fiscal ballads fiscal ballads by harry graham ('col. d. streamer') author of "ballads of the boer war," "ruthless rhymes for heartless homes," "perverted proverbs," "misrepresentative men," etc., etc. london edward arnold 41 & 43 maddox street, bond street, w. 1905 [_all rights reserved_] to p. l. beneath your roof i chanced to write these ballads of the fiscal fight, a somewhat scant selection; so do not deem me indiscreet if i should 'dump' them at your feet, and ask for your protection! whate'er you be, or fair or free, be still, as ever, fair--to me! note many of these 'fiscal ballads' have appeared in the columns of the _westminster gazette_, and are here republished by permission. contents page foreword 1 protection 4 retaliation 8 the colonies 12 preferential treatment 17 british trade 22 controversial entertainment 28 'statistics' 33 'controversial methods' 39 a message from broadmoor 42 the turning tide 45 envoi 49 fiscal ballads foreword i'm only a common workin'-man, with a eye to my vittles an' beer, but afore i puts my money on joe, there's a thing or two as i'd like to know, which 'e 'asn't a-made quite clear. i admit as it sounds attractive-like for to shut them furriners out, but every board school nipper knows as there's things wot only a furriner grows as we couldn't well do without. there's sugar, an' rice, an' cocoa-nibs, there's cawfy an' tea as well, as we never could raise, suppose we tried, and we _'as_ to buy 'em somewheres outside, and the furriners 'as to sell. but they don't give nothin' for nothink- which you can't dispute the fac'- an' we're sending 'em hevery bit as much of our cotton-goods, an' our coal, an' such, as 'll pay the beggars back. an' the less we buys o' them furrin goods, the less of our own's returned; which it's plain to see as the more they take, the more our firms 'as a chance to make, an' the 'igher the wages earned. for it's british labour as pays the price o' them goods as crosses the sea, an' suppose as the furrin imports fail, it's the case of a empty dinner-pail for the workin'-man like me. let the furriner send 'is foodstuffs in- lor' bless you, i ain't afraid! for the more we markets with other lands, the more employment for british 'ands, an' the better for british trade! i 'asn't no love for the german man, nor yet for the 'eathen turk, but i ain't a fool as 'll shut the door in the face of even a blooming boer, if the beggar can give me work. for it's work i wants, an' it's wages too, an' i'm lookin' afore i leap; i won't go chucking a job away, on the chance of a possible rise o' pay, while food's to be 'ad so cheap. i'm only a workin' artisan, but the truth i'd like to know; i ain't for takin' no risks, myself, of a empty grate an' a empty shelf- no, thanks, sir, not for joe! 'e says as 'e'll 'sweep the country'! and 'e'll do it too, maybe; if the workin'-men don't 'ave a care, they'll find as there ain't no country there, when 'e's swep' it--into the sea! protection i've got the dumpophobia bad, as is easy for to see; (when a little lad i was bit by a mad manufacturin' man, maybe!) an' i simply goes clean off my chump if anyone 'appens to mention 'dump.' for it's 'out wi' they furriner folks!' sez i; will we take it 'lying down,' when they dumps cheap goods (as we wants to buy) into every british town? (tho' per'aps it's a thing as they wouldn't do if we 'adn't a-given 'em orders to!) but there's good times coming, an' thanks to joe, when the hempire 'll stand on 'er own; we'll be quit o' the food them furriners grow, an' rely on ourselves alone. for us, an' the colonies too, i lay, can grow it as good an' better'n they! we're a british race, an' we'll soon depend on the produc's o' british soil; no more of our 'ard-earned wage we'll spend upon cheap american oil; them dazzlin' lamps is a big mistake, while there's tallow candles o' british make! we've the finest coal in the 'ole wide earth, which we used for to sell abroad; but now as we knows 'ow much it's worth, we'll save it, an' 'old it, an' 'oard. (tho' the pitmen 'll 'ave a word to say when the mines shuts down an' they're turned away!) no more o' the roosian's corn we'll touch, nor the south american wheat; an' we'll gladly pay, if it's twice as much, to 'ave _british_ loaves to eat! (for the english working-man, these days, 'e must learn for to live on colonial maize.) if there's less to eat it'll taste more sweet, when the britishers all combine; we'll 'ave tinned an' frozen noo zealand meat, washed down with australian wine! (which it ain't so terrible bad to drink, if you fancies honions mixed with ink.) no more o' your roosian sable cloaks for the gentry, nor paris 'ats; they're buying their bunnets at sevenoaks, an' the trimmin's is 'ounsditch cats; an' that furrin' jewelry's just a sham, they can sell you as good in birming'_am_. them italian organs 'll 'ave to go, an' the ice-cream barrers as well, when we're buying a 'alfpenny glass o' snow from some smart canadian swell. an' no more o' your music from germanee, when our motto is 'bands acrost the sea!' when the furriner's foodstuffs out we shuts, we'll still 'ave the run of our teeth on the cocoa we makes off o' cocoanuts as they grows upon 'ampstead 'eath! an' o' british pluck we can surely brag, when we're smoking the 'omegrown irish shag! we're a-buyin' our food too cheap, sez joe (if you listens to 'is advice); the cost o' the loaf's too small, an' so 'e's a-trying to raise the price! * * * * * this 'ere pertection's a splendid plan- but it's werry 'ard lines on the workin'-man! retaliation i've 'ad a quarrel with 'enery slade, 'oo keeps our only village inn; 'e said as 'is shoes was badly made, an' i said as 'is 'alf-an'-'alf was thin. 'no more o' _your_ boots i'll buy,' sez 'e, 'an' no more o' _your_ beer,' sez i, 'for me!' nex' time as 'is shoes was out o' repair, 'e took 'em to lunnon, 'enery did; an' wot wi' the bill an' the railway fare, why, it cost 'im werry near 'alf a quid. if 'e'd stayed at 'ome an' give _me_