had contemned . after the king of england had long solicited his marriage with the french kings daughter , and that many ambassadours had passed betweene them , at length it was concluded , that both the kings should meet in person at a certaine town which was the mid way between the french territory & calice . this agreement took effect . and the french king himselfe deliuered his daughter by the hand to the king of england . but before the matter could be brought to this conclusion , king richard was faine to feed his vncle the duke of gloucester both with gifts andlarge promises . for he hated peace extreamly , and was of so peruerse and proude disposition , that the king stood in great feare least he should haue raised his commons against him , and therefore held it his best course ●o assure himselfe of his friendship . after the consummation of these nuptialles the french king was purposed to haue made inuasion vppon the dukedome of millaine ; and the king of england had already promised to ayde him with six thousand archers . but there happened a matter in the mean time , which gaue occasion of new deliberation . the hungarians and french men together had strongly besieged nicopolis , and conceiued good hope , that in short space they should become lords of the citty . in the meane while basam the turkish king , assembled out of his owne dominions and the countries of princes adioyning , about two hundred thousand men . he sent almost eight thousand before , and deuided the rest of his whole army into two battelles . assoone as our men were aduertised of their comming , they presently prepared to meete them . and because the scowtes which they had sent forth to discouer , reported that the enemies were but a small number , ( for they had seene no more then those eight thousand fore-riders ) the french men in great heate made hast to the encounter . as they were thus in a readinesse , the king of hungary sent them word , that they should not be too forward , for he mistrusted the scowts had not taken a ful view of their enemies forces : and that he had sent out some others better acquainted with the coasts of the country , who within few houres would assuredly returne and bring more certain intelligēce . the lord cowcy & many others alowed this aduise , and thought it necessary by all meanes to be followed . but the constable phillip of artoys , because his opinion was not first demaunded , prowdly and peruersly misconstrued the kings profitable counsell , as if his intent had beene to bereaue the french men of their oportunity , ( beeing already raunged in battell , ) and to assume the honour of the victory to himselfe . to this effect he vttered many idle words ; nor for that he was so perswaded himselfe , or could by any good reason dissallow of the king of hungaries counsell , but because he enuyed the lord cowcyes late honourable exployt , and the reputation he had gained by defeating so great number of enemies with so small forces . and he disdained not a little , that himselfe being both for dignity and reuenue one of the greatest subiects i● france , any other should be preferred before him : presuming that his opinion and authority in such cases ought principally to take place , and to be respected aboue the rest . therefore reiecting the king of hungaries aduise which the residue approoued , and supposing there was no delay to be made in the matter , without expecting the ayde of his associates , he marched forward against the enemy . by occasion whereof , the rest were likewise enforced to ioyne their powers with his , vnlesse they would bee accounted betrayers of their company . see what mischiefe comes of pride and emulation . now were their enemies vppon them , and the french men so besette on all sides with huge numbers which encompast them about , that they saw no way to escape . and although they were very few in comparison of their enemies , yet in this distresse they shewed proofs of invincible corage : but they were so opprest with multitude , that it was impossible for them to auoyd a lamentable destruction . the lords for the most part were all taken prisoners , the beauty and richnes of their armour discouering them to the barbarous people , who saued their liues in hope to make great commodity of their ransoms . after the victory , king basam caused a view of the dead bodyes to be taken , and when he vnderstood that there were many more slaine of his part , then of his enemies , being enraged with great fury , he commanded 300. gentlemen of diuers nations that remained prisoners , should be all cruelly slaine , & cut in peeces . the king of hungary when he saw how the french men without further expectation , would rashly aduenture against the enemy , was exceedingly sory : and when he beheld their miserable ouerthrowe , by perswasion of such as were about him , not seeing any other remedy , he himselfe also fled and passed ouer danubius . vndoubtedly the pride and enuy of the french men gaue the enemy that daies victory . basam the turkish king , after he vnderstood the estate of his prisoners , such i meane as were of greater birth and calling then the rest , determined no violence against them , but sent a messenger into fraunce to giue notice of their captiuity and the ouerthrowe of the christian army . phillip duke of burgoigne who tooke his sonnes misfortune very heauily , perswaded the french king , that he should send some rich presents to the barbarous tyrant , whereby he might be moued to deale more fauorably with his prisoners . of all others the lord cowcyes noble spirit was most deiected with this calamity : for entring into a deepe consideration with himselfe how hee had alwayes heeretofore beene very fortunate in warrelike affaires , and now hauing receiued so great a charge from a mighty prince , could not hold his place and execute his office for the enuy of his aduersary , but was brought in danger of his life through another mans rashnesse in a barbarous countrey , with the losse and slaughter of a great number of his friendes , vppon the conceit heereof , he died for sorrowe . to the like end also came the party , that by his folly and indiscretion drew so many thousand people , and so many honourable personages into destruction and extreame miserie . the duke of burgoigne , to the intent to redeeme his sonne , and the rest of his fellow prisoners from captiuitie , dealt with the merchants of venice ( which trauell into all parts of the world for commodities ) that ioyning with the other ambassadors sent by the french king , they shoulde compound with the turkes for their ransome . the composition which they made , was to this effect , that the lords and gentlemen that remayned prisoners , to the number of fiue and twenty , should pay for their ransome two hundred thousand crownes : and for this summe the merchants became sureties . from that time forth basam beganne to vse the french men more curteously than he had done : and at their departure , taking occasion to speake to the duke of burgoignes sonne , i perceiue ( saide he ) that thou arte descended of high and noble parentage , & liuest in great expectation of honour : it can not be but a great griefe and oppression to thy minde , thus in the flower of thy youth , to be subiected to this misfortune ; for recouery of which disgrace , and to put away the sad remembraunce of this aduenture , perhappes thou wilt one day come in battell against me againe . and although by the lawe of armes i haue now power to binde both thee and thy fellowes from euer bearing armes against mee heereafter , yet will i not doe it , but freely giue leaue both to thee and the rest , that being returned into your countries , yee shall assemble your vttermost forces , and make warres vpon me againe whensoeuer ye are disposed . for i am of that courage and puissaunce , and withall so confident in my fortunes , as i dread not the power of any enemy whatsoeuer : and this that i speake , thou mayest boldely make report to whome thou thinkest good , in my name . soone after , the french men being discharged , sailed with the venetians to rhodes , and departing from thence , after a long and trouble some passage , at length arriued safely at venice . during the time they soiourned there , the king of hungary sent a messenger to congratulate their deliuerance , signifying how much he reioyced at their happy enlargement : withall , how hee vnderstoode they were to pay a great masse of money for their ransome : and he heartily wished his estate were such , that he were able to supply their defect therof in such plentifull manner as he desired . but as now by reason of the late vnfortunate ouerthrow , hee was much impouerished , and the yearely reuenues of his crowne not a little impayred . neuerthelesse , for some testimony of his good affection , whereas the state of venice was to pay him yearely seauen thousand crownes , hee had giuen commission to his messengers to sell that annuity , and the money rising thereof to bestow vpon them towards the furnishing of their wants and maintenance of their necessary expences . the french men thankefully accepted this kindnesse , but the venetians answered subtilly and vncertainely to the matter ; and there were some that suspected it was handled in such sort , of set purpose between them and the ambassadors of hungary . the duke of burgoigne obtayning a friendly beneuolence of his people , not without helpe of the french kings liberalitie , discharged his credite with the merchants . his sonne being returned into fraunce , made a large relation to the king of such things as he had obserued through the whole course of his voyage : in conclusion adding thus much , how it was not vnknowne to the turkes , that thorow the ciuill dissention of the popes , the generall quiet , not onely of the church , but also of all christendome , was disturbed ; and that it seemed a wonder to them , how euer kings and princes could suffer such licentious libertie and vnbridled ambition of one or two persons to remaine vncontrolled . the kings mind was exceedingly moued with this discourse , so as from that time forward he intended to the establishing of peace more earnestly than euer before . the duke of gloucester being altogether of a turbulent and feditious nature , was not alittle angrie and discontented in his minde , that so many yeares truce was taken betweene the two kings , who were now so linked and vnited together by marriage , as there was no other expectation , but that a finall peace should be concluded betwixt them . heereùpon he caused seditious rumors to be spread abroade , and such as imported danger to the kings person , whome hee had now purposed in his mind to put besides the gouernement of the kingdome . and knowing himselfe to be in great fauour and authority with the londoners , hee perswaded them that from thencefoorth they should refuse the payment of the taxe which was imposed vppon all kindes of merchandise certaine yeares since , for maintenaunce of the warres , and defence of the countrey , seeing now all was quiet againe ; and a truce taken with the enemy : for such kinde of exactions hee saide were vniust , and contrary to reason . the people by petition mooued this matter to the king , who referred his answer till the parliament at westminster , which being come , the duke of lancaster made publike declaration of the kings minde , in such sort as they were all well pacified for that time , and departed without further trouble . not long after , the earle of saint paule sent from the french king to visite the new married queene , arriued at the court of england : who vnderstanding of the duke of gloucesters treacherous practises , exhorted the king to prouide a timely remedie for such inconueniences . after his departure , a generall brute was raised , that the king would restore calice to the french men , and that hee had already concluded vpon the matter with the earle , whome the french king had sent ambassadour for the same purpose . there was not any thing whatsoeuer that could more vehemently haue in censed all england against the king , than this . and the duke of gloucester taking occasion hereat , perswaded the people , that they should expostulate the matter with the king , to know certainely his intention . the king answered in such sort as any sound and indifferent iudgement might well haue been satisfied , and easily haue seene that this rumour was meerely contriued by enuie and detraction . these false reportes and malitious suggestions greatly troubled the kings mind , and when hee vnderstoode that his vncle aspired to the crowne , and studied how to bring his purpose to effect , not without bewayling the present state of his countrey , he asked counsell of the duke of lancaster and some others , ( whose dispositions hee mistrusted not ) what course they would aduise him to in this behalfe . the duke and the rest as well as they could , endeuoured to quiet his thoughts , and to remooue all feare and suspition out of his minde , assuring him , that their loue and good affection should neuer faile to doe him faithfull seruice . but in the end , the matter proceeded so farre , that such as were most familiar with the king , and nearest about him , being vnable to brooke the pride and ouerdaring insolencie of the duke of gloucester ( for he hated all those whom the king fauoured ) protested plainely , that in regarde of his seditious practises , they could no longer continue their places without great daunger of their liues , and hazard of their estates . and therevppon diuerse were seene , and those of the chiefer sort , to abandon the court , and retire themselues to their country dwellings : for it was no hard matter to foresee to what issue all things tended . to be short , the king moued with with these speeches concurring with so manifest presumptions , after much deliberation , vnder a politicke pretence of great kindnesse , allured his vncle from his owne house to ride abroade with him a hunting . who being by this meanes trayned foorth with a small company , was by the earle marshall sodainely arrested in the kings name , and conueyed in great secrecie to the castle of calice . when hee had remained there a while , much mistrusting what should become of him , one day as hee was entred into the great chamber , and about to wash his handes before dinner , foure lusty fellowes , appoynted by the kings commaundement , cast a towell about his necke , and winding it strongly a crosse two at the one end , and two at the other , ouerthrew him to the ground , and strangled him . then stripping off his clothes , and closing his eyes , they layd him in his bed , and presently gaue it foorth in the castle , how the duke that night died sodainely of an apoplexy . within two dayes after , his death was published : but there were few or none , either in fraunce or england that greatly bewailed him . for such was his desert , as he had long since purchased euery mans ill affection , by reason of his turbulent spirite , which was altogether bent to mooue vnquietnesse and contention . neuerthelesse the londoners tooke his death in very ill parte , and so did the kings other vncles , especially the duke of lancaster , who could well haue found in his heart to reuenge this cruell outrage committed vppon his brother , but that hee feared the kings puissance , now greatly increased by reason of his marriage . after the murther of the duke of gloucester , certaine others also were executed at london as accessary to his treason and conspiracie . the earle of warwicke a man much respected in the common-wealth , should likewise haue tasted of the same cup , but that by intercession of his friends , the kings rigour was somewhat mitigated , and so he was banished into the i le of wight . the duke of gloucester left a sonne vnder age , and therefore the king tooke all his landes into his owne custodie , and appoynted his mother to giue attendance vppon the queene . it is the custome of england , that the king hath the wardship of all noble mens heires , and the vse of their landes till they come to one and twenty yeares of age . the king who knew well how greeuously he had offended his vncles by killing their brother , growing now suspitious of all men , kept continually a guarde of two thousand archers about him for the defence of his person . henry earle of derby the duke of lancasters sonne , a man highly in fauour of the people , in priuate and familiar conference between him and the earle marshall , cast forth certaine speeches ouer-liberally against the king . the marshall , to winne fauour with the king , vttered all their communication in an assembly of the lordes , appeaching him of treason , and proffering the combate . the earle on the contrary parte , retorted the treason vppon himselfe , and accepted his challenge . the king in whose presence all this had passed , was meruailously displeased , and leauing the company , with drew himselfe into his chamber . many thought the king much too blame , in that hee suffered the matter to proceede so farre ( for the champions were at great charge to furnish themselues against the day of combate ) esteeming it his peculiar duty , to haue vsed his authoritie for r●straining of such quarrells as these , whereby occasions of much trouble might ensue afterward . when the king vnderstoode that such speeches were giuen foorth , and withall , how it was generally ill taken in the behalfe of the earle of derby , to the intent to giue satisfaction both to the lordes and the commons who loued not the earle marshall , he tooke the matter into his owne handes , and gaue sentence , that the duke of lancasters sonne should be banished for tenne yeares , and the earle marshall for euer . at the earle of derbies departure , the king of his owne accord , released foure yeares of his banishment : and the earle following his fathers counsell , repaired to the french king , who gaue him very curteous and honourable entertainment . great sorrow and discontentment was shewed by the londoners when he departed , and from that time forward all things there tended to a bloudy and sorrowfull conclusion . after the lordes of fraunce were raunsomed from the turkes and returned into their countrey , the french king much mooued with the earle of neuers discourse , to the intent to establish concord in the church , addressed letters foorthwith to the emperour , earnestly requesting his assistaunce in that behalfe . by mutuall consent a day was appoynted for their meeting at rhemes . other matters were deuised and giuen forth for the occasion of their comming thither , that the true cause of that assembly , which they were desirous to conceale , might for a time be kept secret . after a solemne enterview and great consultation , it was agreed , that the bishop of cambray should be directed to pope boniface then lying at rome to exhort him , that for the generall quiet and welfare of the church , he would be content to resigne his office , not for euer , but onely till such time as by the determination of princes and learned diuines , a resolution of all controuersies might be established . the pope answered gently , that he would take the aduise of his cardinalles . but the people of rome in the meane while hauing learned the cause of the ambassadors comming , and perceiuing it would turne greatly to their discommoditie , perswaded the pope that hee should not for any respect of kings or princes whosoeuer , abase himselfe so much , but rather stand in defence of his right to the vttermost . the pope therefore dissembling his purpose , at his next communication with the ambassadour , told him , that for his part he would not refuse to accomplish the emperours and the kings request , so as his aduersary would be content to doe the like . being dismissed with this aunswere , the ambassadour returned to the emperour , whom he found at confluence , and when he had deliuered his message , departed from thence into fraunce . the diuines there were of opinion , that the like motion should be made to benedict , as had bin before to boniface . and vpon this determination the same bishop beeing sent by the king to avinion , declared the mindes and intentions of the princes to the pope . who aunswered plainely and peremptorily , that hee would condiscend to no such matter . notwithstanding when he had propounded it to his cardinalles , they were of sundry opinions , according as they were mooued by their seuerall dispositions and affections . and when no certaintic could be concluded , by reason of the difference amongest them , their assembly brake vp . then the ambassadour pressing into the popes presence , required his resolution . the pope prowdly answered , how he was lawfully and orderly promoted to that holy dignity , which hee would in no wise forgoe as long as he liued , neyther was any man liuing so deere vnto him for whose pleasure hee would departe from his right , and much lesse did he feare any force or violence in that behalf . the ambassador seeing no other answere could be gotten , returned homewardes , and by the way shewed the successe of his affaires to the marshall of fraunce , whome the king had sent with an army to second his proceedings . the marshall as soone as hee vnderstoode the popes obstinate resolution , made haste to avinion , and forraged all the country about , diuiding his forces into diuerse companies , to keepe all conueiance of victuall from the towne . he him selfe encamped before the citty , threatning the inhabitants to destroy all their houses , and their vineyardes which they had abroad in the countrey , vnlesse they yeelded . the townesmen well considering there was little helpe in the pope , and that the king was of great puissaunce , tooke counsell with certaine french cardinalles , and by their aduise set open their gates . the pope suffered himselfe to be besieged in his pallace , hoping to haue beene rescued by his cousine the king of arragon : but the king of arragon was too wise to incurre the offence of so mighty a prince for the popes pleasure , from whom he could expect small succour againe if occasion should serue heereafter . many of his cardinalles exhorted him to a milder kinde of carriage , but the pope full of pride and arrogancie stoode firme in his first resolution , seeming as it were secure of his estate , and altogether carelesse what should become of him . hee was plentifully furnished of all necessaries , sauing onely fewell , the want whereof , together with the incessant importunity of the cardinalles , compelled him at length to yeelde vp the place . the marshall bound him by othe , that hee should not departe out of the citty before such time as an vnion were established in the church , and to be sure he should not falsifie his promise , appoynted a sufficient guarde to attend him , and caused the cardinalles and rich cittizens of avinion to become sureties for his foorth-comming . the french king hauing written the whole discourse of these proceedings to the emperour , solicited the king of england , that following their example , he should likewise take parte with neyther of the popes , but stand indifferent for a time , till some remedy might be prouided . the king was very willing to haue satisfied his father in lawes request . but when the matter was propounded in parliament , hee not onely effected nothing of his desire , but more and more vehemently incensed the people against him , whome it exceedingly offended , that he should be so addicted to the french men , that to doe them a pleasure , it seemed hee would haue condiscended to anie thing . and they told him , that howsoeuer they had beene otherwise well contented to set aside all partialitie of affection , either to the one partie , or the other , yet in regarde the french king so earnestly desired it , they would not agree to his request , nor in any wise allow that hee shoulde prescribe articles of religion in england . about this time died the duke of lancaster , a vertuous and prudent prince ; of whose death as a thing desired , the king of england very ioyfully sent newes into fraunce . as for his sonne , who soiourned the same time in the french court , he was so farre from recalling him againe to receiue his fathers inheritance , that hee also seised it into his owne hands , as appertaining to himselfe till the time of the earles banishment were expired . and not content heerewith , he distributed many of the duke of lancasters goodes among such persons as no man loued , but himselfe . the earle of derby was highly fauoured and respected by the french king , in regarde of his noble carriage and generous disposition . and because hee was also a man of great possessions , there was a match motioned betweene him and the duke of berries daughter which was then a widow . wherof as soone as the king of england had intelligence , he sent an ambassador foorthwith to interrupt their proceedings ; informing his father in law and his vncles , that hee with whome they intended to contract affinitie , was a wicked person and a traitour . the earle from whome all this was kept secret , to the intent to learne what the ambassadour had doone ( for he mistrusted somewhat because he had not seene him all the time of his being there ) fell in communication againe with the french king and his brothers , concerning the marriage . and they not thinking good to hold him longer in suspence , declared what reporte they hadde heard of him from the king of england . how much the earle was grieued and discontented heerewithall , any man out of his owne iudgement may easily coniecture . all the nobilitie of england for the most part , with the londoners , were exceedingly displeased at this his vnworthy and iniurious accusation , for they knew assuredly it proceeded of mere malice & hatred . king richard the same time made preparation for another voyage into ireland , assembling to the number of tenne thousand archers , and two thousand horsemen : and hee banished twoonoble men of great account , because they refused to accompany him in that iourney . for those lordes hauing spoken somewhat boldely of the king , when they vnderstoode by their friends that he had knowledge thereof , they thought it better to disobey his commaund , than , by comming when he sent for them , to put their liues and estates in manifest perill : and therevppon sentence of banishment was pronounced against them . to be short , many causes concurred together at one time to aggrauate the peoples hatred against the king. by occasion whereof , certaine ill disposed persons taking aduantage of the time , when they saw the king both busied in warre , and irrecouerably depriued of the loue of his subiects , assembling together in rowts and companies , made spoyle of the husbandmen , robbed the merchants , and ranged ouer all the countrey , doing great violence and mischiefe , insomuch that many to auoyde the daunger of their outrage , were forced to conuey themselues into london , and other places of securitie . when the king had thus vtterly lost the harts of his people , the archbishop of canterbury , by generall consent of the state , was addressed to the erle of derby , to bring him againe into england , vpon most assured hope and expectation of the crowne . the bishop vndertooke and perfourmed this charge so secretly , that none knew of his going , saue those that were interessed in the action , and when he came into fraunce , not any man there could coniecture the true cause of his comming . the earle of derby politikely dissembling the matter , requested leaue of the french king to goe into britaine to visite the duke , with whome he made no long tarriance , but tooke shipping , and within few dayes after arriued in england . by reason of the archbishops presence and authoritie , hee found no interruption in his passage , but trauelled along towards london . and when they approched neare the citty , they sent a messenger before to giue notice of their comming . at which tidings the cittizens sodainely surprised with ioy ; came flocking out of the gates in great companies to welcome the earle ; from thencefoorth couenaunting to receiue him for king of england . soone after , a certaine number well appointed were sent foorth against king richard , to apprehend him and bring him to london . many of the kings followers when they vnderstood of the londoners comming , soone changed their seruice , and chose them new masters . at first the king made some shew of resistance , but seeing his people forsake him , by counsell of his friends , hee retired into the castle of flint . when the earle drewnigh , accompanied with some two hundreth men and the rest of his army following after , he approched the castle gate and sent word to the king how he required to speake with him , wherevpon himselfe onely and twelue more were admitted entraunce . as soone as hee sawe the king , without yeelding him any reuerence ; sir ( saide he ) you must this day prepare towardes london , for so the people are fully purposed . what should hee doe in this distresse ? being destitute of succour and beholding his enemies forces before his face , to escape the fury of the people , he yeelded him selfe to the earles mercie . as they carried him towardes london , he requested one thing very earnestly , which was , that hee might not be led through the citty . his request was graunted , but the people much offended . as soone as he came thither , he was conueyed to prison . new officers and seruants were placed about the queene , and other ladies and gentlewomen appointed to attend her , all the french being dismissed , and sent home into their countrey . the earle hauing brought his matters to this passe , the first thing hee did , hee recalled the earle of warwicke and certaine others that were banished . and shortly after hee caused to be beheaded foure of the chiefe that had bin about king richard , by whose counsell hee confessed himselfe to haue been principally ruled in those matters which were obiected against him . they were drawne to their execution vnder the prospect of his windowe , of purpose that he might see them . the lords that accompanied him in prison bewailed their miserable estates , and the king himselfe with the consideration of his heauie misfortune , burst foorth into aboundaunce of teares , and with bitter sighes cursed the day and houre that euer hee was borne , to come to such an end as now entred into his cogitation . he was perswaded by his partners in misery , that to appease his aduersary , and to purchase the assuraunce of his owne safety , and such as were about him , hee should renounce his royall state and dignity . herevpon he required to haue communication with the earle , to whome when hee had declared his mind , after the acceptance of his offer , the erle fell into a bitter reproofe of his former life , making a large repetition of his offences , and besides , vpbrayded him with bastardy : for many reported that he was begotten by a priest . within few dayes after king richard in open assembly of the lordes at the tower of london , with all ceremonies and solemnities incident to such occasions , resigned the crowne and scepter , with all his right and interest in the kingdome , to henry of lancaster , reducing himselfe into a priuate estate , without assurance of his life , after he had raigned two and twenty yeares . this alteration of the state in england so troubled the french king , that hee fell againe into his olde disease . but the counsaile of fraunce sent certaine ambassadors to visite the queene his daughter , and to vnderstand in what state shee remained . the duke of burbon was likewise sent into the country of burdeloys : which seigniory , since king richard ( to whome the people in those partes were wonderfully affected ) was fallen into this calamity , the french men went about to recouer againe to themselues . but when the chiefe of the citties had propounded the matter to the commons , they could not preuaile . for the people feared much to be oppressed againe with the often taxes and ●allages which they had endured of olde t●me vnder the french men . certaine great lords of england had secretly conspired against henry their new king , but their practise being discouered , they were all put to death . the french king raising a puissant army , determined to haue inuaded england . but it hapned about the same time that king richard ended his life at london . my authour reporteth that he could not learne certainly by what means he came to his death : but that henry the late crowned king was incessantly called vpon by the people to dispatch him out of the way , because otherwise the realme should neuer want matter of trouble and dissention . neuerthelesse he addeth further , that the king in regarde hee had giuen him a faithfull promise of his life , would not condiscend to their requests . now when the matters betweene fraunce and england seemed thus to tend toward a sorrow full issue , by mediation of good men a truce was obtained and confirmed for sixe and twenty yeares . the french men were the rather inclined to peace , by reason of their kings infirmitie . mention hath beene made of the earle marshall of england banished by king richard , vpon occasion of his quarrell with the earle of derby . as soone as he vnderstoode that henry of lancaster had obtained the cr●wn●e , and that king richard was dead , hee conceiued so great griefe and displeasure therevppon , that incontinently he fell sicke and died , at venice . moreouer pope benedict , because that after so many advertisements he would not incline to the will of the princes , was depriued of his honor and pontificall dignitie . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a68075-e210 her name was isabell . 1326. robert of artoys commeth into england , and the occasion of his cōming . cambray besieged . king edward taketh vppon him the title of fraunce . tournay besieged . a truce taken for twelue moneths . prolonged for twelue moneths more . the occasion of the warres in britaine . charles of bloys . durham take & sacked by the scottish . 1342. the gallant carriage and warlike behauiour of the lady mountfort . vannes wone by the english . recouered againe by the french. the death of robert of artoys . 1343. a truce for three yeares . bayon & burdeaux receaue the english . the death of iaques de arteuill . valiant resistance made by the english in the castle of aguillion . caen in normandy wōne by the english . the battell of blanchetaque . the memorable battell and victory of king edward at cressy . calice besieged . david king of scottes taken prisoner . the battell of cressy . charles of bloys taken prisoner . calice yeelded to king edward . 1346. phillip of valoys dieth , and iohn his son succeedeth . edward the black prince . during their kings captiuitie . a strange shift in extremitie . priuate conference about a peace . 1359. it should seeme to be but twenty thousand . iohannes ro●hetaillada . king edward inclineth to peace . 1360. peace concluded , and king iohn set at liberty . 1360. 1362. 1362. the death of king iohn . charles of bloys slaine in battell . the occasion of prince edwards expeditiō into spain . don pietro the tyrant expulsed , and henrie the bastard made king of castile . the earle of provence taken prisoner . the king of maiorica craveth ayd of prince edward , and obtayneth promise of the same . the birth of king richard 2. prince edward setteth forward on his iourney into spaine . prince edwards victorie against henry king of castile don pietro restored . the ingratitude of the tyrant . the lords of gascoigne rebell against prince edward . the death of don pietro , and recovery of the kingdome by hen ry the bastard . the peace broken , and warres againe renued betweene england & franc king charles commended for his curtesie . a truce taken with scotland ●or 9. yeeres . lymoges recouerd by the french. conquered againe & vtterly raced by the english . prince edward returneth into england . the duke of lancaster marrieth constance one of the daughters of don pietro . edmond of langly . the duke of lancaster returneth into england . 1372. the english men overcome at sea , & the earle of pembroke taken prisoner . ivan the son of ammon prince of vvales . the i le of garnes●y . poytiers yeeldeth to the french. rochell yeeldeth to the french. the duke of brittaine flyeth into england . 1373. the duke of lancaster arriueth at calice 1376. the death of prince edward . king edward the thirds death and commendation . king richard 2. 1377. the french king poysoned . 1378. 1379. the castle of barwicke surprised by the scottish . againe recocouered by the english . great tumult about the election of a pope . king richard entreth into league with the king of navarre . ivan of vvales trecherously muthered by one iames laube a welch man , as he lay at the siege of a certaine castle called moctaine . saint maloes besieged . henrie the bastard king of castile deceaseth and iohn his son succeedeth . edmond of langly . he is called siluester budaeus . fross . chro. li● . 2. the queene of naples cōmeth to the pope . the queene of naples cōueyeth her inheritance to the pope . the occasion of the flemish warres . iohn lyon a seditious fellow in gaunt , bringeth vp the faction of the white cappes . the death of lon. the earle of flaunders besieged by his subiects . the duke of britaine returneth into his country . king richard aydeth the duke of britaine . thomas of vvoodstocke the earle of buckingham . king charles the 5. dyeth of poysontaken long before . his speech at his death . 1380. 1380. the coronation of charles the fixt . the cōmendation of king charles the 5. thomas earle of buckingham . nants besieged . the duke of britaine recōciled to the french king , forsaketh the english . 1381. peter de boys . phillip of arteuill . edmond of langly . sir iohn newton captaine of the castle of rochester . at black-heath . vvat tiler . iack strawe & iohn ball. the sauoy . at saint katherines . mile end . vvat tiler , iack straw , & iohn ball. simon sudbury . it was in smith sield . vvat tiler . vvilliam vvalworth . gaunt besieged by the earle of flaunders . commotion in paris . the lord coucy . king richard marrieth anne sister to charles king of bohemia . the duke of aniow taketh his iourny into italy . zeuf an enchaunted castle : see fros : chro : lib : 2. cap : 391. this enchaunter by such like illusions had before caused the queene of naples and her husband to yeild vp the same castle into the hands of charles . fross . chro. lib. 2. cap 346. & 392. the death of ferdinando king of portingale . the gauntoyes kept from victuall , and brought to great extremity by the earle of flaunders . a hard choise see the effects of desperate resolution . 1382. the earle ouerthrowne , and bruges taken by the gauntoys . strange alteration in the earles fortune . the duke of burgundy . the french king taketh vppon him the earles quarell against the gauntoys . they were in all not aboue soure or fiue hundreth . fros . chro. lib. 2. cap. 414. ipre receiueth the french king . the french kings victorie against the gauntoyes . phillip de arteuill slaine . bruges yeeldeth to the french king. schisme in the church . the practises of pope vrbane against clement his aduersarie . he sent no lesse then 30. as appeareth : fross . chro : lib. 2. cap. 428. henry spencer bishop of norwich . nine thousand flemings slaine by the english in a battell not farre from duakirk . 1383. the french king agayne vndertaketh the earle of flaunders cause . 1383. the death of lewis earle of flaunders . the duke of aniow dyeth in italy . her name was phillip whom he had by blaunch his first wife . the admirall of france sent with a power into scotland . charles the french king , marryeth isabell daughter of stephen duke of bauier . the french and scottish men together inuade the borders of england . the earle of oxenford . 1358. the gauntoies receiued to sauour , and their peace made vvith their lord the duke of burgoigne . sir iohn bourchier . the earle of foys . the strange story of gascone earle of foys , and his sonne . gascone . the earle of foys killeth his owne son vnwittingly . pag. 110. iohn king of spaine layeth claime to the crowen of portingale , & besieged lisbone . the king of portugale through the english mens ayde obtaineth a notable victorie . pope vrbane besieged . page . 127. the duke of lancaster sayleth into portugall . bristowe . the duke of lancaster arri-seth in paine . the french king maketh great preparation to inuade england . jaquesle gris sir iohn de carogne . a notable example of diuine iustice . the french king was present with most of his nobility . the death of peter king of arragon . the duke of lancasters ambassadour imprisoned by the king of arragon . phillip the duke of lancasters daughter marryed to the king of portugall . john of bloys marryeth the constables daughter of fraunce . the castle of ermine . the lord de laval . 1390. at saint georges feast at vvindsore . sir robert tresilian . sir robert beachampe , sir john salisbury , sir nicholas brambre . the englishmens miseries vnder the duke of lancaster in spaine . sir john holland . the duke of lancaster returneth out of spaine . bertold of machline . reignold earle of gelders , marryed mary daughter to bertold of machline . langue fride . vvenceslaus duke of braband taken pri soner . edward duke of gelders slaine in battell . 1383. the spanyards recouer againe all that the duke of lancaster had gotten in castile . charles king of nauarre , by a strange misfortune burned in his bed . the duke of britaine restoreth all that he had taken from the constable . graue besieged by the brabanders . the notable victory of the duke of gelders against the brabanders . 1388. the french king goeth against the duke of gelders . the duke of gelders submits himselfe to the french king . the scottes inuade england . the duke of gelders taken prisoner . katherine the duke of lancasters daughter , married to henry prince of castile . truce for three yeeres between england , fraunce , & their confederates . the duke of berries treasurer burned . the death of pope vrbane . 1390. the french king aydeth the genowayes against the moores and barbarians . the death of iohn king of castile . the earle of arminacke passeth into italy against the duke of millaine . guy earle of bloys . the suddaine death of gascone earle of foys . 1391. a treaty of peace at amience . sir peter of craon . sir oliuer clisson treacherously assaulted , and almost slaine by sir peter of craon . euer since the parisians met the king in armes at his returne out of flaunders , when to curb their boldnes , he caused all their armour to be taken from them , the chaines of the streetes to bee carried away , and the foure principall gates of the citie from thence foorth to be left alwayes open . the french king falleth sodaynly into a frensie . 1391. sir john mericer . a truce for foure yeeres between england & france the death of pope clement king richard giueth all aquitaine to the duke of ●ancaster . the gascones refuse to accept the duke of lancaster for their soueraigne . k. richards voyage into ireland . 1394. otherwise called lamorabaquy . iohn the duke of burgoignes sonne sent by the french king to ayde the king of hangary against the turkes . nicopolis besieged . fifteen thousand turkes 〈◊〉 slaine by one thousand christians vnder the conduct of the lorde cow●y . a discourse ot the duke of millaine . pag. 127. friseland subdewed by the earle of henault . 1396. king richard marrieth isabel the french kings daughter . one mans pride , causeth many mens destruction . the siege before nicopolis raised , and all the frenchmen slaine or taken prisoners . the lord cowcies death 1397. at the marriage of king richard to the french kings daughter , a truce was agreed vpon for thirtie yeeres . the earle of saint paul. the duke of glow ester murdered in the castle of calice . 1397. richard earle of arundell . thomas mow bray duke of norffolke . the earle of derby & the erle marshall banished . the duke of burgoignes sonne . pope benedict besieged , and taken prisoner by the frenchmen . the death of john of gaūt duke of lancaster . 1399. henry p●rcie earle of northumberland and his sonne thomas arundell . hee should haue vsde the benefit of oportunity . 1399. king richard deposed . the memoirs of the duke de la rochefoucault containing the private intrigues for obtaining the regency after the death of louis the thirteenth, king of france, the wars of paris and guienne, the imprisonment of the princes, cardinal mazarin's letter to monsieur de brienne, articles agreed upon by his royal-highness and monsieur le prince for the expulsion of cardinal mazarin, an apologie for the duke de beaufort, memoirs of monsieur de la chastre. mémoires. english la rochefoucauld, françois, duc de, 1613-1680. 1683 approx. 526 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 224 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49598 wing l451a estc r12738 12154878 ocm 12154878 55123 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49598) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55123) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 74:7) the memoirs of the duke de la rochefoucault containing the private intrigues for obtaining the regency after the death of louis the thirteenth, king of france, the wars of paris and guienne, the imprisonment of the princes, cardinal mazarin's letter to monsieur de brienne, articles agreed upon by his royal-highness and monsieur le prince for the expulsion of cardinal mazarin, an apologie for the duke de beaufort, memoirs of monsieur de la chastre. mémoires. english la rochefoucauld, françois, duc de, 1613-1680. girard, guillaume, d. 1663. saint-evremond, 1613-1703. 436, [11] p. printed for james partridge ..., london : 1683. translation of: mémoires de m. d.l.r. sur les brigues à la mort de louys xiii. disowned by la rochefoucauld. less than half is by him, and that very defective. the "wars of paris" is spurious; the "retreat of the duke de longueville" (p. 113-128) is by saint-evremond; the "apologie for the duke de beaufort" is by guillaume girard. the genuine memoirs were not printed until 1804. errata: p. [9] at end. advertisement: p. [11] at end. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fronde. france -history -louis xiii, 1610-1643. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the memoirs of the duke de la rochefoucault . containing the private intrigues for obtaining the regency after the death of louis the thirteenth , king of france , the wars of paris , and guienne , the imprisonment of the princes . cardinal mazarin's letter to monsieur de brienne . articles agreed upon by his royal-highness and monsieur le prince , for the expulsion of cardinal mazarin . an apologie for the duke de beaufort . memoirs of monsieur de la chastre . london , printed for james partridge , at the post-office between charing-cross and whitehal . 1683 memoires of monsieur le duc de la rochefoucault , containing the intrigues for the government after the death of louis xiii . the persecution which i suffered during the authority of cardinal richlieu , being ended with his life , i thought of returning to court. the king's sickness , and the little inclination he had to trust his children and state with the queen , made me hope that i should quickly find considerable occasions of serving her , and giving her at that juncture of affairs , the same marks of fidelity which she had received from me in all the occurrences , wherein her interests , and those of madam de chevereuse , were contrary to cardinal richelieu's . when i came to court , i found it as submissive to his will after his death , as it had been during his life ; his kindred and his creatures there had the same advantages which he had procured them ; and by an effect of his fortune ( whereof you 'l find very few examples ) the king ( who hated him , and wish'd his ruine ) was forced , not only to dissemble it , but also to authorize the disposal , which cardinal richelieu made in his will , of the principal charges , and most important places of his kingdom . he also chose cardinal mazarin to succeed him in the government of affairs , and so was assured of reigning much more absolutely after his death , than the king his master could do all the 33 years that he enjoy'd the crown . notwithstanding the king's sickness being desperate , there was some probability that things would e're long change , * and that the queen , or monsieur , coming to the regency , would be reveng'd upon the remains of cardinal richelieu , for the injuries ▪ which they had received from him . cardinal mazarin , monsieur chavigny , and monsieur de noyers ▪ who then had the greatest share in the management of affairs , resolved to prevent this mischief , and to make use of the power which they had over the king's mind to oblige him to declare the queen regent , and to reconcile themselves to her by this service , which ought to appear so much the more considerable to the queen , as she believed the king far from any such thoughts , by reason of the little inclination he always entertained for her , and because of the league , which he believed she yet had with the spaniards , by the means of madam de chevreuse , who had fled into spain , and was then at brussels . monsieur de noyers was the first who gave the queen hopes that they might win the king , by his confessor , to establish her regent , thinking thereby to tye her strictly to him , and to exclude monsieur de chavigny , whom she most favoured in cardinal richelieu's life-time ; but monsieur de noyers soon found himself far from his designs ; for the confessor had orders to withdraw , and he himself was afterwards turn'd out . it seem'd to me that this change did not at all lessen the queens hopes , and that she expected from cardinal mazarin , and monsieur de chavigny , the same service which monsieur de noyers designed to pay her ; both of them every day gave her all the assurances of their fidelity that she could desire , and she expected a proof thereof , when the kings sickness growing to such a height that there remained no hopes of cure , gave them an opportunity of proposing to him to regulate every thing whilst his health would permit him to choose a form of government himself , which might exclude from the management of affairs all those whom he held suspected . this proposition , altho it was apparently against the queens interests , did notwithstanding seem to him too favourable to her. he could not consent to declare her regent , and also could not resolve to share the authority betwixt her and monsieur . the intelligences which he suspected her guilty of , and the pardon which he had but just before granted to monsieur for the treaty of spain , held him in an irresolution which he could not have overcome , if the conditions of the declaration , which cardinal mazarin and monsieur de chavigny proposed to him , had not furnished him with an expedient to diminish the queens power , and render her in some manner dependent upon the council , which he intended to establish . notwithstanding the queen and monsieur who had had too many testimonies of the kings a version , and who almost equally suspected that he would exclude them from the management of affairs , sought all manner of ways to acquire it . i was informed by monsieur de chavigny himself , that being sent to the king from the queen , to beg his pardon for all that she had ever done , and also for having displeased him in her conduct , beseeching him particularly not to believe that she had any hand in the business of chalais , or that she had the least design of marrying monsieur after chalais had killed the king : to which he answer'd monsieur chavigny ( without being moved ) in the condition i am in i ought to pardon her , but i am not bound to believe her . every one presently then thought they had a right to pretend to the regency , to the exclusion of one another ; and if monsieur was not long of that mind , he at least believed that he should be declared regent with the queen . the hopes of the court , and of all the kingdom , were too different , and all the state ( which had almost equally suffered during the favour of cardinal richelieu ) expected a change with too great an impatience not to receive with joy a tu●n from which every one hoped an advantage . the different interests of the chief men in the kingdom , and the most considerable in the parliament , obliged them to side either with the queen or monsieur ; and if the interests which they made for them under hand did not break out more , it was because the king's health , which seemed something repaired , made them fear lest he should be advertised of their practices , and make the provident cares which they took to establish their authority after his death , to pass for a crime . it was in this juncture that i believed it would be of importance to the queen to be assured of the * duke d'anguien : she approved of the proposal i made of gaining him to her side , and being a very particular friend of coligny's , in whom the duke d'anguien wholly confided , i represented to them both the advantages that would accrue to the queen and the duke d'anguien , if united , and that besides the particular interest of opposing the authority of monsieur , that of the state also obliged them to it . this proposition was advantagious enough to the duke d'anguien to make him readily accept it , therefore he ordered me to endeavour all i could to bring it about ; and because the commerce i had with him might perhaps be suspected by the king of monsieur , especially at a time when they had but just before given him the command of the army and that by all means it was of great importance to keep it secret , he desir'd me , to give the queens answers only to coligny , and that we should be the only witnesses of their intelligence . there were no articles of agreement in writing ; coligny and my self were intrusted with their promises , which were , that the queen would grant the duke d'anguien the favour of being preferr'd before monsieur , not only by the marks of her esteem and confidence , but also in all the employs , from which she could exclude monsieur , by such expedients agreed upon betwixt them as might not engage him to an open breach with the queen . the duke d'anguien promised on his part to be inseparably united to the queens interests , and make his addresses to her alone for all the favours he desired at court. the duke d'anguien departed soon after to command the army in flanders , and give a beginning to those great things which he so gloriously accomplished . the king , whose sickness augmented daily , being willing to give at the end of his life some marks of clemency ( either out of devotion , or to testifie to the world , that cardinal richelieu was more to blame than himself for all the violences which were done since the queen mothers disgrace ) consented , that the most considerable of those who had been persecuted , should return to court , to which he was the more willingly disposed , because the ministers foreseeing many disorders , endeavoured to oblige people of quality to secure themselves against all that might happen in a revolution like this that threaten'd them . almost all that had been banished the court returned , and as there were many who were bound to the queen , ( either by the services they had done her , or by that bond with which disgrace ordinarily unites persecuted persons ) there were few of them , who had not so good an opinion of their services , as to expect a recompence proportionable to their ambition ; and many believed that the queen having promised them every thing , would continue the same opinion of them in her sovereign authority , which she had in her disgrace . the duke de beaufort was the man who entertained the greatest hopes : he had of a long time been most particularly devoted to the queens interests , and she gave him so publick a proof of her confidence in him , in making choice of him to take care of the dauphin and the duke of anjou , one day when they thought the king was a dying , that it was not without reason that they began to consider his credit , and to find a great deal of likelihood in the opinion he endeavoured to give them of it . the bishop of beauvais ( who was the only servant of the queens , whom cardinal richelieu thought too inconsiderable to put away from her , and who by his assiduity had found an opportunity of ruining almost all those whom she had a kindness for ) was of opinion , that he ought not to oppose the duke of beaufort's favour , and therefore desired to strike in with him to ruine the contrivances of cardinal mazarin , who began to get ground ; they perswaded themselves that they could easily accomplish their designs , not only from the opinion they had of their credit , and the experience which the bishop had made , how easily he had ruined such as were more considerable to the queen by their services than cardinal mazarin , but also because being cardinal richlieu's creature , they thought that this relation alone would exclude him , and that the queen had too publickly condemned the conduct of cardinal richelieu , to continue in the management of affairs one who was put in by him , and who was the author of the declaration which the king had just before issued out , whereat the queen seemed displeased to the last degree . this confidence made the duke de beaufort and the bishop of beauvais , neglect many precautions , during the latter end of the kings life , which would have been necessary to them after his death , and the queen also was at this time not enough resolved to receive the impressions which they would have given her . she concealed her mind from me less than from any body else , because i having had no interests but hers , she was not jealous that i would joyn with any party but what she her self should choose . 't was she , who desired me to be the duke de beaufort's friend in a quarrel with marshal de lay meilleray ; and ordered me to see cardinal mazarin , that she might avoid the occasion of being complained of by the king , who was perswaded , that she hindered her servants from visiting those , whom he had confided in : so that i , not being at all suspected by her , might know more easily then any body , what impression the reasons of both parties made upon her mind . she began to fear the imperious and haughty humor of the duke de beaufort , who not contenting himself to uphold the pretensions of the duke de vendosme his father , to the government of britany , upheld also the pretensions of all them , who had suffered under the authority of cardinal richlieu , thereby not only to engage all people of condition , for their particular interests , in a cause , which to them seemed just , but also to have a pretence of striking at cardinal mazarin , and by filling the principal offices of the state , to make creatures , and give such resplendent marks of his favor , that the cause thereof may be attributed to all , that was most capable of satisfying his ambition and vanity . on the other side , the queen consider'd , that after having trusted her children with the duke de beaufort , it would be a fickleness , which all the world would condemn , to see her pass , in so short a time , from one extreme to the other , without any apparent reason . mazarin's and chavigny's fidelity were not known to her enough , to be assured , that they had no hand in the declaration , and thus finding doubts on all sides , it was not easie for her to take any resolution , which she should not repent of afterwards . notwithstanding the king's death obliged her to it ; and the world quickly learnt that cardinal mazarin's cares had had the success he wished ; for at a time , when 't was thought , that the queen look'd upon him as the author of the declaration , all the displeasure fell upon monsieur chavigny , and whether cardinal mazarin was innocent , or that he justify'd himself at his friends cost , who was , in appearance , no more guilty then himself , whichsoever it was , he , in fine , stay'd in the council . but as i do not pretend to write all the particulars of what passed at this time , and that what i do at present is rather to keep in my memory some circumstances which i have seen , for which some of my friends have had a curiosity , than to make them publick ; i will be content to report only what concerns my self , or at least the things whereof i have been a witness . soon after the kings death , it was easy for me to know the encrease of the cardinals credit , and the diminution of the duke de beauforts ; both appeared in the confidence the queen owned she had in the cardinal , since he being directly opposite to the duke , the power of the one must entirely ruine the other . notwithstanding the court was yet very much divided , and they stayed for the return of madam de chevreuse , as the decision of all , they did not look upon her as one who would be contented to support one of the two parties , but as one that would certainly ruine that which depended least upon her ; i had less reason than others had to judge so advantageously of her authority . the queen , who had always testified to me the friendship she had for her , had for some time spoken to me of it with coldness enough , and the uncertainty i saw her in , whether she should let her return to court , made me doubt no longer if the bishop of beauvais's ill offices had not made as great an impression against her , as against all the rest whom he had attempted to ruine . the queen had already ordered me to visit cardinal mazarin , and though she approved the declaration i made to him , that i could not be his friend and servant , but so far as i saw him adhered to the queens service , and whilst he did in great and little things what might be expected from an honest man , and one worthy the employ he had ; yet i knew that she wish'd i had spoke to him with less reserve , and had promised him every thing as easily as many others , who were the more readily engaged to do so , because they were resolved not to stand to any thing , but so far as their interest oblig'd them : notwithstanding she appeared satisfied with my visit , and testified , that she desired nothing more of me than what i had done . at this time there was notice of madam de chevereuse's return into france , and the queen seemed to me to be more unresolved than ever about her return to court , not as if i believe she was detained by any difficulty there was in it to grant her this favour , but that cardinal mazarin should mediate to obtain it for her , and that madam de chevereuse should be obliged to him for having moved the queen to overcome those reasons which kept her out , which were a particular clause in the declaration , and a strange aversion the king declared he had against her , when upon his death-bed . i asked leave of the queen to go to meet madam de chevereuse , which she the more willingly granted me because she thought i might dispose her to desire the cardinal's friendship , since i saw very well that it was one of the things the queen most desired . montague , who was more for the cardinal's interest , was sent to her to make her propositions , which were in consequence of some others which were made her in flanders by the same man , two or three months before the king's death . i met with madam de chevereuse at brye , and montague , who arrived there some time before me , had all he desired to make his designes take effect , she presently told me , that she suspected him , either because she really wanted confidence in him , or because she believed i would be unwilling to share hers with a man whom i did not know my self , and whom i had no great reason to esteem upon the report of others . she desired me not to speak to her before him , but because it imported her to be informed of the state of the court , and how the queen stood inclin'd , and because i saw she would undoubtedly mistake both , if she judged by her own knowledge , and by the thoughts the queen once had of her , i thought my self obliged to represent to her how things seemed to me to be , and to assure her , that the queens thoughts being far different from what she had seen them , it was necessary to take other measures than those she had hitherto acted by . that the queen was entirely resolved to make use of cardinal mazarin , that it was hard to judge otherwise than by events , whether that was good or bad council , because he being cardinal richelieu's creature , and united to his relations , it was to be fear'd he would authorize the same maxims , but withal , that he having had no hand in his violences , and being almost the only man who had knowledge in foreign affairs , i doubted if in the necessity the queen and state was in for one capable to manage them , she could easily be prevail'd with to exclude cardinal mazarin ; besides , that i saw no body whose capacity or fidelity was so well known that one would wish him setled in an imployment so difficult and important as this . therefore it was my opinion , that she should not by any means signifie to the queen , that she returned to her court with a design to govern her , because it was apparent , that her enemies made use of this pretext to her prejudice . that she must by her care and complaisance work her self up to the same pitch she once was at , and that then joining with madam senecy , madam hautesort , and the rest of those in whom the queen confided ( who had all given me their word , that they would entirely adhere to her interests ) she would be in a condition to ruine or protect the cardinal according as his preservation or ruine would be beneficial to the publick . madam de chevereuse told me that she approved of my advice , and promised me positively to follow it ; she came to the queen with this resolution ; and although she was received with many marks of friendship , i could without great difficulty observe a difference in the joy she had to see her , from what she formerly had , when she spoke to me of her , and i perceived by certain defects , she took notice of in her person , that the ill offices , some had done her , had made too great an impression . madam de chevreuse notwithstanding slighted them all , and thought that her presence would in a moment take off all that her enemies had done against her when she was absent . she was strengthened in this opinion by the duke de beaufort , and they both believed , that being united , they might easily ruin cardinal mazarin , before he had time to fix himself . this thought made madam chevreuse receive all the advances of cardinal mazarin , as so many marks of his weakness , and believe , that she answered them enough , if she did not openly declare she designed his ruine , but only to procure it by establishing monsieur chateau-neuf in the management of affairs . she thought her self also obliged to uphold my interest , and seeing the queen designing to confer upon me some considerable settlement , she was very urgent to procure for me the government of havre de grace , which was in the duke de riohlieu's hands , that by getting me the estate of this family , she might begin its persecution and ruine . in the mean time cardinal mazarin seeing very well that the queen was not longer in a condition to undertake an affair of this importance , without making him a party in it , thought it enough to hinder it , by saying , that he with all submission would approve of what the queen should think best , but that he thought himself obliged , not only in gratitude , which he owed that family , but also for the queens interest to represent to her the reasons she had to uphold the house of richlien , that he wished always that she would approve them , but that he did not think he had reason to complain if his advice was not followed . he did not declare himself so openly upon the return of chasteau-neuf , either because he believed him so ruined in the queens favor , that he thought he might give her this mark of his moderation without any danger , or because she was far enough from restoring him to the management of affairs on her own head , without his making some endeavors for it ; but in fine , he was contented to let the chancellor act , who ( being obliged for his own preservation to keep ou● monsieur chasteau-neuf , ( who could not return to court without taking the seals from him ) had taken all imaginable care to make the queen sure by the means of one of his sisters , who was a nun at pontoyse , and was also sister to that mountague i have already mentioned . in the interim all these delays vexed madam de chevreuse to the last degree ; she look'd upon them not only as cardinal mazarin's artifices , ( who by this accustom'd the queen not to grant her immediately what she desir'd , ) but as they diminish'd , in the opinion of the world , the reputation , she would give it of her credit ; she oftentimes let the queen know she was dissatisfied , and in her complaints always intermingled some sharp thing against cardinal mazarin ; she could not endure to speak to him , for what she desired of the queen , and she made it appear , that she had rather receive no favours , than owe a part of them to the cardinals mediation . he on the contrary , who saw , that this conduct of madam de chevreuse did more perswade the queen that she desired to govern her , than all that he had hitherto made use of to make her believe it , took very different ways to ruine her . the war of paris . it is almost impossible to write a very just relation of the past troubles , because those , who caused them , having acted out of ill principles , took care to keep them secret to the world , for fear posterity should accuse them of having sacrificed their countrys happiness , to their private interests ; besides it 's very difficult for him , that writes the affairs of his own age , to keep his passions so pure , as not to abandon himself to hatred , or flattery , which are the ordinary shelveꝰ that shipwrack truth ; as to my self , i design to make an impartial rehearsal of what is past , and leave to the readers an entire liberty to praise , or to condemn . france in the year , 1635. declared war against the house of austria ▪ and fortune favoured so great an undertaking with so much success , that she was victorious wherever she bore her arms. we pierc'd into the heart of flanders , having subdu'd all the river of lys , we extended our conquests in germany as far as the danube , by the famous battel at norlingue ; milan was the theater of the war with italy , and on the side of spain our conquests had not been bounded by russilion and catalonia , but for lerida , which was the fatal terme thereof . these prosperities , which begun in the late kings time , continued with more splendor for the first five years of the regency , which were so famous for brave and glorious victories , that it was a wonder , how they could gain such considerable advantages over strangers , in the time of a kings minority , usually exposed to civil and domestick wars . but as it is the fate of our nation to grow weary of its own happiness , and to fight against it self , when it finds no opposition without , or because god hath set to empires certain bounds of power , and duration , which are beyond the jurisdiction of men , we lost in one campagne , by our divisions , the greatest part of the conquests ; which we had gain'd in many years ; but before i enter into a narration of these troubles , it will be seasonable to tell you how things were govern'd in the cabinet council . the kings council in the queens regency were the duke d'orleans , monsieur le prince , and cardinal mazarin , the rest of the ministers , as the chancellor , monsieur de longneville , the superintendent chavigny and servien , had little authority there . the principal affairs were ruled by the council of the princes , and the cardinal , which last had the oversight of all , because of the confidence the queen reposed in him . the princes of the blood were strongly united to the queen , and this union produced the publick happiness , insomuch that by this all the hopes of a change being taken away ( to which our nation hath a natural propensity ) every one aspired by honourable services to make his fortune . cardinal mazarin kept up this right understanding betwixt them , it being useful to his preservation ; and when one of the princes aspired to be greater , he qualified him by the opposition of the other , and by thus ballancing their power , he rendred his own , without comparison , the most respected . besides he had procur'd the duke d'orleans the government of languedoc ▪ and had made the abbot de la reviere , his chief minister , so absolutely his creature , that he look'd upon all ways ( besides the cardinals favor ) to his advancement to the cardinalship , as dangerous as precipices . as to the duke d'anguien , he satisfied his ambition with the government of champaine and stenay , and the command of the armies , which he procured for him ; add , that the cardinal , being of a nature mild enough , was the less to be apprehended , and the princes by intermedling less in the management of affairs , might throw all upon him without envy . now , as he foresaw , that the union of the princes and their authority would weaken the queens , he skilfully put into their heads suspitions of jealousie and distrust one of another , which he scattered again seasonably for fear they should come to a breach ; for being the author of their differences , it was easie for him to be the arbitrator of their reconciliation , and derive the whole merit thereof upon himself . as to the other nobles of the kingdom , since they had no power , their good or ill will was not at all regarded . this was the condition of the court , till events breaking this union , so necessary to the state , brought upon it most fatal mischiefs . before i relate them , i must take notice of the prince of condy's death ( happening just before these troubles ) which was so much the more considerable , because it was the common opinion , that if he had liv'd , he had prevented them by his prudence and authority , which gave a check to the ministers , and was revered by the parliament . the union of these powers was so solid a pledge of the tranquillity of the kingdom , that it gave the ministers too much confidence , and encouraged emery , superintendent over the kings revenue , to levy great taxes . now because this conduct , although colored with a foreign war , and the defence of the state , was introduced in the time of cardinal richlieu's ministry , and was but a consequence of that , it will not be impertinent to speak thereof . this minister , whose absolute polity had violated the antient laws of the kingdom , to establish the immoderate authority of his master , which he was the dispenser of , look'd upon all the rules of this state as forced concessions , and bounds imposed on the power of kings , rather than a solid foundation of governing well ; and because his very long administration was authorized with great success , during the life of the late king , he quite chang'd all the forms of justice , and the kings revenues , and introduced the royal will for the sovereign tribunal of the lives and estates of men. this so violent method of governing continued till his death , and the king ( surviving him but a few months ) left to the queen with the regency the establishment of his orders for the taxes which seemed necessary to maintain the charges of the war. her majesty , being in the beginning of her regency constrained to be expensively liberal , drain'd her exchequer ; whereupon emery was obliged to put in practice all the expedients , his wit could invent , without being restrained either by justice , or pity , or the despair into which he might drive the people . to this end , after having consumed the peoples estates by new subsidies , he , extends his arts as far as the cities , taxes rich and poor , creates new offices , seizes the publick rents , forc'd them to give him credit , prepares more new edicts , and by this rigorous imposition upon estates in every kind , drove the companies , commonalties and corporations into a secret revolt . in fine , all springs being drain'd dry , he would have seiz'd the revenues of the chambers of the courts of aids , and the great council , who complained to the parliament , which thereupon made the famous arrest d'union . this act was a signal to all the disconted ; the renters , the treasurers of france , the kings secretaries , the assessors , the officers of the taxes , and of the * gabelle ; in fine , people of all conditions , repaired thither , exposing their griefs to the parliament , demanding reparation . the names of the farmers , and of emery fell under a publick curse , every one cry'd out against the violent exaction of the customers , the unbounded power of the intendants , the cruelty of the soldiers , the rigorous force used to the poor people , by the selling of their goods , and the imprisonment of their persons , and the heavy weighty taxes ; in a word , against this oppression , as great to the last degree , destructive of the lives , liberties , and estates of all the kings subjects . the parliament appearing sensible of the publick miseries , received the petions of the afflicted people , offered to do them justice , and by professing that they bore a part in their sufferings , gained their affections to that degree , that they looked upon them as their revenging and redeeming gods. i don't pretend to give a recital of the assemblies of the chambers , of the matters they treated of there , of the counsels and results of their conferences , and of the remonstrances of the company carried to their majesties by the chief president moles , there are memoirs enough filled therewith , it suffices to say , that there were three parties in the parliament . the first was that of the frondeurs , a name given in raillery to those that were against the court. these people being zealous to stop the course of the present calamities , had the same object , though from a different motive , that those had , who were interested by their fortune , or particular hatred against the principal minister . the second party were the mazarins , who were perswaded , that they ow'd a blind obedience to the court ; some out of conscience to maintain the peace of the state , others out of respect to the obligations they had to the ministers , or interest with the men in business . and the last were such , as condemn'd the violence of the first , yet approved not the coldness of the second , but kept themselves betwixt both , to act upon occasion , either according to their interest , or their duty . thus the parliament was divided , the greatest part whereof ( who at the first had no love for innovations ) yet for want of experience in the affairs of the world , were very glad to be commissioners for regulating the abuses , that were crept into the government of the state , and to see themselves mediators betwixt the court and the people . it was insinuated into them , that this imployment gave consideration and lustre to their persons ; that charity oblig'd them to succor the distressed in their pressing necessities ; and that the duty of their charges , which were instituted to moderate the extreame power of kings , and oppose their irregularities , prompted them to it ; that they ought to know , that the ministers of france , were , of late years , perswaded , that it was to reign precariously , if their power extended only to permitted things ; that the laws are stifled by fear and justice , by force . that , to our misery , our late kings left the management of the state so much to them , that they became themselves a prey to their passions ; that the time is come when they must revive their antient orders , and that harmonious relation which ought to be betwixt a lawful command , and a reasonable obedience : that for this end the people invoked their justice as the only refuge to prevent their extreme oppression ; that so holy a commission , approved by heaven , and followed with publick acclamations , would skreen them from all fear ; or if there should be danger , that it is the property of eminent vertue to signalise it self in a tempest , rather than in a calm ; and , that death , which is common to all men , is distinguish'd only by oblivion , or by glory . these venemous discourses made so much the greater impressions on their minds , because men have a natural inclination to believe whatever flatters their greatness ; so that they suffer'd themselves to be charm'd with the fine words of tutelar gods of their countrey , and the restorers of publick liberty . he that infus'd this poyson into them , with most artifice , was longueil , counsellor in the great chamber , who , being push'd on with a spirit of ambition , to advance his fortune in the publick divisions , was in private clubs for some years , prepared , with some of his confederates , to combat the power of the favorites , under the color of the kingdoms good , insomuch , that in the birth and progress of these troubles , he was consulted as the oracle of the frondeurs , so long as he was constant to his party . notwithstanding , the parliament pretending to apply themselves to reform the state , met every day , they had already suppressed the new edicts and laws , revoked the intendants of the provinces , and restored the treasurers of france , and the general assessors , to the execution of their offices : and further pretended , to exact an account how the last levies , since the regency , were employ'd , and insensibly attack'd the cardinals administration . on the other side , the court omitted nothing that might be serviceable to dissolve their meetings ; the duke of orleans , the chief president , and the president of mesmes represented the consequence thereof to be prejudicial to the general peace ; the enemies fancied to themselves a triumph , which should repair their former losses ; and notwithstanding the ▪ king had authorised all the acts which the company had proposed to him , yet the mild methods were ill represented , and pass'd for marks of weakness and fear , which made the cardinals enemies more active and eager to push at him . at this time monsieur le prince commanded the kings army in flanders ; he had taken ipres , but whilst he besieg'd that , the spaniard surpriz'd courtray , and gained other small advantages : but as his genius is great and successful in war , he found the spanish army on the 21 of august on the plains of arras , and lens , fought it , and obtain'd a famous victory . the duke de chatillion , who had bravely signaliz'd himself there , came from him , to bring the news to court. the king's council look'd upon this great success as an extraordinary providence , which they might use , to stop the course of the disorders which time and patience increased , and resolved to secure such of the parliament as were the most active , chiefly broussel councellor in the great chamber , a person of antient probity , of competent abilities , and one who was grown old in hatred to the favorites . this man , inspir'd with his own opinions , and the perswasions of longveil , and others , who had gained credit with him ; first gave the most rigorous counsels , which were followed by the cabal of the frondeurs , insomuch , that his name made a noise in the assemblies of the chambers , and he was made head of this party in the parliament ; being the more in credit with them , because his age and poverty plac'd him beyond the strokes of envy . now seeing the people , who stirr'd not from the palace , when inform'd that he so mightily concern'd himself for their relief , lov'd him extreamly , and gave him the gilded title of their father ; to secure him must needs be a bold action ; and as it might be very advantageous , so it might be of dangerous consequence ( as we shall see hereafter . ) nevertheless it was happily executed , by comings , the morning that they sung the te deum at noterdame church , for the victory at lens , while the company of the guards were ranked on each side of the street , and was conducted out of the city with blanmenil , to be transmitted to ..... two hours after the report of brussels being taken was spread abroad , the most considerable burgesses came to the palais royal , where they dissembled the excess of the disorder ; and those who were afraid to go thither , had the complaisance to tell the queen , that it was only some rascally fellows , whom they would quickly reduce into better order . the coadjutor of paris , who , till then , did not appear upon the stage , and kept himself within the bounds of his profession , was to offer his service to the queen , from whom he conceal'd nothing of what pass'd , but his offers and advice were both rejected : he apparently employ'd the dignity of his character , and his perswasions , to calm the storms , and after came to the palais royal to give an account of the sedition ; where , having not received the satisfaction he expected , he conceived a hatred against the cardinal , which , with his being refused to treat for the government of paris , was the cause ( or at least the pretence ) that he so much interessed himself for the faction opposite to the court. notwithstanding , the queen , who is naturally uncapable of fear , commanded the marshals of la meilleray , and the hospital , to take horse with their friends , to ride through the streets , and restrain the people by some example of justice ; but they found the mischief so great , that they could not execute their orders . so that they were reduc'd to hope , that the night might appease the tumult ( as it did , ) but the morning after , an accident kindled the fire , which was almost quench'd . the chancellor going to the palais , to carry the kings declaration , which forbad the chambers to assemble , was perceived by some of the mutinous rabble : his person odious to the publick , and the errand he was sent on , animated a croud of people , to run after his coach , which they forc'd to fly to the hotel de luines , where they sought him , to sacrifice ( as they call'd him ) this mercenary soul , the protector of the impositions , laid on so many ruin'd people , by the edicts which he had sealed . notice of the condition he was in was brought to the palais royal , from whence the marshal de la meilleray came with some companies of the guards , who discharg'd upon the seditious , and deliver'd the chancellor ; but this was a signal for the city to take up arms ; for , at the same time , the people shut up their shops , put chains cross the streets , and barricadoes almost to the palais royal. during this uproar the parliament consulted about the imprisonment of their members , with the more courage , because they saw the people rise in favor of them ; and , without doubt , if the chancellor had come to the palais with his commission , they would have detein'd him as reprisal . it was order'd , by common consent , that the parliament should instantly go in a body to beseech their majesties to set at liberty their members . they found the people up in armes in the streets , some threatning them , if they brought not broussel back ; others conjuring them to fear nothing , and that they would die for their preservation ; and all together protested , that they would not lay down their armes till they saw the father of their countrey . the parliament , after having been introduced into the great closet in the palais royal , where their majesties were , accompanied with the duke of orleans , the prince of conty , cardinal mazarin , the nobility of the realm , and the ministers of state , the chief president represented , how much the company was concerned for the imprisonment of their fellow members , and shew'd their humble addresses for their liberty , which were seconded with the vows of a hundred thousand armed men , who demanded monsieur broussel . the queen answered , that she wonder'd they should keep such a stir about a simple counsellor , when the parliament said not a word against the imprisonment of the late prince . the chief president , and the president of mesmes replied , that in the posture things were now , there was no time to deliberate , and that there was an absolute necessity of submitting to the peoples will , who would not hearken to the magistrate , had lost all respect and obedience , and , in fine , were the masters . the queen answer'd , that she would remit nothing of her severity ; that having in her hand the sacred depositum of the king her sons authority , she would never consent to its violation , by yielding to the passions of the multitude ; that the parliament should remonstrate to the seditious their duty ; that those who had rais'd the mutiny should endevor to lay it ; and that one day the king would know how to make a difference betwixt the loyal , and the enemies of his crown . these gentlemen were still urgent , but in vain ; her majesty always continuing in an absolute denyal , so that they return'd to the palais to consider upon the refusal . when they came to the first barricade , the rabble askt them , if they had obtain'd broussel's liberty ? and seeing by their countenances that they had not , in a rage sent them back to the palais royal , threatning , that if it was not granted them in two hours , they would go in armes to beg it of the queen , and would exterminate the ministers who were authors of the sedition . these gentlemen return'd , to represent what they had seen and heard ; and added , that since they could not overcome their disobedience , neither by reason , nor force , she must submit , unless she would hazard the crown . upon this they call'd a council , wherein the duke of orleans and the cardinal advis'd , contrary to the queens opinion , that liberty should be granted to the prisoners ; which they immediately declared to the parliament , and the parliament to the people ; who , notwithstanding all the assurances could be given them , were so jealous , that they would not faithfully perform what was promised , that they remained still in armes , expecting the arrival of broussel ; who , no sooner appeared , but was saluted by all the musqueteers , and accompanied with publick shouts to the place where he and blanmenil received the compliments of the company , and from thence was conducted by the people to his lodging , with demonstrations of a joy so great , as if every one in the liberty of brussel had that day gain'd a glorious victory . this is the famous day of the barricades , which was caused not so much out of an affection the publick had to broussel as out of an inveterate hatred , which they , for some years , entertained against the government : a hatred so great , that they only wanted an opportunity to shew it . it is not easie to determine , whether this counsel of detaining the prisoners was safe , according to the rules of policy ; for , on one side , if we consider the rudeness , not to say violence , of the people , so great , that an attempt upon royal majesty was to be feared ; it will seem , that prudence could not advise any other method but mildness , since they wanted power to reduce them : on the other side , to acquiesce to their fury , would give a mortal wound to the princes authority , and , as it were , prepared a triumph for the people over soveraign dignity : upon this some said , that it would have been much better to have carried the king to st. germains , there to expect all sorts of events , rather then to prostitute royal dignity to the capriciousness of a multitude . but the duke of orleans and the cardinal , naturally friends to moderate councils , thought of nothing but delivering themselves from present danger . however it be , it is evident , the parliament from this day got ground of the court ; and a great many people of quality , either out of interest , or a desire of innovation , solemnly engaged for the ruine of the chief minister . now seeing he was , during all the troubles , the object of publick invectives , and both pens and tongues took the greatest liberty to defame him ; it will not be amiss to report the best founded accusations against him , and also his just defences . 't was objected against cardinal mazarin , that it was a strange and shameful thing to france , that a stranger , and one who by birth was a subject of spain , should be its principal minister , even with a power so absolute , that he was the arbiter of war and peace ; that of his own head he distributed honors , offices , benefices , in fine , all sorts of favors , not with respect to merit , or services , or quality , but to the devotion they paid his person , which was the true qualification to obtain them . that for his ambition , he had carried the armes of france into tuscany , at an extreme charge , and to no advantage ; and that he would not have assisted the duke of guise in the revolt of naples , but for his own interests . he would not accept the treaty of peace concluded on at munster , and eluded it by the ministry of servien his secretary . that by his jealousie he would have destroyed the marshal gassion , when he dyed , and also monsieur le prince in catalonia , because his birth and reputation overclouded him . that by his edicts he had drained france of its money , to send it into italy . that after the death of the duke of breze , he assum'd the same power at sea that he did at land. that he was only knowing in forraign affairs ; moreover that he had lost us the reputation of fidelity amongst our allies . that cardinal richlieu had set him up during his ministry ; and as to his parts , he was a man of no judgment , of which the confusion whereinto they were fallen was an evident proof , since of a peaceable state it was become divided and full of revolts ; that he would govern the kingdom according to forreign maxims , no wayes proper to our nation ; and the court by addresses so openly observed , that they turn'd him into contempt ; in sum , that he was not capable of so great a burthen , and that he had lost his credit in the minds of the people . to these accusations it was answered , that it is no new thing for strangers to have a share in the government of the state , witness the cardinals of lorrain , and birague , the duke of nevers , and the marshal of rets ; that cardinal mazarin was chosen cardinal by the interest of france , after he had done it considerable services ; that cardinal richlieu who knew his parts , destin'd him his successor in the ministry , foreseeing the advantages would accrew to the state thereby . that the late king , who was a competent judge of men , after the cardinal's death , made him president of the council ; that the queen coming to the regency , meerly out of necessity , and in conformity to the late kings will , continued him so . that this choice was approved by all the wise men in the kingdom , and also the allies of the crown ; that having answered by his services the queens expectation , she could not abandon him without failing in her duty to the state , and gratitude to so useful a servant . moreover , that all the favors were disposed of with the consent of the princes , and that he was so far from favoring those who were devoted to the interests of the court , that it was a common complaint , that in the distribution , he had , before all others , consider'd the servants of the duke of orleans and the prince , and that all affairs were proposed in council , and finally resolved on there . that the accusation of his opposing the conclusion of the peace , is but an idle fancy ; since , beside the general , his own particular interest obliged him to crown a negotiation glorious for so many great events , by a treaty , which would have eternis'd him in the peoples affections : but , the truth is , the spaniards always oppos'd it , which he calls the duke of longueville , and even the princes to witness , that the expedition of orbitel , and portolongone was the most advantageous that france could make , to bring the enemies sooner to a ready peace , because these places kept in subjection the king of spain's states , which are in italy : that the independance which the duke of guise affected in naples , kept him from solliciting the cardinal to succor him . that marshal gassion would have establish'd a particular covernment in flanders , very little depending upon the court ; and that monsieur the prince never complained that he did not assist him in catalonia , and in all his campains , as much as he could . that he was constrained to seek for supplies by edicts , to furnish the charges of the war. that notwithstanding the taxes were diminish'd , and that time had but too much verify'd , that this transportation of money into italy , was a lye , invented to defame him ; as to the rest , that he had managed with success enough the interests of the princes of europe for twenty years ; and that if the good intelligence betwixt france and the united provinces had ceased , it was by the corruption of some particular persons , who had been suborned by money from spain ; as to the administration of the state , he had follow'd cardinal richlieu's maxims , excepting only in the cruelty of punishments ; and that if he had been obliged to promise more then he gave , it was because the number of those that serve in france is great , and of pretenders yet much greater . that the state was never in greater prosperity then during his ministry : and that if in the great expeditions , the honor of the execution was due to the generals , that of the design belonged to him ; that france would have yet preserv'd its peace , if every one had conspired to it according to his duty , if the people had not been drawn from their obedience by the suggestion of male-contents ; or rather if the parliament , which ought to be an example of obedience , had not open'd and led them the way to rebellion . that the post he is now in hath been always exposed to the strokes of hatred and envy in all states ; and that it is not an extraordinary thing , if they one while taxe his ambition , another while his inability ; that at least he is happy in this , that calumny , in its most poysonous design , hath not thrown the least suspition upon his fidelity . during the time of this commotion , three things hapned , which were of unlucky consequence . the first was , the duke of beaufort's escape out of the dungeon of vincennes , where he was prisoner from the beginning of the regency , for reasons which are not within the compass of my subject ; but because he held a considerable place in the wars by the affections of the people of paris , it is not impertinent to remark it . the second was that upon a quarrel that hapned at feuillians , betwixt the life-guard , and the sergeants of the grand provost , the marquiss degesures , behaved himself so , as displeased the cardinal , who sent him order to retire , and charrost and chaudenier to undergo the punishment of the baton , who refused it ; upon which their offices were given to gerse and nouailles ; and thereby the friends and kindred of the disgraced were incensed against the cardinal , at a time , when no body spared him , either in deed , or word . the third was , the imprisonment of chavigny , which deserves a particular relation . this minister , so considerable in the late kings reign , was united with cardinal mazarine , by their mutual interests , which is the only bond at court , and the most certain rule of friendship ; after cardinal richlieu's death , the king divided his affairs betwixt them two , and the denoyers , whom they ruin'd presently , and remained in a strict union till the regency . the queen , who had been persecuted by the late cardinal richlieu , took an aversion to chavigny , and wish'd his ruine . cardinal mazarin , either by good fortune , or by his address , or rather by the interposition of my lord mountague , and beringhen , was not only continued near her majesty , but the entire management of affairs conferr'd upon him : now though chavigny expected to be greatly protected by him , in his fall , yet he endeavored only to mitigate it , and to defend him from falling into absolute ruine , because favor as well as love , cannot endure to be divided , or to admit of a rival ; they devested his father of his superintendency , and himself of the office of principal secretary of state ; only they left him the vain title of minister , with admittance into the council , but without any imployment , or respect . this is all the cardinal gave to his antient friendship , to the strict obligations wherein men often play the bankrupts in the world. chavigny nettled with this ill usage ( which he dissembled for five years , with very much prudence ) design'd to make use of the present conjunctures , and to be reveng'd , by raising himself upon the cardinals ruin ; to this end judging , that monsieur le prince , after the battle at lens , could do what he would at court , would give laws to the court : he declared his thoughts , concerning the present state of affairs , to the duke of chatillion , at his return from the army , whom he found dispos'd to hearken to him , from a hatred he had to the cardinal , who made him languish with the expectation of a marshal staff : but as prudence ordinarily sleeps , and unbends it self in the excess of our passions , he intrusted the same secret to perrault , but when he found that it took not as he desired , he repented of it , and proved to his cost , that he , to whom you tell your secret , becomes master of your liberty . perrault having reason to fear the genius of chavigny , if he came near the prince , told all their discourse to the cardinal , who caused him to be made prisoner by drouet , in the castle of vincennes , whereof he was governor . this imprisonment gave occasion to the publick ( who knew not the secret ) to tax the cardinals ingratitude ; and his enemies in the parliament represented this action in very black colors . about this time they put emery out of the exchequer , which was but an ineffective remedy , because the mischief had made too great a progress to stop in his person , and the pretence of reforming the state was chang'd into a firm resolution to ruine the cardidal . for , as the authority of princes and ministers , is kept up only by fear , or admiration , his weakness rais'd him enemies , whom he never offended . brussels , charton , and viole , did , in effect , point him out in the assembly of the chambers ; but blanmevil the president of noujon nam'd him , and there was order'd a solemn deputation to the duke of orleans , to monsieur the prince , and to the prince of conty , to beseech them to joyn with the company , and bring effective remedies to the mischiefs which threatned the state. the court was at ruel at the time of this declaration against the cardinal , who was touch'd to the quick with it , to see himself necessitated to throw himself into the armes of monsieur le prince , and to secure his shaking fortune by his support : the prince , who could not enjoy the fruit of his victory at the battle of lens , because of the disorders of paris , was reduc'd to bound his conquests with the taking of furnes , where good fortune preserved him from the shot of a musquet , which he received in the trenches , for it hit him on the back , in a place where his belt was doubled , which deadned the stroak of the bullet . immediately after it was taken , he had orders to return . at this time he was look'd upon by all the people with admiration ; for besides that this new laurel , which he had acquir'd by his pure valor , gave a great addition to his glory , he had no hand in the present troubles , and both parties look'd upon him as their defender , or at least as the arbitrator of their differences . it also look'd as if fortune invited him to entertain more ambitious designs , because the ebbing state of the court , and publick admiration , equally concurr'd to his advancement ; but as he was naturally inclin'd to keep within the bounds of duty , he was not very industrious to manage the general love. he admitted into his confidence two persons of quality and merit , who were of opposite opinions , viz. the duke of chatillion , and marshal gramount ; the first , whose family and person were strictly united to the prince , advis'd him to declare himself for the parliament , or at least to make himself moderator of the differences with all the neutrality possible ; the other , by all sorts of interests , bound to be on the courts side , employed his perswasions to induce him to be of his party . upon this occasion he did violence to his nature , which is something averse to such temperate methods , and wrote , together with the duke of orleans , to the parliament , to desire them to send deputies to st. germains , that they might put an end to the divisions in a conference . so many relations give an account of what pass'd there , that it would be a superfluous repetition , and i need only to remark , that the deputies would not consent that the cardinal should assist at it ; and , that at the first interview , the prince was hot upon viole , for having first propounded the liberty of chavigny , because he was of opinion , that they should decide the matters in controversie , and agree upon rules necessary for the drawing up of the kings declaration , by vertue whereof chavigny would recover his liberty , as it happen'd by this authentick declaration of the 28th of october . after this declaration , which gave some respite to the publick divisions , there happen'd some court disputes , which , for a while , disturb'd the union that was in the council , and thus it was . from the beginning of the regency , the abbot de la riviere possessing absolutely the favor of the duke of orleans , aim'd at a cardinals cap ; and mazarin , to make him more sure to his interests , gave him more hopes of it , the execution whereof he still evaded , judging it not at all convenient to have a person of the same dignity with himself in the king's council , but from time to time he procur'd him benefices to preserve his good will ; nevertheless at the birth of these troubles , the abbot urged him so vehemently , that he could not avoid giving him the nomination of france for the cap , because he stood in need of the duke of orlean's protection : but he believed , that either there would be oppositions at rome , which he might underhand foment , or else that time would produce opportunities at court , to hinder it from taking effect . the abbot sends his agent to his holiness , who gave him assurance of his promotion to the first that fell ; and in expectation of this he brought his master to preserve the cardinals so much tossed fortune from shipwrack . when he saw himself at the height of his desires , the prince of conty , who was not yet declared for the cardinals cap , any more then as it was an extraordinary promotion , more honorable for his birth , begg'd , at the perswasion of the court , the king's nomination for the first . it could not be refus'd him , and the competition of rivier was too weak to dispute the preference . so that not being able to blame the prince of conty , he taxes the cardinal , detests his ingratitude , and obliges the duke of orleans not to speak to him any more . now , as he thought of nothing but the means whereby he might break off the nomination of the prince of conty ; he attempts to do it by monsieur the prince , and proposed to him by vinevil , that in case he would take off his brother from desiring the cap , his royal highness would procure him what government soever he would . he answered vinevil , that he had an estate , an offices great enough to maintain him with his services and fidelity ; that if he had more , he might justly become suspected of the king , who would aim at nothing so much , as to ruine him , if he became great ; and that his fortune was in a condition , that wanted nothing but moderation in his desires . i thought these so vertuous words worthy to be reported , to shew , how much inconsistant man is with himself , and how much his mind is subject to change . during this division the king came from st. germains to paris , where the duke of orleans gave continual marks of his anger against the cardinal , he went very little to the palais royal ; there was nothing resolv'd on in council ; all the male-contents repair'd to him ; he hearkned to the frondeurs of the parliament ; in fine , the quarrel must have either ended in the greatest violence , or be accommodated . the marshal d'estree , and senators , persons of credit , took upon them to try if they could bring both to an agreement ; they represented to the duke of orleance , that this misunderstanding betwixt the queen and him could not continue longer without ruining the state ; and that the cause of it was dishonorable to his royal highness ; that monsieur the prince would gain a notable advantage by it , because he would be obliged in honor to his family , and his own greatness ; to take the queen into his protection , and she to fly to him as her only refuge ; that he being of a hot nature , would reduce things to the greatest extremity ; and that it was already talk'd that he was coming with the regiment of guards to force the palace of orleans , to reduce that company of seditious which were about his person : they remonstrated to la riviere , if he would pretend , for his private interest , to make a division in the royal family , and cause a civil war ; if it was reasonable that he should be offended , because a prince of the blood was preferr'd before him ? that he would become the object of the hatred and vengeance of monsieur the prince , and of all his family ; that the load he laid upon his master , was too weighty , that he would quickly be weary of it ; or that if he broke off with him , his favor would become a prey to others ; and as to the cardinalship , that the prince of conty would either give it over , or the court demand two caps for the first promotion . the two commissioners of the court found the minds of the duke de orleans , and de la riviere very well disposed to understand their reasons , for time had done much towards an accommodation , and this minister was already perswaded by his own fears , that things ought to return to the same degree of concord , that they were at before , and so they did upon this agreement . the declaration agreed upon by the kings council and the deputies of the soveraign courts seem'd to secure the repose of the state , and to quench the least sparks of fire which threatned it ; but the ambition of those who hated the present government , and desired innovations , had taken too deep root in their minds to keep within the bounds of mildness ; so that they omitted no endeavor , or practise , whereby they might incite the parliament and people to disturb it . they represented to them , that this great business of the barricadoes , this victory of subjects over their soveraign , this diminution of royal authority , the publick invectives against the cardinal , would never be forgotten . that his want of power made him at present prudently dissemble his resentments , but that they would break out with so much the greater violence : that it was never heard , that so powerful a minister was ever attack'd , without being ruin'd to all intents and purposes : that he stayes only for favorable occasions ; a division in the parliament , a change in the people , the king's majority ; in a word , the benefit of opportunity , which cannot be wanting to him who absolutely disposes of the royal power ; that therefore they must make use of the present junctures , if they would get rid of so dangerous an enemy . that the duke of orleans was a sober man , and one too knowing in the affairs of the world , to oppose an universal concourse ; that monsieur le prince will bethink himself , that the true refuge for princes of the blood , and his own reputation against the jealousie of favorites , must be the publick love of the people ; so that at the most , to please the queen , they will appear to defend her , but weakly , and with reservedness . lastly , that they must consider , that the declaration which was extorted from the court , when in a weak condition , and which will be of force no longer , then while it continues so , is a necessity , not a sincere friendship , in the heart of the queen , who but waits the moment to revenge her self . those who dispersed such discourses in parliament , and who declared most against the court , were after broussel and longueil , the president of noujon and blanmenil , enemies to the cardinal , because of the disgrace of the bishop of beauvay their uncle , and because their cousin was refused to be made the coadjutor of this bishoprick , and viole , because they broke the promise they made him to be chancellour to the queen , but the person that at this time by the instances of his friend in parliament , and his emissaries among the people , laboured with most success to make a party to their association ▪ was the coadjutour of paris . this man who had joyned too many excellent , both natural and acquired qualities , that defect which the corruption of minds makes to pass for a vertue , was tainted with an extreme ambition , and an unbounded desire of increasing his fortune , and reputation by all sorts of ways , so that the constancie of his undaunted courage , and mighty genius found a sad and unhappy object , which was the troubles of the state ; and a compassion to the capital city , whereof he was arch-bishop . now judging that this party could not subsist with out a head , he cast his eyes upon monsieur le prince , whom he assaulted with such strong reasons , that it was reported , he was perswaded by them , or at least seem'd to be so , even to give his word to broussel , and longueil to put himself at the head of them . but whether it was that he did not engage his word , and that the duke of chatillion , who negotiated for him with the frondaurs , had advanced so farr on his own head without his orders , or rather that the prince had expressely given it to hinder them from addressing themselves to the duke of orleans , during his discontent , however it was , he undeceived those who suspected him of favouring his desire . the coadjutor seeing himself disappointed , having a head of this importance , turn'd his hopes upon the prince of conty , whose birth alone was of great consequence in the kingdom . this prince was dissatisfied because he was not one of the council , and much more because the prince set so little esteem upon him . but being entirely governed by the dutchess of longueil his sister , ( who was netled at the indifference which monsieur the prince shew'd to her ) he abandon'd himself without reserve to her opinions . this princess , who had a great hand in the sequel of affairs , had all the advantages of wit , and beauty to so high a degree , and with so many charms , and so generally liked , that nature seem'd to have been pleased to frame an accomplish'd and perfect work. but a blemish , which is rarely or never seen in a princess of this merit , somthing darkened these fair qualities , which was far from prescribing to those who had a particular adoration for her , she transformed herself so very much into their sentiments that she was not sensible of her own . at this time the prince de marcillac had a place in her affections , who joyning his ambition to his love , inspired her with a desire of intermedling in affairs , tho she had a natural aversion to it , and made use of the passion she had to be reveng'd on monsieur the prince , to set the prince of conty against him . the coadjutour was happy in his project , to see the brother and sister disposed to unite themselves with the frondeurs , by a treaty into which the duke of longueville was drawn , being push'd on with the hopes that the parliament would bring about his ill grounded pretensions to be a prince of the blood. the court seeing that the designs of their enemies , prevailed to that height as openly to demand the cardinals ruin , put all their hope in the duke of orleans , and monsieur le prince , and thought that their union , with their majesties would reduce them into order . now because the mischief had taken such deep root , that there was required a great deal of force to pluck it up , they judg'd that the temperate nature of the duke of orleans , was not so proper , as that of monsieur le prince ; which was incapable of all moderation : add to this , that his reputation in the wars , the splendor of his victories , the forces of his troops would strike terrour into peoples minds , so that they applyed themselves particularly to gain him , to espouse a cause so just . the queen to this end made use of very pressing perswasions , to wit , tears , and most affectionate words , telling him that she look'd upon him as her third son. the cardinal promised him that he would all his life depend upon his will. the king himself bracing him , told him that he recommended to him the saftey of his state and person . so that the court consider'd him , as the principal defender of its fortune : but those who determin'd him , were marshal gramont , and le tellier ; by these or the like arguments , they represented to him , that by little and little , the parliament would usurp the whole authority : that instead of bounding their ambition within the declaration of the 28 october . they would not only be judges of the affairs of war , but also took upon themselves a power to turn out the minister , that at the same time they might set up a new one of their own chusing , and further that frequent mutations are pernicious to kingdoms , nay that it is sometimes better to suffer an ill one , than to change him ; that it is ten thousand to one , but if an usurpation , ( the like whereof was never heard of till now ) be tolerated , they will assault priviledg'd persons and nothing be sacred enough to secure it from violation ; by this licentiousness , that the counsellors would be in a fine condition , if they should impose laws upon kings and the princes of the blood , miserable if they received them . that this new practice shock'd the monarchy , which is absolute and independant , and contrary to the constitutions of france , and even to the institutions of the parliament ; that if there be abuses in the kingdom , they ought to be reformed by the assemblies of the general states ; and not by the decrees of a company , whose suffrages are rather counted than weighed . that when ever the parliament went beyond their duty , they were severely corrected , sometimes by the late king , sometimes by henry the fourth , and charles the ninth , and other kings their predecessors , upon occasions less dangerous than this . that great kingdoms cannot be supported by remiss councils , but must give a proof of their courage and strength , and that the justice of kings consists in their power . that he the prince , was interested in the person of the cardinal , to oppose an enterprise which tends to the destruction of the royal family ; and that if the duke of orleans , and his highness would not stand in the gap , the queen would be forc'd to go with her children , to implore the help of the princes that were allies to the crown : besides , that monsieur le prince must think that the innovations made by the parliament , since the declaration wounded the establishment of the peace . these discourses , which represented the thing very lively , made such an impression on his spirit , that he would not hear of a neutrality , without ever so much as thinking that he might lose the peoples affection . it is certain , that great minds , like this of monsieur le prince , produce great vertues , but are eminent also for great defects : by an invincible excess of passion , he ruin'd all the advantages fortune had , even to envy , added to his person , which were such , that the would have surpassed the glory of the greatest men in former ages , if piety , justice , and solidity had been answerable to that excessive valour , that incredible constancy in adversities , and that sparkling wit which were remarkable in him . monsieur le prince might have rendred himself ador'd by all the world , if he could have manag'd himself with a design to have treated his affairs with calmness ; but instead of this he was forc'd by his rash conduct to have recourse to means , which brought him to strange extremities . he went with the duke of orleans to the parliament , and push'd on by his ill fate , as soon as viole had invoked the holy spirit to illuminate the princes in their consideration of the cardinals conduct , monsieur le prince rose up and bid him hold his tongue ; this inconsiderately raised a murmuring amongst the young counsellors , with which he was fir'd into a passion , and threatned them with his hands and words . at this time he lost the affection of the company , and when this action was spread abroad , the esteem his victories gain'd him was chang'd into fear , and the love of his person into hatred , not to say exceration , from which he recovered not but by particular good fortune . and now being interested in a quarrel of his own , as well as of the courts , he hearkned to all propositions that were made him for reducing the parliament : they tell him that the speediest and surest way was to besiege paris , that by stoping all the avenues , the people would be starv'd in three market days , and so rise against the parliament , and accuse them of being the authors of all their miseries . in fine that the parisians were without any to head them , without soldiers and accustomed to soft ease ; he relish'd these reasons , which seemed strong to him , because animated by his fury , to which nothing was impossible ; so that he made himself the head of the enterprise to besiege paris , under the command of the duke of orleans , who at first opposed this design ; but the sollicitations of the queen , the perswasions of the abbot de la riviere , and the willful resolution of monsieur le prince , overr●ulled his own opinion , and the contrary advice of the dutchesse of orleans : this being resolved on , monsieur le prince and the marshal de la meilleraye , proposed ( that they might gain their end more speedily ) to seise upon the isle of st. louis , the port st. antonie , the arsenal , and the bastile , and also to put their majesties in the bastile ; but either because this proposition was not well enough grounded , or because they were afraid of exposing the kings person , they rather chose to quit paris , than to besiege it . after his majesty had solemnized the festival of the epiphany , at the marshal gramont's house , the king retired to the cardinal's palace , from whence he departed the next day at three a clock in the morning , with the queen , cardinal mazarin , and all the court , except madam de longueil , to go to st. germains , whither the nobility and all the ministers likewise came the same day , and presently in a council that was held , the blocking up of paris was publish'd and talk'd of by all the court. this departure , or rather escape , was joyful news to the factious , and was by no means approved of by wise men , who esteem'd it unbecoming sovereign dignity , which princes ought to be jealous of , since the splendor of the name of king is the chief thing that awes the people into respect . the parisians were not so much startled as was imagined they would be : on the contrary , as if they had taken courage from the condition they were in , they declared , that they were prepared for all the consequences that threatned them ; and fear did not keep them from railing against the cardinal , monsieur le prince , the queen , and all those whom they believed to have advised this departure , which they called a rape of the king. the parliament appeared less constant in this accident , because they foresaw the consequences of it better , and after the first assembly , they deputed some of the kings council to carry their submissions and offers , which , though very advantagious , yet were sent back without being heard , so much was all the court possessed with a vain hope that the parisians would yield too with a blind obedience upon the first alarm of the siege ; but they were quickly undeceived , for the day after ( which was the eighth of january ) that the king's council had made their report , so that they could no longer question the design of the court , the parliament declared the cardinal an enemy to the government , and issued out commissions to levy soldiers ; the companies voluntarily taxed themselves , they laid in abundance of provisions , and the people with a great deal of ardor stood to defend the city : so true is it that fear oftentimes begets courage , and that nothing arms the hand more powerfully than despair . notwithstanding monsieur le prince , with six or seven thousand men , who were the remainder of the army of the last campaign , block'd up paris , possessing themselves of laigny , corbeil , saint cloud , st. denis , and charenton , a thing posterity will admire , but never believe , that he should by his conduct and vigilance block up the greatest and most populous city in europe ; when at the same time there were so many princes and lords in it , with an army stronger than his . now as the court never wants malecontents , the duke d'elbeuf , his three sons , the duke of brisac , and the marquiss de la boulaye , first offered themselves to the parliament , who had no sooner installed the duke d'elbeuf in the office of general of the army , but news was brought them that the prince de conty and the duke de longueil , accompanied with the prince de marcillac and normonstier , were that night privately come from st. germains , and lighted at the hotel de longueil , who came to declare themselves for the parisians , according to the agreement which they had made with the coadjutor . this their sudden arrival gave occasion to some controversy , which was ended by the nomination of the prince of conty for generalissimo , and of the duke d'elbeuf for general , with whom the duke de bouillion and marshal de la motthe were joined in equal power . monsieur de longueil would not take any employment , but of assisting the prince of conty by his counsels , esteeming himself above the last , and not able to be equal to the first . the prince of conty had great difficulty to justifie the sincerity of his intentions , because the publick , who were ignorant of the misunderstanding betwixt him and monsieur le prince , who was the real head of the enterprize against paris , could not think themselves secure of him ; even provost , a counsellor of the great chamber , gave himself the liberty ( as if this mutual confederation against their duty inspired him with boldness ) to be disrespectful to a prince of the blood , nevertheless madam de longueville was required to live in the hotel de ville , to be an hostage for the fidelity of her brother and husband to the people , who naturally distrust great men , because they are ordinarily the victims of their interest . this departure of monsieur le prince de conty , and of monsieur de longueil , from st. germains ▪ was a mighty surprise in it self , but became much greater by raising a jealousie that monsieur le prince was of the party , which put the queen and the cardinal into extraordinary fears , though they were quickly removed by his return from charenton . he storm'd and was incensed against them with the greater heat in this quarrel , that he might be reveng'd on his relations , who he believed ought to depend absolutely on his will. 't was said , that at this time the cardinal resolved to leave france , thinking it impossible for him to be safe in the midst of all these tempests , and destitute of support . but the prince encourag'd him , and engaged his honour to the queen , that he would perish , or bring him back to paris triumphant over his enemies . in the mean time the party in the city got no small strength by the declaration of a prince of the blood , whose quality was of great consequence in the kingdom , and of another prince who was almost absolute in his government of normandy ; the marshal de la motthe also rendred himself considerable in the army , and the duke of bouillion incomparably more so by the great knowledge he had in the affairs of the world , and his strict alliance with his brother marshal turenne , who commanding at this time the army in germany , it was presumed would sacrifice his duty to the raising of his family , and to the peak he had against the cardinal . monsieur le prince indeed , who took these two brothers for his friends , wrote to the duke de bouillion , fearing lest he should think that the retreat of the prince de conty , and of longueil , was contrived with his consent , and therefore he was willing to undeceive him , and conjured him to return to st. germains , where he would procure him all the satisfaction possible to his interests . monsieur de bouillion shewed this letter to the parliament , and the ministers being informed , that marshal turenne stood ill affected , the king and monsieur le prince , who had great interest amongst the troops in germany , wrote to the colonels to observe his commands no further , and to abandon him , which took effect and was the safety of the court. at this time likewise the duke of beaufort arrived at paris : he had absconded in the provinces beyond the loire since his escape out of vincennes , and found this favourable occasion to set him up again in the world. he came to offer his service to the parliament , who cleared him from the accusation of having conspired against the life of cardinal mazarin , admitted him peer of france , and made him one of their generals . now although his genius was none of the most raised , yet his presence , his language , and his popular air , with a conduct adroit enough , gain'd him the love of the people of paris , and the rather , because they thought him irreconcileable to the cardinal for imprisoning him , from which he would never change till he was necessitated by the revolution of affairs to be reconciled unto him . in the mean time the king's army possessed all the posts about paris , and though the parliament were more in number , yet the generals never made an attempt to open a passage , insomuch that the provisions came in with difficulty only by brie ; for monsieur le prince could not put a garison in brie comte robert , without dividing his forces , and had also quitted charenton , which the prince de conty possessed himself of , fortified , and put into it 3000 men under the command of cauleu . this made monsieur le prince resolve to attack this post , which secured the provisions of the parisians , and also to give terror to his arms. thither therefore he went on the eighth of february , with the duke of orleans and all the princes and lords of the court , and committed the assault to the duke de chatillon , whilst he himself went to an adjacent hill to hinder all relief from paris . the duke executed his orders with all the valour possible , but at the last barricade he received a musquet shot through his body , of which he died the next day , lamented by both parties for his excellent qualities , in the flower of his age , and just upon his enjoyment of the honours which his services had acquir'd him . the taking of this , as it very much diminish'd the honour of the generals and forces of the parliament , so it was lookt upon as miraculous in the person of monsieur le prince , to have carry'd a place in the presence of an army , and at the gates of paris , from whence ten thousand men in arms came out to be witnesses of it . this battel , and those of the bois de vincennes , of lagny and de brie , ( in one whereof the young duke of rohan , shewing himself the worthy successor of his father's vertue , lost his life ) being all disadvantageous to the parisians , inclined them to some thoughts of a peace , which , notwithstanding it was difficult to effect , because of the different interests in the parilament , which hinder'd it . the number of those who were disaffected to a peace , though inferior to the other , yet appeared more , because they disguised their hatred and ambition with the name of publick good and safety , which is not to be found , said they , in an agreement with the cardinal . the more moderate durst not shew their good intentions , because ( besides the danger in doing so ) they would have been eluded , and it was better to stay till the minds of the people were a little wearied , & the strength and hopes of the party more weakned , before they declared themselves . as for the people , the richer sort would not expose themselves to the multitude , which having not suffered much from necessity , and being animated by some people of quality , was glad enough of this pretence for war , and cried out against such as desired a peace . all the generals ( except monsieur de beausort , who wholly devoted himself to an hatred of the cardinal , and love of the people , whom he design'd to make use of afterwards ) contrived their particular reconciliation , and every one had his private friends at court to make his conditions better . monsieur d'elboeuf held correspondence with the abbot de la riviere from the beginning ; monsieur de bouillon , with monsieur le prince , and the marshall de la motthe was engaged with the duke de longueville , who was retired into normandy , where he fortified himself with arms , men , and money , to make his treaty more advantageous by the mediation of monsieur le prince . as to the prince de conty , because he had no inclinations but what his sister inspired him with , who was cruelly affronted and slandered by the injurious discourses of monsieur le prince about her conduct , time alone must allay these heats , and the necessity of affairs bring this family to a reconciliation , as it quickly did . the coadjutor only was the principal promoter of this war , wherein he had but too much desecrated his character amidst sedition and arms , which banish't from his mind all thoughts of peace , and thwarted every thing that spoke in favour of it , because he found not wherewith to satisfie his ambition . on the other side the court swell'd with good success , and the glorious warlike actions of monsieur le prince , expected yet greater from him , and would impose too rigorous conditions on the contrary party : so that apparent necessity was a sovereign law which determined both parties to a treaty of peace , besides that civil war being contrary to the nature of all the world , every one was ready to return from his errors and animosities , it being the humour of our nation to become dutiful with the same levity that it becomes mutinous , and to pass in a moment from rebellion to obedience . and now see the present occasion that was offered . the king , on the 20th of february , sent a herald , clad with his coat of arms , his staff cover'd with flower-de-luces , accompanied with two trumpetters : he came to the port st. honoré , and said , that he had three pacquets of letters to deliver to the prince of conty , to the parliament , and to the city . the parliament being advertis'd thereof , determin'd not to receive or give him audience , but to send the king's council to the queen , to tell her , that their refusal was purely a mark of obedience and respect , since heralds were not sent but to sovereign princes , or to enemies ; that the prince of conty , the parliament , and the city , being neither , beseeched her majesty to let them know her pleasure from her own mouth . the kings council were well received by the queen , who told them , that she was satisfied with their excuses and submissions , and that when the parliament return'd to their duty they should experience the effects of her kindness , and that the persons and fortunes of every one in particular , not one excepted , should find there their security . the duke d'orleans , and monsieur le prince gave them the same assurances . many material reasons were the cause that the court was so ready to be indulgent ; for besides the constancy of the parisians , the difficulty of raising men and money , the revolt of gascony , provence , and normandy , and of many other cities which followed the parliament , as poictiers , tours , angiers , and mant , you must know there was yet a more pressing motive . the prince of conty , seeing that the army in germany had pass'd the rhine to come into france against monsieur turenne , and that his party could not subsist without a powerful foreign aid , had sent the marquiss de noirmoustier , and laigues , to the arch-duke , to invite him to joyn his forces to the party of paris , to constrain the ministers to conclude a general peace . the spaniards resolved not to slip so favourable an opportunity to foment our divisions , and make an advantage thereof , either by a treaty , or the continuation of the war. to this end the archduke sent a deputy to the parliament , who gave him audience after he had delivered his credentials , not without some blot to this society , if necessity of defence had not pleaded its excuse . in his audience he declared the catholick king 's joyning with this company for a general peace , which should be the sole end of his forces entry into france , and not to take advantage of the weakness of the frontier , and that he found more security in treating with the parliament than with the cardinal , who had broke it , and who was a declared enemy of the state : and indeed vaufourle , sent from the court to the ministers of spain in flanders , to insinuate some propositions for a peace , was not favourably heard , and they inclined to the parliaments side , to relieve this party which was going down the wind ; so that the offers of the archduke to the faction of paris ( which he perform'd by his actual entry into france , ( accompanied by the two agents of the prince of conty , with fifteen or sixteen thousand men ) giving a just apprehension to the court , made it suddenly resolve to accommodate the affair of paris . the taxes were out ; it was extreamly difficult to get money ; their troops perished , either by the avarice of the officers , or for want of subsistance , or the dissatisfaction of their generals ; and their arms grew into discredit . in fine , the minds of most were disgusted , either because they smarted under the inconvenience , or because it is the nature of people to be soon wearied with a war which they undertook in passion . the premiere president , and the president of mesme , who had by consent acted underhand with the ministers during all these commotions , managed with address these dispositions to advance a treaty for peace ; and as they were deputed , together with others , to carry to the queen the letter of the arch-duke , and the credentials of his envoy , and to justifie the company for having given him audience , but withal to acquaint her , that they would not determine upon an answer without knowing her pleasure , they had a conference apart from the other deputies with the duke of orleans and monsieur le prince , wherein they treated for a peace . when they were together , the deputies insisting upon the opening of the passages , the princes promised them to open one as soon as the parliament gave full power to their deputies to treat for a peace . now though this secret conference made the parliament , and the people , who were at the door of the great chamber , to murmur , yet the premiere president , who never wanted constancy upon occasion , nor zeal for the publick good , having said , that it was only to get an answer from the queen , who was incensed at the company for having received the spanish envoy , persuaded them to give a full power , without the restriction of the arrest of january 18. against the cardinal and foreign ministers , giving them in charge the interests of the generals , and the parliaments of normandy and provence , who were confederates with the parliament of paris , with whom the other deputies for the companies of the chambers of accounts , of the courts of aids , and of the hotel de ville , were joyned . whilst this famous deputation was in their way to st. germains , their majesties and the two princes had sent some persons of quality to the queen of england , to condole the fatal death of the king her husband ; and flammarin , who was one of them , made a visit from the abbot de la riviere to prince marcillac , who lay sick of a wound which he received in the fight at the brie comte robert ; the count de grancey , in this visit , made some secret overtures advantagious to the prince of conty , namely that he should be admitted into the council , and have a strong place in champaine , provided that he would agree to an accommodation , and desist from his nomination to the cardinalship in favour of this abbot . this proposition , made with the consent of monsieur le prince , who desired to reunite the two families , was approved of by monsieur de marcillac , and soon after by the duke de longueville , and the prince of conty . at this time the duke de longueville was perswaded by monsieur le prince to retard his supplies for paris , and to treat with the court upon a promise of the pont de l'arche , and a great charge , for which he was his surety . monsieur de bouillon had also some assurances given to him and monsieur turenne by monsieur le prince , but either because he did not very much confide in him , or because he entertained other hopes , he put all the obstacles he could to the conclusion of the peace : so rare is fidelity in civil war to the mutual tyes and correspondencies which are found amongst people of different parties , and there are always particular treaties which precede the general one , because the secret agreements of heads so considerable , seeming to preserve only a respect for their party , necessitate the most zealous to acquiesee in the peace , or to shew a shameful weakness . notwithstanding the conferences at ruel had like to have broke up , upon the queens nomination of the cardinal for a deputy in conjunction with the two princes : those of the parliament not being willing to admit him , because he had been condemned , they therefore made use of this expedient , to negotiate by two deputies for each party , which were the chancellor and le tellier for the court , and the president coigneux and viole for the parliament . at last , after many debates and contests , they agreed upon a peace , wherein , though the cardinal was preserved , yet he complain'd to the princes that he was put sub hastà ( as it was term'd in ancient rome ) that is , set to sale , and that they had made him restore his moveables and habits , clothes sold by an arrest of parliament . this necessity appeared to them little important , in respect to the necessity they lay under because of the approach of the spanish army . the principal articles were , that they should send back the deputy of the arch-duke without an answer , a general pardon for all the party , all the declarations and arrests since the sixth of january to be repealed and annull'd , and the semestres of the parliaments of normandy and provence , suppressed upon certain conditions : those who were enemies to this peace , took a pretence from some of the articles to decry it , especially the coadjutor , who was incensed , that the war which was here begun by him , should be concluded without him ; and that instead of all the advantages which his ambition had fancied to him , he reaped nothing but the shame of having labored to subvert the state. he was strictly associated with the duke de beaufort , whose credit he made use of in all occurrences ; and in this he forgot nothing to render the treaty odious to the people , the parliament and the generals : he represented to them , that this war being made onely to remove the cardinal , he was nevertheless preserved by this peace ; even the arrest of the eighth of january against him and foreign ministers was revoked , and then where is the fruit of so much pains and sufferings , and will not the parliament fall under the peoples contempt by such a remissness ? and also that the generals abandoned themselves to their private interests in prejudice to the union , but that which with some shew of reason exasperated them most , was , that the cardinal signed the treaty , the greatest part saying , that he having signed it , it became null , because the conference was against him , and that there was reason to wonder that the deputies should suffer a condemned man to confer and to sign with them . he and his emissaries , by such like discourses , provoked the parliament and people , who threatned the deputies with the utmost extremities . as soon as the premiere president began to read the verbal process , and the articles in the assembly of the chambres , he was hindred by the great clamours and murmurs of the councellors , and the complaints of the generals . but the wisest part of the parliament , either ballancing the inconveniencies of a civil war , with the hardness of the articles , or because they perceived that it was the ambition of the coadjutour , and of some particular persons that inspired them with this averseness , judged the peace necessary . the company thought of sending back the same deputies to st. germain , to reform the three articles without speaking of the cardinal , and to treat of the interests of the generals , who should be inserted into the same declaration . this pretty mild advice was proposed by broussel , and for that reason followed by the frondeurs and the mazarins , not without some ( it may be , unjust ) suspition , that a secret promise of the government of the bastile , had at this time mollifyed the good man , so few are there who are proof against the charms of interest ! when the coadjutor saw that the parliament in the reformation of the article , did not insist against the cardinal , he perswaded the prince of conty to send some one from him , and the rest of the generals to the conference at st. germain , ( which was held principally for the interest of the generals ) to propose , that they would renounce all their pretentions ( provided that the cardinal would resign up the ministry of state ) and at the same time to beg the parliament to order their deputies to insist upon that in conjunction with them . to this end , the prince sent the count de maure to st. germain , and asked the company to joyn with him , who granted it : but because there was no mention made thereof in the first treaty , and also that the duke de brissac , barriere , and crecy , the deputies of the generals had made other propositions for their interests , and because they had already tasted of the fruits of the peace , by the restauration of traffick , and the cessation of all acts of hostility . the queen and princes answered to the pressing instances of the count de maure , that they would never consent to remove the cardinal , and that the pretensions of the generals either were acts of grace , favour , or were due in justice , that those in justice due should be preserved for them ; but for such as were only acts of favour , they should be conferred on such as deserved them most , and depend purely on her majesties pleasure : so that all their pretensions being for the most part ill grounded , came to nothing ; and there was only the prince de conty who had danvilliers , the duke de lougueville who had the pont de l'arche , and brussel who had the bastile , which also was not performed till some time after , and some arrears of pensions put into the bargain . as to the parliament , it was satisfied with the reformation of the three articles which the deputies demanded , and her majesty dispensed with their coming to st. germains , where she was to keep her seat of justice . the deputies came to paris , where the chambers being assembled , the kings declaration for a peace was ratified , and it was ordered , that their majesties should be thank'd for the peace they had been pleased to give their subjects . this was the end of the war , wherein neither party having got the better of the other , neither of them obtained what they at first proposed to themselves . for the parliament and the cardinal remained in their former splendor , and the present state of things was not at all chang'd , notwithstanding the peace which for some time put a period to all the horrors of a civil war , was receiv'd with an universal joy , except amongst such as grow sick of publick tranquility , and have no way to advance themselves but by factions , and establish their safety and fortunes in the shipwrack of others . but the fire of civil war was not quite extinguish'd by this peace of the parliament , it soon after kindled again , and flam'd out with more violence in the principal provinces of the kingdom . and certainly , it was difficult for the queen to pay an acknowledgement proportionable to the great services which monsieur le prince had done her , and for monsieur le prince to contain himself within a dutiful modesty , after having so usefully served her : for debts of this nature being almost impossible to be paid , ordinarily produce hatred in the mind of the soveraign , and at the same time inspire subjects with thoughts of domineering , which are not to be endured : now as the cardinal had chiefly reap'd the fruit of monsieur le prince's assistance , so he was the most exposed to his complaints , demands , menaces , and ill humour . sometime before the troubles , the cardinal desiring to establish the seat of his fortune in france , that he might strengthen himself by great alliances , cast his eyes upon the duke de mercaeur ; whom he design'd to marry to one of his nieces ; he gave him leave to come to court , and the duke de vendosme to return to one of his houses ; and also gave over persecuting the duke de beaufort . this made the more quick-sighted judge , the cardinal , who foresaw how burthensome the protection of monsieur le prince would in time be to him , attempted all possible ways to make a shift without it ; and yet he hoped by appeasing the discontents of the regency , and getting new supports , to free himself from depending upon him . this project was interrupted by the war , and set on foot again soon after the peace , when the court being at compeigne where the duke de vendosme was . the cardinal omitted no care to make it take effect : the queen spoke of it to monsieur le prince , who durst not contradict the proposal , either because he foresaw not , or slighted the consequence ; or rather , because he feared the breach that would happen upon this refusal . but monsieur de longuevil ( who was restored to his brothers favor , and had greater power over him than before ) induced by reasons which respected his own pleasures more than the advantage of monsieur le prince ; let him see the cardinals intention , exaggerating his ingratitude for allying himself with the house of vendosme , which was an enemy to his . and indeed , monsieur le prince was so very much touched with his discourses , that , contrary to the rules of policy , he kept not himself within bounds when he spoke of the cardinal , and spared no ralleries and invectives against his person , and the intended marriage . the cardinal , to whom this procedure was not unknown , complained mightily of the opposition which monsieur le prince made against the marriage of his niece , which the duke de mercaeur , since he opposed not the marriage of madamoiselle d'angoulesme with monsieur de joyeuse , affecting by this comparison an equality which was then unseasonable : so that their hearts being exasperated one against another , suspitions , jealousies , and evil reports , which courtiers are seldom niggards of , in the dissentions of the cabinet council , incensed them more , and produced very different thoughts of revenge . for monsieur le prince satisfied himself with contempts , which are frequently impotent , whil'st the cardinal with a deep silence , made great preparatives , and laid foundations for his ruine ; but notwithstanding , both of them shew'd very little coldness , yet this alienation took its original from the strict and daily communication that they pass'd betwixt them during the war ; by which ( as it is ordinary enough for esteem to be lessened by familiarity , which discovers all intirely and without reserve , chiefly in the exercises of good or ill fortune ) the prince lost a great deal of the respect which he once had for the cardinal ; and being no longer restrained by the awe of his tottering power , playd upon his defects before the duke of orleans , and the cardinals confidents . these , with little fidelity to either of them , after having made their court to monsieur le prince , gave an account of his bitter railleries to the cardinal ; the remembrance whereof gives spurs to his revenge , and will never be blotted out of his mind . besides , the cardinal discovered , that he could not firmly rely upon the friendship of monsieur le prince , who was rather governed by his capriciousness , than by reason and his interests ; and that this scornful humour , instead of being restrained , increased daily ; so that not being able to gain him over , he resolved to ruine him . add to this , that concord and power being incompatible in the same place , the cardinal could not brook a superior at court , nor the prince an equal : but that which entirely broke off the bond of friendship betwixt them , was , that the cardinal being justly enough perswaded , that he could not engage monsieur le prince to persevere in his interests , but by pretences of new establishments , did either by himself , or by his creatures , make him some proposals , with the hopes whereof he entertain'd him for some time , but at last eluded them . the prince enlightned enough by his own judgment , and it may be by those of his acquaintance , perceived the cardinals insincerity , which he no longer doubted of after such a rencounter as this that follows . the cardinal having put monsieur le prince upon gaining le montbelliard , and having sent d'herval on a pretence to treat thereof , but with private orders to conclude nothing , d'herval advertis'd monsieur le prince thereof , who could not dissemble it ; and following the spanish proverb , despues quae te erré nunca bien te quiese : and it was no wonder , if the cardinal being jealous that monsieur le prince would not fail to revenge himself , design'd to prevent him , even at the cost of those great obligations which he had to him , seeing that in matter of policy all means proper to preserve authority , provided they be sure , are reputed honest and lawful . from this discourse it is easie to see that the cardinal was willing to make use of all the events to throw monsieur le prince upon precipices , and thus it proceeded . the peace not being yet declared , it was judged inconvenient to the wellfare of the state , as well of the provinces , as of the frontiers , for the king to return to his capital city . the ministers could not resolve so quickly to put themselves amongst a provoked multitude which they had but just before besieged ; and because the campaign drew near , it was made a pretence to go to the frontiers , there to prepare for some considerable enterprise , that in the interim time might calm their spirits , and the remembrance of things past be worn out . and indeed , their majesties and the duke of orleans , and the council went to compeigne , but monsieur le prince thinking it would be for his reputation to shew himself to a people , who had laid so many curses upon him , came to paris , and shew'd himself in the streets alone in his coach : there he attracted the respect and fear , rather then the resentments of the people : so much doth valour charm even those whom it wounds : the greatest part of the parliament , and the principal of the party visited him ; for five or six days after which , he returned to the court , where the joy the cardinal had to see the way to paris made open for him , was allayed by a jealousie over the least of his actions . at his arrival , the cardinal desiring to remove so dangerous a rival , proposed to him the command of the army of flanders , which he would not accept , because he had tasted the pleasure of ruling in the cabinet council : he had also a design to go to his government in burgundy , to pacifie the troubles in guyenne and provence , which were up in arms because of a mis-understanding betwixt the governours and the parliaments : but the cardinal and la riviere did what they could to hinder his mediation ( to the authority whereof , the parties concern'd referred their differences ) for fear it should give any addition to his power . during this stay at compeigne , the prince de county , the dukes of nemours and de candale , monsieur le prince and marshal de turennes , who has struck in again with all people of quality , repaired to him , when they were in company , and full of mirth , he never dissembled his contempt of the cardinal and the duke of vendosme , and the aversion he had to the marriage of the duke de mercaeur ; nay , even went so far as to railly the royal authority , whereof he had but just before been the strongest support , but rather out of a hatred to the cardinal , than out of any design he had to raise his own upon the ruines of that . this manner of behaviour from that time , gave the cardinal some thoughts of attempting against his liberty , if he durst have put them in execution ; but amongst many reasons which restrained him , that of his friendship with the duke of orleans , was an obstacle to this design : for monsieur le prince had in the late affairs treated his royal highness after such a manner , that he took off all the envy that his extraordinaay reputation might create in him , by particular honors and respects , in leaving to him the out ward marks of command . add , that the abbot de la riviere , to whom he promis'd that the prince de conty should not ▪ traverse his nomination , was a certain security for his masters affection . monsieur le prince left compeigne with this good understanding betwixt them , to go to his government : the cardinal took his leave of him very well attended , as if he was afraid to trust his life with him who had ventur'd his for his preservation , so frail are the tyes and friendships of the court , and the least accidents expose them to the greatest changes . at parting , he desired the commander of souvrè , le tellier , and others of the cardinals confidents , and charged marbille his own servant to tell him , that he could not be his friend , if he thought of this marriage . the cardinal being vexed at the heart to see himself constrained to publish to the world , a dependance so submissive , as if the will of monsieur le prince was the only rule to which he must conform his interests , defended himself from it with vehemence enough ; alledging , that having imparted this allyance , approved by the queen and his royal highness , to rome , and all the princes of italy , he could not desist from it without shame and dishonor : so that being ballanc'd betwixt the reputation of the world , and the fear of monsieur le prince , he could not resolve either to break off , or to conclude this marriage : but following the genius of his own nation , which was very ascendant in him , he waited the benefit of time. in the mean while we were obliged to send out an army into the field , to deface the infamy of our civil wars , and raise the reputation of our affairs . a strong army was set out , made up of the troops of germany , ( with which a peace was just before concluded ) whereof comte d'harcourt was the general , who had orders to lay siege to cambray . this success , besides the publick interest , was of advantage to the cardinal , who intended to re-establish himself in his ancient lustre by a glorious conquest ; with the thoughts whereof he was the more pleased , because monsieur le prince had no hand either in the design or the execution ; also to make the honor of it more entirely his own , he went himself from amiens , where the king was , to the siege , rather out of ostentation , than for any good effect that it had , contenting himself to distribute some presents of little value , which served only to discredit him in the army , and expose him to their publick railleries : but his fortune look'd upon him with an evil eye this year , cambray was relieved , and this enterprise turned to his dishonor . this event raised the party of paris , and revived their violence , though they were always actuated with the same animosity against the cardinal . for he having made no endeavors to gain the coadjutor , the duke de beaufort , longueil , and the most in credit with them , they kept up ( notwithstanding the peace ) the peoples and the parliaments hatred against him , as quick and active as in the time of the war , that hereby they might render themselves necessary at the kings return to paris , and make their conditions better ; even the prince de conty , by the advice of prince de marcillac , though that which was agreed upon in his favor at the peace , was fully performed , forbore not to head this party , and to shew himself the cardinals enemy , that he might by this render himself more considerable . besides , he being intirely devoted to the will and pleasure of monsieur le prince , who by his power procured for him danvilliers , and brought him into the council : it was for their mutual interest , that he should keep up his credit at paris , during all the storms at court. so that at this time the kings authority was as little respected as before the war , because its only support is fear or admiration , both which were lost : and the publick were no less violent against the chief minister , expecting that he should become sensible of the little power he had since he broke with monsieur le prince : notwithstanding , as he wanted not such who by false flatteries suggested to him , that the party of paris was baffled , even in paris it self , and that his prevailed there : he made a tryal thereof by jarzè , who received an affront from monsieur de beaufort at the jardin de renard , wherein the duke de candalle , boutellier , and other persons of quality , were concerned : hereupon some challenges followed , which went no further than the disarming of monsieur de beaufort : a rencounter which stirred up all the fronde into an almost universal insurrection against the cardinal and his partisans : then the cardinal being undeceived of all the errors they had perswaded him into , and foreseeing that ( how averse soever he was to it ) he could not prolong the kings return to paris , who was pressed to go by the princes , and the necessity of affairs , wholly employed his thoughts upon what might contribute to his safety : with respect to the prince de conty and monsieur de longueil , he engaged his word to prince de marcillac , to procure him the honors of the louvre , which the greatest families in the kingdom enjoy : he forgot no promises to the dutchess de montbason , who had an entire and absolute authority over the duke de beaufort . he at this time promised the superintendency to the president de maisons , brother to longueil : and as to the coadjutor , he being in league with the marquess de noirmoustier , de laigues , and the dutchess de chevereuse , who in he troubles returned from her exile in flanders to paris , the cardinal enter'd into a conference with her upon his account , so that the upholders of this party being cool'd by his treaties with them , were glad enough to cover the weakness of their credit , which would have appeared , if they had attempted to oppose the concurrence of so great a number as desired the kings presence at paris . but the cardinal , though he stood in need of the support of monsieur le prince for his re-establishment , yet ( either because he believed he could make a shift without him , by the means of these new practices , or indeed because he could no longer endure the yoke of his obligations which he thought lay too heavy upon him ) kept only a civil correspondence with him during his absence , treating him like a suspected friend . monsieur le prince , to say the truth , now saw the prosperities of the court , for which he was before so blindly passionate , not without some regret , he was vexed at the siege of cambray , and was glad when he heard it was raised . the troubles of guyenne and provence , with the difficulties of the kings return to paris , pleas'd him well enough and the more , because he saw into the cardinals intentions , who thought of nothing but how to surmount the present obstacles , and to regain an absolute and independent authority ; nevertheless , he fomented not his discontents either in private or publick , as if he had a mind to let his resentment sleep awhile , that it might afterwards break out with the greater violence : on the contrary , upon his return from burgundy to paris , before he had seen the court , he powerfully sollicited his friends to receive the king with the cardinal , and testified the same earnestness as if it had been for his own interests ; it may be , because he took a pride to perfect so glorious a work as that of re-establishing him ; or because he vainly flatter'd himself , that so great a service would be always present to the eyes of the queen . he staid till the court returned to compeigne , where he receiv'd more demonstrations of friendship than when he went from thence , either to make him remit something of his averseness to the marriage , which was the fatal cause of their division ; or rather , that he might act with his wonted vehemency at the kings return to paris , which was look'd upon by all the provinces as the seat of the empire . when the king made his entry with the queen , and all the royal family in the same coach , the cardinal was in one of the boots with monsieur le prince , who by his presence encouraged him against those fears which he might justly apprehend , when he saw himself in the midst of an incredible croud of people who had so much horror for his person ; but only the joy of seeing the king again , possessed every mans mind , whence they banished all thoughts of the late troubles and enmities : when their majesties were come to the palais royal , they accepted the submissions of the duke de beaufort , and the coadjutor ; and monsieur le prince concluded so fair a journey , with telling the queen , that he thought himself happy since he had now fulfill'd his promise which he made to bring the cardinal back to paris : her majesty answer'd , sir , this service that you have done the state , is so great , that the king and my self would be ungrateful , if we should ever happen to forget it . a servant of monsieur le prince's who heard this discourse , said , that he trembled to think of the greatness of this service , and feared that this complement would one day be look'd upon as a reproach . monsieur le prince answer'd , i don't doubt it , but i have done what i promis'd . the retreat of the duke de longueville to his government of normandy , during the war of paris , 1649. as the duke de longueville was going into the old palais , he met with monsieur de st. luc , who was sent to st. germains to the marquess d'hectot , to endeavor to bring him over again to the court interest : he told him , with a countenance full of joy , st. luc , it is not long since i hated you mortally ; and i sir , answered st. luc , hate you no less at present than you ▪ then hated me : if i had not been deceived , you would not have been here ; and if you had not been deceived first , i should not have been suffer'd there . this short discourse being ended , monsieur de longueville design'd to go to the parliament , which was met to consult , whether they should receive him or no. some of his friends were against his going , alledging , that he both expos'd himself and the party ; some were sent up to the top of a high tower , to observe how the people stood affected ; and when it was told him that they heard shouts of joy on every side , he immediatly went out accompanied with those that attended him , and presented himself at the palais : after having received a thousand acclamations all the way as he pass'd , he surprised the gentlemen of the parliament , who never thought of so unexpected an adventure , and after having taken his place , spake after this manner , having always very much honored and loved you , i am come with all the danger that a man of my quality can expose himself to , to offer you my estate and my life for your preservation : i know that the greatest part of governors do not use to do so , but when they have reaped all the benefits of your services , that they could get from you in a time of peace , they abandon you as soon as they see you in danger : as for me , who have a thousand obligations to you , i pretend here to acknowledge them , both as a governor , and as a person sensibly obliged , i come to do you all the service i am capable of in a conjuncture so dangerous . the primier president making no answer to this speech , and shewing by the trouble in his looks how much the presence of the duke afflicted him , all the gentlemen gave him testimonies of their joy , who were animated by the mouth of a counsellor of the great chamber , called monsieur — who made him this fine speech : the same difference which was betwixt the wolf and the shepherd , most courteous prince , is observable betwixt the count d'harcourt and your highness on such occasions as these ; the count d'harcourt came either like a wolf , or like a lion , but always like a ravenous beast to devour us ; we would not open the doors to him , for fear of receiving an enemy into our bowels ; we in favor let him take a turn about our walls , which he did , casting on us eyes all sparkling with anger , tanquam leo rugiens : for you , great prince , you are come like a true shepherd to shelter all your flock , bonus pastor ponit animam pro ovibus suis : it is too true that you do so , atque ideo , mon seigneur , we commit to you the keeping of this city , and the safety of all the province ; it is your part to be careful of our preservation , and ours to help your cares with all the assistance that is in our power . the speech being ended , monsieur de longueville rose up , and after he had saluted every one in particular with his ordinary affableness , went out of the palais , accompanied by his friends and followed by the people , who conducted him with new acclamations . the gentlemen of the parliament reflecting upon the joy which the burgesses expressd to see their governor , began to fear an absolute slavery ; and to hinder this calamity , designed to make their terms with him : but whether monsieur de longueville perceived their intention , or because he would bring them into an intire confidence in him , he was willing to prevent , and to assure them , that they should always have the disposal of every thing . he told them , that the affairs he was about , were properly the parliaments and not his own ; that he desired not , nor ought to have any other imployment , then to lead an army for the good of the state , and their particular services ; that all the taxes should be made by their orders ; that they themselves should establish commissioners of their company for the receipt and distribution of the publick treasure ; and in fine , as they had the principal concern in the success of affairs , it was reasonable that they should have a share in all the counsels . these gentlemen gave him thanks for the honor he had done them ; assured him , that they would issue out as many arrests as he would , without examining any thing ; that being the kings tutors , they would at their pleasure dispose of their pupils estate ; that they would hazard every thing for his service , on condition that he would suppress the semestre , & reduce the company to their antient state. the primier president and the advocate-general , finding that they could do the king no service , went to st. germains , to give an account how little power they had . in the interim monsieur de longueville , who saw himself sure of the people and the parliament , thought of nothing but raising an army : and though he had yet laid no foundation , he would always be distributing offices to amuse the people , and they began to marshal an army which was but then in imagination : the most considerable of them being assembled , he gave them thanks for the zeal they testifi'd in his service ; that for his part , he would all his life acknowledge the affection of those that did adhere to his fortune ; and in the mean time , that he might oblige them by essential favors , he was ready to confer upon them the most important imployments that he had . at these sweet words , all those illustrious persons made their profound reverences : some time after was spent in complements , which insensibly ended in assurances of fidelity and protestations , to spill the last drop of their blood. afterwards , there pass'd many fine discourses of the present state of affairs , and some possessed with a zeal for the party , proposed this weighty advice : why , said they , should we not strike the iron while it is hot ? you have , sir , a great many of the nobility about you , and a great many young men in the city ; you may make a body of gentlemen , another of their valet de chambres ; to which you may joyn the cinquantain and your guards , two great battalions of the best burgesses , and with these troops surprise the king at st. germains : yes , answered monsieur de longueville it shall be so ; but being it is our principal enterprise , we must consider how to carry it on well , we will talk of it in our first consult : in the interim , to avoid confusion , which ordinarily ruines all parties , we must distribute the offices , that every one may be assured of his imployment . varricarville refused to take any , having read in a rabby , who advised him to feed upon herbs , that a man should not embarass himself with any business , notwithstanding his aversion to the favorites not suffering him to be useless upon these occasions , he would needs take care of the politick part , and regulate all things according to the memoirs of the prince of orange : but as there always happens a hundred misfortunes , he had forgot at paris a manuscript of count maurice , from whence he took all his great notions for the artillery and provisions , which probably was the reason that there was neither ammunition nor bread in this army . saint-ibal beg'd the honor of bringing in enemies into france , and 't was answer'd , that the generals of paris would reserve it for him : he demanded a full power to treat with the polanders , tartars , and moscovites , and the entire disposal of all chimerical affairs , which was granted him . the count de fiesque , fertil in military visions ( besides the charge of lieutenant general which he had from the parisians ) obtain'd a particular commission for the beating up of quarters , and other suddain and brisk exploits , which might be resolved on with singing of a ballet , or dancing a step or two . the marquess de beuvron was made lieutenant general , on condition that he would stay at the old palais , the place and government both being of so great importance , that they could not be preserved with too great care . the marquess de matignon , always remarkable for his conceitedness , and at present famous for the memorable siege of vallongne , commanded the troops of constantine , saying , that he would have his little army , & depend upon monsieur de longueville , no more than walsten did on the emperor . the marquess d'hectot begged the command of the cavalry , which was given him , because he was better mounted then the rest , and was about the age of monsieur de nemours when he commanded it in flanders , and had an embroider'd coat exactly like his . ansonville was chosen governor of roan , because he was a man that very civilly understood war , and as fit to harangue the people soldier-like , as le plesis-besanson . the governor was made marshal de camp , that he might not be under the command of others ; and the marshal de camp was made governor , that he might not be obliged to leave the city , so that one of his maxims was , that he ought not to stir out upon any account whatsoever ; alledging , that a great many considerable towns were lost by their governors absence . hannerick and cumenil , desired to be made marshals de camp ; hannerick claimed a right to it , because he had like to have been ensign in the kings army . cumenil , because he narrowly miss'd being maistre de camp in the regiment of monsieur de bocaule ; he could not say that he had ever seen an army in the field , but he alledg'd . that he had been a hunter all his life , and that hunting being an image of war , according to machiavel , forty years hunting were as good as thirty campains at least ; he would be a marshal de camp , and he was so . flavacourt said , that to be a good captain , a man must have run away as well as have gained victories , as barriere observed out of the book of monsieur de rohan ; this being so , he pretended that no body could dispute with him the advantage of his own experience ; and all the world remember'd very well the disorder he was in when d'estartè was taken prisoner , they would have given him the command of the artillery at st. euremont ; and to say truth , out of an inclination for monsieur st. germain , he had a mighty desire to serve the court , by undertaking a considerable charge which he understood nothing of : but since he promis'd the count d'harcourt not to take any employment , he kept his promise , as well for his honors sake , as that he might not resemble the normans , who had all of them broken their word : these considerations made him generously refuse the money that was offer'd him , which indeed was never paid him . campion was not ambitious of great employments , he only begg'd to be marshal of a squadron to learn the trade , confessing ingeniously that he had no skill in it , but valued himself mightily for his knowledge of the country , even to the little brooks and by-ways , which knowledge he arrived to by hunting with monsieur de vendosme . sevigny was content with such another office , but he was gull'd by his moderation when he saw there was no necessity of being a skillful man to be a marshal de camp : beside , he set up for a buffoon , and had the honor to make his highness laugh . rucqueville , an ancient servant , would do nothing , and his long experience in war became useless , under pretence of being troubled with vapors . monsieur de longueville , to sweeten his discontent because he was not governor of the court , augmented his pensions , but in vain . rucqueville professing generously , that he was ready enough to take his masters mony , but to speak ill of him he would not do it for the world . barbarousse remained a long time neuter without taking either side , boncaeur keeping him still in suspense by the friendship of marshal gramount : yet during his long consideration , he forbore not to raise himself insensibly by doing of good offices , and joyfully flatter'd himself with the vanity of an undeserved repute : afterwards being informed by letters from his friends that they seriously endeavored a peace , he designed to quit this timerous neutrality : he had caesars opinion to fortifie his courage , which was yet drooping ; and when he came to pass the reubicon , he made a full stop as this great captain did , and after having thought a little , cry'd out like him , i have pass'd the reubicon , there is but one dangerous cast to lose all : upon this he went out immediately in a violent bussle without any consideration of boncaeur , without any regard to his little henry , ( well knowing that the sight of wives and children , can soften the fiercest courage and the bravest minds ) or without saying a word to any of his friends , he went to the duke de longueville , and thus accosted him : i have always been your servant , but not with so particular a zeal as that which obliges me to serve you in this juncture ; from this day i will embrace your interests , and ▪ am come to assure your highness , that i devote my self intirely to you . the joy the duke at this time felt was great , and like those which being too big to keep within the breast , do ordinarily break out and make an impression upon the face . but it was very much allayed , when barbarousse thus explain'd himself . the declaration i have made is not so general , but i must add to it one condition ; i intend to stay behind when you go to the war , which ought not to be attributed to want of courage , but to an unhappy detension of urine , which hinders me from riding : not that i will be useless in the party , i will negotiate with madam de matignon , for whom i have always had some kind of gallantry ; and besides , seeing you have no body here that knows how to make relations , i will undertake the care of publishing your exploits . these last words cheer'd up the princes heart again , for to say truth , there was great need of a gazetier , and he was glad to find one so knowing in narratives . fonterailles came just in the nick to see the great occasion of de la bouille during his abode in normandy , the duke de longueville communicated every thing to him , as well as to varricarville and the count de fiesque ; but fonteraille could not relish this confidence well , fearing to engage himself too far in the interests of the prince , and to become the confident of a second enterprise upon pontoise . so just an apprehension obliged him to strike off , and to carry with him the count de fiesque , to whom he represented , that since they governed their general so absolutely , all the disorders that happened , if he should carry things to extreams , would be laid at their door . the duke de retz , from whom they expected such great supplies , came accompanied only with a page that carried his arms , and his two faithful squires . some began to talk , when they saw him come without troops , but they were quickly satisfied , when he shew'd them a long list of all the bretons , who demanded employment : it would cost no more then two hundred thousand crowns to equip these bretons for the campaign , and for want of so little money , the authority of so great a lord signified nothing . it is true , he promised to pay it with his person , and to serve as duke and peer in the army of roüen , with the same diligence as he had done in that of flanders : besides , he assur'd them that montplais●r would come quickly , and also give them some hopes of being more secret ; moreover , that bell-isle was in a very good condition , there was a garrison in machecours , and a strong guard kept at nommiral . his manner of living with the officers was altogether obliging , and whosoever was happy enough to have a buff-coat , or a short cassock of black velvet , might be assured of his friendship . you see the different employments of the most considerable in the party . if any body wonders that i have given him no account of their actions , it is because i am exactly true , and as i saw nothing else , so i have said nothing more ; in the mean time i think my self happy for having acquired a hatred to these troubles , more from observation than my own experience . it is a trade for mad and miserable men , with whom honest people , and such as are well to live , ought not to intermix . fools come thither every day in crouds , the proscribed , the miserable throng in from both ends of the world. never was there so many entertainments of courage without honor ; never so many fine discourses and so little sence ; never so many designs without actions , so many enterprises without effects ; all were imaginations , all chymera's , nothing true , nothing real , but necessity and misery . thence it comes to pass , that private persons complain of the great men that they deceive them ; and the great men , of private persons that they abandon them . the fools are disabused by experience , and withdraw : the miserable , who see no change in their condition , go to seek elsewhere some other mischievous affairs , as much discontented heads of the faction , as with the favorites at court. the recapitulation of what was said above , together with the imprisonment of the princes . i. the reason that obliged monsieur le prince to quit the command of the army after the battel at lens , was not only the fear of hazarding his reputation after so many great successes , but also the desire of enjoying the fruit of his victories , and of being an agent in the affairs of state , at a time when the weakness of the government made his relations and friends believe that he would be master at court. ii. this second point is not in its right place , and we must first answer to the third , which concerns the assembly met at noisi near st. germain . the answer is , that under pretence of going thither to see madam de longueville , the frondeurs engaged the prince de conty , and the duke de longueville , to come into the parliament interest , with whom they will needs perswade the world , that monsleur le prince promised to joyn , as the coadjutor all along said , and afterwards reproached him with it in the parliament , which was the cause of the quarrel betwixt the duke de la rochefoucault and the coadjutor in the palace , who had like to have been the cause of his ruine , as we shall see anon . now though monsieur le prince disavow'd that he ever made any such promise , yet there is very great probability , that he would have made himself head of the frondeurs , upon hopes of reducing them to the court interest , to which he as zealously adhered as ever , whatever he pretended ; but when he perceived that they would give him no authority over them , but what was destructive of the power he design'd to support , he pretended to forget himself , and to have never had any correspondence with them . iii. the departure of the prince de conty , the dukes de longueville and de la rochefoucault , and of the marquis de noirmoustier from st. germain , was an effect of those measures which were taken at noisy . but monsieur le prince , who was altogether for the court party , made his brother joyn with it ; the duke de longueville also rendred himself , as well because he is naturally irresolute , as because he hoped that things would be soon accommodated : but being the duke de la rochesoucault , and the marquis de noirmoustier were interressed by their league with the frondeurs to make him stand to his word , they at last constrained him to follow the prince de conty to paris . it is true , that they came not thither at the time appointed , and this delay obliged the parliament to review the offers of the duke d'elboeuf , and confer upon him the office of general ; who presently made so strong a party in the parliament , and amongst the people , that it was in his power to cause the prince de conty , and all those who accompanied him , to be arrested , accusing them of holding intelligence with the court , and of coming with the consent and contrivance of monsieur le prince , who had abandoned them . this went so far , that they set a guard upon the hotel de longueville , and at last constrained the prince de conty , and the dutchess de longueville , to go to live at the hotel de ville . but that which brought this suspicion upon them , was , because the engagement they had made to be of the parliament party , was entrusted only with a few particular persons of this company , who durst not declare , till the presence of the prince de conty , and those that were with him , gave them liberty to publish this secret . iv. the provisions which were permitted to be brought into paris , were not the effect of any intelligence which monsieur le prince had with his relations who were shut up there : for there were never so great quarrels amongst them as at this time , but it was because the court desired extreamly to conclude a peace speedily , before the arrival of the archduke and his army , and a general insurrection of all the provinces . and the entrance of provisions was a condition , without which they would not begin the conference . v. here we must explain the second point , because it was after the war of paris , that the prince of condy and cardinal mazarin fell out . the principal occasion of their misunderstandings , proceeded from the cardinals throwing the hatred of the people upon the prince de condy , and making him to be reputed the author of all the violences which they suffered , insomuch that monsieur le prince , who believed he could not better raze out this impression , than by the means of the frondeurs , whose affections and sentiments the people espoused , resolved to reconcile himself to them , by making an open breach with the cardinal , and letting them see that he did not depend upon the court so much as they imagin'd . not that he intended by doing this to declare himself their head , but to become more formidable to the court , to regain the peoples affections , and to make his conditions more advantageous . and forasmuch as he was sensible of the mischief , which the divisions in his family had brought upon him , he ardently desired to be reconciled to the prince of conty , the dutchess of longueville , and the duke de la rochefoucault , who at that time was the sole confident of the prince de conty and the dutchess de longueville : therefore it was for all these reasons that he took an occasion to break off with them , upon their refusal of the government of the pont de l'arche to the duke de longueville , but because he would not long continue ill at court , he quickly thought that he had done enough , and was reconciled to the cardinal within eight days . this lost him the frondeurs and the people again , and brought him no advantage but the reunion of his family . vi. monsieur le prince supported the interests of bourdeaux , cheaply to oblige a great parliament and a strong city , that this might render him more considerable at court , and put him into a better condition of making advantages by it . vii . the league betwixt the prince de conty , and the abbot de la riviere , was agreed upon without monsieur le prince's being made a party in it ; that is to say , that monsieur le prince had no further to do in it , then barely to consent , that the abbot de la riviere , should , upon the peace with paris , procure the prince de conty's re-establishment in his governments , monsieur de longueville's in his ; and over and above , the government of danvilliers , upon condition that the prince de conty should wave his pretensions to the cap , in favor of the abbot de la riviere . in was the duke de la rochefoucault who treated about this affair , because the prince de conty had no mind to be an ecclesiastick , and because he judged that so long as the abbot de la riviere was in hopes of being cardinal , he would engage monsieur always to take such measures as the prince de gon●● desired ; and so he did , till the imprisonment of the princes , that the abbot de la riviere was discharged ●ith the consent of these gentlemen . viii . the fifth point explains this as well as the second , and therefore it will be needless to speak any more of it . ix . the affair of jolly was never so well discovered , as to give a man ground to speak positively of it : but what i believe , is , that la boulage , who raised the sedition in the morning , with the confederacy of the duke de beaufort , attempted to raise another in the evening to alarm the court , and thereby shelter himself from the danger he was in for the first . likewise the cardinal , who had of a long time sought an occasion to set the prince de condè at open war with the frondeurs , made use of this accident to divide them irreconcileably : he made the prince of condè believe that they meant it against his person . the declaration which he made thereof to the parliament , at last gave occasion to the frondeurs to reconcile themselves to the court , and to lay the design of imprisoning the princes , which was soon after executed , and which produced all the mischiefs that have since befallen us . the princes de condè , de conty , and the duke de longueville were seized the eighteenth of january . it was reported , that several gave them notice thereof ; but the prince de condè told me that no body spoke a word of it to him . this i know , that the duke de la rochefoucault seeing the different procedures of monsieur d'orleans in the tryal of the assassin , said to the prince de conty the very day that he was taken into custody , that either the abbot de la reviere was gained over to the court , or that he was lost in his masters favour ; and that so neither monsieur le prince , nor him , could be one moment safe at court. the same duke de la rochefoucault had before told la moussaye the same day , that the captain of his company came to tell him , that he was sent to seek him from the king , and that being in the gallery of the palais royal , monsieur le tellier asked him if the people would not approve of it , if the king should do some bold action to retrieve his authority ; to which the other answered , that provided they did not arrest the duke de beaufort , there was nothing they would not consent to ; upon this , the captain came to the duke de la rochefoucault , and told him , that they were resolv'd to ruine monsieur le prince , and that he saw by the measures they took , that it would be within a very little while . la moussaye promised to tell him , but monsieur le prince said that he never spoke to him of it . all the world knew what pass'd in this action , and how the coach wherein the princes were , being broken betwixt paris and the bois de vincennes , they staid four or five hours by the way , with a guard of only sixteen men . they would have arrested the duke de la rochefoucault and la moussaye at the same time , and sent monsieur de la vrilliere with an order to the dutchess de longueville to come to the queen at the palais royal , where they had a design to detain her . but the duke de la rochefoucault made her resolve to depart that very moment , and to go with all possible diligence into normandy , to engage the parliament of roüen and all normandy to side with the princes , and to secure the friends and fortified places of the duke de longueville , and havre de grace . the duke de la rochefoucault went along with her ; but this princess , after having in vain attempted to gain the parliament , retired to dieppe , which served her for a retreat no longer then till the court came , which press'd her so , that she was forced to embark her self and go by holland to stenay , whither the marshal de turenne was retreated since the imprisonment of the princes : the duke de la rochefoucault left dieppe four or five days before the dutchess de longueville , and went into his government of poictou to dispose things there for a war , and to endeavor with the dukes de bouillon , de s. simon , and de la force , to renew the discontents of the parliament and city of bourdeaux , and oblige them to espouse the interest of monsieur le prince , since the court in their declarations imputed to him no greater crimes then his having highly defended the interests of bourdeaux . as to the reasons which mov'd the cardinal to arrest monsieur le prince , i am perswaded he had none that were good , and that all the rules of policy were against this design ▪ as it proved in the event ; besides , till then monsieur le prince was not suspected guilty of the least thought against the state : therefore i think that the cardinal by doing this , not only intended to be master at court , but also that he could not endure the sharp and scornful way wherewith the prince de condê treated him in publick , by which he endeavored to retrive in the opinion of the world , what their reconciliation had taken from hin . he did the same thing in private counsels to ruine him in the queens affection , and to gain the post which he there possessed : in fine , the animosity betwixt monsieur le prince and him increasing daily , he hasten'd his ruine , that he might not give him time to reconcile himself to the frondeurs ; he carried on this affair with so much artifice , that the prince de condè did not only think that the preparations in order to arrest him , were intended against the frondeurs ; but also in hopes of this , did himself give orders to see them more safely conducted to prison : the thing was executed with so general a consent of the people , that the dutchess de longueville being retired incognito into a private house , to stay for things necessary for her journy , saw bonfires lighted , and other marks of publick joy , for the imprisonment of her brethren and husband . the authority of the court seemed more establish'd then even by the imprisonment of the princes , and the reconciliation of the frondeurs . normandy received the king with an entire submission , and the garrison'd places of the duke de longueville were rendred without resistance : the duke de richelieu was driven out of havre : burgundy followed the example of normandy : belle-garde , the castle of dijon , and st. jean de l'aune , imitated the garrisons of the duke de longueville . monsieur de vendome had the government of burgundy given him : the count de harcourt that of normandy : the marshal de l'hospital that of champane and brie : the count de s. aignan that of berry : montrond was not given any body , because there was no garrison there . those of clermont and danvilliers revolted , and marsin , who commanded the army in catalonia , was taken prisoner , and lost tortose whereof he was governor : then was none but stenay alone which remained true to the princes party . almost all their friends seeing so many misfortunes , contented themselves with complaints , but did nothing in order to make them cease . the princess de condè and the duke d'anguien , were by the kings order at chantilly : the dutchess de longueville and marshal turenne were retreated to stenay : the duke de bouillon at turennes : the duke de la rochefoucault at vertueil in angoulmois : the duke de st. simon at blaye : and the duke de la force at la force . these at first testified an equal zeal for monsieur le prince ; but when the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault were ready to begin the war , the duke de st. simon flatly broke his word , and the duke de la force , who had little engagements to the party , made excuses not to declare himself . the duke de la rochefoucault , who had no fortified places under his government , nor souldiers , was notwithstanding the first that took up arms. saumur , which had been given to cominges after the death of marshal de brezè , was a place of great importance to the party . he who commanded there under the marshal de brezè , delayed for some time to put it into the hands of cominges , and in the mean while sent word to the duke de la rochefoucault , that he would adhere to his party if he would bring some souldiers thither : he in the interim who had none disciplin'd , and who could get no other forces then what his own credit and his friends could raise , under a pretence of solemnizing his fathers funeral , assembled so many of the gentry and men within their lordships , as amounted to above two thousand horse , and five or six hundred foot. he march'd with these troops to relieve saumur , which was already besieged by the kings : but though he arrived thither before the time expired that the governor had promised to hold it , yet he found the capitulation made , so that he was obliged to retire to his own house ; but he was constrained to depart soon after , because marshal la meilleraye marched towards him with all his troops , which made him to retreat to turennes , after having put into montrond five hundred foot and one hundred horse . at his arrival at turennes , the duke de bouillon and he had news , that madam la princess had followed the advice which they gave her , to depart secretly from montrond with the little duke d'anguien , and come to turennes , thence to be conducted by them to bourdeaux , where they had a great many friends ready to receive them . the duke de bouillon got his friends together , and the duke de la rochefoucault sent his who came to turennes , being about 300 gentlemen , under the command of the marquis de sillery . all these marched into auvergne with madam la princess and the little duke , whom they conducted to turennes ; there they staid eight days , in which they took brive la gallarde , and the company of gendarmes of prince thomas , which consisted of one hundred horse . this stay at turennes , which was necessary to dispose the minds of those at burdeaux , that we might go thither with safety , gave the general de valette , who commanded the kings army , time to come into the road which madam la princess was to take , with a design to hinder her passage : but whil'st she stay'd at a house of the duke de bouillons , called rochefort , the duke de la rochefoucault and he marched to the general of the army , with all the troops that they had raised within their lordships , and six hundred gentlemen who were their friends : they joyned the general de valette at montelard in perigord , who fled without fighting , and retreated to bergerack after having lost all his baggage . madam la princess , after this , set forward for bourdeaux , and came thither without disturbance from any enemy . the princess de condè and the duke d'anguien , were received at bourdeaux with all the testimonies of publick joy , and though the parliament and the * sheriffs saw her not in a body , yet there was scarce one of them in particular ' who did not give her assurances of their service ; but for all this , the court party and the friends of monsieur d'espernon , hinder'd the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault , from being received into the city till after some time . they stay'd two or three days in the faubourg des chartreux , whether the people resorted in crouds to see them , and offer'd to force their entrance ; they would not accept their proffer , and were contented , as i said , to enter into the city together two days after madam la princess . there were then in the province none of the kings troops in a body , but those which the general de la valette commanded , who were near libourn . those of the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault , consisted of five or six hundred gentlemen , their friends , and such as they raised among their tenants , which not being disciplin'd souldiers , it was impossible to detain them , insomuch that every one of them was ready to withdraw , therefore they judged it necessary to attempt to set upon the general de la valette , and for this end they marched with all their troops to libourne where he was : but he having advice thereof , withdrew and avoided fighting a second time , well knowing that the nobility was upon the point of returning home again , and so by not fighting at all , he might certainly make himself master of the field . at this time the marshal de la meilleray had order to march towards bourdeaux with his army , whither also the king was coming . this news made the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault hasten to levy men , and to take a general review of the burgesses of the city , to prepare them against a siege . they made also some out-works , but because no mony came from spain , they could not fortifie any of their works : for in all this war they had not a farthing from spain , but two hundred and twenty thousand liures , the rest being taken up in provisions , or upon the credit of madam la princess , or of the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault , or of monsieur laisnè . nevertheless , in a very little time they raised near three thousand foot , and seven or eight hundred horse ; they took chatelneau , which is four leagues from bourdeaux , and had extended their victories further , but for the news they heard of the approach of marshal de milleraye betwixt the two seas ; & of the duke d'espernon , who came to joyn the army of general de la valette . upon this the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault dispatch'd the marquis de sillery into spain , to acquaint them with the state of things , and to hasten the supplies which they had promised them . in the interim they left a garrison in chastel-neau , and withdrew with the rest of their troops to blanquefort , which is two leagues from bourdeaux . it was at this place that the duke de espernon came to beat up their quarters . the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault were returned to bourdeaux , and champhon marshal de camp commanded the troops , which were much weaker than the duke d'espernons ; nevertheless , though he could not defend the entrance of his quarter , yet the marshes and trenches which lye on all one side of it , gave him opportunity of retreating without breaking his ranks , and of saving his men and all the baggage . just upon this fight , the dukes d'bouillon and de la rochefoucault went out of bourdeaux with a great number of citizens , and having joyned their troops , returned to the duke d'espernon with a design to fight him , but the same trenches hinder'd them from coming to a close fight : so that all pass'd in skirmishes , wherein the duke d'espernon lost a great many officers and souldiers : on the citizens side there were very few kill'd . gutault , monsieur le prince's chamberlain was there wounded . after this , the troops of marshal de la milleray , and those of the duke d'espernon , drew nearer to bourdeaux . the king came to lib●urn , he made them attack the castle de vaire upon the dourdongne , the governor having surrendred it at discretion , was hang'd , to intimidate those of bourdeaux ; but it wrought a contrary effect , for this news coming at a time when the peoples minds were unresolved and wavering , the dukes d'bouillon and de la rochefoucault , hang'd up the commander of the isle saint george , which was also rendred them at discretion . this action astonish'd the court , heartned the people of bourdeaux , and so disposed things in the city , that they were resolved to stand the siege and to defend themselves couragiously , confiding in their own strength and the promises of the spaniards , who assur'd them of a speedy and powerful supply . with this design they hastned to make a fort of four little bastions at the bastide : the bastide is over against bourdeaux , on the other side of the river . they diligently made other fortifications to the city ; but because a great many citizens had houses in the fauxbourg de st. surin , they would not consent to the burning or pulling down any of them , so that all that could be done , was to shut up the avenues and make the windows of the houses strong ; which was done only to content the people , and not out of any hopes of defending a place of so little strength , with the citizens and so few souldiers as remain'd , which were not above seven or eight hundred foot , and three hundred horse . notwithstanding , because all depended on the people and the parliament , we must satisfie them , though contrary to the rules of war , and undertake the defence of the fauxbourg de st. surin : it lies open on every side , the gate of the city nearest to it is dijos , which was weak , being defended with nothing , and because they may walk to it on even ground , that it was thought convenient to cover it with a half-moon ; but every thing being wanting , they made use of a little dung-hill before the gate , which being raised into a scarpe in fashion of a half-moon , without a parapet or a trench , proved notwithstanding the greatest defence of the city . whil'st the king stay'd at bourg , cardinal mazarin came to the army , which consisted of eight thousand foot , and near three thousand horse : they resolv'd to attack the fauxbourgh de st. surin , so much the more readily , because the avenues only being garded , they might without danger gain the houses , enter that way into the fauxbourg , and also cut off that which defended the barricado's and the church , without their being able to retreat into the city : they believed also that the half-moon being impossible to be defended , they should be possessed of the gate de dijos after the first day : for this end marshal de la meilleray attacked the barricado's and the houses at the same time ; and palluau also had orders to enter by the palais galien , and to cut betwixt the faubourg and the city , directly to the half-moon ; but the marshal de la meilleray having begun the assault before palluau came , found more resistance then he expected : the skirmish begun assoon as the kings troops drew near : they had lined the hedges and vineyards which covered the fauxbourg with a great many musquetiers , who presently put a stop to the kings troops , with a great loss . choupes marshal de camp was wounded there , and many officers kill'd . the duke de bouillon was in the church-yard of s. surin , with all the burgesses he could get to recruit the posts ; and the duke de la rochefoucault was at the barricado where the principal assault was made , it was presently won ; beauvais , chafferat , and the chevalier de todias were taken there . the fight was very hot on both sides , there were one hundred or sixscore men kill'd of the dukes party , and seven or eight hundred of the kings , notwithstanding the fauxbourg was carried , but they yet pass'd no further ; and therefore they resolv'd to open the trench for to take the half-moon , and to make another assault by the alleys de l'archevesch's . i have already told you that there was no ditch to the half-moon , so that it being easie to be taken , the burgesses would not come upon the guard , but contented themselves with shooting from behind the walls ; the besiegers attack'd it thrice with their best troops , they enter'd also within , but were beaten back by the duke de la rochefoucault , who brought thither the prince de condè's and his own guards , just at the time when those that defended it began to give back : three or four of navailles officers were taken prisoners , and the rest put to flight or kill'd ; the besieg'd made three great sallies , in each of which they clear'd the trenches and burnt the lodging ; thirteen days after the trench was open'd , the seige was no more advanc'd than on the first day : but because those of bourdeaux had not foot souldiers enough to relieve the guard of the ports that were attacked , and those who were not kill'd or wounded , were almost unable to fight , because of the fatigue of keeping sentry for thirteen days together , the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault refresh'd them with the cavalry , who quitted their horses ; and they themselves staid there the four or five last days without stirring thence , that they might by their example keep more of the people there . in the mean time , the deputies of monsieur and of the parliament of paris , arrived at bourg to make propositions of peace . le coudray-montpensier entred into bourdeaux with two counsellors of paris , le meusnier , and bitaud . the court desired a peace , fearing the event of the siege of bourdeaux , whose resistance was the more obstinate , because they hoped for the supplies of spain and of marshal de la force , who was upon the point of declaring himself ; but the parliament wished for a peace , the court party and the duke d'espernons acted vigorously to dispose the rest of the city to it . the infantry was ruin'd , and the supplies i spoke of had fail'd them too often to give them any reasonable assurance of them now . all this together made the parliament resolve to send deputies to bourg : they incited madam la princess , the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault to send also ; but because both of them had no other concerns than the liberty of the princes , and could not desire a peace but upon this condition ; they were contented not to oppose a thing which indeed they could not hinder ; they refused to send any , and only desired the deputies to treat for their safety and the liberty of madam la princess , of the duke d'anguien , and all of their party , with the re-establishment of every one . the deputies went to bourg , and there concluded the peace without communicating the articles thereof to madam la princess , or to the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault . madam la princess and the duke d'anguien were permitted to go to montrond , where the king would keep a little garrison for the safety of madam la princess , which should be of her own choosing . the duke de bouillon retired to turennes , and the duke de la rochefoucault , who was , as i have said , governor of poictou , to his own house , without exercising the office of his charge , and without any reparation for his house de vertueil , which the king had caus'd to be razed . madam la princess , the duke d'anguien , and the aforesaid dukes , went together from bourdeaux to go to coutras . marshal la meilleray , as he went to bourdeaux , met madam la princess upon the water , and advis'd her to go and see the king and queen , giving her hopes , that the king it may be would grant to the prayers and tears of a woman , what he thought himself obliged to refuse when it was demanded by arms. in fine , notwithstanding the aversness which madam la princess had to go to court , the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault , counsell'd her to follow the advice of the marshal , that they might not be reproached with the neglect of any thing that might procure her husbands liberty . the arrival of madam la princess at court , produced many effects , so suddain a change made madamoiselle believe , that they treated about many things without acquainting monsieur with them . the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault , had great conferences apart with cardinal mazarin , with a design either to make him resolve to give the princes their liberty , or to render him suspected by monsieur . they represented to him , that the princes would be the more obliged to him for it , because they very well knew that he was not in a condition to be compell'd to it by war. that it would be glorious enough for him to let all europe see , that he had ruin'd and re-established monsieur le prince , when he pleas'd : that the proceedings of the frondeurs ought to make him sensible , that they desired to be masters of the princes , either to destroy them , and afterwards him himself with the greater ease ; or to set them at liberty , and thereby engage them joyntly to effect the queens and his ruine : that the war was ended in guyenne , but the desire of renewing it all over the kingdom , would never end but with the imprisonment of the princes , and that he ought the more to give credit to those that spoke to him , because they did not fear to tell it himself whil'st they were in his hands , and had no other security but his word : that the cabals would every where be renewed in the parliament of paris , and in all the other parliaments of the kingdom , to procure the princes liberty , and to get them out of his hand : and in fine , that whatever the said dukes could do , by all ways possible , should be to procure liberty to the princes , but that they had much rather owe the obligation to him than to any body else . this discourse had the effect they desired it should have ; it shak'd the cardinal , and made the frondeurs and monsieur de orleans jealous : it took away their hopes of getting the princes into their hands , and made them resolve to be reconcil'd to them , and seek again for means to destroy the cardinal . the frondeurs , since the imprisonment of the princes , endeavored , not without cardinal mazarins consent , underhand to make all the advantages they could of their reconciliation with him , but they affected always to make the world believe , they had not changed their design to ruine him , that hereby they ▪ might keep up their credit amongst the people : so that what they did for this end , at the beginning with the cardinals approbation , was afterwards serviceable to them against him when they really intended his ruine . i have already told you , that the dukes de bouillon's and de la rochefoucault's conversation with the cardinal had made them jealous . madamoiselle took the alarm , and gave it to monsieur d'orleans ; afterwards the frondeurs used their utmost and last endeavors to get the princes within their power : and seeing that they were refus'd it , they enter'd upon a negotiation with the princes , and those who treated for them , they engaged monsieur d orleans to procure their liberty . the president viole , arnaud , montrueil the prince of conty's secretary , and many others , enter'd upon negotiating with monsieur d'orleans , the coadjutor , madam de chevreuse , and the frondeurs , and with monsieur de beaufort , and madam de montbazon ; the rest treated with the cardinal . at this time the princess palatine was more than any body the confident of the princes and the dutchess de longueville ; she began all the negotiations of the princes , as well with the frondeurs and the cardinal , as also with madam de chevreuse ( whose daughter was to be married to the prince de conty ) and with madam de montbazon and the duke de beaufort . she was the trustee for their treaties , how opposite soever they were : who seeing her self charged with so many contrary things at a time , and fearing to become suspected by one or other of them , sent word to the duke de la rochefoucault , that it was necessary he should come to paris incognito , and that she would acquaint him with the state of things , that they might together resolve upon concluding with one side or other . the duke de la rochefoucault was then a declared enemy to the coadjutor , to madam de chevreuse , the duke de beaufort , and madam de montbazon : so that seeing the negotiations equally advanced on both sides , and judging , that if they concluded with the frondeurs , the princes could not get out without a revolution of all the present state of affairs ; he came to paris , and having let the princess palatine see that the cardinal had the key of the princes prison , and could set him at liberty in a moment , he hindred her from making monsieur le prince ratifie the treaty with the frondeurs , to give the cardinal time to consider the difficulties he was going to be entangled in . the duke de la rochefoucault saw him three or four times in private , they both of them desired it might be so , because the cardinal would have no body in the world know of this negotiation , for fear monsieur and the frondeurs should speedily break out against him : and the duke de la rochefoucault kept it the more secret , because the frondeurs demanded as one condition of their treaty , that the duke de la rochefoucault should sign it , which he neither would nor ought to do , so long as he had reason to hope that the treaty with the cardinal might be sincerely intended both by him and the princes . he received also from the dutchess de longueville a full power to make the cardinal friends with all the family , upon condition that he would set the princes at liberty . in the interim , the frondeurs who got intelligence that the duke de la rochefoucault treated privately , pressed him to sign their treaty with monsieur le prince ; so that seeing himself necessitated speedily to conclude with one party or the other , he resolved to see the cardinal once more ; and after having represented to him the same things that he had told him at bourg , and the danger he was ready to incur by the declaration of monsieur d'orleans , the parliament , and the frondeurs , and by being almost generally abandoned by his creatures , he declared to him that things were come to that pass , that if he did not that very day expresly give him his word for the liberty of the princes , he could not treat with him any more , nor help concluding with the frondeurs , who began to be alarm'd at his delay to sign the treaty , and who would not finish it without him . the cardinal saw very much probability in what he said , nevertheless the duke de la rochefoucault spoke to him only in general of the several cabals which were formed against him , without enumerating any in particular ; and this he did , because he would not betray a secret with which he was intrusted , nor say any thing that might prejudice that party which he was going to make for the princes liberty , if the cardinal refused it ; so that the cardinal seeing nothing particularized , thought that the duke de la rochefoucault had made the danger greater than it was , only to make him conclude ; and believed , because he named not to him so much as any of his enemies , that he had told him nothing that was certain . in the mean while all sides were mightily exasperated , monsieur declared openly that he would have the princes set at liberty ; for their part , they desired that the treaty might be concluded with the frondeurs , and obliged the duke de la rochefoucault , to reconcile himself to , and joyn with them : monsieur 's declaration for the liberty of the princes , made the parliament and the people of paris come over to his side : the burgesses took up arms , set a guard at all the gates , and would not give the king and queen liberty to go out of paris ; they were no longer contented to demand the princes liberty , they would also have the cardinals life . monsieur de château-neuf , keeper of the great seal , espoused the interests of the princes , and hoped that their liberty and the removal of the cardinal , would render him chief in the management of affairs . marshal de villeroy , and almost all the kings family , supported him , part of the ministers , and many of the cardinals most particular friends did the same thing ; and the dutchess de chevreuse contributed all her power , whereof she had a great deal in all the cabals : monsieur de château-neuf was always engaged to her interests , since and before his imprisonment ; and it was with each others advice that they took all their measures , sometimes with the cardinal , and sometimes with his enemies . she had a great influence upon the coadjutor , but the beauty of madamoiselle de chevereuse had yet a much greater power over him : madamoiselle and the coadjutor , assisted by madam de chevereuse and monsieur de château-neuf , had got the ascendant over the mind of monsieur d'orleans ; besides , they had powerful cabals amongst the people and the parliament , whom they actuated as they had need . the dutchess de chevreuse and monsieur de chateau-neuf , were not yet suspected of the cardinal , he knew nothing of the marriage that was proposed betwixt the dutchesses daughter and the prince de conty ; he remembred that she contributed more than any body to the imprisonment of the princes , by disposing monsieur to consent to it , and obliging him not to tell it to the abbot de la riviere , and afterwards to cashire him . so that the dutchess de chevreuse , who wish'd nothing so much as the marriage of her daughter with the prince de conty , and the establishment of the keeper of the seals , thinking she might compass both her desires by removing the cardinal , managed her self so well in this affair , that she really was the greatest cause of the resolution he took to withdraw . his retreat did not at all calm calm the minds of the parisians or of the parliament ; they feared he was gone to havre to take the princes thence by force , and that the queen at the same time design'd to carry the king away from paris , insomuch that not only the guards of the gates and the streets near the palais royal were doubled , but also there were all the night some of the cavalry about in the city , to hinder the king and queen from going out . the parliament on the other hand , made every day new petitions for the princes liberty , and the answers of the court being ambiguous , did but enrage , instead of appeasing them : they thought to blind the world by sending marshal de gramont to the princes , and he himself made great preparations for the journy , but because it was not to produce any thing for their liberty , they quickly saw that it was only to gain time . in fine , the queen seeing the mischief increase on every side , and not certainly knowing whether the cardinal would deliver the princes , or take them away with him ; and besides , fearing lest their minds already exasperated with so many delays , should be at last run to strange extremities , she resolved to promise the parliament to set the princes at liberty , without any further delay , and sent away the duke de la rochefoucault , the sieure de vrilliere secretary of state , and cominges captain of her guards , with an express order to de bar to set the princes at liberty assoon as he received it . the cardinal had notice of it from the queen when he was near to havre , and though it was in his power to permit this order to be executed , or to take the duke de la rochefoucault , and those who accompanied him prisoners , yet he rather chose to go to the princes himself , in which interview the cardinal immediately began to justifie his conduct and carriage towards them , declaring the reasons he had to arrest them : afterwards he desired their friendship , yet told them , with a mind something haughty , that they were at liberty to grant or refuse it him , and whatsoever they did as to that , they might leave havre and go whither they pleased ; they seemingly promised him what he desired : he dined with them , and immediately after the princes and marshal de gramont left havre , and went three leagues off to lye at a house called grosmenil , in the way from havre to roüen , where the duke de la rochefoucault , la vrilliere , cominges , and the president viole , arrived presently after with the orders of the court which i before mentioned . what passed after the imprisonment of the princes , till the war de guyenne . the imprisonment of monsieur le prince , added new lustre to his glory , so that he came to paris with all the splendor that a liberty so advantageously obtain'd could give him . the duke d'orleans and the parliament had forced him out of the queens hands , cardinal mazarin had hardly escaped the people's , and left the kingdom loaded with publick contempt and hatred . in fine , the same people who but a year before made bonfires for the misfortune of monsieur le prince , besieged the court in the palais royal to procure his liberty ; every one believed , that his disgrace might be laid upon his humour and conduct , which brought upon him so much hatred , and all equally hoped , that his presence would settle the kingdom in order and peace . things were thus disposed , when monsieur le prince arrived at paris with the prince de conty and the duke de longueville , an infinite croud of people came to meet him , as far as pontoise : he was met by the duke d'orleans in the mid-way , and was conducted to the palais royal in the midst of this triumph and publick acclamations : the king , the queen , and the duke d'anjou , were there only with the officers of the house ; and monsieur le prince was received like one , that was rather in a condition to give than to beg pardon . this interview pass'd in ordinary civilities , without discovering the least anger on either side , and without discoursing upon affairs . but the queen , too impatiently , desired the cardinals return , not to attempt all sorts of ways to dispose monsieur le prince to it : she offer'd by the princess palatine to enter into a strict league of friendship with him , and to procure him all manner of advantages . but because it was in general terms , he answer'd her with civilities , which laid no tye upon him : he also thought that it was an artifice of the queens to renew the general dislike against him , and by rendring him suspected of monsieur d'orleans , the parliament and the people , to expose him to fall into his former misfortunes . moreover , he consider'd that he came out of prison by a treaty signed with madam de chevreuse , by which the prince de conty was to marry her daughter , and that it was principally because of this alliance , that the frondeurs and the coadjutor of paris confided in him . this consideration had also the same effect upon the keeper of the seals , de château-neuf , who was then president of the council , and was inseparably bound to the dutchess de chevreuse : besides , this cabal seemed to continue in the same force and credit it was before ; she offer'd him also the choise of any preferments for himself and his brother , and monsieur de château-neuf had but just before re-establish'd them both with the duke de longueville in the exercise of their offices . but in fine , monsieur le prince found it dangerous and shameful to break with those from whom he had received so many advantages , and who had so powerfully contributed to his liberty . though these reflections balanced monsieur le prince , yet they changed not the queens design , she all along desired with the same earnestness to enter upon a negotiation with him , hoping either to tye him firmly to her interests , and thereby secure the cardinals return , or to render him again suspected , for all that he did , by his party : in hopes of this , she pressed the princess palatine to make monsieur le prince declare what he would desire for himself and his friends , and gave him so much hopes to obtain every thing , that he resolved at last to treat , and privately to see servien and lyonne at the princess palatines : he desired also , that the duke de la rochefoucault should be there , and made the prince de conty and the dutchess de longueville acquainted with it . the first project of the treaty which the princess palatine proposed , was , that they would give guyenne to monsieur le prince , the lieutenancy general to whomsoever of his friends he pleased , and the government of provence to the prince de couty ; that they would gratifie those who had followed his interests ; that they would require no more of him , than to go to his government , with any of his troops he pleased to choose for his safety , that he should stay there without contributing any thing to the cardinals return , so that he opposed not what the king should do to bring him back , that , however it happen'd , monsieur le prince should be at liberty to be his friend , or enemy , as his behaviour gave him occasion to love , or hate him : these conditions were not only confirmed , but also increased by servien and lyonne ; for upon monsieur le princes request to joyn the government of blaye , to the lieutenancy general of guyenne for the duke de la rochefoucault , they gave him all the hopes he could desire . it is true , they demanded time to treat with monsieur d'angoulesme for the government of provence , and perfectly to dispose the queen to grant blaye ; but it was only that they might give an account to the cardinal of what passed , and receive his orders ; they declared also the queens unwillingness to the marriage of the prince de conty with madamoiselle de chevreuse , but they gave them not occasion to discourse any further upon that matter , and only let them know , that the engagement they had made with madam de chevreuse , was too strong to admit of expedients for breaking it : they insisted not upon this point , and parted in such a manner , that one might have reasonably believed , that the league betwixt the queen and monsieur le prince was upon the matter concluded . both of them were almost equally obliged to keep this negotiation secret , the queen had reason to fear increasing the jealousie of the duke d'orleans , and the frondeurs , and to contradict , so soon and without any pretext , all the declarations which she had but just before made to the parliament against the cardinals return . monsieur le prince also was obliged to use no less caution . the noise of his treating would make his friends believe , that he had done it without their having any benefit by it , and from that time would furnish the duke de bouillon and marshal turennes , with a just pretence to quit his interests . he would render himself irreconcilable to the frondeurs and madam de chevreuse , and presently renew the fearful image of the late war in the minds of the parliament and people . in fine , this affair continued for some while without being discover'd , but the time which they took to conclude it in , soon produced occasions to break it off , and carry things to those extreams which we have since seen them in . the court was then divided into many cabals , but all were unanimous to hinder the cardinals return ; notwithstanding their conduct was extreamly different , the frondeurs openly declared against him , whil'st château-neuf , the keeper of the seals , pretended to be strictly engaged to the queen , and at the same time was the most dangerous enemy the cardinal had . he believed this conduct the surer to remove him , and possess himself of his place , because he affected being of the same mind with the queen to hasten his return . the queen , for her part , gave the cardinal an exact account of every thing while he was retreated , and augmented his power since his absence ; but because his orders came slowly , and one often contradictory to an other , this diversity brought affairs into such a confusion , as admitted of no redress . in the mean time the frondeurs press'd the marriage of the prince de conty and madamoiselle de chevreuse , they were jealous of the least delays , and already suspected madam de longueville , and the duke de la rochef ucault , of having a design to break it off , for fear madam de chevreuse , and the coadjutor , should get the prince de conty out of their hands . monsieur le prince also dexterously increased their suspicions of his sister , and the duke de la rochefoucault , thinking that so long as they were of this opinion , they would never discover the true cause why the marriage was delay'd ; which really was , because the fore-mentioned treaty of monsieur le frince with the queen , being neither finished nor quite broke off ; and having had notice that monsieur de château-neuf would be disgrac'd ere long , he intended to wait the event of all these things , either to conclude the marriage , or make his court to the queen by breaking it off ; and to see whether the cardinal would be ruin'd by the keeper of the seals , or the keeper of the seals be turned out by the cardinal . in the mean time , they sent to rome to get a dispensation for nearness of blood , the prince de conty expected it with impatience , both because the person of madamoiselle de chevreuse pleased him , and because the changing of his condition had at least the charm of being new , a charm which he never had the power to resist . nevertheless , he hid his thoughts from his friends with all the art he could , and feared above all things lest madam de longueville should perceive it , and ruine the vain hopes of a shameful and ridiculous passion , which he would make them believe he was inspired with . in this perplexity , he secretly desired the president viole , who was to draw up the articles of the marriage , to accord what points soever they contested , and to overcome all the difficulties that might impede it . at this time the keeper of the seals , de chauteau-neuf , was in disgrace . the primier president succeeded him , and the queen re-establish'd monsieur de chavigny in the council . she thought , because he return'd without the mediation of any body , that he would owe the obligation entirely to her self ; and indeed so long as chavigny hoped to gain a confidence with the queen , he never came near monsieur le prince , nor any of his intimate friends : but from the moment he perceived that nothing could alter the queens affection to the cardinal , he secretly renewed his friendship with monsieur le prince , and from that time believed , that this union would advance him to every thing his unbounded ambition prompted him to desire : his first thought was , to oblige monsieur le prince to impart the treaty he was agitating with the queen to the duke d'orleans , that he might help him to break it off . afterwards , he required monsieur le prince to remove madam de longueville , and the duke de la rochefoucault from all particular and secret knowledge of his designs , though he owed to them both as great confidence as monsieur le prince reposed in him . whil'st chavigny acted thus , the removal of monsieur de chateau-neuf increased the diffidence of madam de chevreuse , touching the marriage , which she impatiently desired , she found her self no longer in a condition to procure of monsieur le prince and his friends , the establishment to which he was engaged , and in the mean time madam de rhodes had by her order agreed with the duke de la rochefoucault , that these very establishments , and the marriage , should be performed at the same time , and be reciprocal pledges of the fidelity of both parties : but as on one side madam de chevreuse saw her hopes diminish with her credit ; so on the other side , they were increased by those testimonies of passion , which the prince de conty gave to madamoiselle de chevreuse . she gave him a thousand uneasinesses , which he hid from his friends , and chiefly from his sister , he had very long and particular conferences with laigues and noirmoustier , which , contrary to his custom , he gave an account of to no body . in fine , his conduct appeared so extraordinary , that the president de nesmond , a particular servant of monsieur le prince , thought himself obliged to advertise him of prince de conty's design : he told him that he was going to marry madamoiselle de chevreuse without his knowledge , and without a dispensation ; that he absented himself from his friends , to get an opportunity of treating with laigues , and that if he did not speedily prevent it , he would see madamoiselle de chevreuse would rob him of his brother , and complete the marriage , at a time when 't was believed it was more for his interest to hinder it . this advice put him out of all doubts of the thing , and without asking any bodies advice , he went to the prince de conty , and beginning his discourse with railleries upon the greatness of his love , ended it with speaking of madamoiselle de chevreuse , the coadjutor noirmoustier and commartin , all that he thought capable of disgusting a lover or a husband . without any great difficulty he accomplish'd his design , for the prince de conty , either because he believed what he said to be true , or because he durst not shew that he doubted of it , thank'd him immediately for his good advice , and resolved never to think of madamoiselle de chevreuse more ; he also complain'd of madam de longueville , and the duke de la rochefoucault , for not having told him sooner what the world talk'd of her : hereupon they endeavored by all ways to break off this affair , without exasperating the other party ; but the interests were too great , and the circumstances too provoking , not to revive and increase the ancient hatred of madam de chevreuse and the frondeurs , against monsieur le prince , and all those whom they suspected to have had a hand in what was lately done . nevertheless , the president viole had orders to go to madam de chevreuse , and try if he could handfomly disingage monsieur le prince , and the prince de conty , from the promises they had given for the marriage : they themselves were both of them to go to wait upon her the day after , but either because they knew not how to have the confidence to visit one whom they had so sensibly disobliged , or because the two brothers who quarrel'd every day for the least things , could not then agree about the manner of paying their visit , in fine , neither they themselves nor viole waited on her ; and the affair broke off on their side , without endeavoring to keep any moderation , or to make the least pretence . i cannot tell whether it was by chavigny's advice that monsieur le prince accepted the government of burgundy , in exchange for that of guyenne ; but this treaty was at last concluded by him , without mentioning what he before demanded for his brother , the duke de la rochefoucault , and his other friends . in the mean time , the counsels of chavigny had the success he desired ; he alone was monsieur le prince's confident , and had perswaded him to break off his treaty with the queen , contrary to the advice of madam de longueville , the princess paelatine , and the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault . servien and lyonne were on both sides in this negotiation , and were afterwards discarded . the queen deny'd that she ever heard of the proposition of blaye , and accused servien for having done it on purpose to make the demands of monsieur le prince so high , that she could not possibly grant them . monsieur le prince again complained of servien , for either entring into a business with him by the queens orders , upon conditions which she never had knowledge of , or for having made so many vain propositions to amuse him with the pretence of a sincere treaty , which was really nothing , but a premeditated design to ruine him . in fine , though servien was suspected on both sides , it diminished not the disaffection that begun to arise betwixt the queen and monsieur le prince , which was almost equally fomented by all that came near them : they perswaded the queen , that the difference betwixt monsieur le prince and madam de chevreuse , would reunite the frondeurs to the cardinals interests , and that things would ere long come to the same pass they were in , when monsieur le prince was arrested . he , on the other side , was hurry'd on by many different interests to break with the cou●t ▪ he found no security in the queen , and was afraid of falling again into his first disgrace . madam de longueville knew that the cardinal had made her husband hate her , past all hopes of reconciliation , and that after the impression he had given him of her conduct , she could not go into normandy to him , without either exposing her life or her liberty : notwithstanding , the duke de longueville would by all means have her come , and she had no way to avoid so dangerous a journey , but by inciting her brother to quit the court by an open breach with it , and to prepare for a civil war. the prince de conty had no particular aim , nevertheless he followed the opinions of his sister before he knew them , and would have a war , because she prevented his taking upon him a profession which he had no inclination to . the duke de nemours also counsell'd it with a pressing earnestness , which proceeded not so much from his ambition , as from his jealousie of monsieur le prince ; he could not bear his seeing , and loving madam de chastillon ; and because he could no way hinder it but by separating them for ever , he believed that the war alone would effect it . and this was the only motive he had to desire it . the dukes de bouillon and de la rochefoucault were much more averse , for they had by a fresh experience try'd to what invincible labours and difficulties they expose themselves , who would support a civil war against the presence of their king : they knew with what infidelities they were threatned , when the court by proclamation promised rewards to those that would submit , and gives interested persons a pretence of returning to their duty : they knew also the treachery of the spaniards , how vain and deceitful their promises are , and that their true interest is not , that monsieur le prince , or the cardinal , should be at the helm in the management of affairs , but to foment the quarrel betwixt them , and so advantage themselves by our divisions . the duke de bouillon also added the consideration of his private interest to that of the publick , and hoped he might do a thing meritorious in the queens eyes , if he contributed to restrain monsieur le prince within the bounds of his duty . the duke de la rochefoucault could not so openly declare his aversion to this war : he was obliged to follow the sentiments of madam de longueville , and all that he could then do , was to endeavor to perswade her to a peace . but the conduct of the court and of monsieur le prince , soon gave occasions of diffidence to both parties , the consequence whereof was fatal to the state , and to most of the great families of the kingdom ; it ruin'd almost in a moment , the greatest and most splendid fortune that ever dignified the head of a subject . whil'st things were on all sides disposed for an entire rupture , monsieur le prince sent the marquis de sillery into flanders , under a pretence of disengaging madam de longueville , and marshal turennes from the treaties , which they had made with the spaniards in order to procure his liberty , but really with an order to take measures with the count de fuensaldaigne , and know before-hand what assistance monsieur le prince might expect from the king of spain , if he should be forced to resolve upon a war. fuensaldaigne answered him to this , according to the usual custom of the spaniards , and by promising in general much more than he could reasonably ask , omitted nothing that might engage monsieur le prince to take up arms. on the other side , the queen had made a new treaty with the coadjutor , the principal foundation whereof , was the common hatred they had to monsieur le prince . this treaty was to be kept secret , both for the queens and the frondeurs interest , because she could expect no service from them , but by the authority they had amongst the people , which they could preserve no longer then while they believed them the cardinals enemies , both parties equally thought their safety consisted in the princes ruine : they also offer'd the queen to kill him , or to take him prisoner ; but she aborr'd the first proposition , though she willingly consented to the second . the coadjutor and lyonne went to the count de montresor's , to consult about the means of executing this enterprise : they unanimously agreed that it should be attempted , but could neither resolve upon the time , nor the manner of doing it . now either because lionne feared the consequences thereof for the state , or because he considered the liberty of monsieur le prince , as the greatest obstacle to the cardinals return , which he desired to hinder , he one day discovered to marshal de grammont , all that was resolv'd upon against monsieur le prince at the count de montresor's . marshal de grammont kept the secret no better then lionne , for he told it to chavigny , after having engaged him by all manner of oaths not to reveal it , but chavigny immediately gave notice of it to monsieur le prince . he for some time thought that they had raised this report of arresting him , only to make him quit paris , and that it would be a weakness to take the alarm , seeing the people so zealously adhering to his interests , and finding himself incessantly accompanied with an infinite number of the officers of the army , of his own troops , of his menial servants , and particular friends : with this confidence he alter'd not his conduct in any thing , save that he resolv'd , not to go any more to the louvre ; but this precaution could not secure him from putting himself into the kings power , by an imprudence which can't be blam'd enough : for he went to the cours de la reine in his coach , at the same time that the king pass'd that way in his return from hunting , followed by his guards and his light horse . this rencounter , which might have destroy'd monsieur le prince , at that time produc'd no such effect : the king went on his way , and monsieur le prince went out of the cours , that he might not give him any time to lay a design against him . we may believe , that they were equally surprised with such an extraordinary adventure , and that they were quickly after sensible that both of them had made a considerable fault : the king , in not taking a resolution immediately to arrest him ; and monsieur le prince , in exposing himself to such a danger , without perceiving it till it was out of his power to avoid it . the queen and the frondeurs comforted themselves for the loss of so fair an occasion , with the hopes of seeing their project soon take effect : in the mean time , the continual advice which monsieur le prince had given him on all hands , began to perswade him , that they really intended to secure his person : and therefore he reconciled himself to madam de longueville , and to the duke de la rochefoucault ; nevertheless it was some time , for all that they could do to make him resolve , ere he would take warning to look to himself . at last his fate would have it , that after he had obstinately resisted so many apparent conjectures , and certain intelligences , he was alarm'd without reason , and by a new fault did what he had refused to do at the advice of his friends ; for one time when he was laid in bed talking with vineuil , he received a note from a gentleman called bouchè , who sent to advertise him . that two companies of the guards were in arms , and going to march towards the fauxboug st. germain : this news made him believe , that they were to beset the hotel de condè , so that without ever considering that they often imployed these companies to guard the gates , and to exact the payment of entries ( as indeed they were then commanded only for that purpose ) he thought they were intended against his person : upon this , he got on horse-back with all the haste imaginable , and being only attended by six or seven , went out by the fauxbourg st. michel , and for sometime staid in the high road to hear news of the prince of conty , to whom he had sent notice of his departure : but a second alarm , yet more ridiculous then the first , obliged him to quit his post : he heard a great many horse trotting towards him , so that thinking it was a squadron sent out to seek for him , he retreated to fleury near meudon ; but these troops which made him quit the field , proved to be nothing but higle●s that marched all the night for paris . as soon as the prince de conty knew that monsieur le prince was gone , he sent word to the duke de la rochefoucault , who went to him : but monsieur le prince obliged him immediatly to return to paris to give the duke d'orleans an account of the reason of his departure , and retreat to st. maur. this action of monsieur le princes produced amongst people , what great news is wont to do , every one made different conjectures , and laid different designs ; the appearance of a change gave joy to the people , and fear to all those that were establish'd in places . the coadjutor , madam de chevreuse , and the frondeurs , believed , that the retreat of monsieur le prince would unite them to the court , and increase their esteem by the need they would have of them . the queen , doubtless , foresaw the mischiefs which threatned the state , but she could not be afflicted with a civil war that advanced the cardinals return . monsieur le prince feared the consequences of so great an affair , and could not resolve with himself to embrace so vast a design . he distrusted the unconstancy of them who push'd him on to a war , and judged well , that they would not long help him to sustain the weight of it . the duke de bouillon silently broke off from his interests , and marshal turenne had already declared , that for the future he would have no concern in them . the duke de longueville had a mind to be at quiet ; besides , he was too ill satisfied with the lady his wife to contribute to a war , which he thought her the principal cause of : marshal de la motthe shifted off from his word that he once gave , to take up arms. in fine , so many reasons , and so many examples , would doubtless have inclined monsieur le prince to reconcile himself to the court , if he could have confided in the queens or the cardinals words . but the horror of his imprisonment was yet too fresh in his mind , to expose himself upon such pledges , the value whereof his own experience had so often given him cause to know : besides , madam de longueville , who was again pressed by her husband to come into normandy , could not avoid the journy , if the treaty of monsieur le prince was once concluded . amidst so many contrary thoughts , the duke de la rochefoucault would needs undertake to secure madam de longueville from the persecution of her husband , and perswade monsieur le prince to treat with the court ; within a few days after monsieur le prince arrived at st. maur. marshal grammont ( with whom he refused to treat in particular ) came to him from the king , to demand the reason of his retreat , and to invite him to return to paris , with a promise that he should be in safety there : monsieur le prince answered him before a great many people , that tho cardinal mazarin was retreated from the court , and servien , le tellier , and lionne , were ordered by the queen to withdraw , yet the spirit and maxims of the cardinal ruled there , and that having suffered so hard and so unjust an imprisonment , he had found by experience , that his innocence could not establish his safety , which he hoped to find in a retreat , wherein he would preserve the same thoughts ( which he had so often given evidence of to the world ) for the good of the state and the glory of the king. marshal grammont was surprised and vex'd with the discourse , he thought to have enter'd upon the matter in hand with monsieur le prince , and begun some negotiation betwixt the court and him . but he had no reason to complain if monsieur le prince refused to give credit to the promises he made him for his safety , since lionne had made choice of him to intrust with the resolution they had taken at the count de montresors , to arrest him a second time . monsieur le prince de conty , and madam de longueville , came to st. maur assoon as monsieur le prince , and at the beginning this court was as great and as full of persons of quality as the kings : they had all manner of divertisements , which they made use of to a politick end ; and balls , commedies , plays , hunting , and good chear , drew thither an infinite number of those uncertain people who always offer their service at the beginnings of factions , and betray and abandon them ordinarily , according as their fear or their interest incites them . nevertheless , they thought that this great number might break the measures which they might take to attack st. maur ; that this , upon any other occasion , useless and inconvenient croud would be serviceable on this , and give some reputation to their affairs . never was the court divided into so many different intrigues , as at this time ; the thoughts of the queen , as i have said , were set upon the cardinals return ; the frondeurs aimed at chateau-neuf's , for they thought him necessary to accomplish their designs : they judged , that if he was once more re-establish'd , he could more easily under-hand traverse the cardinals return , and get possession of his place if he chanc'd to fall . marshal de villeroy contributed as much as possibly he could , to dispose the queen to it ; but this affair , as all others , could not be resolved on without the cardinals consent : whil'st they expected his orders at court , about the present affairs , monsieur le prince was yet dubious what side he should take , and could not resolve either upon peace or war. the duke de la rochefoucault observing the princes mind so uncertain , thought that he might make use of this juncture to engage madam de longueville to go into normandy , and perswade monsieur le prince to hearken to proposals for an accommodation . with this design he shew'd madam de longueville , that there was nothing but her separating her self , that could hinder her from taking the journy she so much feared ; that monsieur le prince might easily deny her the protection he had till then given her , having so fair a pretence as that of reconciling a wife to her husband ; and above all , that if he intended thereby to oblige monsieur de longueville , they would also accuse her alone as the fomenter of the disorder : that she would many ways render her self responsible both to her brother and to the world , for kindling a war in the kingdom , the events whereof will be fatal to his family , or to the state : for the preservation of both , which she was equally interested , he further represented to her , that the excessive expences , which monsieur le prince would be obliged to lay out , would neither leave him the power , nor it may be the will to supply hers ; and that since she could get nothing from monsieur de longueville , she would find her self reduc'd to insupportable want . lastly , that to remedy so many inconveniencies , it was his advice , that she should desire monsieur le prince , that he would be pleased to let madam la princess , the duke d'anguien , and her self , retire to montrond , that they might be no trouble to him if he should be obliged to march suddenly , and also be free from the guilt of partaking in the dangerous resolution he was going to take , either to set the kingdom on fire by a civil war , or to trust his life , his fortune , and his liberty , to the doubtful faith of cardinal mazarin . madam de longueville approved of this advice , and monsieur le prince was willing it should be followed soon after . the duke de nemours began to abate his first violence , and though all his passions were still alive , yet he did not demean himself so violently as he did at first . the duke de la rochefoucault design'd to make use of this occasion to sound his thoughts ; he let him know , that they could never find any interest in a civil war ; that monsieur le prince might very well ruine their fortune by ill success , but never advantage them by good : that the same resolution which hinder'd monsieur le prince from taking up arms , would likewise hinder him from laying them down after he had once taken them up : that he would not easily find safety at court , after he had offended it , since he could not meet with it at a time when he had attempted nothing against it . lastly , that besides the difficult humour of monsieur le prince , which he had to manage , he should consider , that by removing him from paris , he removed himself too , and put his fate into the hands of his rival . these reasons found the duke de nemours disposed to receive them , and either because they let him see further into things then he had done till then ; or out of a levity , ordinary to men of his age , his desires became quite contrary to what they were before , and he resolved to contribute to a peace , with as much earnestness as he had till then labored for a war ; therefore he consulted with the duke de la rochefoucault about the measures they were to take in order to their mutual acting in this design . in the mean time , the queen was more and more incensed against monsieur le prince . the frondeurs sought all manner of ways to be revenged on him , though in the interim they lost their credit amongst the people , who thought they were in league with the court. the hatred of the coadjutor particularly broke out with violence against the duke de la rochefoucault , he , as i said , attributed the rupture of the marriage of madamoiselle de chevereuse chiefly to him , and thinking every thing lawful that could but ruine him , forgot nothing that might engage the duke de longueville to do it by extraordinary and shameful ways : his coach was also set upon three times in the night , and he could never know who they were that had a hand in so frequent assaults . all this animosity notwithstanding , hinder'd him not from endeavoring , together with the duke de nemours , to gain his defign ; to which madam de longueville also assisted , from the time she was assured to go to montrond . but their minds were too much heated to hearken to reason , and all parties in the end experienced , that neither of them understood their true interests : even the court , which fortune alone sustained , often made considerable faults , and the consequence made appear , that both the cabals were supported more by the defaults of the opposite party , than by its own good conduct : in the interim , monsieur le prince employed all his arts to justifie his intentions , both to the parliament and the people , and seeing very well that the war he was going to undertake , wanted a pretext , he endeavored to find one in the procedure of the queen , who had recalled to her servien and le tellier , after she had discarded them at his request . he endeavor'd also to perswade the world , that their return was not so much to offend him , as to contrive the cardinals : these reports being noised abroad amongst the people , made some impression on them . the parliament was more divided , the primier president became monsieur le prince's enemy , thinking he contributed to the putting him out from being keeper of the seals ; those who were gained over to the court joyned with him , but the conduct of the frondeurs was more reserved : they durst not appear well-affected to the cardinal , though they really desired to serve him . things were thus when monsieur le prince left st. maur to return to paris . he believed himself in a condition to stand against the court there , and that his high and bold demeanor , would give reputation to his affairs . at the same time he sent away madam la princess , the duke d'anguien , and madam de longueville , to montrond , with a resolution to go thither himself soon after , and from thence to guyenne , where they were well disposed to receive him . he sent the count de tavanes to his troops which served in the army of champaigne , with a command to march them in a body to stenay , as soon as he sent him orders : he also laid provisions into his fortified places , and had two hundred thousand crowns ready cash : thus he prepared for a war , though he had not yet entirely laid the design : notwithstanding , at his return , he endeavored to engage people of quality into his interests , and amongst others the duke de bouillon , and marshal turenne , they were both particular friends to the duke de la rochefoucault , who forgot nothing to induce them to take the same party which he saw himself obliged to follow . the duke de bouillon then seem'd to him to be unresolv'd , he being willing to find his security and advantage , because he almost alike distrusted the court and monsieur le prince , intended to see the affair engaged before he would declare himself . marshal turenne on the contrary , spoke to him always in the same manner since his return from stenay . he told him , that he had no reason either to thank , or to complain of monsieur le prince , for not having imparted to him some things wherein indeed he had no mind to have been engaged : that he thought himself obliged to forget nothing , that might contribute to the liberty of monsieur le prince , but he pretended that the engagement he had to him , ought to cease with his imprisonment , and so he might make new alliances according as his inclination or interest moved him . he added also , that monsieur le prince had not imploy'd him in any thing since his return to paris , and had been so far from taking his measures by consulting with him , and making him a confident in his designs , that he not only removed him from his counsels , but also chose to let those very troops who had but just before fought for him under his command , perish , rather than to speak one word to get them winter quarters . these were the reasons why marshal turennes refused to follow the fortune of monsieur le prince a second time . the duke d'bouillon in the interim , who avoided as much as he could to declare what he would do , found himself hard enough put to it not to answer precisely . monsieur le prince and he , chose the duke de la rochefoucault to be mediator betwixt them , but because he would not be surety for the word of either of them , and knew well , that a post like this , is always nice , having to deal with people who are to agree upon so many important and different articles , he engaged them themselves to tell their opinions before him . it happened , contrary to the usual custom of such interviews , that their conversation ended without any distaste , and both of them remained satisfied , without being tyed or engaged to any thing . at that time , it seemed , the chief aim of the court and of monsieur le prince , to render the parliament favorable to them . the frondeurs affectedly pretended to have no other inrerest but the publick's , and under this pretence , they clash'd with monsieur le prince in every thing , and opposed all his designs ; at the beginning they acted with some reservedness , but seeing themselves openly incouraged by the court , the coadjutor had the vanity openly to declare himself monsieur le prince's enemy : from that time , he not only beyond all moderation thwarted whatsoever he proposed , but also never went to the palais without his friends , and a great number of armed men to attend him . this insolent and haughty procedure , did not without reason displease monsieur le prince , who thought it no less insupportable to be forced to go well attended to the palais , that he might dispute the way with the coadjutor , than to go thither alone , and so expose his life and his liberty into the hands of his most dangerous enemy : therefore he believed , that he ought to prefer his safety to every thing else , and resolved to go no more to the parliament without being accompanied by all that were of his interest . the queen was glad to see a new subject of division arise betwixt two men , whom she almost equally hated in her heart : she imagined , that the consequences of it would be such , as to give her hopes of being revenged of one by the other , or to see them both perish ; nevertheless , she in appearance gave her protection to the coadjutor , and permitted him to be guarded by a party of the kings gens-d'armes , and his light horse , and by the officers and souldiers of the regiment of guards . monsieur le prince was attended by a great many persons of quality , and many officers , and by a croud of people of all professions , who never left him since he return'd from st. maur : this confusion of people of different parties , being all together in the great hall in the palais , made the parliament fear lest some disorder should happen , which might involve every one in particular in the same danger , and no body be capable of appeasing it . to prevent this mischief , the premier president resolved to beseech monsieur le prince not to come to the palais any more thus accompanied ; but one day , when the duke d'orleans was not there , and monsieur le prince and the coadjutor were come with all their friends , the number and animosities on both sides seemed so great , that it augmented the presidents fear : monsieur le prince also spoke some provoking words , which he addressed to the coadjutor ; but he answer'd them without concern , and dared publickly to say , that his enemies could never accuse him of breaking his word , and that now adays there are few persons exempted from this fault : by which words he plainly pointed at monsieur le prince , and reproached him not only for breaking the engagements he had enter'd into with the frondeurs , about the marriage of his brother with madamoiselle de chevreuse , but also alledged the business of noysi , when the prince de conty , madam , and madamoiselle de longueville , and the messieurs of retz , laid the foundations of the war of paris , and monsieur le prince promised to head them ; not to remove the cardinal , as the publick intended , but only to make his conditions better with him , and have the merit of securing him from mischief , which so powerful a cabal was not able to do . these reports being noised abroad by the coadjutors adherents , and also renewed so boldly before the parliament when assembled , and before monsieur le prince himself , might have made him more sensible of the affront , than he at that time appeared to be . he mastered his resentment , and gave no answer to the coadjutors discourse . at the same time some came to advertise them , that the great hall was full of armed men , who being spurr'd on by interests so opposite , would certainly create very great disorders , if they were not speedily prevented . upon this , the primier president told monsieur le prince , that the company would be infinitely obliged to him , if he would order those who followed him to withdraw ; that they were assembled to remedy the disorders of the state , not to augment them , and that no body would believe they were so entirely free to speak their opinions , as they ought to be , so long as they saw the palais ( which should be the asylum of justice ) serve as a place of arms for all that were capable of raising a tumult and sedition . monsieur le prince immediately offered to make his friends withdraw , and desired the duke de la rochefoucault to send them away without disorder : the coadjutor rose , and said , that he was going to do the same by his : and he really did go out of the great chamber to speak to his friends ; the duke de la rochefoucault went eight or ten paces behind him , and was yet in the place called the parquet des hussiers , when the coadjutor was got into the great hall ; as soon as they saw him , all his party drew their swords without any reason , and monsieur le prince's friends did the same , every one rang'd himself on that side he was to serve , and in an instant the two parties came within the length of their swords to one another ; and yet amongst so many brave men , animated by so many different hatreds , there was not one that made a pass with his sword , or shot off a pistol : the coadjutor seeing so great a disorder , intended to withdraw and return to the great chamber ; but coming to the door , which goes from the hall to the parquet des hussiers , he found the duke de la rochefoucault possessed of it : nevertheless , he attempted to force it open , but it being only half shut , the duke de la rochefoucault , who held it , just as the coadjutor enter'd , clapt it too and catch'd him by the middle , keeping his head on the side of the parquet , and his body in the hall. this opportunity might have tempted the duke de la rochefoucault , after all that had pass'd betwixt them : general and particular reasons push'd him on to destroy his most mortal enemy , besides the easiness of revenging himself , by revenging monsieur le prince for the affront and reproach which he had but just before received : he saw also , that the life of the coadjutor ought to pay for the disorder which he was the cause of ; but he likewise consider'd , that they had not yet struck a stroak in the hall , and that no body came against him to defend the coadjutor , and therefore that he had not the same pretence to assault him , which he might have had if the fight had been begun ; besides , the servants of monsieur le prince did not imagine of what importance the service was which they might do their master in this juncture . in fine , one because he would not do an action which might look like cruelty ; and the rest , for want of resolution in a great affair , and capacity to go through with it , gave time to champlatreux , the primier presidents son , to arrive with an order to disengage the coadjutor , and free him from the greatest danger he was ever in . the duke de la rochefoucault seeing him in the hands of champlatreux , returned into the great chamber and took his place : the coadjutor came thither at the same time , with all the trouble that an accident like this which he had escaped , could give him , he begun to complain to the assembly of the violence of the duke de la rochefoucault ; he said , that he had like to have been assassinated , and that he held him at the door only to expose him to whatever attempt his enemies would make against his person . the duke de la rochefoucault answered , that fear must have certainly taken away his liberty of judging of what pass'd at that time , otherwise he would have seen that he had no design to kill him , since he did not do so , when he had his life in his hands a long time ; that indeed he was possessed of the door , and hindred him from entring , because he believed not that he ought to expose monsieur le prince and the parliament , to the disorder which his men raised when they saw him come , purely to prevent his fear . this discourse was also followed with some injurious menaces which he publickly threatned him with , insomuch that the duke de brissac thought himself obliged to answer him . the duke de la rochefoucault and he appointed to fight that very day without seconds , but because the occasion of their quarrel was publick , it was instantly made up by the duke d'orleans . this affair , which in all appearance was like to produce ill consequences , put an end to that which might have most contributed to disorders , for the coadjutor avoided coming again to the palais ; and so being no more where monsieur le prince was , he had no occasion to fear an accident , like this which he had so narrowly escaped . nevertheless , fortune , which rules men more than their own conduct , brought these two together at a time when they least thought of it , and in a condition far different from what they had been in at the palais ; for one day when monsieur le prince went abroad in his coach with the duke de la rochefoucault , and was followed by a prodigious croud of people , he met with the coadjutor dress'd in his episcopal robes , and going a procession with a great many shrines and relicks , monsieur le prince immediately stopp'd , to shew more reverence to the church , and the coadjutor walking on till he came over against monsieur le prince , made a low bow , and gave him and the duke de la rochefoucault his blessing ; both of them received it with all the appearances of respect , though neither of them wish'd it might have that effect the coadjutor desired ; at this time the people who followed monsieur le prince , being moved with such a rencounter , cryed out against the coadjutor , and were ready to pull him in pieces , but that monsieur le prince sent out his men to appease the tumult , and reduce them into order . the war of guyenne . the war in * guienne was maintain'd much more by the vigilence and reputation of the prince of condy , than either by the number or the valour of his soldiers ; and the count de harcourt had already repair'd by his conduct and fortune , all the disadvantages that the defeat of the marquis de st. luc at miradoux had brought to the kings army ; the siege of miradoux was raised , the prince of condy's guards , with three or four hundred horse , were taken in their quarters , where persan , and the prince of condy himself , with the rest of his troops , were forc'd to quit his post , for to pass the river of garonne to bouc , and from thence to retire himself to agen ; but the divisions which were in the town , made the prince soon sensible that it would remain on his party no longer than he retain'd it by his presence , or by a strong garrison : 't was therefore to secure it by this last means , that he resolv'd to put into it the regiment of infantry de conty , and to make himself master of one of the gates of the town , whereby he might take away from the people the liberty of refusing a garison ; but this design not being secret , it was immediatly spread through the whole city , and in an instant all the citizens were in arms , fortifying themselves with barricado's ; of which the prince of condy being inform'd , got strait on horse-back for to hinder the sedition by his presence , and to secure the port de grave till he could put it into the possession of the regiment that was marching towards the town . but the arrival of the soldiers increased the disorder , instead of appeasing of it , they having entred the town , halted in the first street , and tho both the prince of condy and the prince of conty , and the officers , us'd all possible means to calm the disorder , yet the streets , for all they could do , were instantly all baricado'd ; the people notwithstanding still preserv'd their respect for the prince of condy , and for the rest of the general officers , though the peoples disaffection to them increas'd in all those places where they were not present . it being impossible for things to remain any longer in this condition , the souldiers were possessed of the port de grave , and half that street which led to it : the people were up in arms , all the streets baricado'd , and guards set every where . the night coming on , which augmented the confusion , and the prince of condy seeing himself reduc'd either shamefully to quit the town , or else to plunder and burn it ; but he found on which soever he should determine , it would apparently ruine his affairs ; for if he left agen , the kings troops would be receiv'd into it ; and if he burnt it , that severe usage would insence the whole province against him , the most considerable towns whereof were still firm to his party : which reasons induc'd him to attempt an accommodation that might in appearance preserve his authority , and serve him for a pretext to pardon the people of agen. the duke de la rochefoucault wrought upon the principal citizens to retire themselves to the town-house , and there depute some one of them to go to the prince , and intreat his pardon , and to beseech him to come to their assembly , to prescribe to them what means he should think fittest to preserve the town , in the submission and fidelity that they had sworn to him . the prince went thither , and assur'd them , that his intention always was to leave them their liberties intire , and that that regiment was only enter'd to ease the citizens in the keeping of the guard ; but since that they desir'd it not , he would be content it should go out again , if so be that the town would maintain a regiment at its own expence , the officers whereof should be at his disposal : they willingly accepted the conditions , and threw down all their barricado's . the souldiers march'd out , and the town was in quiet , and seem'd in as much submission as it was before the disturbance . but the prince of condy , not being willing to trust to appearances , staid some time at agen , to re-establish the town in its former state ; in which time he receiv'd the news , that the army from flanders ( under the command of the duke de nemours ) and the troops of the duke d'orleans , commanded by the duke of beauford , were joyn'd , and on their march toward the loyre . nevertheless , this joy was mingled with many unquiet thoughts ; for on one side he saw in the middle of france , a spanish army , that he had so long expected , and which could either relieve montrond , or come and joyn him in guyenne ; but at the same time he knew that the division between the dukes of nemours and beaufort , was come to a very dangerous extremity . they could not agree if together , that their forces , when separated , were not able to maintain the field against the kings army , commanded by the marshals of turenne and d'hoquincourt , and fortified by the troops which the cardinal had brought , but much more by the voyage of the court : the orders of the duke de nemours , was to pass the loire and relieve montrond , and then march straight away to guyenne ; but those which the duke de beauford had receiv'd from the duke d'orleans , were intirely opposite : for monsieur could not consent that the army should be so far from paris , for he apprehended , that either the people or the parliament might change their minds , when they saw the duke de nemours pass with his army into guyenne , and the king's forces remain in their neighborhood . the coadjutor of paris , in whom monsieur more confided than in any body , seconded this advce , and still increased the fears and the natural irresolutions of that prince , for by detaining the army on this side of the loire , he not only made it useless to the prince of condy , whose enemy he was , but he render'd himself more considerable at court , by shewing them , that being so much master of monsieur's counsels , it was in his power either to advance or retard the progress of the army : and thus he made use of all sort of ways to obtain the cardinals cap. neither was chauviny's designs less on his side ; for he pretended to govern monsieur in the letting him know , that he govern'd monsieur le prince , and assur'd himself to become master of his counsels , by shewing of him that he was master of monsieur's : but his projects stopt not there , for from the beginning of the war he had taken his measures to become negotiater of the peace , to which end he joyn'd himself to the duke de rohan , believing that he might be equally useful to him , both with monsieur , and with monsieur le prince : he thought also , that he had taken all necessary precautions , as to the cardinal , by the help of faber ; a●d as he set no bounds neither to his ambition nor his hopes , he doubted not , having made the particular peace , but that he should be chosen to go along with the cardinal mazarin to conclude the general ; and then he believed , in making use of the reputation that monsieur le prince was able to give him among the spaniards , he should acquire all the merit of the good success , and that the cardinal on the contrary , would return loaden with shame , and accus'd of all the mischievous events , and so re-enter into the management of affairs , either with the glory of having made the peace , or else with the advantage of having publish'd to the world , that the cardinal had hinder'd it . in prospect whereof , he writ several times to the prince of condy , to press him to leave guyenne : he represented to him how needful his presence was in the army , that if he let that be destroy'd , all hopes of recruits would be lost ; and that marching into the heart of the kingdom , and even before the kings face , he would in a moment , not only re-establish guyenne , but also all the rest of his party . the prince of condy yielded easily to monsieur chavigny's perswasions , but the chiefmotive which induc'd him to it , was the desire he had to quit guyenne , in a time when the weakness of his army forc'd him continually to decline the count d'harcourt : he communicated his design to the duke de la rochefoucault , and marsin , they both alike represented to him what there was to be fear'd , and what to be hoped in it , but neither of them would venture to give him their advice concerning it , but both immediately begg'd , that he would give them leave to wait upon him ; he chose the duke de la rochefoucault to go along with him , and left marsin with the prince of conty , reposing intirely upon him the design to maintain his interest in guyenne ; and not only to preserve bourdeaux in spight of all the divisions that had been fomented amongst the people , and in the parliament , but also , to take care that the different interests of the prince of conty , and madam de longueville , might not increase their misunderstandings , and so hasten the loss of the town . the state of affairs in the town was thus , the people were divided in two cabals , one whereof consisted of the richest citizens , whose opinion was , that they ought to maintain the authority of their magistrates , and make themselves so powerful and necessary in the town , that both monsieur le prince and the parliament might look upon them , as those who were most capable to serve them : the other cabal was form'd of the poorest & most seditious , who often assembling , though without any design , in a place near the castle of ha , call'd horme ; from thence took the name of hormees . the prince of conty , and the dutchess of longueville , much more for their particular interest , than for their interest of the party , supported that faction , and made it much more powerful in bourdeaux . they both labored alike to accomplish this design , though for quite different reasons : the prince de conty inclin'd to peace , through his natural fickleness , which chiefly made him hate the war , because he had so earnestly desired it ; he alledg'd afterwards , that monsieur le prince , after having set his hand that he would not treat without his being made governor of province , was now absolutely gone from his word in what concern'd his interests ; but the principal reason of his disingaging himself , was , that all those about him ( being gain'd by the cardinal mazarin ) perswaded him gloriously to break with the dutchess de longueville , upon pretexts which the near alliance and interest of blood oblig'd him to conceal . as for the dutchess de longueville , she then believ'd her self irreconcilable with her husband ; she had made many fruitless attempts to return to court , by the princess palatine ; she beheld the prince of conty transported with rage and jealousie , which had been much more pardonable in a lover , than a brother : moreover , she knew if the prince of condy spoke less of her behavior than he , that he had not a more advantageous opinion of it : he was inform'd how she design'd to ruine his party , by very extraordinary ways , for the interest of the duke de nemours ; and also fear'd , that if she took a like inclination to another , she was liable to be carried to the same extreams if he desir'd it . seeing her self then equally ruin'd on either side , she now believ'd that she had no way left to restore her self , but to make her self a party in bourdeaux , which might be powerful enough to give her a new reputation , either with the prince of condy , or with the court ; in view whereof , she found nothing so advantageous to her design , as to joyn with the hormees , and to engage herself with the most considerable of them . neither was the parliament more united than the people ; those who were against the court were divided into two bodies , one whereof was call'd the great , and the other the little fronde , although they both agreed to be of the interest of monsieur le prince ; they were very opposite in all other things . in the beginning the army joyn'd with both the fronds , but often separated from them , which changes were managed by different interests , which commonly makes men act in that manner . but at length the prince of conty , and the dutchess of longueville increas'd the credit and the insolence of that faction so high to gain it to themselves , that they advanc'd the ruine of the party , by putting the parliament and the rest of the people in dispair , and giving occasion to so many plots , and to all those private intelligences with the court , which since put bourdeaux into the kings power . the prince of conty made use of these divisions to ruine his sisters credit , and the dutchess of longueville endeavor'd to establish it in bourdeaux , to retrieve what she had lost with the prince of condy ; but he who foresaw what inconveniencies such opposite opinions would produce in his party , and who believ'd moreover , that the discontents and divisions increased by his absence , left marsin , as i said , to put a stop to these great disorders , and on every occasion to take care , that neither the prince of conty , nor the dutchess of longueville , undertook any thing that might be prejudicial to him , during his absence ; therefore as soon as he had regulated the affairs of the army , with marsin and laisny , as also the cabals of bourdeaux , and those in his own family , he left the prince of conty behind him at agen ; and leaving all things under his management , he desired him to follow the advices of marsin and laisny : he seem'd also to repose a great confidence in the president viole , but to speak the truth , he did not think he left one man behind him in bourdeaux , that was really true to his interest , but only those two that i have named . things being thus settled , he prepar'd to quit agen , to go and joyn monsieur de nemour's army : this journy was extreamly long , and so full of difficulties , that he could not reasonably hope to surmount them . the count d'harcourt was camp'd nigh agen , and there was too many in the town gain'd by the court , not to inform him of monsieur le prince's departure , those of his own party had before suspected it , insomuch that it was reported , even before he had resolv'd it himself ; he was to go near six score leagues , and all the way upon the same horses , so that the count de harcourt might not only send a party to pursue him , or give advice to the court of his going , but also send to all the towns and garrisons to stop him . moreover , he could not confide a matter of such consequence to many , and a few were not capable to accompany him with safety : it was necessary to perswade the world , that he was only going to bourdeaux , and to hinder the officers of the army from waiting upon him thither , upon pretences which could give no cause of suspecting what he design'd : for which reason he left the prince of conty at agen , and pretending to go to bourdeaux for two or three days , only he gave orders to all the officers and voluntiers , to stay at agen with his brother . from whence he parted on palm sunday , about twelve of the clock , accompanyed by the duke de la rochefoucault , le prince , de marcillac , guitault , and chavinac , gourville , and one valet de chambre : the marquis de levy waited with horses for him at langez , where he found also bercénes , captain of the duke de la rochefoucault's guards . and as the marquis de levy had a pass from the count d'harcourt , to return home with all his train to his own house in auvergne , the prince of condy , and those that accompanyed him , follow'd him as his attendants , and were to go for the same servants whose names were written in his pass , though they were resolv'd never to make use of it . what was most severe in this journy , was , that our extraordinary haste oblidged us to travel both day and night , and almost always upon the same horses , without ever staying any where above two hours in one place , either to sleep or eat : they lodg'd at two or three gentlemens houses , friends of the marquis de levy's , to take some small rest , and to see if they could buy any horses : but these gentlemen so little suspected monsieur le prince to be what he was , that once at dinner , when men commonly speak their thoughts more freely than at other times , he heard things of some of those that were nearest him , which till then it may be he never knew . at length , taking his way through the vicounty of turenne and charlus in auvergne , he arriv'd on saturday night at bac-d alier , two leagues distant from la charity , where he past the river de eoire without any interruption , although that two troops of horse lay in la charity , commanded by bussy robatin : from thence he dispatch'd gourville in all haste to paris , to inform his royal highness and chavigny of his coming . he staid all easter day in cosnes , where a guard was kept ; and as the court was but at gien , he pretended that he was going thither , with the rest of his companions , to wait their quarter upon the king ; nevertheless , finding that they could not long keep the highway to the court , without being known , they resolv'd to quit it , and take that which leads to chatillon , and he began to think he had reason to repent his neglecting it so long : for meeting two couriers , whereof one knew guitaut , and though he did not stop to speak to him , shew'd concern enough in his face to make them think that he suspected monsieur le prince to be there , which he presently after discovered to be certainly true . for afterwards meeting with monsieur le prince's valet de chambre , who had staid behind , he stopt him , and by making him believe he would kill him , he perceiv'd that his suspition was well founded ; which accident made monsieur le prince resolve not only to quit the high road that very time , but also to leave bercennes , captain of the guards , to the duke de la rochefoncault , amongst the rubbish of a ruin'd house , near a bridge , to kill the courier in case he took that road , which appear'd the way he must go to give notice to the court , of the prince of condy's journy . but fortune led his steps another way , so that he carried in haste to gien the news of what he had seen . st. maure was presently dispatch'd with twenty chosen men to watch for monsieur le prince , in the way between chastillon and the duke de nemour's army , with order to take him either alive or dead . the prince of condy , although he saw that this incounter must inevitably discover his passage , march'd with full speed towards chastillon : but as we were forced to go that day six and thirty leagues upon the same horses , the necessity of baiting made us lose much time , and gave st. maure what he wish'd for , to overtake us . another accident also had like to have caus'd monsieur le prince to be taken , for being come to the canal de briare , he met the quartermasters of two or three regiments of horse , who came thither before for quarters ; and as the main body advanc'd from different parts , it was difficult to take any way secure . chavaignac , who was acquainted with a gentleman named la bruslery , who liv'd near that place , taking guitaut with him to get somthing for the prince of condy to eat . but as that was a day destin'd to adventures , as soon as ever chavaignac went out of the house to seek for the master of it , and to invite guitaut in , an officer of the fore-mentioned regiments came thither ; and all that the mistress of the house could do , in the fear she was in , lest some disturbance might arrive in her house by the meeting of men of different parties , was to send her daughter to meet guitaut , and tell him , that an officer of the kings army was just come into the house , whil'st this happened , monsieur le prince , who staid expecting chauaignac and guitaut , could remain no longer in the place that they had left him in , because of the arrival of the souldiers , he sent his valet de chambre before to chastillon , to tell the house-keeper to have the park gates open , so that he had no body left with him but the duke de la rochefoucault and the prince de marcillac . they went nevertheless still on towards chastillon , the prince de marcillac rode about one hundred yards before , monsieur le prince , and the duke de la rochefoucault followed him about the same distance , that either of them might give him notice if any danger approach'd , which might give him the advantage to save himself . they had not rode on far in that posture , when they heard the noise of shooting off pistols , that way which the valet de chambre was gon , and immediately there appeared four horse-men upon their left hand , who came trotting up towards them : they undoubtedly believ'd they were pursued , therefore concluded to charge these four men that advanc'd toward them , and faced about with a resolution rather to dye than be taken : but being come nearer , they perceived it was chavaignac , who , with three other gentlemen , had been seeking after them , and from thence they all arriv'd at chastillon without any further danger . and there the prince of condy heard news of his army that he was going to joyn ; he was told that it was not far from lory , near the forest of orleans , about eight leagues distance from chastillon . he was told moreover , that there was ten or twelve light-horse of the kings guard , besides several of the kings officers , lodg'd in the town of chastillon ; wherefore fearing to be discovered , he parted from thence for lory in all speed about midnight , with a guide , but the guide had like to have been the cause of his being taken ; for after having travelled a long time , he found they were not above a little league from gien , when quitting that road , to go into that which leads to lory , monsieur le prince passed within thirty yards of the place , where saint maur waited for him ; and whether it was that he knew him not , or that he durst not attack him , nothing interrupted his passage to lory , where he had certain intelligence of his ▪ army , which lay but two leagues from him : he would have staid to have baited his horses at lory ; but although he still took the same care to disguise himself , that he had done all the rest of the way , both he and the duke de la rochefoucault , were known by some of the inhabitants of the town , many whereof were the kings and the duke d'orleans's servants ; but that rather prov'd serviceable to him than hinder'd him , for some of them got on horseback , and bore him company to the army . he met the van-guard at the entry of the forest of orleans , where some of the horse ask'd him , who comes there ? but immediately knowing of him , the whole army was in so great surprise and joy , that it cannot be express'd , for it never had more need of him , and never less expected to see him . the animosity between the duke de nemours , and the duke de beauford still increased , insomuch , that the hopes of the party daily diminished by the divisions that were amongst the heads of it , and at a time when the approaches of the king and his army , ought to have made them prefer the publick interest before private quarrels , to make an end whereof , was of too great importance to monsieur le prince , not to endeavor it with all imaginable eagerness ; and what plain'd his way , and made it more easie for him to perform , was , that his arrival taking away from them both , their chief commands , it also took away the principal spring which fed their jealousie and hatred . things being in this posture ▪ the army march'd to lory , where it rested one day , and then march'd forward three or four more ; in which time they came to the walls of montargis , which yielded without the least resistance ; but they soon quitted that place , which being stored with corn and wine , might be serviceable in time of more need : besides , it would be an example of their moderation , which might produce many advantageous effects to the party in other towns. the army march'd from montargis to chasteau-renard , where gourville arriv'd at the same time from paris , to inform the prince what his friends opinions were , how he ought to carry himself towards monsieur and the parliament : their counsels were quite different , for some of them advised him to stay with the army , representing to him , that the whole resolutions of monsieur and the parliament , always depended upon the event of this war , and that as long as he was at the head of a victorious army , the power of the king would be in his hands , instead whereof , his going to paris would deprive his army of all the reputation which his presence gave them , and would oblige him to leave the command of it to those same people , whose divisions and incapacities were before upon the very brink of producing so great disorder . chavigny , on the contrary , sent positively to monsieur le prince , that his presence was absolutely necessary at paris , that the cabals of the court and of cardinal de rets , daily increased in the parliament , and undoubtedly they would draw the duke d'orleans in to them ; if monsieur le prince came not himself to free him from the dependance he was now in , and to put the duke de rohan and chavigny in possession of a place , for which without his presence , they could not contend any longer with the cardinal de rets . but the dispute ended , in that they both concluded it was the best course now to fall upon the kings army . at this time the prince had advice , that the marshal d'hoquincourt's brigade was still in quarters , separated from the rest of the army very near chastean-renard , & that the next day they were to joyn with the marshal de turenne , which made him resolve to march that very moment with his whole army , straight to attack the marshal d'hoquincourt , before he could have time to draw his troops together , and retreat to the marshal de turenne ; which attempt prov'd very successful . on his first approach , he fell upon two of their quarters , which gave the alarm to the rest , but that hinder'd him not from being presently victorious over five , whereof the four first made small resistance : but the marshal d'hoquincourt drawing himself up in battle with eight hundred horse , upon the side of a brook , where they could not pass over but one by one , upon a bank of earth very narrow and much broken , seem'd as if he would dispute this pass with them ; beyond which , the rest of his men were quartered that they were going to attack : but when he saw that those under the command of the duke de nemours , and three or four others were pass'd , he retreated behind the quarters , leaving them to be plunder'd , and rang'd himself there again in battle , to try if he could take his time , and charge them in the heat of the plunder . those quarters there , made no more resistance than the others had done , but the houses being all thatch'd , as soon as they had set them on fire , they gave so great a light , that it was easie for the marshal d'hoquencourt to discern the number of men that were pass'd over , and perceiving that there was not above one hundred horse , he advanc'd with above eight hundred to attack them . the prince of condy , who saw the force of that cavalry just coming to break upon them , presently made a squadron of those that were about him , and went to meet the enemy , though with so unequal a number , that it appear'd as if chance had drawn them together in that place , all the general officers of his army , to shew him how much one unprosperous event was capable to make him lose , the first rank where he himself was , was compos'd of the duke de nemours , the duke de beaufort , and the duke de la rochefoucault , the prince de marcillac , the marquis de clinchant , who commanded the spanish troops , the count de tauanes lieuten . general , guitault , gaucourt , and several other officers : the two squadrons discharg'd upon each other very close , without one man stirring a foot ; but two others engaging presently after , that which monsieur le prince was at the head of , the duke de nemours received a shot with a pistol quite through his body , and had his horse killed under him . the prince of condy's squadron not being able any longer to maintain their ground against two so violent charges , foot to foot , broke , and retreated one hundred yards in disorder , towards the quarter which was on fire ; but the prince , and the rest of the general officers that were with him , geting again to the head of it stoptit , and the enemy was satisfied with making them retire , without pressing it any further : there was only some few officers and horse that advanced , and the prince de marcillac , who was a dozen or fifteen yards behind the retiring squadron , turn'd about to an officer , and kill'd him . between the two squadrons , the prince of condy , as was said before , stop'd his men , and made them face about to the enemy , which durst not push the advantage they had gain'd for fear they should be back'd with foot. this disorder had given time to a squadron of thirty chosen men to pass the brook : the prince of condy immediately put himself at the head of them , with the duke de la rochefoucault , and attack'd the marshal d'hoquencourt in the flank , while the duke de beaufort charged him in the front , with a squadron that the prince had left him for that purpose , which totally overthrew the enemy ; some whereof flew into bleneau , and the rest they pursu'd three or four leagues towards auxerre , without ever endeavoring so much as to rally : they lost all their baggage , besides three hundred horses that were taken . the victory had been much greater , but that monsieur le prince was informed , that the marshal de turenne's army was come in sight . this news made him return back to his foot which were scattered about to plunder ; and after having rallied his men , he marched toward the marshal de turenne , who had drawn up his army in a large plain , within less then musket shot of a far extended wood , through the middle whereof the prince of condy's army was to pass , to come to him . this passage was wide enough of it self for ten squadrons to march in a front ; but as it was a very marshy ground , they were oblig'd to make so many ditches to drain it , that they could not march to the plain without breaking their ranks . the prince of condy , seeing that the plain was possessed by the enemy , put his foot upon the right hand , and the left into that part of the wood which was nighest the enemies army , to force them to a greater distance . this work'd the effect that he desired , for the marshal turenne , fearing to be endamag'd by the musqueteers , left that post and went to take another a little farther off , and upon a higher ground than monsieur le prince ; but the removal which he made for that , perswaded monsieur le prince that he was retiring for gien , and that he might easily cut them off in the disorder of the retreat , before they arrived there : for which reason he advanced his horse , and made six squadrons pass unrank'd in all haste to enter upon the plain ; but marshal turenne considering what a disadvantage it would be to give battle upon the plain to monsieur le prince's army , heightned with victory , and also stronger than his own , rather chose to return with their swords in their hands , and fall upon the six squadrons , to defeat those that were pass'd , and to stop the rest from passing . monsieur le prince , who judged what he intended , first pass'd his horse , and then those who were unrank'd for that purpose , hindering the enemy from approaching without great disadvantage , so they were content on both sides with only advancing the artillery , and for a long time playing the canon at each other , the success whereof prov'd not at all equal ; for besides that , monsieur de turenne had a much greater number of canon , and better serv'd than the enemy ; they had also the advantage of the highest ground upon them . moreover , monsieur le prince's men being inclosed within the passage that parts the two woods , there was scarcely any shot that did not execution , insomuch that there was kill'd sixscore horsemen , besides several officers , amongst which was maré , brother to the marshal de grancy . and in this maner they pass'd the rest of the day . about sun-set , the marshal de turenne retreated towards gien . the marshal d'hoquencourt , who since his defeat had joyn'd with him , staid in the rear-guard , and going with some officer to withdraw those squadrons which were nighest the enemy , he was retain'd by monsieur le prince , who sent to tell him , that he should be very glad to see him , and that he might advance upon his word . he did what monsieur le prince desired him , and advanced , accompanied only with some few officers ; and monsieur le prince had the dukes de la rochefoucault and beaufort , with two or three more who waited upon him . all their conversation pass'd in civilities , and in raillery on monsieur le prince's side , and in justification on the marshal d'hoquincourt's , concerning what had hapened to him that day , complaining extreamly of monsieur de turenne , though one may say with justice , he did that day two actions great and bold , whereof the success was the cause of his own safety , as also the preservation of the court ; for assoon as ever he knew that the marshal d'hoquincourt's brigade , which was to joyn with him the next day , was attack'd . he march'd with a very few men to that place where monsieur le prince found him drawn up in batalia , every minute expecting the rest of his souldiers , exposing himself thereby to have been inevitably defeated , if monsieur le prince had march'd straight to him , instead of pursuing two or three leagues , as he did those troops that he had routed in the night ; he preserv'd also that same day the rest of the kings army , with eminent valour and conduct , when he turn'd upon monsieur le prince's six squadrons who had pass'd unrank'd upon the plain , by which action he stop'd an army which would undoubtedly have cut his quite off , if it could but have drawn up in the same plain . the kings army being retreated , monsieur le prince , with his , took the way that leads to chastillon , and went that night and lodg'd in quarters upon the canal de briare , near la bruslery , and the next day arriv'd at chastillon with all his army , whereof two days after he left the command to clinehant and the count de tauanes , and went to paris with the dukes de beaufort and de la rochefoucault . this journy prov'd of greater importance than at that time he thought it was , for i am perswaded , that the only desire to go to paris , and there to receive the general applause which his success in so dangerous a journy , and in obtaining so great a victory had merited , made him incline to chavigny's reasons , who really endeavor'd to support himself by the presence and authority of monsieur le prince , & to possess the place , the cardinal de rets held with the duke de orleans : he hoped , as i said before , to make himself not onely equally considerable to these two princes , in perswading of them both that he was the real cause of their union , but believing , that that was the easiest way to succeed in the project which he had laid with faber ; therefore he press'd monsieur le prince to come to paris , to oppose all the attempts that cardinal de rets made upon monsieur , as also to increase the good will of the parliament , who had by an act which they made , set a price upon cardinal mazarin's head : whatsoever esteem mounsieur le prince had of chavigny's advice , he still followed it , he was receiv'd in paris with so many acclamations and testimonies of publick joy , that he believ'd he had no reason to repent himself of his journy . things remain'd in this state for some time , but the army wanting forrage about chastillon and mountargis , and not daring either to come nigher , or go farther off from paris , it march'd to estampes , where they believed it might remain some considerable time with surety , and abundance of all things . the duke de nemours was not cur'd of his wounds , when news was brought to the prince of condy , that some of the kings troops , commanded by the count de moissens , and the marquis de st. mesgren , lieutenant generals , were marching from st. germains to st. cloud , with two pieces of canon , with design to beat off a hundred men of the regiment de condy , which had fortified themselves upon the bridge by breaking down one arch of it ; this news made monsieur le prince get on horseback , and go thither with only those who were about him . the noise of which being spread through all paris , all the people of quality came after him to boulogne , who were follow'd by eight or ten thousand citizens in arms. the kings forces contented with firing some few shots with their canon , retired without ever attempting to make themselves master of the bridge . the prince of condy , who was resolv'd to make an advantage of this good disposition of the citizens , having given them officers , marched them to st. denis , where he heard there was a garrison of two hundred swisses : he arrived there just about the closing in of the day : those who were in the town , having taken the alarm , instantly yielded it up to the besiegers . monsieur le prince being in the middle of three hundred horsemen , consisting of those he believ'd the bravest and most couragious of his party , the swisses indeavored to defend some baracado's in the town , but being too violently press'd , they retreated into the abby , where two hours after they yielded themselves prisoners of war : there was no manner of rudeness offered , either to the inhabitants or the convents . monsieur le prince retir'd to paris , leaving deslandes , a captain in the regiment de condy , with two hundred men in st. dennis , which was retaken the same night by the kings forces , but deslandes retir'd into the church where he held out three days : though there was nothing in this action very considerable in it self , by any circumstance , yet it increased the citizens affections to monsieur le prince ; and they were so much the more liberal of their praises to him , as every one thought himself a witness of his courage , and of the danger which he believed he ran on that occasion . the duke de rohan , and chavigny notwithstanding , still pursu'd their first design ; and took the advantage of so favourable a juncture , to make propositions of peace : they believ'd that the court would fulfill with all sincerity , those things which they knew faber had only made overtures to them of to ingage them with the cardinal , who indeavoured to make use of them , to draw the duke of orleans and monsieur le prince into that abysse of negotiations , whereof the bottom was never seen , and alwayes proved the means of his preservation , as it was the ruin of his enemies ; to say truth , from the very first day of monsieur le princes arrival , intrigues , and cabals , were received on every side ; and whether he was weary of maintaining so laborious a war , or that staying at paris had given him both an inclination and a hope of peace , at length he quitted for a time all other thoughts , but only to seek all means to conclude it as advantagiously as he had designed . the duke de rohan and chavigny , gave him great hopes , to oblige him to lay upon them the care of this negotiation , and to permit them to go with goulas alone to st. germains , loaded with his and the duke de orlean's interests : it was also proposed to send the duke de la rochefoucault , and monsieur le prince desired it for many reasons , but he excused him in that he believed the peace to be already concluded between monsieur and the court , by the secret meditation of cavigni , without monsieur le princes having any share in it ; or that it would not be then concluded , not only because monsieur le princes pretencions were great , but also that the duke de rohan and chavigny would secure their own , whereof i have already spoken , preferring it before the rest . so the duke de rohan , chavigny , and goulas went to st. german with express command ▪ not to see cardinal mazarin , nor treat of any thing with him : monsieurs demands consisted principally of the expulsion of the cardinal , but those of monsieur le prince was of greater extent , because having engag'd both the city & parliament of bourdeaux , & a great number of persons of quality in his party , he made many particular treaties with them , in which he engaged himself not to make any with the court , without comprehending their interests in the manner that i shall relate to you hereafter : there was no body doubted of these gentelmens success in their journey ; besides there was no likelyhood that a man so capable as chavigny was , and so knowing both in the court , and the cardinal by so much experience , would ingage himself in so weighty a negotiation , ( having managed it three months ) without being assur'd of the success . but this opinion lasted not long , for they found by the return of the deputies , that they had not only treated with cardinal mazarine , against the express order , that had been given them ; but also in stead of demanding for the prince of condy , what was in their instructions ; they insisted principally upon establishing a necessary councel , in form almost like that which the late king ordered just before he dyed ; only with this addition , that they should perswade monsieur le prince to give his consent , that cardinal mazerin should go instead of himself with chavigny , to treat about the generall peace , and that he might return again into france , after it was concluded , as these propositions were far both from the interest , and intentions of monsieur le prince ; he received them mightily dissatisfied with chavigny , and resolved from thence forward , never to let him know of any of his secret treaties with the court : to which end he sent gourvill with an instruction framed in the presence of the duchess of chastillon , and of the dukes de nemours and rochefoucault : the contents whereof were as follows ; first that all the negotiations which had passed that day , should be null ; and that a positive answer was required to every point , i , or no ; it being impossible to be more moderate upon any one ; therefore as nothing but sincere dealing was intended , he would promise nothing that he would not justly perform , but then he would be secure of every thing that should be promised him . it was demanded that cardinal mazarin might instantly go out of the kingdome ; and that he should retire to bouillon , and that the power of concluding the general peace should be conferr'd upon the duke of orleans and himself ; and that they might immediately proceed in it , to which end he would yield to any condition that should be just and reasonable , and that he might send into spain to agree the place of conference ; that the council should consist of people not suspected , whom they shou'd consent to ; that the high treasurer should be discharged from his office , and that the treasury should be govern'd by faithful officers ; that all those who had serv'd either the duke of orleans , or the prince of condy , should be restor'd to their estates and offices , governments , pensions and assignments , which should be secur'd upon good funds ▪ as also the duke of orleans , and the princes ; that the duke of orleans should be satisfied in what he should desire on his part , either for himself , or his friends ; that all the soldiers and officers which had follow'd the princes , should be treated in the same manner as they were before , and should be in the same esteem which they had ever been ; that those things might be granted to the town of bourdeaux , which they had ask'd before the war , and for which they had sent deputies to the court ; that they should yield that the taxes might be moderated in the country of guienne , which should be sincerely consented to ; that the prince of conty might be allow'd to treat with monsieur d'angoulesme about the government of provence , and that he might either give him his government of champagne in exchange , or sell it to whom he should think fit , to give him the money for it ; and for the surplus of the money , that he should be assisted as it should be judg'd most convenient that the government of auvergne should be given to the duke de nemours ; that permission might be given to the president viole to treat about the place of president au , mortien , or of secretary of state , and that they should give their words that he should be the first ; and that a sum of money should be order'd that minute to make the recompence more easie , that the breviat which the duke de la rochefoucault demanded like that of the messieurs de boulogns , and de guimené might be granted him , as also the government of angoulmois , and of xaintonge , or else the sum of six score thousand crowns given him , besides commission to treat for the aforesaid governments , or any other whatsoever ; that a breviat should be given to the prince de tarante , concerning his rank , the same as that of monsieur de bouillon's ; and that he shou'd be put into immediate possession of it , and that they should make him satisfaction for all the losses he had sustained by the taking and raising of tailleb●urg , according to the estimation that he should give in ; and that monsieur marsin , and monsieur de dognoin should be mareschals of france , that a patent for duke should be given to monsieur de montespan ; that the duke de rohan should be restor'd to his government of anjou , and anger 's , and have the bridge of cé , as also the jurisdiction of saumeurs deliver'd to him ; that the government of berguerac , and st. foy , should be given to monsieur de la force , and the reversion to monsieur de chasteau-neuf ; and also monsieur le marquis de persan might be assur'd to be made knight of the order of the holy ghost the first vacancy ; and that a breviat might be given him to that purpose , as also the sum of fifty thousand crowns to buy him a government ; to which was added a promise to lay down arms , and unfeignedly consent to all the advantages that cardinal mazarin should propose for his justification ; and for his return in three months , or till such time as monsieur le prince having agreed upon every particular of the general peace with spain , being upon the place of conference with the spanish ministers , should send word that the peace was ready to sign , which he would defer signing till cardinal mazarin was return'd . the cardinal gave ear to these propositions of gourville , and appear'd very willing to consent to them , either because he really intended to agree to what was propos'd , or because he was willing to have the obstacles seem to come from some other ; but the duke de bouillon , who was in fear that the peace should be made without his having the dutchy d'albret , which was to be given up to him by monsieur le prince , as part of his satisfaction for sedan , told the cardinal , that since he believed it just to oblige the friends of monsieur le prince , who were his sworn enemies , he could not but think it yet more reasonable to do justice to those ( who had assisted him , and maintain'd his interest against monsieur le prince , and against whom he could find nothing to say ) rather than to the dukes de nemours , and la rochefoucault , marsin , and others . therefore for his part he thought that having so considerable an interest , as the dutchy d'albret , nothing ought to be concluded without obliging monsieur le prince to satisfie him concerning that . with whatsoever intention the duke de bouillon offer'd these reasons , they stopt the cardinals proceedings , who sent gourville to monsieur le prince to raise this difficulty ; but though all great affairs are subject to delays , this peace had more reason than any other , because it not only depended upon so many difrent interests , and regarded so many opposite parties , which endeavor'd to break it ; but above all , because it was managed by the prince of condy on one part , and cardinal mazarin on the other , who though they had sundry qualities directly opposite , yet still they agreed in many things , and particularly to treat of all sorts of affairs , with unlimited pretentions ; so that as soon as ones demand was granted them , they still believ'd it in their power to obtain more , and so much perswaded themselves that all was due to their good fortune ; that the ballance could not hang long enough in a just poise betwixt 'em , to give them time to resolve of a treaty , and to conclude it ; besides , many other obstacles were join'd to these ; it was the interest of the cardinal de rets to hinder the peace ; because it being made without his having a hand in it , and the duke of orleans and the prince of condy being united to the court , he would be left expos'd without protection ; then again , chavigny enraged at the ill success of his negoation , being exasperated both against the court , and monsieur le prince , rather wish'd to see the peace not effected , than to see it concluded by any other expedients than his own ; i cannot tell the conformity of interests which was then between the cardinal de rets , and chavigny , which made them act unitedly to oppose the treaty of monsieur le prince , or if either of them moved the duke of orleans to act in it ; but i have been since inform'd by one whom i ought to believe , that even at the time that gourville was at st. germains , the duke of orleans sent to cardinal mazarin by the duke d'anville , to forbid him to conclude any thing with monsieur le prince , for that he alone would have the merit of making the peace with the court ; and that he was ready to submit himself to the king , and by that to give an example , which should be follow'd both by the people and the parliament of paris ; there was appearance that a proposition like this should be preferr'd before all the rest , and to say truth , whether it was for this reason , or whether it was for that which i have already said , of the natures of monsieur le prince , and the cardinal , or , as i always believ'd , that the cardinal was ever against the peace , and that he only made use of those negotiations , as so many snares wherein to take his enemies . in fine , things in a little time grew so confus'd , and were so far from coming to an issue , that the duke de la rochefoucault was against any of his peoples having farther concern in a negotiation which ruin'd his party ; therefore he charg'd gourville to press the cardinal to return a positive answer , the second time he went st. germain , with order to return no more thither . besides , though the prince of condy himself was never constantly fixt for a peace , he was continually oppos'd by the different interests of those , who endeavoured to divert it ; the enemies of cardinal mazarine thought themselves not sufficiently reveng'd , if he stay'd in france , and cardinal de rets , judg'd that an agreement with the prince of condy would take away from him all the esteem he was in , and expose him to his enemies ; but on the contrary a war could not last , but that it must either destroy monsieur le prince , or force away cardinal mazarin , and then he alone possessing the duke of orleans , might by that means make himself considerable at court , and from thence make his advantage . on the other side the spaniards offer'd the prince of condy whatsoever they thought most capable to tempt him , exposing all to prolong the civil war : his nearest relations , his friends and menial servants buoy'd up this sentiment by their particular interests . in fine , all was divided into cabals , either to make the peace , or continue the war , the most refin'd and most judicious reasons in politicks were by both parties set in view of monsieur le prince , to incline him to their side . when madam de chastillon invited him to a desire of peace by a more pleasing means , she believed that so great a good ought only to be the effect of her beauty , and adding ambition to the design of a new conquest , endeavoured at once to deprive the court of the advantages of the negotiation , and triumph over the heart of monsieur le prince ; neither were these the only reasons which produced these thoughts , the interests of vanity and revenge , had no less a part in them , the emulation which beauty and gallantry often brings forth amongst ladies , had caus'd an extream hatred between the duchess de longueville and madam de chastillon ; which though for a long time they had hid , at length it broke out openly on both sides , and madam de chastillon not only extended her victory to oblige monsieur de nemours to break off all commerce with the duchess de longueville with the most exasperating and publick circumstances , but endeavoured also to take from her the knowledge of all affairs , that she alone might govern the actions , and interests of monsieur le prince : the duke de nemours , who was deeply engaged with her , approv'd of this design , for he thought that he could govern madam de chastillons behaviour towards monsieur le prince , and that she being able to inspire him with whatsoever sentiments she pleas'd , he should govern monsieur le prince by the power he had over her . the duke de la rochefoucault had at that time a greater share than any one in the secrets of monsieur le prince , and was also in a strict bond with the duke de nemours , and madam de chastillon ; he knew how irresolute the prince of condy was about the peace , and apprehending what really afterwards came to pass , that the spanish , and the duchess of longueville's cabals would join together to remove monsieur le prince from paris , where he might daily treat without their participation , he also believ'd that madam de chastillon's design would remove all obstacles to the peace , for which reason he perswaded monsieur le prince to join with her , and to make her a present of merlou ; he also work'd her to manage monsieur le prince , & the duke de nemours in such a manner , that she might keep them both , and make the duke de nemours approve of that league , which he ought not to suspect , since nothing was to be acted that he was not to be inform'd of , and no other use to be made of it than to advance him to the principal management of affairs ; this design being fram'd and guided by the duke de la rochefoucault , he had almost the entire disposition of it ; and thus all four finding equally such advantage in it , it had at length without doubt found its propos'd success , had not fortune oppos'd it by so many unavoidable accidents : nevertheless madam de chastillon appear'd at court with all the lustre , that her new trust could give her ; she went thither with so general a power to dispose of monsieur le prince's affairs , that it was rather taken for an effect of his complaisance to her , and a desire to flatter her vanity , than for any real intention of accommodation ; she return'd to paris with mighty hopes , but the cardinal drew solid advantages from this nogotiation , for he gained time by it , and increas'd the suspition of the opposite cabals , as also delay'd monsieur le prince at paris , till such time as he should lose guienne and his other holds ; and that the kings army commanded by the mareschals de turenne and d'hoiquincourt , kept the field , whilst his was retir'd into estampes ; neither did it remain long there without receiving a considerable loss ; for the mareschal de turenne's being inform'd , that madamoiselle passing by estamps had desir'd to see the army drawn out , march'd straight thither , and arriv'd at the suburbs before the enemy , who was lodg'd in it , return'd , and was in a condition to defend their quarters , which was forc'd and plunder'd , the mareschals de turenne and d'hoiquincourt retir'd back to their camps , after having kill'd 1000 or 1200 men of the princes choicest troops , besides many which they carried away prisoners . this success increas'd the hopes of the court , and gave birth to the design of the besieging estampes and all the army that was in it ; and how difficult soever this enterprize appear'd , it was resolv'd , on , for their hopes depended upon disheartned soldiers , and divided leaders the towns being open in several places , and every where ill fortifi'd and impossible to receive relief from any but the duke de lorrain , with whom the court believed they had made an agreement ; but for all this , in my opinion , they consider'd less the event of the siege , than the reputation so great an enterprize wou'd give to the kings forces ; and the truth of it was , that though they still continu'd their negotiations with such eagerness , and that monsieur le prince so extremely desir'd a peace , it could not be reasonably expected , till such time as the success of estampes had regulated the propositions ; in the mean while the adherents to the court made use of this conjuncture to gain the people , and to make a party in the parliament ; and although the duke of orleans appear'd very firmly united to monsieur le prince , he had nevertheless daily conferences in private with the cardinal de rets , who was bent to destroy whatever resolutions monsieur le prince perswaded him to take . the siege of estampes still continued , and although the kings army made no considerable progress , the noise that it made through the whole kingdom was advantagious to the court , insomuch that paris expected the succors of the duke of lorrain , as the only preservation of the party ; he arriv'd at length , after so many delays , and after having given suspition of his agreement with the king ; but his presence soon put a stop to that opinion for a time , and he was receiv'd with all marks of joy ; his army was encamp'd near paris , and all other disorders were suffer'd without complaints . at first there was some coolness between monsieur le prince and him for place , but seeing that monsieur le prince was resolute , he declin'd his pretentions , so much more easily , in that he had only rais'd this dispute to gain time to make a secret treaty with the court , to raise the siege of estampes without hazarding a battel , which was concluded by the duke of lorrain , without ever acquainting either monsieur , or monsieur le prince with it ; the first news they heard of it was that their troops were march'd out of estampes , and that the kings army was remov'd from thence , and the duke de lorrain retir'd into flanders , pretending that he had fully perform'd the king of spain's orders , and also the word that he had given to monsieur : this news surpriz'd every body , and made monsieur le prince resolve to join his forces ; fearing lest the kings army shou'd fall upon him in his march , he left paris with 12 or 15 horse , exposing himself to be taken by the enemies party , and having join'd his army , he march'd to ville-juif , where they quarter'd , and from thence pass'd to st. cloud , where they remain'd , in which time not only the harvest was destroy'd , but also most of the houses thereabouts were reduc'd to ashes . with which proceedings the parisians were so dissatisfied , that monsieur le prince had like to have receiv'd fatal marks thereof in the battle of st. antoine . nevertheless gaucourt had secret conferences with the cardinal , in which he declar'd that a peace was desired with all earnestness , and went so far as to agree upon the principal conditions , but he so much insisted upon those lesser points , that he became suspected , not to intend to treat ; this new uncertainty gave new strength to all the cabals , and an appearance of truth to all the reports that were spread amongst the people ▪ paris was never in so great an agitation , monsieur le prince's thoughts were never so divided , which to resolve of , peace , or war : the spaniards endeavoured to remove him from paris , to hinder the peace , and the duchess de longueville's friends contributed all they could with the same design , to remove him also from madam de chastillon , and likewise madamoiselle aim'd at the same mark with the spaniards , and the duchess de longueville , for on one side she desir'd the war should continue , to be reveng'd upon the queen , and the cardinal , who had opposed her being married to the king ; and on the other , in hopes to force monsieur le prince to leave madam de chastillon , that she might have as great a share both in his esteem , and trust , as also to win him , who was most in her affection . she rais'd men in his name , and promis'd to furnish him with money to levy more . these promises joyn'd to those of the spaniards , and the artifices of the duchess of longueville's friends , remov'd from monsieur le prince the thoughts which he had of a peace ; but that , which in my opinion put him the farthest from it , was not only the little confidence he could repose ▪ in the court afterwards , but ( what can hardly gain belief of one of his quality , and merit ) a vast desire of imitating the duke of lorrain in many things , and particularly in his method of treating his soldiers , and officers ; he was perswaded that if the duke de lorrain being robb'd of his country , and with so much less advantage than he had , could make himself so considerable by his army and money , he who had such infinite qualities above him , would make a progress proportionable , and in the mean time might live entirely conformable to his own humour . this is the real motive which induc'd monsieur le prince to join with the spaniards , and for which he renounc'd all that his birth and services had acquired him in the kingdom , though he laboured to hide it as much as was possible , by shewing still the same desire for the peace , which was still pursued with fruitless treaties : the court went to st. denis , the mareschal de la ferté join'd the kings army with those troops which he had march'd out of lorrain ; monsieur le prince's army , weaker than the least of the two bodies which oppos'd him , till then had maintain'd the post of st. cloud , that he might make use of the bridge to shun an unequal fight ; but the arrival of the mareschal de la ferté enabled the kings army to divide , and attack st. cloud on both sides , having made a bridge of boats about st. denis , which made monsieur le prince resolve to leave st. cloud with design to gain charenton , and to post himself in that neck of land , where the river of marne joins with the seine ; he march'd his army the first day of july about the close of the evening , hoping to reach charenton before the enemy could overtake him ; he march'd by the queen-mothers court , and by the back-side of the town from the port st. honoré to the port st. antoine , to come in there into the road to charenton . he would not ask to pass through paris , for fear it should be refus'd him , and a refusal at such a time as that , wou'd have made the ill condition his affairs were then in , too visible , besides he fear'd that if he should obtain it , his army might scatter in the town , and would not be got out again if there were occasion ; the court was immediately inform'd of his march , and mareschal turenne went the very minute with all his forces to attack him , and to stop him , till such time as the mareschal de la ferté , who was following , had time to arrive . in the mean while they carried the king to charonne , that there , as upon a theatre , he might be present at an action , which in all appearance , would be the inevitable ruine of monsieur le prince , and the conclusion of all the disorder , and which really prov'd one of the boldest , and most dangerous that was ever seen in war ; where the great and extraordinary qualities of monsieur le prince appear'd with all advantage , and fortune her self seem'd to court him in this action , and claim'd a share in the success , wherein both parties extolled his valour , and his conduct , for he was attacked precisely at the time when he cou'd make use of those trenches which the citizens of the fauxbourg de st. antoine had thrown up to fortifie themselves from being plundered by the duke de lorrain ; he had only this place in all his march ( which he endeavoured to reach ) where he could hinder himself from being entirely defeated ; some squadrons of the reer-guard were charg'd in the fauxbourg de st. martin , by those whom the mareschal de turenne had detach'd to amuse him , which retreated disorderly within the entrenchment of the fauxbourg de st. antoine , where he was drawn up in battle . he had scarcely time enough for this , and to set men to maintain all the places by which he might be attacked , he was forced to place the baggage upon the ditch de st. antoine , because it was refus'd entrance into paris , which also had pillaged some of his wagons , for the court-party had so managed it , that they stood as neuter , and spectators of the event . the prince of condè kept still about him all his own servants , and all the gentlemen of quality that had no command , who were about thirty or forty in number . the mareschal de turenne prepared to attack him with all the haste , and confidence of a man that believ'd himself secure of victory ; when the men whom he had detach'd were about yards from the entrenchment , monsieur le prince sallied out with the aforenam'd squadron , and with his sword in his hand , entirely defeated the battallion that came to attack him , and took some of the officers prisoners , carried off their colors , and retired again into his retrenchment . on the other side the marquis de st. mesgrin attack'd the post that was defended by the count de tavannes lieutenant-general , and langes mareschal de camp , where the resistance was so great , that the marquis de st. mesgrin , seeing his infantry decline , transported with heat and passion , advanced with the kings light-horse , into a narrow street , which was barricado'd , where he was kill'd with the marquis de nantoüillet , le fouilloux , and others ; manching was there wounded , whereof he dy'd some time after . they continu'd the attacks on both sides with extream vigor , and the prince of condy charg'd the enemy a second time with the same success that he did the first ; in what place soever he went , though he found himself in the middle of fire and arms , he gave orders with an eveness of mind ; which is so rare , and yet so necessary in a time like that : at length the kings army forc'd the last barricado of the rue due cours , which leads to the bois de vincennes , and was entred into battalia as far as the market house of the faux-bourg st. antoine , when the prince de condè made a violent sally , charg'd them , and cutting in pieces all that withstood him , regained that post , and beat off the enemy , who was nevertheless master of a second barricado , which was in the street that leads to charenton , about forty yards beyond a large open place , which is just by the same street : the marquis de noüailles having possess'd himself of it , the better to defend it , made holes through the houses round about , and set musqueteers in them , as also in all those houses of the street through which they must pass to come at the barricado . the prince of condy had a design to dislodge them with his infantry , and to beat them off with a greater violence , which was really the way he ought to have taken ; but the duke de beaufort not being one of the nearest to monsieur le prince , and growing dissatisfied that the duke de nemours was always so , press'd monsieur le prince to attack that barricado with his foot already weary , & repuls'd , which instead of marching toward the enemy , lean'd themselves against the houses , and wou'd advance no farther . at the same time a squadron of the flemish troops , which was posted in a street , one end whereof came to the corner of the aforementioned open place , on the enemies side , not being able to stay there any longer for fear of being cut off when the enemy should be possess'd of the adjoining houses , came into the middle of it . the duke de beaufort believing it to be the enemy , propos'd to the dukes de la rochefoucault and nemours , who were just come thither , to go and charge them ; so they gathering together , the voluntiers made towards them , and expos'd themselves to no purpose amidst all the firing both from the barricado , and from the houses round about , for coming nearer , he knew 'em to be of his own party ; but at the same time perceiving an astonishment amongst those that defended the barricado , the dukes de nemours , beaufort , and de la rochefoucault , and the prince de marcillac push'd at it , and beating the enemies from it , they seiz'd it , and kept it their own selves , when the infantry which was commanded wou'd not assist them . the prince de condy maintained his ground in the street , with only some of his friends who follow'd him . in the mean time the enemy , who were possess'd of all the houses in the street , seeing the barricado kept only by four , had undoubtedly retaken it , had not the prince of condy's squadron oppos'd them ; but their being no foot to hinder the enemies shooting from the windows , they began to fire upon them from every side till they had made them quit the barricado . the duke de nemours for all his arms , received thirteen wounds , the duke de la rochefoucault receiv'd also a musket-shot upon his face a little above the eyes ; which blinding him , oblig'd the duke de beaufort , and the prince de marcillac to retreat to carry off the two wounded ; they were pursued , and the prince de condy advancing to succor them , and give them time to get on horseback , left the post again to the kings forces , which just before he had gained from them : almost all that follow'd them into the open place were either kill'd or wounded . amongst the rest there fell the marquis de flamerin , the count de castres , and bercennes , captain of the duke de rochefoucault's guards , the number of the officers dead and wounded on each side were so great , that each party appear'd rather to think of repairing its losses , than of attacking the enemy : but this pause prov'd nevertheless more advantageous to the kings forces , for though they had been repuls'd as often as they assaulted , nevertheless the mareschal de la ferté , marched with all speed , and prepar'd to make a new attack with his army , which was fresh and entire , when the parisians , who till then had been only spectators of so great an action , declared themselves for monsieur le prince ; they had been so blinded on one side by the policy of the court , and on the other by that of the cardinal de rets , as also being so much perswaded that monsieur le prince had concluded the particular peace without including their interests , that they consider'd the beginning of this action to be done with cardinal mazarin's consent ▪ & the duke d'orleans confirmed them in that opinion by giving no orders in the town to succor monsieur le prince ; the cardinal de rets was always about him , who still encreased the trouble , and irresolution of his mind , by framing difficulties in every thing he undertook : on the other side the port de st. antoine was guarded by a regiment of the citizens , the officers whereof being gain'd by the court , hinder'd every body almost from either going out , or coming in . in fine , there were but few in the town that inclin'd to receive monsieur le prince into it ; when madamoiselle , by using all her power with her father , at length drew him from that lethargy , in which cardinal de rets still held him , and prevailed upon him so far as that she carried his orders to the town-house for the citizens to take up arms , and at the same time commanded the governor of the bastille to fire the cannon upon the kings army ; then going her self also to the port de st. antoine , she dispos'd the citizens not only to receive monsieur le prince and his army , but even to sally out , and skirmish till such time as his army was enter'd in ; but what yet mov'd the people more in favour of monsieur le prince , was to see so many persons of quality brought in , either wounded , or dead ; the duke de la rochefoucault endeavour'd to make the best of this opportunity to serve his party ; for though his wound had almost blinded him , he rode from the place where he had been hurt to the fauxbourg st. germain , exhorting the people to succor monsieur le prince , and from that time to be more sensible of their designs , who had accus'd him of treating with the court , which then work'd the effect that was desired ; for paris was never more inclin'd to serve monsieur le prince than it was at that time . in the mean while the noise of the cannon from the bastille made cardinal mazarin conceive two very different opinions ; for at first he thought that paris had declar'd it self against monsieur le prince , and that he was going at once to triumph over the city , and his enemy ; but when they saw that they fir'd upon the kings forces , he sent orders to the mareschal of france to retreat , and return to st. denis . this was one of the most glorious days of monsieur le prrinces life , his valour and conduct never had a greater share in his victory ; and one may say , that so many persons of quality never led on a smaller number of men. all the colors they took were hung up in nostredame church , and all the officers , that were taken prisoners , were dismiss'd upon their parols ; the negotiations for peace still continu'd , and each cabal was labouring either to make , or hinder it according to its interest ; as for monsieur le prince , and the cardinal , they were neither of 'em resolved whither they should conclude it or no. monsieur de chavigny in all appearance was now well again with monsieur le prince ; it was hard to say what opinion he was of till then , because his natural fickleness made him every day directly opposite to the other ; for when he was in hopes to destroy the cardinal , and re-enter into the ministry of affairs , his counsel was to push things to the last extremity , but would have them beg a peace upon their knees , as often as he imagined that his lands would become the prey of the soldiers , and his houses raz'd ; but still in this juncture he was of the same opinion with the rest , which was to make the best of the good disposition of the people , and to propose to them a meeting at the town-house , to resolve that monsieur le prince should be made lieutenant-general of the crown of france , and to associate themselves inseparably to remove the cardinal ; and that the duke de beaufort should be made governor of paris instead of monsieur de l' hospital , and broussel-provost des marchant in the place of monsieur de febure ; but this assembly , wherein it was believ'd would consist the security of the faction , prov'd one of the principal causes of its ruine ▪ by a violence , that in all probability might have destroyed every man that was in the hostel de ville , and have made monsieur le prince loose all the advantages that he had gained in the battel of st. antoine . i cannot say who was the author of so pernicious a design , for all disown'd it alike ; but when they were met in the town-house , there gathered together a company of all sorts of people in arms , which came crying to the very doors , that not only all things should pass according to the intention of monsieur le prince , but likewise that all those who depended upon the cardinal mazarin , should that very minute be delivered up . this noise at first was only lookt upon as an ordinary effect of the impatient rabble ; but seeing the crowd and tumult increase , and that even the soldiers and officers bore their part in the sedition , and at the same time began to set the doors on fire , and shoot in at the windows ; all that were within , believed themselves alike utterly lost . many to evade the danger of the fire and shooting , exposed themselves to the fury of the people ; there were many kill'd of all sorts , and of both parties , and every one believed that monsieur le prince sacrificed his friends , that he might not be suspected , to have destroy'd his enemies ; not the least part of this business was laid to the duke d'orleans charge , and all the hatred for it fell upon monsieur le prince , though i believe they both made use of the duke de beaufort to injure those that were not of their parties , but in reality , not one of them had the least design to hurt any body ; howsoever it was , they presently appeas'd the disorder , but could not blot out the impression that it had made in the peoples minds . it was propos'd afterwards to establish a council which should consist of the duke d'orleans , the prince of condy , the chancellor of france , and of all the princes , dukes and peers , mareschal of france , and the general officers of the party , where two presidents au monsieur should have always place from the parliament , and the provosts of the merchants from the city , to judge definitively in all cases military , and civil . this council increas'd instead of diminishing the disorder by the pretentions of taking place in it , and the consequences of it were at length as fatal , as those of the assembly in the town-house ; for the dukes de nemours and beaufort , either had not so clearly forgot their pass'd differences , but that they still bore a grudging to each other , or else by the interests of some ladies , quarrelled for precedence in the council , and fought on horseback , where the duke de nemours was kill'd by the duke de beaufort his brother in law ; his death moved both compassion and sorrow , in all who knew him , and even the publick had reason to lament him : for besides his great and eminent qualities , he contributed all that was in his power to the concluding of a peace , for he and the duke de la roche foucault , had renounced all the advantages that monsieur le prince had engaged to obtain for 'em in the treaty , that it might be so much the more easily concluded , but the death of one , and the wound of the other gave the spaniards and the dutchess of longueville's friends all the opportunity they could desire ; they no longer apprehended , that the propositions for inviting monsieur le prince into flanders would be disputed , they dazled him with hopes , and now madam de chastillon appear'd less charming , because there was no longer that illustrious rival to combat in her affection , nevertheless he did not at first reject the propositions of peace , though he still took his measures for war ; he offer'd to the duke de la roche foucault the duke de nemours's command , which he could not accept , because of his hurt , so he gave it afterwards to the prince de tarante . paris was then more divided than ever , the court daily gaining one or other of the parliament , or people ; the slaughter , which hapned at the town-house , appeared horrible to all men : the army durst not keep the field , and its quartering in paris increas'd their dissaffection to monsieur le prince : in fine , his affairs were reduced to the worst estate they could be in , when the spaniards equally desiring to hinder either his ruine or advancement ; that they might prolong the war , ordered the duke de lorrain to march a second time to paris , with a body of men considerable enough not only to put a stop to the kings forces , but to invest them in villenuefue st. george ; they also sent word to paris , that the enemy should be constrain'd either to give battle , or to die for hunger in their camp. this hope flatter'd monsieur le prince , who thought to draw great advantages from the event of that action , though the truth of it was , the mareschal turenne wanted no provisions , and had always liberty to retreat to melun , without hazarding a battle , which he did , without finding any resistance ; whilst the duke de lorrain was at paris , and monsieur le prince lay sick of a violent fever , at the same time palluau joyn'd the forces under his command with the kings army , after having taken montrond , in which the marquis de persan had been block'd up from the beginning of the war by a small number of men , commanded by the count de palluau ; but the garison growing weak , they assaulted it , and took it with less resistance , than could be expected from so gallant men , in one of the strongest places in the world , the loss whereof ought so much the more to touch monsieur le prince , in that it happen'd by his negligence , since that in the time when the kings army lay toward campaigne , he might easily have reliev'd montrond , whereas his army ruining all about paris , so much increas'd their hatred to him . though monsieur le prince's distemper was violent , yet it was less fatal to him , than to monsieur chavigny , who one day having been very eager with monsieur le prince about clearing some things , went back sick of a fever , whereof he dy'd a few days after ; his misfortunes ended not with his life , and death , which ought to put a period to hatred , rather seem'd to awaken it in his enemies ; they imputed to him all manner of crimes , but particularly monsieur le prince complain'd , that he had given ear to the propositions of the abbey fouquet , without acquainting him with it ( though he had writ to him to do it ) and that he had promis'd to remit some part of the articles , which he could not consent to ; monsieur le prince also publish'd copies of a letter which he intercepted from the abbey fouquet , of which i have seen the original , where he sends word to the court , that goulas would certainly perswade the duke d'orleans to break with monsieur le prince , if he did not accept those conditions of peace , which were then offer'd him , and some copies that monsieur le prince gave with his own hand , he writ chavigny's name in the place of goulas , and so accus'd him of betraying him , without giving any other proofs than the false copies of that letter written by the same abbey fouquet , with whom monsieur le prince treated every day , and gave chavigny an account of it . i can attribute so extraordinary , and so unjust a proceeding to no other cause , than the extreme desire that monsieur le prince had to continue the war , which being oppos'd by his friends , made him alter his behaviour towards them , and wholly confide in the spaniards ; he began from that time to take his measures , in such a manner , that he might depart with the duke of lorrain , and to say truth , his conduct had made this council so necessary , that he had now no other choice to make , for peace was too generally desir'd at paris for any one to live there securely who design'd to oppose it . the duke d'orleans for his part , who had always desir'd the peace , and who still apprehended the mischief that monsieur le prince's presence might draw upon him , contributed the more willingly to remove him , in that he knew he should then have a greater liberty to make his particular treaty . though all things were thus in confusion , they did not interrupt the ordinary course of the negotiations , for at the time that cardinal mazarine left france , in hopes to root out all pretences of a civil war , or to shew that monsieur le prince pursued other aimes than his removal , he sent anglade secretary to the duke de bouillon to the duke de la rochefoucault , and whether it was that he had really a design to treat , in hopes to make his return more easie , or that he design'd to draw some advantage by shewing the world that he desir'd a peace ; at length anglade brought much more ample conditions , than any before , and almost the same that monsieur le prince had demanded , but they were also refus'd , and his destiny , which drew him into flanders , never let him see the precipice till it was no longer in his power to retire ; at length he departed with the duke de lorrain , after having in vain contrived with the duke d'orleans to oppose the queens being received into paris ; but his reputation was not then in a condition to lye in ballance with the court , he received orders to leave paris the day that the king was to make his entry into it , which he instantly obeyed , that he might not be a witness of his enemies triumphs , and of the publick joy . cardinal mazarin's letter to monsieur de brienne . sir , the queen , as far as i understand , believes that you should have only sent me a letter from the king , as it is usually done to all national cardinals , when news is brought from rome that the pope is in danger , and that i had a particular priviledge granted me ; since , besides the first from the king , and the duplicate , i have received another , and three from you , all conceived in terms so pressing to make me without any delay depart from rome , that i confess i was surprized to the last degree , being not able to imagine wherein i have been so deficient in my duty to their majesties , that they should press me to take a journey with so much ignominy and danger , and without any means of subsisting . to think that a letter of recommendation to the pope would satisfie all ! as if they knew the world so little at rome , that they could not infer what sort of protection i was to expect there , since i was abandoned to the persecution of my enemies in france , where the king is master . nevertheless if i had had the honor to receive a word from the queen to signifie , that it was the kings and her pleasure that i should go thither ( as she had the goodness to let me know it when she was pleased that i should go out of the kingdom , and remove as far as the rhine . ) i do assure you , that after having put my nieces into a monastery , and turn'd off my family , i would have gone thither with two servants only , to confirm their majesties upon all occasions , that my obedience is blind , and my fidelity of proof . i am really ready to do , without any reply , whatever the queen shall command me , though i cannot receive a greater mortification , than to take this journy in the condition i am in , which besides cannot but be prejudicial to the kings honour . nay , which is another unhappiness in this affair , they have had the address to make it pass with the queen for an act of grace , which was done me , that i might yet feel some effect of the publick joy for the kings majority . all this hath loaded me with sorrow , when i see to what height my friends have prevailed by my disgrace , and with what success they have employed their arts to make me receive such rude usage , at a time when i might justly hope , that they would give some comfort to the persecutions , which i have suffered for eight months together with so much violence , and with so notorious an affront to the royal dignity . but all this is not comparable to the excess of sorrow which i groaned under , after having seen ( in all the letters , from a great many of my friends , both at paris and elsewhere ) the great pleasure they take at the contents of the kings declaration , which was registred in parliament , and cry'd about the city . all of them without having consulted together , agreeing , that since the monarchy , there was never so bloudy a thing contriv'd against any body , what crime soever he had committed . no body durst send it me , and i may swear to you , that i never saw it ; but to know that the king hath declared that i hinder'd the peace , and was the cause of all the injuries done to the allies of france , is enough to perswade me , that my master would have me look'd upon as the most infamous and villanous man that ever was , and as the scourge of christianity : and after this they send me to the place of my nativity , to make a parade ( amongst my kindred and friends ) of the fine titles , which i have brought back with me , as a reward for the 23 years as faithful and advantagious service , as ever was done by the most zealous and disinteressed minister that ever was . all my enemies have for these six months laboured with an industry visible to every body , sending commissaries all over , applying themselves to all imaginable contrivances , and some of them raising false witnesses to see if they could blacken me with some crimes , who justifying to the people the oppression they laid upon me , did more and more establish their hatred against me , though all this produced nothing but very advantageous effects to undeceive them , and let them see my innocence and the injustice wherewith it was attacked . at this time my aforesaid enemies despairing to do any thing by other ways , found the means to perswade their majesties to declare me ( without being heard ) in a most authentick and publick form , a rogue , and to impute the hindrance of the peace to me alone . after this methinks they should rather counsel me to hide my self from the sight of men , and bury my self for ever , than to go to rome , since i have reason not only to apprehend the people of france , but all those who suffer by the continuation of the war , have reason to stone him , that is the cause thereof . i am confident that their majesties could not have a particular knowledge of every thing , that was contained in the kings declaration , they are too just to be thought by any means , that they would consent to declare me the most wicked and abominable of men and a traitor . and it is a great misfortune to the kings service , that there should not be one who would let him know , of what advantage it was to the enemies of france , that all europe by his majesties declaration was perswaded that his chief minister hindred the peace . the spaniards can have no greater advantage , than to be able to throw upon france the hatred of christianity , for the evils , which the war makes it suffer , and the allies of france will by the kings declaration have a right with justice to demand reparation for the losses they have endured , which amount to millions , or in case of a refusal , to have a just foundation for a quarrel , since it is certain that the king and state are responsible for the conduct of those who have the management of affairs . i know also that the consideration of me was not strong enough to oblige them to speak in my favour , but really the interest of the king , of the state , and of the queen her self , was engaged by so many other pressing reasons , than what are abovementioned , that it must be confessed , that it was a strange unhappiness that no body should speak to them one word of it , and mine is in the utmost degree , since , besides what i suffer in my own particular , the passion i have for their majesties and the state , which can never have an end , makes me feel in the bottom of my soul the stroaks which they receive thereby . you see , that since the crimes , which they have obliged the king to declare me guilty of , i am no more in a condition to intermeddle in any affair , wherefore you need not give your self the trouble of communicating any to me , and if my enemies have not the satisfaction to see me go to rome , they shall have the joy to see me abscond without intermedling with any thing whatever , until it shall please the king to do me justice ; humbly beseeching him , that he would be pleased to make me prisoner wherever he shall order , even in one of the places of monsieur d'orleans , that if i have fail'd in my duty , i may receive an exemplary punishment ; and to take away all difficulties that may occur , by reason of the dignity wherewith i am invested ; i will take it as a singular favour , if i may be permitted to send a resignation thereof , for i cannot now be any way useful to his majesty in my person . i shall be very much obliged to you , if you so use your interest as to procure me this favour , which i will esteem to the last degree , since it may contribute to the reparation of my honour , and i also desire you for this once to excuse my importunities . monsieur de la castre's letter to monsieur brienne . sir , so long as my unhappiness only reach'd my fortune , and i believ'd i had no reason to fear any thing but the loss of my place , i bore my disgrace without a repining thought , and easily resolved with my self , to wait till a more favourable time gave me occasion of hoping better things . but now that i understand that they would violate my innocence , and endeavor to ruine that little esteem i have desir'd to acquire in the queens opinion , i must confess i have not constancy enough to bear so rude a shock without complaints . you , sir , who know me very well , know that i was never acted by idterest , that honor was my aim in all my actions , and that i observed its strictest rules that i might be esteemed by that person alone to whom i had devoted all my services . do you judge by this how sensible i ought to be of the injury they have done me , in representing me to her under black characters , and give me leave most humbly to beseech you , to let her majesty know , that upon all occasions i will receive her pleasure with the respect i ought ; but on this i beg nothing but justice ; if i am guilty either of any important or trivial thing against her , i am the most guilty man in the kingdom , and i passionately desire that the parliament would examine my faults , and punish them , being ready upon this account to enter into custody , whenever it shall please her to prosecute me ; i am so sensible of my innocence , that i cannot doubt the issue , nay in the despair i am at present in , though the event should be fatal to me , i should not apprehend it , judging that i have nothing in the world to lose since the queen hath lost the confidence she once reposed in my fidelity : i expect from the honor of your friendship , that you will do me the favour to testifie to her my sad thoughts , 't is the most sensible and obliging office that he can hope from you , who is , sir , yours , &c. the articles and conditions which were agreed upon between his royal highness monsieur , and monsieur le prince de condé , for the expulsion of cardinal mazarine , in pursuance of so many of the kings declarations and acts of the several parliaments of france . i. that his royal highness , and monsieur le prince are ready to lay down their arms , to return to court , to re-enter into his majesties councils , and to contribute as much as lies in them , to conclude a general peace ; to settle all disturbances , and re-establish the kings authority , if his majesty will be pleased sincerely to command cardinal mazarin to leave the kingdom , and banish him out of all places under his dominion , and to remove him from his councils and person , all his relations and adherents , and finally that he would put in execution the declarations that he had set forth , to that purpose in such a manner , that neither his royal highness nor monsieur le prince may have reason to believe that the publick faith will be violated . ii. that if on the contrary , cardinal mazarine by his artifices prevails still upon the king , and against the desires , and opinion of all france , and so much to the prejudice of those declarations , people still persevere to support him , the quality of uncle to his said majesty , which his royal highness possesses , obliges him to be vigilant in whatsoever relates to the good of the king , and to oppose whatsoever can interrupt it , during his said majesties minority ; and monsieur le prince thinks himself indispensibly obliged to the same sentiments , because he has also the honor to be of the royal blood ; and considering that they can have no security for their persons , whilst cardinal mazarine is master of affairs , they have promis'd , and are reciprocally obliged , and engage , not only for themselves , but also for the prince de conty , the prince de conde's brother , and the duchess de longueville his sister , whom monsieur le prince promises , and engages , shall ratifie the present treaty , the same time that he himself does , as also , for all those that are of his party ; that they shall joyn their forces and employ all their credit and friends to banish cardinal mazarine out of france , and to send away all his relations and adherents , who have declared themselves such , by the continual correspondence which they kept with him , when he was from the court and ministry of affairs . iii. they promise not to lay down arms till such time as they have obtain'd the effect of the aforementioned article , and not to give ear directly or indirectly to any agreement but on that condition , and with an unanimous consent . iv. that they will maintain and increase the forces which they have raised as long as possibly they can , and that they shall be employ'd , either jointly , or separately , as they shall judge most fit , promising moreover to take all care for their subsistance with the least grievance that may be to the people . v. they promise willingly to accept all reasonable expedients , which shall be proposed to appease the troubles of the kingdom , still provided cardinal mazarin be removed , as is specified in the second article , and to endeavor continually to establish a general peace , which is one of the chief ends of this treaty : which can find no obstacle when he is gone who has endevoured to prolong the war , and that the breaches in the royal family ( which he has been the cause of ) shall be made up again . vi. his royal highness , and monsieur le prince , promise to maintain the parliaments , and all supream societies of the king , the chief officers of state , the nobility , and gentry , in all their rights and priviledges , and to do them justice , in all their lawful pretentions , and not to make any treaty without them , till such time that all the damages and losses they have sustained in maintaining this treaty be repaired ; and particularly to take care that it may not prejudice the observing of the declaration , published the 22 of october 1648. and for this reason they are invited to enter into this present union , and to do their utmost endeavour to accomplish the intent thereof . vii . cardinal mazarine , who still governed in effect , though banished in appearance , having hinder'd the general assembly of the states , which the king had promised to convoke the 8th of september last , and having obliged the deputies , who met at tours upon the day appointed , to retire with shame and confusion , and besides all this , his royal highness and monsieur le prince knowing that he would still continue the same condition he then held , and that he would endeavor to hinder by all means ; whatever could be expected from their meeting , or that if he could be possibly brought to consent to their assembling , it should be only to get them into some place whereof he is master ; therefore his royal highness , and monsieur le prince , to remove these two inconveniences , promise and engage themselves , to spare no pains , to obtain that they may assemble at paris , as the nearest and most convenient town where they may act in full liberty , upon which condition they declare they will submit with all their hearts , their whole interests , which they protest to be no other than the interests of king and country ; to their decision , whereof there shall be made a perpetual and irrevocable edict , which shall be confirmed in the parliament of paris , and by all those that enter into this present union . viii . his royal highness and monsieur le prince neither holding for lawful , nor acknowledging the councel , chosen by cardinal mazarine , one whereof having bought his place with a vast sum of money , which he gave to the aforesaid cardinal , they being obliged by the degree of blood , whereby they have the honor to come so near his majesty , to take care of his affairs , and to proceed in such a manner , as that they may be well governed , promise not to listen to any accommodation till such time as the creatures and publick adherents to cardinal mazarine , be excluded the council of state , and upon condition that it shall not hereafter consist but only of such of the said conncil , and others , as cannot in any manner be suspected to incline to him . ix . and because the enemies of monsieur le prince , are base enough to endeavour to decry his actions , by publishing that he is in league with foreign nations , his royal highness and the said monsieur le prince , declare that they will never have any commerce , or correspondence whatever with them , but only as far as what concerns the general peace , and that they will not negotiate with any stranger princes , before it be judged beneficial for the kings interest , and the good of the kingdom , both by the parliament , and the chief persons that shall enter into this present union . x. and in fine , that the ill intentioned , and the persons most zealous for cardinal mazarine , may not have reason to doubt of his royal highness and monsieur le prince's good intentions , they have thought fit to declare expresly by this article , that they have no other design than the security of their own persons ; and whether it be that the unhappy commotions of the state will oblige them to employ their arms for the expulsion of the said cardinal mazarine , or that things may be accommodated by his exclusion in the manner as has been above demonstrated , they will not pretend to any new model of government , but put their whole satisfaction in that which france must needs rejoice to see an end of their troubles , and the publick quiet assured . xi . his royal highness and monsieur le prince , notwithstanding judge it fit for many weighty considerations , to agree together to contribute as much as lies in their power towards an agreement , for the just and reasonable satisfaction of all those who are now engaged in the common cause , or who hereafter shall joyn themselves to them , that they may receive effective marks of their protection . this present treaty was double signed by his royal highness , and by the counts de fiesque , and de gaucourt , for , and in the name of monsieur le prince , monsieur le prince de conty , and the duchess of longueville , by virtue of the power that monsieur le prince gave them which was presently delivered into the hands of his royal highness , by the said count de fiesque , the two counts were engaged , and obliged themselves to procure to his said royal highness , the ratifications of those for whom they had engaged within a month at farthest . concluded at paris the 24th day of january in the year of our lord 1652. signed gaston charles leon , de fiesque , joseph de gaucourt . an apology , or the defence of the duke de beaufort , against the court , the nobility , and the people . gentlemen , were i as eloquent as those who have written either for the court , or the princes , you should then have a fine apology in favour of the duke de beaufort , but having spent the most part of my time in hunting or playing at tenis with him , be pleas'd to pardon me the labor of eloquence , and allow me to go on without interterruption in the broad common road. to come quickly to the purpose , there appear three points in my discourse , as also there were in his advice , the first is to justifie him to the court , who thought him ill-intention'd ; the second , to re-establish him with the nobility , who despis'd him ; the third , to regain him the love of the publick , who abandon'd him . and now do you judge , gentlemen , if i have not a hard task , and if it would not be more easie to overthrow the cardinal and set the princes at liberty , than to succeed in what i undertake . i say the court is most injurious to the duke de beaufort , to believe that he has any ill thoughts against it , and these are my reasons , if the duke de beaufort retain'd a hatred for the court , if his reconciliation with cardinal mazarine was not really sincere and free , he would have still kept himself in a condition to have prejudiced him , or at least to have secur'd himself ; but to take away all subject of fear or suspition , and to establish himself in an entire trust ; he was himself author of his own discredit with the parliament , he also drew upon himself the contempt of the people of quality , and the hatred of the vulgar ; what appearance was there then , that the duke de beaufort , doing whatsoever he could to please the court , design'd not to serve it , or was willing to be at difference with it . moreover , if it was true , that he endeavor'd to maintain a confederacy disadvantagious to the kings authority , he would have joyn'd with the frondeurs , and both alike have aim'd at the same mark ; but all the world knows that he broke with madam de chevereuse , lest he might seem to act contrary to the testament of lewis the thirteenth , if he continued any manner of correspondence with her ; what likelihood is there then , that a man , who bears so nice a respect to the memory of the late king , should have such pernicious thoughts against him that is now reigning . as to the uniting of the chief minister , and the admiral , it cannot be desired to be either more strong , or more strict , and they are both too generous to believe , that there has been given and receiv'd fourscore thousand livres a year , as a pledge of a false reconciliation . but passing by all conjectures , wherein there are a thousand concluding circumstances , tell me why was mazarine , proclaimed upon pont-neuff , in the palace , and in all publick places ? why in the last assembly of the parliament , did he sollicite the remainder of his friends in the cardinals behalf , if he was not really true to his interest ? he is also accus'd to have made use of his power , to ruine the duke d'espernon , and what could this gallant prince have otherwise done , unless he had suffered injuries with a christian patience , and retired himself into a cloister ? can it be denied , that no persecution ever equalled that he suffered from the duke de candale ? and his eagerness to dishonor so near a relation , did it not merit that revenge ? but to say truth , these are only particular concerns , and in all cases he revenges himself upon his enemies in spite of the court , by a kind of compensation : he knows how to abandon his friends to please it . fontrailles and chatta once so zealous for his interest , by experience are made sensible of it , and the count de fiesque having received the same treatment , has reason to condemn ▪ himself all his life , for the useless generosity he shewed him . let us then conclude , that never any man observed more the intentions of the court , and that the queen would hardly have refused him the government of bretaigne , but that she believ'd the great services he had done , to be sufficiently rewarded by the command of admiral . now after having thus justified this great duke in what relates to the court , i will endeavor to do the same to the true nobility , and make it appear that nothing is more unreasonable than the contempt they have lately shewn him . when i speak of the true nobility , i mean not those , whom his rough manner of speaking only makes his enemies , men bred up in softness and sloth , who by frequenting the ladies chambers , are accustomed to a quite different sort of entertainment . the duke de beaufort is proud to be unacquainted with too soft and tender discourse , fit only to effeminate courage , and soften the mind ; he has not made it his business to study scrupulous , and nice distinctions ; he is not delicate in his eating , nor studious to be well drest , but he knows how to make himself be beloved by his neighbours , and when he has need of friends , he has an hundred gentlemen that will serve him with hand and heart at his command . this is the manner of this great dukes living ; but i see i am to satisfie the nobility upon another point ; and there are few gentlemen that speak concerning the business of renard , that do not also speak of how little care he took to satisfie so many persons of quality so much offended . before i come to particulars i must tell you that this good prince repented himself a thousand times of that action ; and to shew you that i neither approve the thing it self , nor the consequence of it , i accuse him of too much passion and courage shewn in renards house , as also too much reflection and wisdom in the pursuit of it ; but , gentlemen , you are so little indulgent to him , you may excuse a man , who has only taken one thing for another , who was valiant when he ought to have been wise , and wise , when he ought to have been valiant , so that it was at most but a small mistake , and it would be too severe in you not to pardon it . and then , if all things were taken in the greatest rigor , with whom should the duke de beaufort have fought ? had he fought the duke de candall , which was the right measures he ought to have pursu'd at the least disadvantage , the whole court had rejoyc'd ; the queen was still dissatisfied for the war of paris , his reconciliation with cardinal mazarine was not yet well setled , almost all people crowded to offer their services to the duke de candall , god knows what joy there would have been , had he been either wounded or disarm'd ; to have fought with bouteville would have been as bad , for no misfortune could have befallen him , but monsieur le prince , and his friends would have gain'd yet more advantage ; in the manner that he had treated gerzé it was past giving quarter , and the vow he made all his life to observe the precepts of nature , obliged him to take care not to be transported to that inhumanity . it is certain he had fought with moret , but that he appointed the place too far from chyrurgions , as the duke de beaufort judiciously told him ; and as to what monsieur de paluau said upon it , that he ought to have been contented with simpathetick powder . this was proper indeed for men like himself without conscience ; but the duke de beaufort is too good a man to make use of any supernatural remedies . the duchess of vendosme his mother having always preached to him that it was better to dye a thousand deaths than to seek a cure from magick . these are the reasons why he did not draw his sword ; every one may judge of them as he pleases ; for my part it will be always my opinion , that a gallant man cannot be too careful to keep his enemies from taking advantage of him , which might have befallen the duke de beaufort , had he engaged with such desperate people ; but i grant that he was a little too much transported with heat , and by the impetuous motion of a great soul , over which he was not then master , he unseasonably offended so many worthy men , and shall we say , that there is no way to repair an affront but by death ? and if so great a man as he will have so much goodness as to own a fault , ought his civilities to be despised ? what acknowledgments did he not make to all that were concern'd ? what satisfaction did he not give except that of fighting ? a satisfaction cruel and bloody , that all other nations have reason to reproach us with . was that brave prince as nice in resenting injuries , as those gentlemen who complain , how much ought it to trouble him now to think that he has neglected nothing that could gain him the love and friendship of the nobility ? you know as soon as ever he had made his own peace , he began only to think of making the fortunes of deserving men , and resolv'd to employ all his power and credit for the service of others , without so much as thinking of his own interest : to some he generously offer'd the security of his protection ; to others , all the advantages that they could gain by his favour ; he freely distributed offices , and governments , and yet could not find one that would be his favourite , amongst them all , they were so much abused by the hopes of the court ; there was not one that did not refuse his kindness ; the resentment that he felt to see his liberality thus despis'd , forced him to mind his own interest , and in despight of his former design , he saw himself reduced to the troublesome necessity of solliciting his own affairs . this was the first time that the duke de beaufort perceiv'd himself slighted by the gentry , and particularly those about the court ; these were the first marks of their contempt , which passed in a very little time to the most bloody outrages : in the war of paris they talked of nothing but of his generosity , and courage ; and see but the injustice of the world ! for they now endeavour to defame him by those very same actions whereby he acquired his reputation . every one knows how much he was complimented upon nertien's death , and supposing really that he had not kill'd him , the modestest man might have been perswaded that he did it as he was , and those same people full of complaisance and civility at that time , now grown ill humour'd , design to rob him of that glory wherewith they themselves adorn'd him , and by a search as exact as it was industrious , found , ( as they say ) that he never came near nertieu till after he was dead . his fighting with briole was at first esteem'd so extraordinary that it might make all the roman heroes tremble . now , say they , briole took his sword from him , as from a mad man , whom rage or some other passion had transported besides himself . do these gentlemen think that he is ready to change his opinion upon as light grounds , as they have done ? and that a man , who was possessed with the belief , that he killed nertieu , when they complimented him upon it , can resolve to believe nothing of it , when they shall take a fancy to say against it . no , no , gentlemen ! you ought to be more steady , and not reproach him with your own inconstancy ; it might be indeed that he did not kill nertieu , but since you once own'd it , your denying it at present will not prove the contrary . now from particular actions let us pass to his personal qualities ; they represent him a man rude , yet without familiarity , sly , and yet silly , and by an odd mixture , he at once possesses , say they , the cunning of the duke de vendosme his father , and the simplicity of the duchess his mother ; if you will believe them , he promises to all , but keeps his word with none ; he pretends in business to dispatch three posts , whereof not one gets up on horseback ; and also refuses himself from the queen what he never asked ; what would you have more ? he sollicites for a man in publick , and against him in private : i cannot tell any one thing that they do not say of his manner of discourse : they make him write ridiculous letters to monsieur bethune , which i am sure he never thought of : in all unavoidable suits in law they would make appear in him the accidents of life : when others eat meat in lent , he is for bringing in new government ; chambers hung with black are wanton , and the most lascivious looks are mournful : laval is dead of a bruise that he received in the head ; and the chevalier de chabot for having been ill drest of his tympany : there is no sort of thing , that they don't make him to have done ; there are no sort of undecent words , that they don't make him to have utter'd ; but nevertheless i cannot but think him a man of great sincerity and parts , who wants neither probity nor understanding . can it be imagined , that a prince bred up in the innocence of country pleasures , should be capable of so many exquisite cheats ? can it be imagined , that a prince of his birth could be ignorant of the most common things ? for my part , i must instead of believing what appears so strange , and so disadvantagious to the duke de beaufort , still admire his generosity or patience , either to pardon or suffer the injuries that were done him . did not i fear passing here for a declamour , i would end this chapter to the nobility in exhorting them to live as well with him as he resolves to do with them ; and addressing my self to the gentry , i must say to them from him ; leave , gentlemen , leave off this malitious hatred , and affected contempt , and return into the same mind you were in at the death of the late king ; remember but that generous time , when every body crowded into his interest , when the colonel of the swisses , the officers of the kings house , and the people of quality renounced both the court , and their fortunes for the love of him . if you return , gentlemen , he is ready to receive you , and in a condition to do the same things for you , as he has already done ; but if you are obstinate , and will not return , i declare he will have no more to do with you , but will endeavour to re-establish himself in the love of the people , who have left him : 't is true , he owes the beginning of his reputation to you , but he owes also the greatest part of his contempt to you , so that he thinks himself discharged from any manner of acknowledgment , by the just resentment of your unkindness . therefore , gentlemen , you see there is now no need to make any longer dispute . and now it is time to come to his justification to the people , and as he owns himself , that he owes his safety , fortune , and reputation to them ; there is not any thing he would not do to wash away the ill impression they have of him , which comes either from his misfortunes , or the malice of his enemies . 't is not , but that if he had a mind not to make any acknowledgment , he could find proofs against such an obligation , and whosoever examines things even with the greatest rigour , will find without doubt , that their love for him was rather a necessary effect of his destiny , than a free and obliging motion of their own ; for at the name only of the duke of beaufort , the people were insensibly mov'd , and i cannot say by what sentiments , but every heart was transported to an extremity of love . it is certain , that they looked upon him as their only support , before he served them , or had done any thing that could attract either , their gratitude , love or esteem ; so that they have done for him only what they could not hinder themselves from doing , therefore he is much more obliged to the lucky planet , that ruled his birth , than to their good wills : notwithstanding he acknowledges that he owes all things to them , and does not pretend by an exquisite ingratitude , to pay real obligations . he does not only protest that he will always endeavour to serve the people , who have served him , but he declares that he shall retain for ever a particular love for them , a perfect resemblance of humour , a secret agreement of thought , a just conformity of words , which will maintain an eternal league betwixt them . yet we see the parisians have not only unjustly broke off this love which reached to the very brink of folly , but are passed into as violent a hatred : these are only to reproach him of persidiousness and inconstancy ; but when they beheld him less miserable , they then began to treat him as a man both ungrateful , and corrupted . permit me , gentlemen , for i speak without passion , if i say any thing in favour of him , think me not won to it by interest , nor impos'd upon , nor that i intend to draw upon me a general hatred , to preserve the kindness of a particular person ; i here profess an entire sincerity , and god is my witness , i follow no other dictates than my own reason . three things , if i am not deceiv'd , ruin'd the duke of beaufort in your opinion ; his agreement with the cardinal , his taking the admiralty , and his sollicitations in the last assemblies . for his agreement with the cardinal , unless you are unjust to him , you cannot take it ill . had he agreed without considering your interests , and had only taken care of his own , you then would have reason to complain ; but it is certain , the whole aim of his reconciliation , was only to seek a more secure and easie means to ruine the cardinal ; for when he saw that all france in arms could not effect it , and that open and declared hatred was fruitless , he flew to the appearances of friendship ; and as he himself says , he designs to ruine him when he least thinks of it . his mind , which is as capable of intrigue as of war , which is as quick , as bold , will furnish him with a thousand adroit and ingenious ways ; not to speak of his politick star , which will lead him to the government of the state , and set him beyond the reach of all italian politicians . if any one a little too nice in the rules of honour , thinks it inglorious in the duke de beaufort , to retain his intention to ruine the cardinal , after having received such considerable kindnesses from him : i answer , he treated not with him as a friend , but on the contrary , i am perswaded , that when he took upon him the office of admiral , he shew'd himself the worst enemy he had in the world. and gentlemen , do you not believe that the duke de beaufort less prejudic'd him in the war of paris , than in the peace ; and in your opinion , was not vitry fight more indifferent to the court , than the negotiation concerning the admiralty ? in all the war he was never in a better condition , than either to run away , or stand and be beaten ; besides his courage and his security never agreed together , he seldome went into the field without fear , and as seldome return'd into paris without shame ; and his most successful enterprizes were only to get bread without fighting . at that time the duke of beaufort reduc'd with you to the last necessity , to say truth , neither much frighted , nor much hurt those troops that came from st. germains ; but now let him force the court , let him take even from the queen her self fourscore thousand livres a year , and you call it still reconciliation , and true friendship : no , gentlemen , undeceive your selves , and believe that he has now perform'd the most subtle of all revenges . if in the complement that he made the cardinal , to thank him for that affair , he assur'd him to be as strictly bound to his interest , as chamflury , we must suppose he only added raillery to the first injury ; for 't is to violate the respect that is due to the quality of a prince , to imagine that he could be capable of such a meanness ; those of the very first quality may stile themselves friends of the chief ministers , but to stoop so low as to make themselves equal to the captain of their guards , that was never done ; and all this only to take away from you all reason of suspicion , i must ask you if the duke de beaufort be less mistrustful than he was before , when a person of quality sent a challenge to him , and he sent away the gentleman to commeny , like creditors to a treasurer : may not this be call'd an artifice of the court ? and is there not a letter printed , which declares enough his opinion ; in all things he chuses those precautions , which his mistrust furnishes him withal ; if they deliberate at the palace royal , if they consult at the hostel de montbason , they have all there particular counsels , and in their closets resolve upon all important affairs . i own that the duke de beaufort did sollicite for the cardinal , but you can't deny , but that it was not so much in his favour , as against the princes ; and if you can direct but how he may ruine the cardinal by the princes , and the princes by the cardinal , you then will lay upon him the greatest obligation in the world ; 't is the unhappiness of the place wherein he is seated , rather than the malice of his nature , which makes him dread all men , and love no body ; he retains still what goodness can be preserv'd amongst so many nice interests ; he does not envy monsieur le prince the constancy that he shew'd in the bois de vincennes , and though there may fall out such disorders , as may cast a shadow upon his glory , he only wishes to put a speedy period to his days , to confirm his reputation . the prince of condè is in his opinion , of so weak and so tender a constitution , that the least exercise , one chasé of hunting , one debauch , one motion , though never so little too violent , is enough to kill him , if he were at liberty ; in the heat of devotion that he is now in , he never grows weary of praising god for the conversion of the duke de longueville , and the joy that he has to see him say his breviary is beyond expression ; he is sorry to see the cardinal troubled with the government of so tumultuous a people as those of france , and that the refinedness of his wit may be still in action , he wishes him well employ'd in italy ; besides the goodness which makes him so much desire the glory of these gentlemen , we must consess , that his pains and care of the publick let him take no rest , and the interest of the state becomes so precious to him , that he cannot suffer it in the hands of another , and even life it self appears useless to him , if he does not employ it in governing . without flattering him , gentlemen , what is it that we may not expect from his zeal , and vast capacity ? would you have him hinder the kings authority from being acknowledg'd ? would you have him at the same time oppose the liberty of the princes , and draw the duke d' espernon from his government ? would you have him raise a sedition for the good of the publick , cause the city to put up their chains , or arm the factious ? would you have him at every assembly in the palace , or at the town-house , at all the councils ? there is neither labour nor danger that he refuses for love of you , there are great services to be expected from him , and the least suspicion of his fidelity would infinitely trouble him ; for he is always ready to sacrifice his quiet for yours . methinks nevertheless some considerations ought to be had , not to exact any thing from him that is above his strength ; don't expect that he should go imprudently to withstand the arch-duke ; 't is well known , that he is unacquainted with war in the open field , and to fight with well disciplin'd men , to our heroe is a quite new thing ; 't is to be like the gascons , and those who are little by their births , to pass their lives like the people of croatia , 't is to act like men in despair , to set all the fortune of a nation upon the hazard of one battel ; for him , whom both estate and birth make incapable of any action that may be either mean or foolish ; he will gloriously maintain his place in the council , and employ all his time to give such advice , as will immediately be in every bodies mouth , as soon as he has spoke it . the end of the apology for the duke de beaufort . memoires of monsieur de la chastre , concerning what pass'd at the death of louis the thirteenth , and the beginning of the regency . it is difficult for him to appear prudent that is unfortunate , and as the most part of men regard only the appearances of things , success alone directs their judgements , and no design appears to them either well laid , or well pursu'd , that has not a favourable event . in the disgraces that are fallen upon me this last year , nothing has more encreas'd my sufferings , than to see those of my own friends , whom i know most zealous for me , blame and condemn me , and without just examination , accuse me to have been my self , by my ill conduct , the author of my own ruine : it would be too great presumption in me to believe that i was guilty of no faults , in all the time i have been at court , since the most refin'd courtiers are often at a stand on certain occasions , and how skilful and pliant soever they be , they are often plung'd into accidents , from whence they cannot well retire . i confess , i may have fail'd , either for want of experience , or in not enough constraining my nature , which is an enemy to all manner of deceit or cunning . when i first came to wait upon the king , i brought to court a mind , unfic for cheating and mean actions , and which was too open and free for that place ; but still that sort of life i thought honest enough to continue ever since , and though i have apparently found that it was not the way to make a fortune , i still preferr'd the satisfaction of my conscience , an uncorrupted reputation , and some few friends , men of honour , to the dignities and advantages that i might expect in being a spy , or in playing double , promising at the same time to serve both parties . perchance it is that i have been too open in this frank manner of living , which i have always observ'd , or i have stuck too firmly to my friends , when they were in a declining posture ; it is in one of these two points that i have chiefly fail'd ; but i believe such faults will appear excusable with men of integrity , and i hope their ground too honest to have the consequences condemn'd . these are , without disguising any thing , all the crimes that i find my self guilty of , and to make it yet more clear , i will deduce in few words , and very faithfully , the most considerable things which pass'd in the last years that i was at court , because that although my private interest was very far distant from the interest of the state , yet even the most important publick affairs have been in some manner engag'd with my particular ones . not long after the birth of our present king , louis the fourteenth , seeing that there was nothing for me to expect whilst cardinal richelieu was possest of all the power , because i would not be servile to him , and besides that i was ally'd and in bonds of friendship with many whom he held suspected ; i believ'd i ought to think of striking in with some other party , which might one day raise my fortunes , and none appear'd to me either so just or of so great hopes as the queen's , for the king her husband very unhealthful , and in all appearance not being able to live till such time as his son was at the age of majority , the regency would infallibly in few years fall into her hands ; whose almost continual adversities suffer'd with so much patience , had rais'd her esteem to such a degree , that she was thought the best , and mildest of women , and the most unlikely to forget those who had adher'd to her in her disgrace ; these glorious qualities charm'd me , and moreover , i thought it was honourable to throw my self upon her side , in a time when the absolute power of her persecutor made all weak and interested people shun approaching her , and by exquisite tyranny left scarcely one about her , but traytors , or those whom dulness exempted from suspicion , and made uncapable of serving her in any thing whatever . from that time i devoted my services wholly to her , which i assur'd her of by madamoiselle de st. louis , ( now madam de flavacourt ) and also by monsieur de brienne : the kind answer she return'd , engag'd me yet more , so that from that time i resolv'd to quit all thoughts of advancement in the court , till such time as she should be in a condition to confer it upon me : or that i believ'd i might be more serviceable to her in some other employment , than master of the wardrobe to the king , which i then had . i liv'd in this resolution till the cardinal's death , after which the queens enemies beginning to make their court to her , it was not strange , that i who had before devoted my self entirely to her , carefully sought all opportunities to testifie my zeal to serve her ; and in a very little time i found one , which i carefully embraced , and proposed to her majesty by monsieur de brienne , and having afterwards spoken to her my self concerning it , she judg'd that it would be advantagious for her service , and thank'd me in such terms , as both doubled my desire to serve her , and encreas'd my hopes . what i propos'd was the buying the office of colonel of the swisse , in which i neither regarded the great summ of money that i imploy'd in it , nor many other considerations , that the sight of a wife and three children might produce , who were inevitably ruin'd , if by my death my place should be lost to them without recompence : i then sacrificed to the queen all my family without regret ; and whether it was that my free manner of proceeding pleas'd her , or that she believ'd i might be capable to serve her , from that time i daily receiv'd more of her favours than i had done before ; she spoke of me to some of her greatest confidents , as of a man who had entirely devoted himself to her , and whom she esteem'd for his fidelity , ordering the bishop of beauvais ( in whom she then most confided ) to communicate freely to me all things that might be for her service ; this was about the same time that the duke de beaufort return'd from england , for as soon as cardinal richelieu was dead , the bishop of lisieux , by the queen's order , writ to him to return ; and he , without any other precaution , immediately left england ; and as soon as he was landed in france , writ to me by a gentleman nam'd drouilly , wherein he declared that he reposed much confidence in me , and also desir'd me to serve him in what i could with the king ; and added , that monsieur de montresor ( who he knew not only to be my cousin germain , but also my most intimate friend , and who likewise was very particularly his , ) had assur'd him that i would be glad to serve him : the answer that i thought the fittest to make drouilly was , that monsieur de beaufort did me too great an honour in confiding in me , and that i beseeched him to tell me in what i might be serviceable to him ; protesting to execute whatsoever he should require of me , with little success perhaps , but with much zeal and fidelity . whereupon he told me , that monsieur de beaufort desir'd , that with some other of his friends , i would take upon me to declare directly to the king his return into france ; but at the same time he told me , that having delivered a letter to monsieur de bri nne , wherein the duke de beaufort had desir'd the same thing of him that he had of me , the good man , a better courtier than i perchance might have been , had told him that the way to ruine his interest was to execute what he propos'd : for he himself , who knew better how the world then stood , than he who was so newly come from beyond seas ; was of opinion that it should be first told to the chief ministers , and that he would go that minute to find them out : the affair being thus , i told him it was now past consulting , and that since the chief ministers knew of the duke de beaufort's return , it was fit to expect what they would do , and not to undertake any negotiation with the king without them , which would but provoke them , and make them his enemies ; for my own part , i was just returning from paris to st. germains , where the king was , with design that if i saw a favourable moment to serve him , i would not to let it slip ; as soon as i came to st. germains , thinking to tell the queen this news , i found that she was already well instructed of it ; i since heard it was by the bishop of lisieux : some time afterwards messieurs de sully , de rets , de fiesque , de chabot , and i , went to anet to visit the newly arriv'd duke ; 't was in this journey that i enter'd into a more strict bond of friendship with him , for before i was not much acquainted with him , and also in some occasions was engag'd in interests contrary to his ; as , in my opinion , the greatest mark of esteem and love , is trust ; 't was by that i was engag'd by him ; he express'd himself to be extreamly oblig'd to me for my frank answer to drouilly , he discours'd with me without the least reserve of all his concerns , and at length upon the present state of the court , not in very polite terms , ( he not being naturally eloquent , ) but yet by words which plainly manifested the most beautiful and noble thoughts that could be wished , and wherein i observed that he was much fortify'd in england , having both carefully studied , and well retain'd the maxims of some men of honour and integrity , whom he had there frequented , but what bound me yet more to him was two things , one whereof was the straight union i knew he had with monsieur de montresor , whose interests was always mine , and the other was the extraordinary zeal that appear'd in him for the queens service , which was the party to which i absolutely adher'd ; this last consideration it was that weigh'd down the ballance , and 't was the same that united me ever since to him ; but because it will appear more plain in the following discourse , i am oblig'd to return nigher its beginning , to deliver it more exactly . after the cardinals death , all france was fill'd with an imagination of an entire change in the management of affairs ; all people knew that he maintain'd his power with the king only by the awe he had over him , therefore it was believ'd that the cause dying with him , the kings hatred would fall upon all the remains of his family and party ; but these hopes , which only served to flatter so many , were soon ended , for in a few days after they saw ( with wonder ) his house confirm'd in its ancient dignity , his last will entirely observ'd , save only in one point , which was the change of the offices of sur-intendant of the admiralty , and the general of the galleys , the first whereof were given to the duke de brezé , and the last to the petit pont de co●rlay , duke de richelieu , although his eminence on his death-bed had desired the contrary , and had design'd the office that was given to the one for other ; i shall not speak of the bustle this business made between the dutchess d' aiguillon and the mareschal de brezé , who spoke against her all that his rage could suggest , i will only say that the mareschal's ancient familiarity with the king gave him that advantage , without the help of any body ; but although the disposals of the best offices and governments of the kingdom seem'd preposterous to those who consider'd it , and though the government of britany , given to the mareschal de milleray ( who we saw poorly quit it a little after ) appear'd very ▪ extraordinary ; people were much more ▪ surpriz'd to see cardinal mazarine , monsieur chavigny , and monsieur noyers , without any others , in the kings most secret councils ; i say only , because that although the chancellour , the sur-intendant boutilier , and the two secretaries of state , de brienne , and de la vrilliere , were in appearance present at all the deliberations , it is certain that the private intrigues were only known to the first three ; and besides the great council wherein all those that i have nam'd did sit , which was held once or twice a week , those three living assiduously at st. germaines , held also one at least every day with the king , wherein the most principal things were resolv'd . their protector was no sooner dead , but they seeing themselves call'd to the chief ministry of affairs , judg'd that the only way to maintain themselves in it , was to be united together , and to act with one accord in all things ; but whatsoever resolution they had taken , their first actions , and the different ways they took , soon discover'd their secret divisions ; cardinal mazarine and monsieur de chavigny , who were always united , were yet more strictly in this juncture ; and as the last was not ignorant of the aversion the king had for him , he believ'd that nothing could support him , but to joyn his interests inseparably with the others , who being but newly enter'd into the management of affairs , would for a long time stand in need of his instructions ; the method they took to insinuate themselves into the kings favour , was to appear dis-interested in all things , even to affect saying that the greatest desire of one was to return into italy , and of the other to retire from the bustle and noise of the court , to live more quiet ; this first foundation laid , they next made themselves sure of people to declare their good services to the king , and who endeavour'd to perswade him , that the great expence that cardinal mazarin had always made , was an infallible effect of a humour no ways greedy of money , and what he believ'd necessary in the place which he then held , of first minister of state ; for which reason he recall'd to court the commander de souuray , who by having been bred up with the king had acquir'd so perfect a knowledge of his nature , that he appear'd now most capable to serve them , though the deceas'd cardinal , after the siege of rochelle , fearing his wit , had remov'd him from the king , he had not forgot the way to insinuate himself into his affection , so that in few days he re-enter'd into his majesties favour , enough to become useful to those who employ'd him . but besides this first emissary , their free and magnificent manner of living , the profession which they made to oblige all the people of quality , and the particular care they took to release some who were prisoners , and recal others from banishment , gain'd them the friendship , or at least the complaisance and approbation of the greatest part of the court , and amongst the rest the messieurs de schomberg , de lesdiguieres , de la rochefoucault , and de mortemar ; i omit speaking of monsieur de liancourt , for he having been always an intimate friend of chavigny , and a particular one of the cardinal 's , 't was not strange that he continued in the same condition . the little monsieur de noyers had the same intent as the others , to insinuate himself into his masters affection , but the method he took was quite contrary , for the two first affected splendour and shew , instead of which his manner of living was low and obscure ; and whilst the others had their houses fill'd with company , and pass'd away part of the day , and often the whole night at play , or some other diversion , he apply'd himself closer than ever to business , and hardly ever stirr'd out of his chamber , but only at those times that he was serving god , or waiting upon the king , with whom his office of a secretary of state for the army gave him more agreeable subjects to entertain his majesty with , than the others ; for as great negotiations hung heavy upon that prince , the care and examination of his souldiers seem'd to be his only business ; he loved now and then to retrench from the officers , and to talk of the particulars of every office , in the disposal whereof his greatest power he thought chiefly appear'd ; the profession of devotion which monsieur de noyers made , gave him besides that a familiarity with his majesty above the other two , for he never fail'd waiting upon him at all his private devotions , and often in his oratory ; where after having accompanied him in saying of his breviary , he had long conferences with him . the king one time offering to give him 1 or 2 hundred thousand crowns for a certain business , he would not accept them , but upon condition that he might employ them in the building of the loure ; and this proof of his not being interested , wrought no small effect upon the king. the prisoners and the exil'd found neither protector nor intercessor in him ; all the way he took to defend himself from the burthen of the publick hatred , was to assure them , that he would not oppose the kings favour in their behalf : in this manner of proceeding he had two aims , one to please his majesty , who he knew was not naturally inclin'd to do good ; the other was to shew the respect he had for the memory of the deceas'd cardinal , in not consenting so soon to be an instrument of altering what he had done ; and thereby cast upon him all the violences that had pass'd : this was the first introduction of those gentlemen , and their manner of proceeding , till the end of the year 1642. but before i leave this subject , i will say what concerns my self in it , that having treated about my place , and seeing that i should have principally to do with monsieur de noyers , as secretary for the army ; i spoke to him about it , and was confirm'd by him in the design that i had taken to address my self directly to the king , who receiv'd me with all possible kindness , and without taking advice of any body , if it be true as the chancellour then told me , the other two would not have been kind to me , but the king did not then love them ; and i know not if it be that which i ought to look upon as the first foundation of the cardinals hatred to me . in the beginning of the year 1643. those two parties seeing the kings indisposition growing daily worse and worse , leaving him but little hopes of a much longer life , every one of them judg'd it now time to think of getting a support ; and as they were of different opinions in other things , they were no less in this monsieur de chavigny believed , that his place , and assiduous waiting upon monsieur , and the services that he pretended to have done him since the treaty with spain , would belook'd upon as very meritorious by his royal highness ; and , on the contrary , the queen would always hate him , as the having been the principal minister of her enemy ; he inclin'd cardinal mazarin to monsieur's side , and both endeavour'd to perswade the king to recall him to court. there is one thing particularly to be mentioned in that , which at first , perhaps , does not appear of great importance , but which prov'd of so fatal a consequence to me , that i may say , it was the beginning of my ruine . after the taking of monsieur le grand , the treaty with spain being discover'd , there was a talk that it was by the means of the count de bethune ; monsieur seem'd to strengthen that falshood , by tacitly confessing it , excited by la riviere , who believ'd he could be no way better reveng'd of monsieur de montresor during his absence , nor better cut off all ways of his returning again to his master , than by making him author , or at least approver of so black a calumny against one of his best friends . that detraction was but short-lived ; and the deceas'd cardinal , tho not much a friend to the count de bethune , disabus'd all those who spoke to him about it . the world may judge how much a man of honour ought to be sensible of such an offence ; but the cardinal's authority , which protected la riviere exempted him from satisfying the just resentments that are due to such an injury . he maintain'd this report during the cardinal's life , without suspicion ; but his death changing the face of things , and la riviere not knowing if his master would be able or kind enough to support him against so considerable a family , and seeing no other prop , he fell into a mortal fear ; and some days after being sent for to come to paris , by monsieur de chavigny , to treat about his master's return , he could not be perswaded to take the journey , before he was secure that the count de bethune was appeas'd , and monsieur de chavigny who had need of him , employed monsieur de liancour ; and also spoke himself to the count de bethune , who being sensible of the highest affront that could be given a gentleman , could not for some time be induc'd to give him his word , till at length he was commanded by a letter from the king , ( sent by varrennes , one of the messengers , to him ) which , tho it put a stop to his proceeding , did but increase his hatred , which was both right and justly founded . perhaps this digression may seem a little long ; but it will appear hereafter , that it is to my purpose . la riviere being at length come to court , manag'd , with the assistance of the two ministers , the interest of his master so successfully , that in a little time he was seen with the king his brother , in a very good understanding , as to all appearance ; whilst cardinal mazarin and monsieur chavigny took so much pains on their sides , monsieur de noyers took the other ship-wrack'd vessel , and , by chaudenier his intimate friend , assur'd the queen of his service , and of an inseparable adherence to her interest . after that first declaration , he had upon the same subject several discourses with the bishop of beauvais , in which he clearly enough manifested the designs of his collegues , who gave him sufficient subject for discourse at that time ; for seeing the king's distemper still increased by little and little , and his majesty having several times spoken to them about settling the affairs of the kingdom ; they perswaded father sirmond , his confessor , to propose to him a corregency betwixt monsieur his brother and the queen ; and at the same time sollicited many of the parliament at paris to pursue the same design , and made use of the interposition of the president de maison for that effect . but that proposition so much displeased the king , that after he had sharply rebuked them , and also spoke to the queen something of it , he gave ear no more to his confessour , and dismissing him upon some other pretext , took father dinet into his place . after this first attempt , these gentlemen seeing themselves utterly excluded from their hopes , follow'd another bias , which agreed better with the king's inclination , ( who was carried to it enough of himself , thinking the queen incapable of the management of affairs ) which was to propose that same declaration which appear'd two months after , and which had been publish'd at that very time , if monsieur de noyers had not disswaded the king from it . he gave the queen notice thereof , whom ▪ this advice about the regency infinitely alarm'd : at the same time the king 's having been in a fever , which the physicians apprehended dangerous , those who understood the particulars of the thing , offer'd anew their services to the queen ; and i ( whom she had forbidden some time before to ask to serve as mareschal de camp , judging me more useful to her in the court ) offer'd my self to her , ( if the king came to the last extremity ) to go with my regiment of suisses and seise upon the palais , and hinder every body whatsoever from entring , till such time as she should be received into it . this proposition appearing full of love and boldness , did not a little please her ; and the answer she made me shew'd , that she was satisfied with me , and believ'd me intirely hers . a little before , the cardinal , and monsieur de chauvigny , had perswaded the king to set at liberty the mareschals de vitry and bassompierre , and the count de cramail . the means which they made use of to effect it , deserves to be written , being not unpleasant ; for they seeing that the king was not much inclin'd to it , attaqu'd him on his weakest side , representing to him , that those three prisoners were an extreme expence to him in the bastille , and they not being in a condition to make any party in the state , would be even as well at their own houses , where they would cost him nothing . this design succeeded ; for the king was possess'd with so extraordinary an avarice , that whosoever had pretention to ask him for money , seem'd to hang heavy upon him , to such a degree , that when treville , beaupuy , and several others that the late cardinal upon his death-bed had forced him to relinquish , were returned , he sought all occasions to find out something to reproach them with , thereby to take away all hopes of recompence for all that they had suffer'd for him . the recalling several from banishment , follow'd after the freedom of those prisoners : the mareschal d'estrée had leave to return from italy , and monsieur de merceur to court , where being introduc'd by cardinal mazarin , he spoke for his brother to come to court , which he quickly did with great glory and esteem : before he went to the ministers , he went strait to the king , who received him with the greatest marks of kindness , and in a moment after his arrival began to discourse with him about the affairs of england , in such a manner , as if he himself had sent him thither . the same day he granted to the duke de mercaeur permission for the duke de vendosme to return back into france , and also saw the dutchess of vendosme , whom he had severely sent away , without so much as seeing her , when she came to wait upon him , even after the cardinal's death . upon this return of the duke de vendosme , the queen shew'd much kindness to the duke de beaufort ; she appear'd to concern her self in the treatment he had receiv'd from the king ; she spoke to him with great familiarity , and by the favour she shew'd him , fully confirm'd what she had said to us at our return from anet , which was that we came from seeing the worthiest man in france : it is certain , altho he be unfortunate , that he has excellent qualities ; and for honesty , and fidelity , there are few can compare with him . i pretend not to say , that he has all the prudence that one would wish ; and i must own , that a little too much vanity , and fire of youth , made him commit at his return many remarkable faults : perchance there may be a time ( if it please god ) that i may see him in a condition to remember him of a discourse i had one day with him , wherein i told him , that as he then stood , he ought not to pursue the follies of women , but that the hero ought to be the principal business of his life : had he taken this advice , he had not acquir'd many powerful enemies , who contributed so much to his ruine : but 't is a common fault to people of his age , to let themselves be govern'd by love and hate : without proceeding to farther particulars , the hatred of madam de monthason to the duke de longueville , and his to his own wife , was the cause that when his love cross'd his interest , he was carried to act what he little considered , and having disobliged the duke d' anguien , he made him take the party of the great master against him . he made another enemy at the same time ; but this he only did by his generosity and constancy : for , professing himself an intimate friend to messieurs de bethune and montresor , he would not salute la riviere , which infinitely separated him from the correspondence and interest of monsieur , who already had a grudging to him , in that he having spoken to him concerning the treaty of spain , he excus'd himself from entring into it , saying , that he ought first to have his father's advice about it , who was in england , and to whom they would scarce entrust such a secret. most people have wonder'd , that he refus'd to enter into a league made against the capital enemy of his house ; and i my self could hardly comprehend the reason of his being so backward on this subject , did i not know , that some time after he discover'd it to the queen , by one to whom she would not disclose her self , nor scarcely give ear to , not judging the person prudent enough to manage an intrigue of that importance : and , if i mistake not , it was because before he entred upon so difficult a point , he endeavour'd to know the queens opinion , to whom from that time he absolutely devoted himself . in fine , whatever reason he had to refuse it , monsieur was beyond all measure dissatisfied at it ; and this pretext seem'd plausible enough to furnish la riviere with matter to incence his royal highness against him . during these different intrigues , the king grew daily weaker , seldom going out of his chamber , and the physicians began to own the period of his life drew nigh : his sad condition made the cardinal and monsieur chavigny labour more pressingly to confirm themselves ; and when they saw that all they had done in favour of monsieur , had brought forth no other fruit , than the publishing the inclination that almost all france had to serve the queen ; and that his royal highness , losing all hopes of being corregent , did declare , that he submitted himself most willingly to her , they try'd to regain her favour , made new protestations of fidelity to her , and also endeavoured to work upon the bishop of beauvais ; but their endeavours prov'd fruitless , and their complements but little perswasive , because ( besides that they had openly engag'd themselves for monsieur ) monsieur de noyers , who from the beginning had given testimony of his zeal for the queens service , bore away the merit of all that had pass'd till that time ; and they , on the contrary , were look'd upon as the authors of all the ill ; and their change rather thought a want of power , than a proof of their good-wills : and certainly they had made but little progress on that side , had the little good man monsieur de noyers had a little more patience , or been a little more submissive to the king : his retreat is generally imputed to his discontent , that he could not obtain that power with the king that he had fancied to himself , and to see ( as is believed ) the cardinal prevail over him . 't is believ'd he so suddenly ask'd his discharge , about a contest he had concerning the mareschal de la motthé , and for the expence of the army in italy , which he not being able to obtain himself , employ'd the cardinal in , who perform'd it so effectually , that the very same night he brought him leave to go to dangic ; but for my part , i believe , as all intelligent men do , that what appear'd the first motion of a hasty mind , was the master-stroke of a fore-seeing and refin'd courtier ; and that monsieur de noyers , seeing the declaration , that he had retarded till then , would in few days be published , ( either by the king's resolution , or by the suggestions of the other two ministers ) and that he was comprehended in the number of those who were set down to be of the council of the regency , was perswaded , that if he retir'd from court at a time when the king had not long to live , the queen would not lose the remembrance of his services , but being justly incens'd against both the others , by reason of that declaration , which seem'd to put her under tutelage , as soon as she should be in power , would recall him ; and removing those two concurrents , would be necessarily oblig'd to make use chiefly of him , as best instructed in the state of affairs . the following discourse will make appear , that this judgment is not ill-grounded ; but before i go any farther , i am oblig'd to relate some particular passages : the first is of the government of britany , given to the great master , which gain'd him the hatred of the whole house of vendosme , which disagreement divided the whole court ; the dukes d' anguien , de longueville , de lesdiguieres , de schomberg , and de la roche faucault , and some others , took part with the great master ; and almost all the rest declared themselves for the house of vendosme . the prince de marcillac being oblig'd by monsieur le prince , and seeing his father of his party , was just going to enter into it also ; but speaking to the queen about it , she commanded him to offer himself to the duke de beaufort , speaking of him as a man for whom she had as much esteem and affection , as for any man in the world. that order which he received became known to almost all who were then at st. germains ; and my self hapned to have discourse with her majesty about two things , which being only of my own concerns , were never publick , but only talk'd on amongst my particular friends : the first was concerning the duke de beaufort ; and expressing much love for him , i told her , that the chief reason that bound me to his friendship , was the extraordinary zeal that i found in him for the interest of her majesty ; that point pleas'd her , and she dilated upon the subject that i had begun , in so kind expressions , as left me no more reason to doubt her confidence in that poor prince , and how much those pleas'd her who took his part . the other discourse was a little longer ; but the subject was , that at the same time that i enter'd into the office of colonel-general of the suisses , monsieur de noyers put in l'isle de sourdiere , his creature , to be commissary-general of that nation . tho this was very prejudicial to me , i had no reason to complain , because it was resolv'd on before i thought of buying that place : 't was nevertheless a very great inconvenience to me ; for monsieur de noyers , who seiz'd upon every thing that came within his grasp , gave to his dependent a very great authority , which prov'd very prejudicial to mine . he was no sooner retir'd , but the most part of the court , who were ignorant of my concerns , press'd me to think of suppressing that new officers : for my part , tho i had no engagement with monsieur de noyers , to oblige me from making use of the occasion his disgrace gave me , knowing the queen thought him her servant , and was not satisfied with the others , of whom i was to seek a support , the first thing i did , i resolv'd to know her opinion ; and and going to her , told her , that this little change had offer'd me an opportunity to procure my self an advantage , which would increase my authority , and make me in a better capacity to serve her in my office ; but endeavouring to dispossess one who was a creature of monsieur de noyers , who had appear'd most zealous for her service ; and it also being necessary for me to apply my self to those who had so demean'd themselves to her , that i had reason to believe her dissatisfied with them , i would not undertake any thing , till i came to know what her majesty would command me in it ; that being absolutely devoted to her , i would accept no advantage nor favour but what came by her ; and that i should have waited without the least impatience , till her majesty was in a condition to have done something for me , without ever troubling her with my own interest , had i not believ'd i ought to have rendred her an account of this , to know of her if by my increase of power she would judge me in a better condition to obey her commands . after much kindness , and assurance that she would never forget the zeal that i had always express'd for her service , she answer'd , that i might make use of that occasion , and serve my self in what i could , and that she should be very glad of it , because the more authority i had , i should be the more useful to her ; that monsieur de noyers had made too much haste , and had ruin'd himself for his fancy : and after some little discourse concerning him , she ended without speaking a word of the other two ministers ; and promis'd me , as she left me , that if i could not obtain it before she came into authority , she her self would grant me that favour with a great deal of joy . after this conference , i desir'd the commander de souvray to speak to the cardinal , and monsieur de liancour to monsieur de chavigny , to be kind to me upon this occasion : the answer they both return'd , was , that they would most willingly use all their interest in it , but that they must defer it some days , because it would be the ready way to ruine themselves , to speak to the king so soon against a man with whom they had no difference , and who entred into the management of affairs the same way that themselves did . it is certain , that they were not then too well assured of the king ; and from the next day after monsieur noyers disgrace , he never spoke to the cardinal about business , but in monsieur de chavigny's absence : as also upon a proposition that the cardinal made to him , he answer'd sharply , that it was italian-like . to return to my discourse : i had not time to see the effects of their promises ; for eight days after , the king finding himself extremely weak , declared his will about the regency , speaking openly of that declaration whereof i have already made mention . i believe the two chief ministers did not prejudice the queen in it ; but , as i have already said , 't is certain , that in some points of it they seem'd exactly to guess at the king's thoughts , who judg'd the queen incapable of business , and most passionate for her own country ; and believed nothing so pernicious to the state , as the authority of monsieur de chasteauneuf , amongst other things believing him inseparable from madam de cheureux , whom he suspected , and had endeavour'd to find an expedient to banish for ever out of france . neither was his inclination more kind for monsieur his brother ; and i know , that he often said to the queen in his sickness , that their children had reason chiefly to fear him : so that whatsoever related to his royal highness , undoubtedly proceeded from his own natural inclination . in short : whether this came from the king himself , or was the advice of his ministers , the queen grew extreamly inveterate against them , saying to those who had free access to her , that it ought never to be pardon'd ; and had the cardinal , her declared enemy , still liv'd , he could not have done worse to her . the publick marks of her anger , and open hatred she shew'd them , was the cause that all those who particularly adher'd to her , absolutely forbore all correspondence with them ; and from the day that the king had the declaration read before him , and made the queen and monsieur take an oath to observe it , obliging monsieur the next day to carry it to the parliament , the dukes de vendosme , mets , and rets , the prince de marcill●c , the count de fiesque , the count de bethune , and beaupuy , as also many other of her particular servants , whereof i my self was one , visited them no more . this was the beginning of our misfortunes ; for this first step being made , it was almost impossible to retire again handsomly : but two reasons chiefly oblig'd us to this ; one was , a design to please the queen , in going no more nigh those we knew she hated ; the other was the king's extreme sickness , which gave even the physicians reason to believe , that he could not live above two or three days , and made us resolve ( seeing those two declining ) to push them to the last , and endeavour to persuade the queen to put in their places persons very capable , and whom the greatest part of us might hope to find our friends . this design appear'd very easie to us , considering what way the queen was then inclin'd . the day that was appointed for the declaration , the physicians gave their opinions , that the king could scarcely live till the next day ; in consideration whereof , they began to speak to him to pardon and recall all those who had been exil'd : the duke de beaufort was the first , who spoke for his father , and told the ministers publickly , that if they did not that very moment prefer his suit to the king , he would do it himself : but they , not to lose their employments , instantly spoke to the king about it , and at length obtain'd the same favour for monsieur de bellegarde , for the mareschals de vitry , bassempierre , and d'estrée , for the count de cramait , for manicant , and belenghen . the duke de vendosme return'd the very same day that anet did ; but those who were farther off , arrived one after the management of state affairs , and another , all the rest of the week . the queen in the mean time , little accustom'd to business , and finding her self amus'd through the variety of addresses , desir'd for her own ease , that they would make their applications to the bishop de beauvais , in whom for a long time , but particularly since winter , she reposed her principal trust. she could not have chosen a better man for fidelity , nor hardly a worse for capacity , the good prelate not having a brain strong enough to support such a charge . we found what sort of man he was , the very day that some of the parliament , who were very zealous for the queen , asked him what service they could render her majesty in the parliament , ( not doubting but the first mark he aim'd at would be to null the declaration ) but he unseasonably pretended to be ignorant of her majesties intentions , delaying things at a time when the king appearing so near his end , made the loss of every moment irreparable . he is a man of approved honesty , and most disinterested as to riches ; but he is ambitious , as most devotes are : and seeing himself design'd for first minister of state , he look'd upon every one to cast a shadow upon his glory : he began to grow cool , even to the duke de beaufort , with whom he had till then been in a perfect good understanding ; and went so far in it , that the queen for some days would not see him , thinking that 't was he who would have had her take monsieur de limoges about her ; but the bishop acknowledg'd his fault , and immediately changed his proceedings upon this subject , tho he did not the same to monsieur de chasteaunef ; for apprehending lest the queen might renew her former inclination for him , and so diminish his power ▪ he ruin'd him , as far as possibly he could ; and i am still in a doubt , whether it was not by his advice , that the queen some time before promis'd the seals to the president le baillieul . i know before the king's death she had chang'd her mind , and was resolved to do justice to monsieur de chasteauneuf ; but i can hardly believe that the bishop of beauvais contributed to it , and am certain , that the good man not knowing his strength , would have laid upon his own shoulders the burden of the whole government ; but the queen found him incapable of so great a weight from the first moment , which gave way to his enemies to introduce themselves , and ruine him ; in stead whereof , had he recalled monsieur de chasteaunef , tho he had not possessed the first he had at least retained a very honourable place . bus ( as i have already said ) he knew not his own strength , and for all his faults , he is yet worthy of praise , in that he always dealt faithfully with his friends , and that altho cardinal mazarin and monsieur de chavigny daily made to him some propositions , yet he never engaged with them in any thing , that he did not first reveal to those of his party . perchance i may be too tedious upon small circumstances : but the three last weeks of the king's sickness being passed in little intrigues , each particular whereof being considerable , i am forced to relate even those of the least importance . the evening of that day which gave a beginning to a thousand different negotiations , the king found himself a little better , but not well enough to give any hopes that he could live above two or three days longer : the next day he was much the same , and towards night ( in the presence of monsieur his brother ) chose cardinal mazarin to be godfather to the dauphin , and the princess of condy to be the godmother . the following day his sickness increasing , the cardinal began to tell him , that it was now time to prepare for approaching death . he had no sooner spoke the word , but the king consented to it with extreme constancy and piety ; he confess'd himself , and afterwards desired the viaticum : the rest of the day the physicians found he still grew worse and worse ; and the next day they judg'd him ill enough to receive the extreme unction . that day ( which was since nam'd the great thursday ) became remarkable in the court for many things which passed in it , whereof the original was , that the great master believing the king to be upon the point of death , and fearing lest those of the family of vendosme , having almost all the court on their sides , might give him some affront , resolv'd to guard himself the best he could , sending , for that purpose , through paris , to seek out all the officers depending upon his place , who brought each one a friend with him : all this crowd amounted to about three or four hundred horse , which coming from paris in large troops , gave 'um a kind of an alarm at st. germains : monsieur , upon the report , ask'd monsieur le prince if he brought all those men with him ; who answered , that he had sent for them , thinking ( as he has said since ) that he had only spoke of his officers : but monsieur taking the thing another way , sent at the same time for most part of his followers ; which being told the queen , she concluded it must be for something extraordinary ; insomuch that she immediately going from the old to the new palace , where the king was , left messieurs de vendosme about the princes her children , recommending them chiefly to the duke de beaufort , in terms which declared the highest esteem , and greatest confidence that could be exprest . as soon as she was come to the new palace , she call'd for me , and commanded me aloud to send orders to the guard de suisse to be in a readiness to march , and to send for several other suisse officers , whom i had told her were at paris : she commanded me also to make sure of all the friends i could get . both the king and she gave afterwards order to monsieur de charots to double the guards within the old palace , where the day before we had set a guard of two regiments before the king's apartment . little could be added to the suspicion that they both shew'd they had of monsieur ; and i believe it would have been the same to monsieur le prince , had he not been one of the first that came to relate what his royal highness had done , who reconcil'd himself that day to the queen , tho not without complaints of her suspicion , and laid all the stir that had been made to monsieur le prince's charge . i must confess , had the duke de beaufort had only that one fortunate day in his whole life , i should esteem him glorious , to have been chosen guardian of the greatest and most valuable treasure of france : he is blam'd to have been too forward ; but there are few who in so advantagious an opportunity would have been more moderate , and would not have been transported with joy to see five hundred gentlemen ( amongst which there were many of the best quality ) who only waited his orders ; and to see even the first prince of the blood come to complement him . if the king had died that day , the ministers had certainly been lost without hope ; and the queen , animated against them by so many powerful reasons , would never have pardon'd them : but tho that poor prince found no ease during all that day , in the evening endeavouring to cast off all thoughts of the state , he order'd the queen to go and call a council , ( which she did , after having long excus'd her self with many tears ) he grew better in the night , and the next day finding himself pretty well at ease , was shaved , and pass'd the afternoon in causing little red mushroms to be strung , and hearing nielle sing by his bed-side , now and then speaking to him : about the evening he told the queen that he would call a council , and commanded her to leave the room ; which she took for a new outrage done her by the two ministers , to whom this lucid moment of health having given heart , their adherents began to say , that if the king recover'd , they were sure of ruining the * importants , so they already called those who had declared themselves for the queen , and were against them : but the following day the king being relapsed into his first languishing condition , they had lost all hopes of his recovery , and renew'd with greater fe●vour their designs to gain the queen , in which they were assisted by many persons very differing in their interests . madam la princess ( exasperated against the duke de beaufort , for the ill usage he had shew'd to the duchess de longueville , against whom he had made appear too much malice and severity ) was one of the first who spoke for them : monsieur de liancour serv'd them with the extraordinary zeal he on all occasions expresses for his friends ; and his wife , and madam de chavigny , let no opportunity slip : but the strongest instruments that they employ'd , were father vincent , beringhent , and mountaigu ; the first attaqu'd the queens conscience , and incessantly preach'd to her the pardoning of her enemies ; the 2 d , in quality of her first servant of the chamber , being assiduous at those hours when no body saw her , persuaded her how useful they would be to her ; and that having been secret to all the most important affairs of the state , it was almost impossible for her at first to be without them : but the third , by profession devout , mingled god and the world together , joyning to the reasons of devotion , the necessity of having a chief minister well-instructed in the management of affairs ; adding yet another reason , ( that in my opinion absolutely gain'd her ) which was , that the cardinal had it more in his power than any body to make the peace , and that being born a subject of the king her brother , he would conclude it to the advantage of her family , which she ought to endeavour to strengthen , that she might make it her prop to support her against any faction that might rise in france during her regency . these were the principal springs that these gentlemen moved withal ; to which i may also add the princess de guienne , since she was one of the first to whom the queen opened her intentions , and one of those who confirmed the queen most in her design to retain the cardinal . i know not if i ought from that time also to count monsieur de brienne amongst the number ; but whether it was before or after the king's death , it is certain , he was one of the first that changed his side , after having promised us his friendship . perchance it will be wondered at , that all these things could pass thus , and our cabal stir no more ; but this i have to answer , that , in the first place , the bishop of beauvais , who appear'd the chief in the queen 's secret thoughts , was the first deceiv'd ; for she not being satisfied with the answers he returned her to what she first propos'd to him , began to dislike him , and never after let him know the bottom of her mind : sometimes to him , and to us all , she would shew an inclination to keep the cardinal in for a time ; but the moment that we gave her any reasons to dissuade her from it , she seem'd to acquiesce to them , and spoke no more of it : but as her first mentioning of it gave us reason to suspect , so her easie condescendence to every thing we represented , quickly confirmed us it was true ; but what most deceived us , was , that at the same time that she inclined towards the cardinal , she promised the duke de beaufort the superintendency of the finances for monsieur de la vieu-ville , and gave hopes of the seals sometimes to monsieur de chasteauneuf , sometimes to monsieur bailleul ; she assured the duke de vendosm , that in two hours after the king's death , she would recall monsieur de noyers ; and also at last sent for father gondy , and the president barillon , newly returned from his exile at amboyse , to know their opinions . i believe there might be much dissimulation in all that proceeding ; but it is sure that there was much uncertainty and irresolution : in the mean while the cardinal labour'd not only on the queens side , but try'd also to keep himself in with monsieur , and to assure himself of monsieur le prince ; but as for the last , ( altho he had rather have seen things remain in their hands that then govern'd , than monsieur de chasteauneuf's ) he would never promise any thing , but only to do as monsieur did ; as for monsieur , whom la riviere absolutely govern'd , he held the cardinal in suspence to the last ; and had not his private interest oppos'd his engaging with us , i believe he had never favour'd the other party . i have spoken already of his open enmity with monsieur de montresor , and of the black calumny that he invented against the count de bethune , after the commands that the last had received from the king : la riviere so much possest his masters favour , that his royal highness caused a letter to be written into england , wherein he desir'd him to be reconciled to la riviere : monsieur de montresor , who would not declare his mind at that distance , answered only , that when he returned into france , he hoped to have the honour to discourse with his highness upon that subject , and then obey his commands . this ambiguous answer dissipated not la riviere's fear , who seeing the friends of both his adversaries refuse either to speak to him , or salute him , ●ear'd lest in the confusion of the king's death , he might be shipwrack'd for want of harbour : therefore he desir'd to be reconciled to the duke de vendosme , which he was by the mediation of the mareschal d'estrée , who also spoke favourably of him to the queen , ( tho when he left england , he assur'd monsieur de montresor of an inviolable friendship ) but he still thought he did nothing , unless he also gain'd the duke de beaufort ; for the accomplishing of which design , the day before the king died , he desir'd the same mareschal d'estrée to tell him , that if he would promise him his friendship , and protect him against the rage of his two enemies , he would make an equal return , which was , to hinder the cardinal's remaining in the ministry , and to make monsieur act conformably to their desires . i was the first to whom the duke de beaufort open'd this proposition ; and as he ask'd me my advice , i told him , that private interest ought always to yield to publick , and that i thought it very reasonable that he should give ear to the offer which was made him ; but that he must dispence with me from medling in any thing , being cosin-germain , and an intimate friend of monsieur de montresor , he desir'd me to speak to the count de bethune about it , which i immediately did , with monsieur d' humieres ; but i found him so prepossest with the resentment of it , that he would not yield to any other consideration , and all the answer i could draw from him , and which he gave also to the duke de beaufort afterwards , was , that he referr'd it all to him , but that he could not answer for his friend ( who was absent ) which way he would encline : but he utter'd these words to the duke de beaufort in such a manner , as shew'd it would mortally offend him to proceed any further in it , so that in a short time he broke off the treaty , whereat i was extreamly troubled ; for though i will be ever for the interest of my friends , yet i confess , i cannot see in this any thing that could make him in dispute , which way to take : and must own , i found count bethunes reasons but weak , when he said , that without regard to what concern'd himself , it was imprudence to confide in a knave , though of quality , and a profess'd cheat ; because if he deceiv'd us , we should be acquitted of our promises , and in a better condition than before , to pursue our resentments ; and if he was just to his promise , he would make his services considerable enough to blot out all that had pass'd ; as also when he said , he made use of what was proffer'd him , to become more advantagious to us , which had he refus'd , might have done us harm : this could but be spoke in jest , since we had before declared against each other , and were in a manner irreconcilable . be it what it would , the duke de beaufort would think of it no more ; and this ought still to add to his glory , that on that occasion , and on all others , he still prefer'd honor before profit , and always the least regarded what concerned himself , which appear'd evidently when the king distributed several of the greatest offices belonging to the crown ; and monsieur le prince had the great master given to him : the duke de beaufort might have had the master of the horse , if he would have made friends for it , and though that the queen press'd him to take it , he always answered her , that he would never receive any favor but from her : and it is most certain , that at that time the cardinal would have given any thing to have had him his friend ; and not only him , but all his party , which i know to be true . the commander de souvray being sent to me from him to found me , told me , that although i was accounted amongst his greatest enemies , yet our old friendship at rome hinder'd him from believing me so : to which i only answer'd , that i was oblidg'd to him for having that kind opinion of me , but that i medled with nothing , but to perform the duty of my charge , and serve the queen . things were in this posture when the king dy'd , at which time if an affront had been given to any one of the ministers , without doubt in the consternation they were in , all the rest had fled ; but it was thought best to let the queen take her own course , and the bishop of beauvais promoted that opinion . as soon as the queen was return'd into the old palace , and every one had paid their homage to our new monarch , there hapned a difference between monsieur l● prince , and the duke de beaufort , wherein the last behaved himself a little too haughtily : the subject of it was , the queen retiring from her chamber till they had emptied the room of the horrible croud that had press'd in , sent the duke de beaufort to tell monsieur , that he should make them clear the room , and that he should stay alone with her to comfort her . monsieur le prince , who was standing by his royal highness , catch'd immediately at the word , and answered , that if the queen would command him any thing , she should send a captain of the guards to him ; but as for the duke de beaufort , he would receive no orders from him . the duke de beaufort answer'd him briskly , that he would not concern himself to give him any order , but that there is no man in france should hinder him from doing what the queen commanded . this little dissention was appeas'd again in a moment , though the grudge still remain'd : the ministers now beginning to find that it was talk'd publickly , that the queen , as soon as she was at paris , would annul the declaration , believ'd , that if they submitted to her , they might defend that stroak , and sent to tell the queen ( as they had done before ) they would absolutely remit all the authority given them by that declaration , and pass whatsoever act she pleas'd . this moderated the queen , insomuch that when she came next day to paris , she was not resolv'd what to do , but in the two following days they represented to her , that the regency had neither its necessary luster nor authority , if it was not confirm'd in parliament ; without restriction , they made it appear also to monsieur , how much that declaration was injurious to him , so that at length they both agreed to have it annull'd , monsieur le prince consenting also to it . it is true , to get them to give their consent , the bishop of beauvais promis'd from the queen , a government , with several fortified places to his royal highness , and at length the same to the duke d'anguien . after this contract , the queen went to the parliament , where was perform'd all she desired in so glorious a manner , that nothing could have been added to it ; all the parliament testifying , that they desir'd nothing so much , as her absolute authority ; they had taken a resolution to present to her majesty a kind of remonstrance , most humbly to beseech her to make use of men of known honesty , and to remove from her those that were the causes of the pass'd tyranny , there was none but the president barillon who said obliquely something about it ; but they press'd it no farther , by the advice of the bishop de beauvais , who told them , that it was fit to let the queen have the glory to acquit her self of them ; the consequence has sufficiently condemn'd his advice , and all people must own , that had the parliament spoken as they intended , they had printed so black a character upon the reputations of those ministers , that the queen , it may be , would have been asham'd to have made use of them any more ; besides , already of themselves they stood so wavering , that the least wind would have over-whelm'd them . i know not what assurance the cardinal could then have of the queens inclination for him , but if he had , he did not discover it to any one living , telling even his greatest confidents of his return into italy , as a thing resolved on ; and appearing to be extreamly offended , that when they annull'd the declaration they did not except him , but the scene of affairs was presently changed ; for about three or four hours after their return from the palais , the queen propos'd to him by monsieur le prince , to establish him by a breviat in the same place that the declaration gave him , and to make him besides that , president of her councel : at first he refus'd this proposition , but afterwards yielded to it , promising to remain in france only till such time as the peace was concluded . you may judge how much we were all surpris'd , who believed him just ready to pass the mountains ; when we came at night to the louvre and heard this good news , i found the bishop of beauvais in the queens closet , and telling him how much i was surprised at it , he reply'd , shrugging up his shoulders , that he could answer me as to what was done , but not what would follow : meaning by that , that he knew how that business would go in parliament , but was ignorant what the queen would do afterwards , i went away strangely confounded at the weakness of our chief director , and going the same night to the hostel de vendosme , the duke de beaufort told me , that the bishop of beauvais having modestly complained to the queen , that she had so far acted without doing him the honor to communicate it to him ; she answer'd him , that she found her self necessitated to keep about her one of those who was conversant in the principal secrets of the state , and she believed no body more proper for this , than cardinal mazarin , who as he was a stranger , had neither any private interest or support in france ; that that ought not to allarum him or the rest of her servants , who were not in good correspondance with him , since she gave them her promise never to leave them ; and as a mark , that though she retain'd the cardinal , she embraced not his interests , she abandoned all the rest of his party . this discourse gave us new assurance , but after such a stroak we believed we might have always reason to apprehend a change in so close a mind . two days after arrived the news of the victory of rocroy , which wonderfully raised both monsieur le prince , and madam la princess his wife ; and as their hatred to the house of vendosme was manifest , the rise of one still seem'd to be a depression of the other : madam la princess , who was insolent and malicious as she us'd to be when she was in prosperity , one day when i went to wait upon her to divert her , began a discourse full of satyr , which nevertheless she ended very obligingly to me , but it was full of reflections upon the duke de beaufort ; to whom i reply'd the best i could , without giving her offence . this glorious success made that family hope , and even with reason , ask many great things , and made the cardinal unite himself so strictly to them . 't was then i began to be sensible that i was deceived , when i hoped to receive any great advantage from the queens kindness , for only asking her a company in the regiment de rambures , for the brother of a captain who they thought was kill'd in the battle , she did me the honor to refuse me ; but i must confess , that five or six days after , she granted me a very great favor , in consenting to the suppression of the office of the commissary general of the suisse , though it was done after having made many difficulties in it : the bishop of bauvais was the only man to whom i at first reveal'd it , and afterwards to the queen , who told me , that she would refer her self to the determination of the marshal de basempiere , whom i intreated to be kind to me in it ; which he was , and seem'd to rejoyce to have the occasion . when i first bought my place , i sent to tell him when he was in the bastille , by the count de bethune , that if i believed not only that he pretended to it himself , but would be the least dis-satisfied to see it in the hands of another , i would think no more of it . he received this message with the greatest civility imaginable , and sent back his nephew d'estelan to tell my wife , that he was ravished to hear that i had the place ; that he himself would instruct me in my duty , and be a father to me : when i saw him in the bastille , he still continued his caresses , and said also the same thing when he was at liberty ; and when he came to court , after a hundred times embracing me , he said aloud , that if he had yet remaining any friends amongst the suisse , he would also make them mine : in the business of commissary-general , he behaved himself with an extream care , and till such time he saw me in disgrace , he still lived well with me ; but all that will appear in the following discourse . and now to begin where i made this digression , a thing so considerable for my establishment setled without my troubling , the cardinal gave me reason to believe , that our party was not really so desperate as we thought it ; and though the bishop de beauvais's capacity was but small , yet there was still something that appeared great , to see him declared minister of state , and design'd for a cardinals cap , the queen having written to rome for him ; and perceiving also at the same time she promised the duke de vendosme the government of britany ( which the great master had renounced ) or an equivalent recompence : but nevertheless , the cardinal still advanced in her affections , and though that she protested he should never obtain any thing prejudicial to those who had been her approved servants , she confest , that he had something very taking in his conversation , and always prais'd him for being dis-interss'd . he on his part , was extraordinary civil to all the people of quality ; and except the house of vendosm , which had openly declared it self against him , visited all the princes , dukes and peers , and the officers of the crown ; people then began to wonder that we did not begin to think of some way to reconcile our selves to him , but it was impossible ever to see him again with kind looks ; for we having broken with him for the queens interest , 't was her part to prescribe how we ought to live together : but besides this publick , there was also a private interest , which was the good understanding between him and the chancellor , against whom the whole family of vendosm , the bishop of mets , monsieur de montresor , monsieur de bethune , monsieur de beaupuy , and my self , had openly declared , chiefly because of the death of monsieur de thou ; so that we believed we could not see him again with honor , as long as he was joyn'd with a man that we had so much reason to hate : and to say the truth , it was a thing hard enough to be understood , that the queen , to whom he had reason to appear more odious than to us , continued him still in his office : but as she is susceptable of whatsoever impressions are given her , the strong intercessions that was made for him , by little and little diminished her just resentments of the injuries he had done her . the first that spoke to her for him , was montague , a creature that had formerly depended upon monsieur de chasteauneuf , and since gain'd to that party during his retreat to pontoise , by jane a carmelite nun , who was sister to the chancellor : monsieur de brienne seconded him in it , and preferr'd ( as he himself said ) the interest of a living acquaintance , before the memory of monsieur de thou , though he had been his most intimate friend ; but he is accus'd to have chiefly consider'd twenty thousand crowns , which they say was given him for his trouble : but that which wholly confirmed him in the place , was the consideration of monsieur de chasteauneuf , who was the only man whose return the cardinal fear'd ; and seeing that now , in this time of general indemnity , it would be impossible for him to oppose his liberty , since the chief crime that appear'd against him , was , that he had too much adhered to the queens interest : he let no opportunity slip , but took his measures in the just time , and he was wonderfully assisted by madam la princess , who in her new-blown pride for the victory of rocroy , thought all things due to her , and declared publickly , that all the family of condy would be forced to leave the court , if the queen recall'd him to the councel , who presided at the condemnation of monsieur de momerancy her brother . there needed no more to turn the queen from monsieur de chasteauneuf , who was already so cool in her kindness to him , that she began to say , he was none of hers , but madam de chevreuses martyr ; separating thus her own interests , from the interest of that person whom she once so dearly loved , whose return now she much more feared than desired : she would have been content to have let her remain'd still in flanders ; but since the duke d'epernon , and monsieur de montresor , were already return'd from england , and fonetrailles and aubijoux , who were supported by monsieur , appeared publickly in paris ; and that also madam de senecey and madam de hautefort , were not only return'd to court , but in their places again , and all the rest of the proscribed were daily expected : it would be most unreasonable to leave a princess any longer in exile , whom all europe knew to be so , only for having been most zealous in her service . if i were asked from whence proceeded so great a change in the queens mind , i must freely answer , that i impute it to two things : the first is , that when we have extraordinary obligations to any one , we are apt to dread their presence , as if their sight continually urged an acknowledgement , and condemn'd us of ingratitude every moment that we delaid returning them . the other is , that her old love for madam de chevreuse was worn out by little and little , by her new one ; for the cardinal , which was daily seen to increase , and which in a little time reach'd so far , that her conversation with him , instead of an hour or two , now lasted all the evening ; so that the poor bishop of beauvais , who was always used to take that time to entertain her , waited in another room , and had scarcely time to say grace to her , or to see her one minute after supper . but nevertheless , to confirm in some manner what she had said , that she would not favor all the party , she gave command that monsieur de boutiller should quit the finances . the cardinal had not as yet fix'd his anchor upon sure ground enough , but that he was forced to yield to this stroak ; and all he could obtain , was , that it might be done in a favorable manner , the sur-intendant himself asking leave to lay it down : it was given between mesieurs de bailleut , and d'avanx , to hinder the last from being in a capacity to take monsieur de chavigny's office , which the cardinal endeavored himself to fulfil ; and the reason why the first was put into that imployment , was to shew , that the queen now intended to advance her old servants , and to remove him from all pretentions to the seal , for the cardinal intended to keep the chancellor still in that , knowing that a titular officer was much fitter to oppose monsieur de chasteauneuf , than to have it in a commissioners hand , as the keeper of the great seal always is . to these reasons may be added , one that 's yet more unknown , which is , that in putting in these two , the last being obliged to go plenipotentiary to conclude the general peace at munster , the finances would remain wholly in the hands of the first , who by his inability would give way to monsieur d'emery , the new controller-general , and faithful dependant of the cardinal , to act with full authority as if he was himself sur-intendant . a little after this promotion , the cardinal believing that he should shew an extraordinary deference to the queen , by endeavoring to acquire the friendship of those , whom she had always believed her faithful servants : he began with the prince de marcillac , as being the first that the queen had openly protested to be kind to , he desired his friendship in the most civil and most pressing terms imaginable , making him be told , that he begged he would wholly abandon him , when he perceived him pursuing any private interest , either to procure riches , offices , or any other advantage whatever , or had any intention to prejudice any man of quality . the prince de marcillac related to the queen all that the cardinal had told him , asking her what she pleas'd to command him upon it , she answer'd , that the greatest pleasure he could ever do her , was to receive him for his friend ; and spoke of him with such an esteem and eagerness , as plainly enough discover'd her inclination : after which , the prince de marcillac had nothing more to consult ; but however , before he went to see him , he imparted all that had pass'd to his particular friends , and amongst the rest , was so obliging as to tell it me with all the circumstances : this began to make us look at home , and think of our selves , it hapning at the same time ▪ that monsieur de chavigny ( according to his fathers method ) obtained leave to quit his office , which was given to monsieur de brienne ; and it was talked of his being sent either to rome , or into germany , as a man lost for ever at court , we believed , that the cardinal then having no body whom he particularly loved in councel , it would be easie to enter into league with him , and that for our friendship he perhaps would willingly forsake the chancellor . having weighed this design , the bishop of metz ( to whom he had also made propositions of friendship ) went to the queen , and after having spoken to her almost in the same manner , as the prince de marcillac , receiv'd the same answer , with only this addition , that upon the overtures that the cardinal had made him , she conjur'd him to gain him as many friends as was possible ; the bishop of metz having told all his discourse with the queen to the duke de vendosme , both the duke and his children desired , that all their friends might be informed of every thing that had passed , and for that reason desired the bishop of metz , the duke d'espernon , the count de fiesque ; monsieur beaupuy , and my self , to meet at their house : campion , who was then his menial servant , was also at that conference ; monsieur bethune , and monsieur montresor , having been their oldest and chiefest friends , ought to have been sent for , but i believe the duke de vendosme did not desire them , perhaps for the reason i have already said , of la riviere whom he would preserve his friend by the mediation of the mareschal d'estreé . the queens command cutting off all occasions of farther differences . the count de fiesque took upon him to go , and tell the cardinal from all the family of vendosme , the bp. of metz , and the d. d'espernon , that they desired his friendship with all freeness and sincerity , but that they desir'd to have nothing to do with any body but himself , & for that reason they had not sent to him till such time that they saw monsieur de chavigny out of all business , and that the only mark that they asked of his kindness , was the chancellors ruine , whom the death of monsieur de thou , and his manner of proceeding in the business of the hermits , and the tryal of the duke d'espernon , had made odious . the cardinal , after he had assured them that he received the proposition they had made him with a great deal of joy , and that he esteemed their friendship at the highest rate , answered , that he was obliged to them that they did not speak to him of this , whil'st monsieur de chavigny had any part in the ministry of affairs , because he could never have abandon'd him ; but for the chancellor , he was an infamous man , and that at the kings death he had renounced him , and consequently cared not for him now ; but if he put him out , he was not able to hinder monsieur de chasteauneufs entring into his place , whom he confess'd he could never endure in the ministry . this first conference ended thus , but it furnished matter for many others , wherein the count de fiesque told the cardinal , that the gentlemen for whom he spoke , desiring to enter into the bonds of friendship with him , would not begin to shock him in what appeared so much his interest , therefore they only asked of him , that whensoever he could secure himself from monsieur de chasteauneuf , he would remove the chancellor : he made a difficulty to promise that he would remove him , and only said at first , that he would abandon him , but at length he acquiesced : and did the same concerning the duke d'anguien : for having said , that he desired to live civilly with him , and that he had no design to break off , he received no answer , when the count de fiesque told him , that those gentlemen making choice of him for their chief friend , desired a preference in his mind before all their competitors . this treaty lasted five or six days , because on one side the cardinal shew'd now an ardent desire of their friendships ; and then a little after appear'd cooler in it , speaking with greater reservedness . and on the other side , the duke de beaufort would have been willing , before they came to a conclusion , to have seen campion return'd , whom he had sent to meet madam de chevreuse , who was then just come to france , and with whom his father the duke d'espernon , and himself , were in a most strict league : and as it was necessary that the count de fiesque should give them from time to time an account of his negotiation , and be instructed what they would have him say , we met , during that time , five or six times , either at the duke de vendosm's , or the duke d'espernons , or at the bishop of metz , or at the capucins , or else at my house : and although in all those meetings there almost nothing pass'd but only to obey the queen , nevertheless they have since endeavor'd to represent it as a crime , and the plottings of a seditious cabal , though the cardinal cannot deny but that the count de fiesque daily told him whatsoever was resolved amongst us . in five or six days campion return'd , who informed us , that madam de chevreuse had receiv'd letters from the queen before she left flanders , wherein her majesty seem'd to desire , that there might be a right understanding between the cardinal and her , and that she came prepar'd to do it , and advis'd all those gentlemen to the same ; upon which , they immediatly resolved , and went the very next day to visit him , with whom they had then reason to be satisfied , having been received with the greatest civility that could be express'd . perhaps many will wonder , that having always been in the same interest with those gentlemen , i was not also comprehended in the treaty ; but the reason was , i did not desire it , for that being in an office that depended only upon the queen , i would act in nothing without her order ; which was the answer i made to the duke de beaufort when he spoke to me of it , and i know not if he said any thing to the queen concerning it or no : but two or three days after , as i received orders from her , she told me , i knew that the duke de vendosme , and his sons , had seen cardinal mazarin ; i answered her , yes , but with a tone of voice , and in a particular way of speaking , whereby i endeavored to let her know , that it was my opinion that that would be no advantage to me ; whereupon she continued that she believed him true to her interest , therefore she desired all those that were so , to live well with him : i answered , that i most humbly beseeched her majesty to remember , that i left him only when i concluded him an enemy to her interest : that 's true ( said she : ) and now , madam , ( i reply'd ) i am still all obedience to whatsoever your majesty commands me . taking my leave thereupon , with design to make him a visit the next day ; 't is true , that before i went any farther , i was willing to see monsieur de bethune , and monsieur de montresor , whom i found extreamly netled , that an agreement had been made without them ; and though the duke de beaufort acquainted them with it before they saw the cardinal ; they believed still that there was more due to their ancient friendship , than simply to render them an account of what was already resolved of : but they took it most ill of the duke de vendosme , and particularly monsieur de montresor , who remembred , that when he left england he had promised him his friendship , giving him also all assurance to serve him towards monsieur , which he performed so ill , that la riviere was one of the first men with whom he endeavor'd to engage himself , the remembrance of which was a little hard to him , chiefly at that time ; for at his return from england , monsieur pressing him again to live kindly with la riviere , and imploying monsieur de bellegarde upon that subject , tho without any effect , monsieur de montresor persisting still in saying , that he looked upon la riviere as the same man that monsieur had formerly painted him , which was a rogue and a traytor ; his royal highness lived with him afterwards in another manner than he had done , using him with the greatest indifference that could be , which made him resolve at length to sell his place , and to retire himself wholly from court , which he did in a little time after . when i had told them what concerned my self ( which they approved , as being an effect of my obedience to her whom i had wholly dedicated my self to without reserve ) after i had been at mont-rouge to acquaint monsieur de chasteauneuf of it , who was also of the same opinion , i went to the cardinal , whom i found just coming down stairs , with some ladies , going from thence to councel ; so that the first time i could not have much discourse with him , but what he did say to me was very civil and obliging , so far as to make an excuse that he could not go up stairs again to entertain me : the next day i went again , and finding him in his chamber with very few people with him , i made him a complement whereof he has since very much complain'd , and declar'd , that i told him that i only came to see him by the queens order , though my words signified quite another thing : i know , that when the prince de macellac went to see him , that the queen had spoken to him concerning him , i believed she might have done the for me ; therefore after having assured him of my respect and service , i told him i hoped that he would do me the honor easily to believe what i protested to him , since he knew that for a long time i had profest being his most obedient servant , but that if any thing could be added to the inclination i had always to do him honor , it would be without doubt , the trust and the esteem the queen shew'd him , which would oblige all those who were wholly hers , and particularly my self , to respect him yet more : i also beseeched him to think , that whensoever the queen should command me any thing relating to that , i would not only execute it with that blind obedience i ow to all her orders , but also with extream joy and satisfaction : i leave it to be judged , if this discourse can reasonably receive that sense which he gave it ; and if this be a just foundation for those mischiefs that he has since done me , and began the very next day : for the mareschal de bassompiere going to see him , he spoke to him of me in such a manner , as shew'd plain enough he had no great love for me , and endeavored to put it into his mind to re-enter into his office , which the mareschal let me know the very next day , by two or three people . this news surprised me a little , and desiring to know the bottom of it , i went to monsieur liancour , and desired him to speak to him for me , which he did immediatly , with that goodness which he hath always shewn in my concerns ; and having only told him , that he had been inform'd that he was dis-satisfied with me , he made as if he knew nothing of it , and without discovering any displeasure at me , said , that after i had a long time left off visiting him , i came again and told him , that it was by the queens order , but now he assur'd him , that if i would be his friend , he would be mine ; monsieur de liancour having answer'd , that he might confide in me , put an end to the discourse ; and having afterwards given me a relation of it , i believed that this little dissatisfaction was past , and that i might be good friends with him again . during this , madam de chevreuse was arriv'd , and went down directly to the louvre ; but if the queen was impatient to see her , she was much more so to send her to dampierre ; for immediatly after the first salutations were pass'd , she told her , that the allies of france might grow jealous , if immediatly after her return from flanders , they knew that she was near her , and that for this reason she must take a short journy into the country . madam de chevreuse , for all she was surpris'd , answered her without any concern , that she was ready to obey her , but beseeched her to consider , that all europe knew she had been persecuted for her extraordinary love to her majesty ; and that it might perhaps reflect upon her self if she sent her away so suddenly , and desired that she would be pleased to ask the cardinals advice in it , who being in the closet , and sent for in , told the queen , that madam de chevreuse had reason , and that her majesty would be too blame if she should use her so . thus madam de chevreuse fenc'd off this first assault , which might well have let her see , that she had not that power in the queens breast , she once had : but if she perceiv'd it , she hid it at least from her most intimate friends , and imparted this adventure to no body till a long time after : in this , following the humor of all those that pretend to favor who will never discover that they are declining in their princes affection . nevertheless , the cardinal did not think her intirely ruin'd , nor absolutely useless to his advancement , for the next day he went to visit her , and for the first complement told her , that he knew that the assignations of the exchequer came slowly , and that she having been so long a journy , might perhaps want mony , therefore he came to offer and bring her fifty thousand crowns ; but because he knew also that an ambitious soul , like hers , would not be so much moved with these fair offers as with actions , he asked her a few days after , what he might do to gain her friendship , protesting , that he would spare nothing that might procure it . she presently put him upon a fair tryal , asking him two things of very great importance : one , that the duke de vendosme might be satisfied for his pretentions to the government of bretayne , for which he had as yet nothing but fair words : and the other , that the duke d'espernon might be restored to his place and government . he proceeded in both these very obligingly : for as to the first , monsieur de brienne had immediately a commission to treat with the duke de vendôme , and in the queens name to promise him the admiralty , which they sent to the duke de brezé to give a resignation of : and as to the second , the duke d'espernon was immediately after restored to his honors , and neither pains nor cost was spared to draw the count d'harcourt from guienne . after these two first affairs , she put him to a third , to which he would scarce consent , yet did at last , though it took no effect ; it was to procure the prince de marcillac the government of havre : to this he remonstrated to her , how much he ow'd to the memory of the deceased cardinal , and that it would be unjust in him to become an instrument of injuring his heirs : but she still insisting upon it , he at last yielded . after such great tryals , she thought nothing would be impossible for her with him , and at last propos'd to him the re-establishment of monsieur de chasteauneuf : but this being his most sensible and nearest concern , he could not dissemble , and flatly reply'd to her , that he would never give his consent to it , and from that moment broke off with her , excepting some few civilities which since pass'd , there was never after any sincere intelligence or friendship betwixt them . monsieur de chasteauneuf had now been a long time at montrouge , having arrived there at the same time that madam de chevreuse came to paris : and it may be , if he had immediatly come to the court without capitulating with the queen , he might have engag'd her by this freedom not to have abandon'd him , whereas because he follow'd the example of madam de senécey , who would not enter into paris till she was re-establish'd in her place , he gave the queen time to accustom her self to know that he was near paris , without desiring his presence , and consider'd not that madam de senécey had only a person whom the queen had no affection for to oppose her , whereas he ( besides the whole family of monsieur le prince who were against his return ) gave the chief minister reason to be jealous , and could not gain but by address , and by little and little , what that honorable lady did at the first step : but without doubt , he was deceiv'd by the belief that the queen had a mighty inclination for him ; and 't was by this also that the bishop de beauvais lost himself insensibly , and that , after having possessed the first place , and been nominated for a cardinalship , a private countermand was sent to rome , and he left in the anti-chamber , whil'st the queen quietly entertain'd the cardinal , whose wit she did not much esteem at first , and said , that he was not a man knowing in business , since he understood not the regale , nor the finances , qualifications indeed very necessary in a great minister . thus all our affairs began to decline , and as to what concerns me , monsieur de tellier , following the steps of monsieur de noyers his predecessor , from that time began to thwart me in my charge , and desiring to appropriate to himself the authority of appointing commissaries for mustering of the suisses , designed to take from me by little and little , what the queen had given me in gross by suppressing the charge of the isle : yet at first , he took a method which gave me occasion to think that his design was rather against the marshals of france , than against me ; and by the civilities he did me , kept me for some time under this mistake ; but at last , when i saw that all these fine words came to nothing , and that they did but defer to resolve upon what i asked from day to day , i perceiv'd that these shifting tricks came from another principle , and that the cardinal had as great a hand in them , as in delaying to conclude monsieur de vendosme's business , wherein they every day raised a thousand obstacles to hinder the execution of what was promis'd him : 't is true , he himself contributed much to his own unhappiness , for he made a difficulty of taking the admiralty without the anchorage , and considered not that he should have enter'd upon the office at any rate , it being easie for him afterwards to extend his rights : in the mean time , his unsteady and confused way of carrying on his business , gave opportunity enough to do him ill turns . sometimes he addressed himself to the cardinal , and declared , that he would owe to him the obligation of what they did for him ; in a moment after , he sought an opportunity of getting marshal d'estrées to speak to la riviere , and conjure him to make his affair succeed ; and after that , attempted by oblique ways to engage monsieur le prince to serve him . in fine , there did not an hour pass over his head wherein he did not more then once change his opinion and party : nor did he only change from this side to the other , but would have also plaid the same tricks with monsieur de beaufort , who for his part having particular designs , and intermixing his most important affairs with trifles , lived in so fantastical a manner with the cardinal , that it was impossible for him to repose any assurance in him ; not that i believe he ever harbored in his breast any such designs as were laid to his charge ; only his entertainments of the cardinal were either full of coldness , or civility , according to the humors of those ladies , madam de chevreuse , and madam de montbazon , insomuch that if he gave him occasion to be satisfied with him one day , he disoblig'd him as much the next , saying , that he only came to see him by his fathers order . if in the condition he is in , i had a mind to complain of him , i should have some reason to do so , it being very true that at this time , though he did me the honor to dine at my house often , and pass the greatest part of the afternoons with me , yet he imparted to me very little of his conduct : and i dare say , ( though i am not the greatest politician in the kingdom ) that if he would have opened himself more freely to me , he had never been embarrass'd in that ununlucky and shameful intrigue of madam de longueville's letters , which hapned about this time , and into which his love for madam de montbazon hurried him , without considering the bottom of the thing , and imputing the malice to those who could not possibly be guilty . i can say further , that to take this affair right , nothing at all of it is to be believed , i never enquir'd into the thing to get more knowledge of it : but if monsieur de beaufort had spoke to me of it at the beginning , i would have advised him without examining the falshood or truth thereof , to have given the letters into madam de longueville's hands ; and i think that this service done to a person who was once passionately belov'd , and who is even yet as much hated , is a very sensible reproach , and the most honest and glorious revenge that could be taken . but he suffer'd himself to be carried away with anothers passion , and by the breaking out of this cursed quarrel , absolutely threw himself upon a precipice . from that time there was little familiarity betwixt monsieur d'anguien and him ; and besides the remembrance of what pass'd in the quarrel of the grand-maistre , and the report that this prince had ask'd to have his brother-in-law , the duke de brezè , protected in his charge , he gave an answer to a letter ( which monsieur de beaufort wrote to him upon the birth of his son ) wherein he treated him rudely , and in a kind of revenge , which his little pride prompted him to , only subscrib'd himself , your most humble , and affectionate servant . but though these little peeks betwixt two such haughty and ambitious minds , were enough to carry them to extreams , yet they might have been qualifi'd with some moderation ; whereas after an affair , which directly wounded their honor , there was no way left for a reconcilement . i confess , i speak not upon this subject with a cold heart , and that of all that has pass'd since the kings death , this is the only thing i look back upon with regret , and would say with some sort of repentance , if i did not find an infinite number of reasons that forced me to take that side which i did . those which ought to have disswaded me , were first of all interest ; almost all my estate lay in le berry , and under the government of monsieur le prince . i saw the duke de anguien likely to return to court within a little while , having augmented the glory of his victory at rocroy , by the taking of thienville , which was judged impregnable ; and that after such services , it was hard to believe that the queen would favor any other party than his . the duke de longueville had always dealt very obligingly with me , and there were few that he spoke to with more confidence . in fine , it was to be observ'd , that i had the honor to be nearly related to madam la princess , whom i should mortally offend , if i offer'd my service to madam de montbazon , my relation to whom was further off , and less honorable : but also very strong considerations invited me to the other side , almost all my friends were embark'd in it , and above all monsieur de guise , who caress'd me extraordinarily at his return into france , and seem'd to choose me for his principal friend : i had the honor to be nearer him than any of his quality ; i had all along dearly loved and very much honor'd him , and was the first author of the strait union betwixt monsieur de beaufort and him which seemed to be one of the principal causes that put him upon this intrigue : i believ'd , that the womens quarrel would certainly breed one among'st the men , and resolved not to embrace one party to acquit it again the next day . but to speak freely , the most essential reason that made me declare , was , that i knew , whatever caresses the cardinal made me , he had no kindness at all for me , and thought that i must of necessity get some other support near the queen . i knew very well , if i should hope for one in monsieur le prince , that he would not displease the first minister for me , if in monsieur , la riviere , the mortal enemy of my friends , was an invincible obstacle ; so that i saw none but madam de chevreuse , who hiding her disgrace the best that she could , and continuing her ancient familiarity with the queen , seem'd to me to be yet in a condition to protect me . being joyn'd in interest with her common friends , i had in a little time gain'd a great deal of freedom , and receiv'd from her assurances to serve me upon all occasions : but i had a mind to oblige her to it with something more extraordinary , knowing well , that she being vain and ambitious , would be touched therewith , and told her , that 't was she i had chiefly respect to , when i rank'd my self on madam de montbazons party ; which she receiv'd as well as i could wish , and promis'd me all the assistance imaginable . i will say nothing of all that afterwards pass'd in this affair , because it was so publick that no body can be ignorant of it , only , that if the opinion of monsieur de longueville had been followed , it had stifled all . but madam la princess following the heat of her natural temper , and finding an opportunity of satisfying her old animosities , carried it to the utmost extremity , to which i know not whether she was push'd on by the cardinal , who look'd upon our party as form'd against him , and thought it not so much design'd against monsieur le france , as against his authority , which increased every day . at the hotel de madam de chevreuse there was a meeting of fourteen princes , at which i was not present , and would have been sorry to have been so , thinking it very useless and impertinent . two days after , the amende ▪ honorable which madam de moutbazon , was to undergo at the hotel de condè ; the queen being in the circle , call'd me to her , and said , that she believed i did not know that the officers of the kings house should strike in with no party in the quarrels at court , because they ought to stay for her orders : i answer'd , that i did not know it , but that whatever party i should take , it could not prejudice the obedience i would always pay to her commands . she reply'd , that this by rendring me suspected by one of the parties , would make me uncapable of following her orders ; and ending her discourse , signified unto me , that i should once more stand neuter . the day following i was to see the cardinal , who having received me with an appearance of more freedom then before , told me , that the queen had acquainted him with what she had said to me , and having inform'd my self what might be alledg'd thereupon , i answered , that since the queen disapprov'd my action , i for ever stood corrected ; but if i had fail'd in my duty , my fault was not without president , and upon this instanced in the late duke d'espernon , in the quarrel betwixt monsieur le count and monsieur de guise . he told me , that the queen had great reason to desire it should not be so any more , and advised me , as my friend , punctually to obey her majesty . after this i made him two or three visits , wherein he treated me so kindly , that i believed he would not be unwilling to oblige me in my concerns , since he was pleased to serve one of my kinsmen upon my recommendation , therefore i spoke to him of the difference betwixt monsieur le tellier and my self ; and in a memoir which i gave him , explained the thing to him very clearly ; adding when i left him , that it was the most important affair he could oblige me in . his answers were civil and affectionate , but the next time i spoke to him of it , i found him much more cold , and he made me a long discourse , to shew me , that what i ask'd of him was much against the kings service , and concluded with telling me , that as to my own interest i must be satisfied , and not attempt to preserve a right which had too great a consequence : i reply'd , that my predecessors in the office had enjoy'd it , and as for my self , all those who knew me , knew that riches and interest influenc'd me very little , and that honor alone was that which actuated me , and which i sought for in the affair wherewith i entertain'd him . i question whether this so frank a declaration of my humor pleas'd him , but i know that he left me without giving me any great hopes . on this or the day following , happen'd the last stroak of madam de monbazon's disgrace at renard , i came not thither till the queen was coming out , and was extreamly surpris'd and troubled at the disorder . monsieur de mets is witness of what i said to madam de monbazon , and how much i blam'd her for having made the affair of madam la princess become the queens . in the mean time , the queen the day after did me the honor to reckon me amongst the councellors of this fair disgraced , and declared , that what she spoke before madam la princess against those who advis'd her to stay in renerds lodgings , were particularly address'd to me . i was immediatly advertis'd of it , but knowing my self to be entirely innocent , i thought that i ought not to make excuses , and believ'd i could not come to a clear understanding , without speaking in some sort against the exil'd , which was contrary to my humor . in the mean time i perceiv'd that my affair was protracted for one of these two ends , either to make me swerve from my duty , or do some foolish action , or at least to make the suisses grow impatient by the delay , and discredit me with them : so that i thought i ought speedily to see an end of it , and went to madam de chevreuse , whom i acquainted how things stood : i came not to desire her to speak for me , knowing well , that she had her hands full of more important concerns , but only to tell her , that i must be pressing and urgent in the business , and that before i did it , i was willing to give her an account thereof : she called campion to make a third in our conference , and answer'd me , that if i could but have patience for eight days , she believed in that time she could do my business effectually ; but since i could not defer it , that i must seek a support elsewhere , and only continue to be still her friend . i believe this discourse went no further then us three ; but i know very well , that when i went the day following to speak with the cardinal , he shew'd very little inclination to favor me , and after many difficulties ( though i assur'd him i desir'd to owe the obligation to him ) he told me , that he was not the only one in the council , and that i must speak to others : by this i judged that my affair was lost : but finding no other way to come off , and seeing that monsieur tellier had obtained a grant of what he desired against me , i was resolved to speak to his royal highness , and to the rest of the council ; but during this time , the procedure of my friends ruin'd all as fast as i could build . the duke de beauford , either out of love or pride , shew'd himself infinitely vex'd at the exile of madam de montbazon ; and when the queen would have spoke to him , he flung away in such a disdainful manner , that this alone was enough to have destroyed all the friendship she could have had for him : i perceiv'd it one evening , and reproach'd him for acting so like a child , but instead of returning me reasons , he answer'd me only with very imprudent transports of passion and fury . as he had less business than ordinary , he came very often to seek for me ; and though i saw him in an ill posture , yet out of friendship and honor , i would not quite forsake him : 't is true , i saw him not so frequently in the evening , and i question whether he staid at night in paris . monsieur de vendosme , seeing that he could not finish his concern , importun'd him every day to reconcile himself to the cardinal , but not being able to prevail with him in this , he thought he must of necessity strike in with la riviere . therefore he press'd him more than ever by marshal d'estres , and offer'd him the friendship of monsieur de beaufort . la riviere listen'd to this proposition with a great deal of joy , and having appointed a meeting at the same marshal d'estrées , he was surprized to see there only monsieur de mercoeur his father , and none of monsieur de beaufort ; from that time he look'd upon him as one that was not to be trusted , and tho monsieur de vendosme assur'd him , that he would bring his son to him as soon as might be , and alledg'd to him some obstacle which hinder'd him from coming , yet he would not enter upon the subject ; and having civilly taken his leave , the next day reconciled himself to the cardinal , betwixt whom till that time there was not a good understanding . monsieur le prince made a third in this association , the first article whereof , ( i believe ) was the ruine of monsieur de beaufort . and , de facto , two days after , when the queen went to the bois de vincennes to an entertainment at monsieur de chavigny's , he was there , and found but an ill reception . i know not whether this piqu'd him , but he presently came back to paris , and going to the louvre to wait her majesties return , found the cardinal there , whom ( as 't was said ) he ask'd some questions , whether he was going out or no , which allarm'd him . soon after he had notice given him , that there were some horsemen upon the quay , who seem'd to wait there for something ; after this , he no longer doubted , but that they intended to assassin him ; he cry'd out of it highly , and sent to seek for all the stout men he could get to guard him . monsieur de metz told me this news the day after , and going to luxemburg , i found monsieur de guise there , whom i apprehended to have seen embroyl'd in this mischievous disorder , but i found that he knew nothing of it . we both of us waited the return of monsieur , who spoke very moderately of the thing ; but la riviere aggravated it highly , and said , that it belong'd to his royal highnesses authority to preserve the ministers in safety . i would fain have seen monsieur de beaufort , but he was gone into the country to see his father , and return'd not before night , which compleated his ruine : for it may be , if he had gon to the cardinal , he might have cleared himself , and so have prevented his arrest . he was advised to go away to anet for some days , but he confided so much in the queens favor to him , that he would needs come straight to the louvre . as to my self , i went to the cardinals after dinner , to assure him of my service , and offer'd to bring a file of swisses to accompany him : he receiv'd me very civilly ( though he refused my offer ) : pretending to believe that the report was false , though i saw in him the face and countenance of a man very much astonish'd . in the evening as i was going into the louvre , i heard the news of the duke de beaufort's being taken , the knowledge i had of my innocence , made me go up stairs without doubting any thing . in the queens guard-chamber i found the cardinal , who was going out accompanied with three hundred gentlemen ; he saluted me very civilly , but of all his train only noailles , piennes , and megrin , would know or accost me . in the queens little cabinet i met with madam de chevreuse , whom i entertain'd a pretty while ; and having often ask'd if i could not see this poor prince , and being told by guiteau himself that i could not . i was going away , when the queen sent for me into her little chamber , and commanded me to bring two companies of swisses by six of the clock the next morning before the louvre : that night i could not see any of the hôtel de vendosme , but the day after i went thither to mix my sighs with those of this afflicted house , and heard by the duke de vendosme ( to whom monsieur had imparted somthing of it ) a confirmation of what monsieur de guise had told me the night before , that i was of the number of those that were to be removed from court. this report did not trouble me much , and i know not by what presage of my unhappiness , i wish'd my banishment more than i fear'd it . from thence i went to hear the news at monsieur de bethuny and montresor's house , who were threatned with the same accident , and an hour after received the command in my presence : it was not because they were in so strict a league at that time with monsieur de beaufort that they did share in his disgrace , but because la riviere would never promise the cardinal to make his master consent to the arresting of this poor prince , unless he would assure him at the same time to banish his two enemies ; and i believe monsieur himself contributed thereto on his own accord being inveterately incensed against monsieur de montresor , because he had quitted him : and not forgetting also ▪ that all he could say himself , or caused to be said in his name to the count de bethune the winter before , to reconcile him to la riviere , was to no purpose and that he was forc'd to procure the express command of the king to effect it . the same day they order'd monsieur de chasteauneuf , de mont rouge , to leave the court , and st. ibar also had orders to retire . this was the reward for the services beringhen did the cardinal , who delivered him from a man who spoke of him every where with the greatest contempt imaginable . for my part , i believed the number of the proscribed would encrease every day : but in fine after dinner some came to assure me that i had been certainly shipwrack'd , if the protection of monsieur had not preserv'd me . i could scare comprehend , that he whom i had never serv'd , should shield me from such misfortunes , which she , to whom i had so faithfully devoted my self , had prepared for me . notwithstanding , this news being confirm'd to me in three or four places , and also in the hôtel de guise , i thought my self oblig'd to go and thank him . that evening i being at the louvre , the queen would not look upon me , which i did not wonder at , since my best friends were so lately disgrac'd : but i was very much surprized , when the next day , after i had been to take my leave of monsieur de vendosme ( whom they had commanded away , though very-sick ) i went to luxembourg , and having made his royal highness the complement i ow'd him for the good office , 't was said , he did me , i receiv'd a very cold answer , which almost contain'd a disavowal of what it was publickly talk'd he had undertaken in my favor . i begun from that day to do the office of my charge as i us'd to do ; and the next day , in vain , endeavored to see the cardinal who had taken physick : i came again the day after , and found a very cold reception , he never spake to me but as to a third person , and as if he had addressed himself to all the company as well as to me . i made this first visit very short , and going again thither twice or thrice the week following , he made me very grave ●ows , but gave me not a word : by this i judged my affairs in a very ill condition , but i no longer doubted that they were intirely ruin'd , when i heard that monsieur had in the cardinals presence derided the thanks ▪ i gave him , and declared publickly , that he had deny'd he ever did me that service ▪ i owe this advertisement to the duke de longueville , who for all the pass'd differences did me the honor to continue my friend , and offer'd to serve me after the duke de beaufort was taken ▪ i made no question but la riviere help'd in this rencounter , and desired monsieur de brienne ( whom i acquainted with the whole thing ) to tell it to the queen , and testifie to her , that my complement was not to see● any other protection than hers , and conjur'd him to enter a little further into the matter , if he found it convenient ; which he did , and was answered by hon majesty ▪ that she thought me too much a man of honor , to have intermedled in the conspiracy which was imputed to the duke de beaufort ; but withal , that i had been a little imprudent in my conduct . finding not much displeasure in this answer , i believed that if i spoke to her my self , she would , it may be , open her mind more freely , therefore i took an opportunity , at a time which she appointed , and having again confirm'd what monsieur de brienne had spoken as from me , she only told me coldly , that she believed it , and went her way . i was advised to be diligent in seeing her every hour , which i did with all the assiduity possible ; and at the same time monsieur de liancour being come to paris , i desired him to tell the cardinal , that i resented the captivity of the duke de beaufort with infinite sorrow ; that it was without murmuring , and without losing the respect i ow'd him , and desir'd him to look upon me as a man that was careful of his office , and nothing more : his answer was , that i had refused to be his friend , and that all he could do in generosity , was not to do me any hurt . in the interim , i observ'd that marshal de 〈…〉 ( who till then testified to me a great deal of friendship , and came to dine with me but eight days before ) avoided me , and never spoke to me ▪ but in fear . one evening , in the queens little closet he gave me warning to look to my self , and told me of the disgrace of bishop de beauvais , with whom they made monsieur le prince quarrel without any occasion , that they might have a pretence to remove him : he told me it in general and in a few words , afterwards he withdrew , and would not speak to me any more , as if he feared lest some body should see us converse together . one day after this , meeting with one of my friends , he began to blame my conduct , and amongst , other things to accuse me for seeing madam de ohevereuse so often . 't is true that having call'd my self her servant before her fall , i did not avoid seeing her , when the unhappiness of the duke de beaufort advanc'd hers ; and going very often ( as i said ) to the louvre , which was near her lodgings ▪ i w●nt thither to wait till the queen had done prayers , and till supper-time ; but my visits were not particular ▪ and monsieur de guise and de ●ets , with twenty other , went thither at the same time . i was also one of the first that advised her to endeavor her reconciliation with the cardinal , and confirm'd her in the design of employing monsieur de liancour to that end , who serv'd her in it with a great deal of zeal , but without any fruit : the cardinal complaining that she had broke her word with him , and saying , that she knew very well what was agreed upon betwixt the queen and her ; we know not what it was , because she conceal'd her disgrace to the last : but in fine , we heard the very evening that the duke de beaufort was taken into custody , she offer'd to do , without repugnancy , whatsoever the queen would command her : her majesty told her , that she believed her innocent of the prisoners designs , yet she thought it convenient , that she should without any noise retire to d●mpi●re , and after having stayed there a while , go into touraine . after this evening she was never but once at the louvre , and had not staid so long at paris , if she had not thought to have gotten some mony ( which was promis'd her ) before her departure . every day there came emissaries from the queen and the cardinal to sollicit ●er to go ; and amongst others , montague being come one day to speak to her , she ask'd him if it was true , that they intended to remove a great many more , and appear'd most curious to know if they would take my place from me , declaring , that she was extreamly sorry for me , and shar'd in my unhappiness . this question being reported to the cardinal , was the last stroak of my ruine , and from the very next day the queen told marshal de basompiere , that she would give him the place , which he at first refus'd , as i am told . this report being spread about the city , came to my ears , and made me desire monsieur de liancour to try the cardinal once more : he told me , that without my sollicitation , he had spoke to him of me very often , and had receiv'd no satisfaction , so that he judg'd it necessary to have some other to help him to begin this discourse again . the commander of souvrè promis'd to do me this office , and both of them having taken their opportunity in the evening , found him so very angry that he would scarce hear them , though he still assur'd them that he would do me no hurt . this last essay being ineffective , i thought i was to apprehend the worst , and from thence took my resolutions . my wife being at this time come to paris , went to visit madam la princess ; with whom , by the means of devotion , she had contracted an intimate familiarity . she had a great deal of talk with her , wherein she declaim'd hotly against me ; though at the end of her discourse she seem'd desirous to see me . after this , she carried my wife with her to the carmelites , where she and madam d'aiguillon presented her to the queen , and endeavored to reconcile her to me ; but they found her too obstinately resolved on my ruine , and already ( as she said ) engaged upon her word to marshal de basompiere . madam d'aiguillon carried her in the evening to the cardinal , who told her the same thing , and assured her , if she had come but three weeks sooner , i might have been saved . when i thus saw that all the world was bent against me , i resolved not to see the queen , for fear of receiving a command from her own mouth , and being reduced to refuse her to her face ; and meeting with st. luc , who assur'd me from his uncle , that he would not contribute to my misfortune , nor desire my place : i told him that i only desir'd , that he would not take it without ●●y resignation , and he assur'd 〈…〉 he would not . the day following i was it ● visit madam 〈◊〉 princess , who was at first in a violent passion against me ; i suffer'd her to say what she would ; 〈…〉 being unwilling to justifie my p 〈…〉 , because i would not altogether offend or condemn her ( for that had seem'd immodest in me ) i laid all that was pass'd upon my ill stars , and unavoidable occurrencies . she often reflected upon poor monsieur de beaufort , to which i answered with as much modesty and fidelity as i could , and left her in appearance very much appe●●ed ▪ indeed , ( tho she took it ill that i did not beg her assistance ) she promis'd my wife to hinder my ruine , and bid her desire me to be at her house the day following , when her son came thither . i pass'd the rest of the day in expectatio●● of a command ; and the morning after being informed that ma 〈…〉 de bassompiere seem'd to think it str●ng● , that for so many civilities which he had done me , i should not pay him one , i went to his house , where he repeated to me the same assurances which st. ●uc had before given me in his behalf , and for a 〈…〉 dy against my prepared persecution , advis'd me not to resign , which advice i promis'd him to follow . after dinner i waited for the arrival of monsieur d'anguien , to whom his mother presented me , and was very well receiv'd by him : his father , whom i saw immediately after , reproach'd me a little , but without passion , and assur'd me that he would do me no hurt . when i saw this family no more displeas'd at me , and on the contrary , that madam la princess had said that day . that she would take care of my affair as of her own , i still entertained some hopes , founded chiefly upon the great reputation of marshal de bassompiere , whom i believed too generous to contribute to my ruine , after what he had promis'd me , and the request he had made to the duke de longueville , to assure madam la princess , that she was so far from disobliging him in doing me service , that ●e took it as a favor , pretending that he would by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turn me out . in the interim , because i had not been at the louvre for two or three days , i thought it convenient to let the queen know , that after the report which was spread abroad , i durst not out of respect present my self before her to do my office , though i believ'd her too just , and knew my self too innocent to apprehend her digraceing of me . i desired monsieur de brienne to do me this favor , and to visit the cardinal also , to tell him , that whatsoever was reported , i could not believe my unhappiness , knowing well that i had never been deficient in the fidelity was due to her majesty , nor in the respect which i ow'd to his eminence . i had an answer to the last point the same day , and heard that the cardinal did not shew any hatred against me , but spoke as if there were yet left some hopes of a reconciliation : but as to the first , monsieur de brienne coming to see me the next morning , told me , that as he began to speak of me to the queen , she prevented him , and said ▪ that knowing him to be my friend , she chose , him rather than monsieur tellier ( with whom she had heard i was at difference ) to bring me an order to send her a resignation of my charge , and gave him no other reason for this command , than that she would do justice to marshal de bassompiere ▪ my answer was , that i thought my self the most unhappy man in the world to have displeased the queen , and that my comfort was , that my conscience did not reproach me with having offended her either in great or little things ; that as to my charge , she was the absolute mistress thereof , and might dispose of it ; but i humbly beseech'd her , she would be pleased not to make me contribute to my own misfortune : that having taken it eight months before in the sight of all france by her command , it would look as if i thought my self guilty of some great crime , if i should so soon consent to lay it down : and in fine , that for the little services which i had endeavor'd to do her , i begg'd no other favor of her , than a permission to retire to my own house , there to lament my misfortune , and wait for a time more favorable to my innocence , which i hoped to see one of these days , because i believed her majesty just , and was sure that god was so . monsieur de brienne seeing he could not absolutely disapprove of my resolution , said only , that if i would take another , some advantages ( besides a full recompence for my charge ) might be procured for me , as brevlates for a knight of the order of the holy ghost ; a marshal de camp ; a pension of two thousand crowns ; and assurance of the first office that fell : i slighted all these srivilous favors , and left him , after i had desired him to carry my answer exactly to the queen . an hour after my wife told me , that madam la princess had excus'd her self to her for the assistance she promis'd to give me upon the consideration of marshal de bassompiere , which she desired of him as she said ( though the other deny'd it . ) thinking it not convenient to stay at my own house after my answer , i retired to one of my friends , and in the evening was told by a person of great quality that when he was at the louvre , he saw a busslle amongst the queens guards , and heard it for certain , that there was an order to arrest me . if i had followed my own opinion , i should have staid in paris to have seen how far they would have extended their injustice : but my friends not approving it , i went into the country the next morning . soon after , i heard that the queen , monsieur , monsieur le prince , and the gardinal , or rather in a word all those in power , were cruelly bent against me ; and that marshal de bassompiere began to change his first discourse , and to say , that having so much right to the charge , he could not refuse it , if it must be that i must ▪ lose it , and the queen throw it upon him , but that he would never enter upon it till i should be entirely satisfied . against so great a storm ▪ i found few or no friends , monsieur de liancour ( who alone appeared for me with vigor and generosity ) was in the country , almost all the rest abandon'd me by little and little ; and those who remain'd , were either involv'd in the same misfortune with my self , or too weak to assist me . of the first , some , as monsieur de brienne in particular , proposed to me the advantages in submitting , and persecution if i resisted : others , even of the most qualified , either out of complaisance to those in power , or put upon it by my enemies , wrote me letters to intimidate me , and would have made me apprehend , tha● i should be treated as a rebel , and as such have my goods confiscated , and my houses razed . in fine , within a few days i receiv'd an hundred different advices , which shak'd me not at all ; at the months end , when they saw me still in the same mind , the queen issu'd out a declaration , by which the king publish'd , that the resignation of marshal de bassompiere was null ( as being made while he was in prison , and upon a promise of being set at liberty , which was not perform'd ) and by consequence , all the provisions made to the marquess de coissin and my self , were void : this restor'd the marshal to his charge without the necessity of taking a new oath , upon condition that he paid me , within fifteen days , the four hundred thousand livers , which he had receiv'd in recompence thereof , or consign'd this sum to the exchequer , in case that i would not give a power to receive it . this declaration drawn up by the chancellor , and written with his own hand , left me to seek for the twenty two thousand crowns which i gave over and above ; nevertheless , fearing ●est i should recover them against him ( with whom i had treated as a tutor to coissin's grandsons ) he took the kings breviate for the like sum , to pay it to me . i heard this news ( which mov'd the not at all ) with another report that touch'd me much more , which was a discourse , which madam de brienne would have made my wife believe she had had with the queen concerning me , wherein her majesty taxing my disobedience , swore ( said she ) before the holy sacrament , that she had enough against me to take away my life , but out of pure goodness would not push it to the utmost . i confess , that this discourse made me so very angry ; that i wrote a letter immediately to monsieur de brienne ▪ wherein i told him , that so long as my charge and fortune were only concern'd , i suffer'd without repining ▪ but i could not forbear complaining , when i heard it said , that my innocence was wounded , and that they would render me black and odious in the queens eyes , of whom , upon this occasion , i begg'd nothing but justice , and beseech'd her if i was guilty , to order the parliament to prosecute me , being ready to enter into custody whenever she would let them know my faults . this was the sense of my letter , though in longer terms : monsieur de brienne thinking it ( it may be ) too bold , would not shew it to the queen ; and , as i think , only shew'd it to the cardinal , which was not the thing i desired of him . in the mean time marshal de bassompiere ( seeing that all they could say to me till then , had not made me alter my design , and being commanded by the queen to resolve dishonorably to take my place , after he had so often engaged his word to the contrary ) was strangely uneasie , and endeavored every day , by a thousand different ways , to render me less obstinate . in fine , being ( as he said ) extreamly press'd by the queen , he gave my wife three summons to receive his mony , and in the third to give him a full acquittance : she answered , that she was ready to give him a receipt , provided that he would bring her all the mony. this put him to more trouble , having not the fourth part of the sum , and all his intention being to consign it in paper by the favor of monsieur d'emery : he demanded ▪ to see my letter of attorny , and upon their refusal ( which was because they thought he ask'd it only to prolong time ) he said , that if he did not shew it him within four days , he would consign it into the exchequer , and thereupon entred upon the charge . in this extremity , though i was yet in the same mind that i was in at the beginning ▪ i found all my friends of a contrary opinion , who remonstrated to me , that it was to lose both my place and my mony upon trust , since if i let him consign it into the exchequer ( which he would only do by writing ) 't was as if i should throw my money into a gulf from whence i could never redeem it : that i had to do with an old man , an officer of the crown and a refin'd courtier , whom it was impossible for me to dispossess so long as he liv'd , and that after his death i should never get into my place again , if i was not well with the court : that my disobedience would make them drive things to the last , and that i saw very well that he , whom they had put in over my head , was too old to answer my resentments , and a dishonest man , that having so many times broaken his word , would willingly become the instrument of all the cruelties they would exercise against me . all these reasons added to the consideration of a wife big with child , and three young children , whom i might make miserable by my death , made me at last yield ; and i thought , that whatever reason i might have in my design , the opinion of so many prudent and generous persons , ought to be preferr'd before my own ▪ so that i acquainted monsieur de brienne , that i was ready to obey and to receive my money , and he promis'd me from the queen all that he had propos'd to me the day that he had demanded my resignation . upon this , i gave my letter of attorny to my wife , after having protested , that they said that it might sometime be serviceable to me ▪ to which ( to say the truth ) i scarce ▪ gave any credit ; and if i did keep my resignation , 't was only because i had at the beginning engaged not to give it ; and not out of any hopes , that there might ever happen so great a change a● to get any advantage by it , having never devoted my self to any but the queen ▪ and finding my self ruin'd in her good opinion , i am irrecoverably lost so long as she is in power ; and when the king comes to be at age to govern himself , there will be so great a disproportion betwixt his age and mine , that i can never hope for access to , or familiarity with him . what pass'd in my affairs after what i have above related , is so well known to the world , that it would be a very tedious discourse , if i should exagerat● the frauds of marshal de bassompiere , the weaknesses of monsieur de brienne , and the delays and breaches of promise the ministers were guilty of . i have , it may be , already insisted too long upon things not very important ; but as i made this discourse only for my relations and very particular friends , they will have the goodness to excuse the faults therein , and though it seem not very eloquent , they will at least find it full of sincerity and truth : i shall be extreamly glad , if it give them any satisfaction , and shall have obtain'd the principal end i propos'd to my self , if they acknowledge that in many things i have been more unfortunate than imprudent ▪ and that in those wherein i have been deficient , 't was out of the principles of generosity and fidelity , from which i will never deviate , though they have not been attended with success . finis . the table . a. the disturbance at agen. 209 agen keeps a regiment at its own expense . 211 articles and conditions that were agreed upon between monsieur and the prince of condy , for the expulsion of cardinal mazarine . 290 b. the dauphin and the duke d'anjou his brother , are left in the duke de beaufort's charge , at the death of lewis the thirteenth . 11 , & 360 an apology for the duke de beaufort . 299 bourdeaux besieged by the kings army . 146 the deputies from the parliament of bourdeaux conclude a peace without communicating the articles to the pr●●cess of condy. 154 the different parties in the town of bourdeaux . 217 brousell becomes head of that party of the parliament , called the frondeurs . 38 he is seized and carried to prison . ibid. the burgers rise , and come to the court in a tumult to ask his liberty . 39 c. the duke de chastillon is kill'd in attacking paris . 87 the dutch●ss de chevereuse's returning into france . her coming to the queen . 20 the queen sends her to dampierre . 395 the coadjutor of paris perswades the prince of condy to become the head of the faction , but is disappointed . 65 he afterwards gains the prince of conty's brother . 66 the arguments that were used to the prince of condy to perswade him to joyn with the court , drawn from the danger of the parliaments having too much power . 69 his violent carriage in the parliament . 72 he blocks up all paris with six or seven thousand men . 76 the reasons of his difference with cardinal mazarin . 133 his taking prisoner with the prince of conty's brother , and the duke de longueville , with the manner how . 137 his return to paris after his imprisonment . 167 he being told that the court intended to seize him , leaves paris . 186 he returns to st. maur , where he keeps a great court. 190 his return from st. maur to paris , believing himself too strong for the court there . 196 his quarrel with the coadjutor in the palai●●1 he makes war against the king in guienne , he is forc'd to retire to agen. 208 his dangerous journy from agen to joyn his army . 210 he attacks the kings army , his fight with the marshals d'hoquincourt and turenne . 230 his return to paris after the victory . 237 he is followed by eight or ten thousand citizens , whereof he makes use to take st. denis . 239 the proposals he makes to the court to conclude a peace . 244 he finding himself in a weak condition , endeavors to pass from st. cloud to post himself between the rivers of marne and seine , but is overtaken by the kings forces . the fight of paris . 261 he being overcome , leaves paris the same day the king made his entrance into it . 280 monsieur de la chastres letter to monsieur de brienne . 288 memoirs of monsieur de la chastres . 321 his answer to the queen about his disgrace sent by monsieur de brienne . 427 the queens declaration to establish the marshal de bassempiere in monsieur de la chastres place . 430 e. emery , superintendant of the finances , impost , great taxes . 29 estamps , where monsieur le princes army lay besieged by the kings forces . 256 f. the french conquests in the year one thousand si● hundred thirty five . 26 k. the king and monsieur le prince write to the officers , not to obey monsieur de turenne any longer , whom they heard stood ill-affected . 10 the king and queens entry into paris , after the war. 112 l. lewis the thirteenth consents , that the most considerable of those that were disgrac'd should return to court. pag. 10 , & 34. his death . 30 , & 370 the duke de longueville's retreat into his government of normandy . 113 the dutchess of longueville , to escape going into normandy to her husband , perswades the prince of condy her brother , to break with the court , and prepare for a civil war. 180 m. the objections that were made against cardinal mazarin's governing in france . 40 the answer to them . 48 cardinal mazarin goes himself to set the princes at liberty . 167 he is chosen by king lewis the 13 th , to be god-father to this present king lewis the fourteenth , and the princess of condy his god-mothers . 358 cardinal mazarins letter to monsieur de brienne . 282 p. the war of paris . 24 the discontented go to the parliament for reparation . 31 an account of the three parties in the parliament . 33 the parliament declares cardinal mazarin an enemy to the government , and therefore issue out commissions to levy soldiers . 75 the companies of paris voluntarily tax themselves . ibid. the fight of paris , between the kings forces and the prince of condy. 264 q. the queen sends heralds to the parliament , and their answer . 84 the queen is offered to have the prince of condy either kill'd or seized : she refuses the first , but accepts the last . 183 the reason that perswaded the queen to keep the cordinal in the management of affairs 375 r. the state of the court at the duke de la rochefoucaults returning thither . 3 he gains the duke d'anguien over to the queens side . 8 the princes being imprisoned , he disposes things for a war. 139 under pretence of his fathers funeral , he gets men together , and arms them . 143 t. they that moved marshal turenne to leave the prince of condy's side , and joyn with the king against him . 198 the marshals de turenne and d'hoquincourt , surprize monsieur le princes forces at estamps , and kill about 1000 or 1200 of his best troops . 245 errata . pag. 23. l. 7. for was also sister , r. by that montague . p. 52. l. 8. r. at the feuillians . p. 66. l. 16. 1. of having , p. 67. l. 9. r. that far from , p. 75. l. 14. dele too , p. 98. l. 12. for yet , r. that . p. 99. l. 16. for which , r. with . p. 100. l. 6. dele they . p. 105. l. 14. for and r. that . p. 128 , l. 23. r. with the heads . p. 141. for then r. there . p. 181. l. 11. for gives r. gave . p. 265. l. 2. r. rue de cours . p. 268. l. 21. r. marshals . p. 274. l. ● ▪ r. au mortier . p. 281. l. 12. r. rome . p. 290. l. 12. dele him . p. 295. l. 14. dele having . l. 17. for they r. and , p. 310. l. 8. for in all r. small , p. 224. l. 16. for taking r. took , p. 325. l. 22. for anet did r. from anet , p. 293. l. 17. for king r. kingdom , p. 364. for guienne r. guimene . advertisement . the conclave of physicians , detecting their intrigues , frauds , and plots against their patients : also a peculiar discourse of the jesuits bark , the history thereof , with its true use and abuse . moreover , a narrative of an eminent case in physick . by gideon harvey , m. d. physician in ordinary to his majesty , in 12 o. the discourse of london , or a new discovery of the scurvy , comprizing the nature , manifold differences , various causes , signs , prognosticks , chronology , and several methods of curing the said disease by remedies , both galenical and chymical ; together with anatomical observations and discourses on convulsions , palsies , apoplexies , rheumatisms , gouts , malignant fevers and small pox , with their several methods of cure and remedies : likewise particular observations on most of the forementioned discourses . by gideon harvey m. d. the second edition , with many alterations and new additions , dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty , is now in the press , and will be speedily published , in 12 o. the unsatisfied lovers : a new english novel , 12 o. all three printed for jo : partridge , at the post-house between charing-cross and white-hall . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49598-e230 * the kings brother , so called . the now prince of conde . * impost of salt in france . * jurats . * gascony . * les importans .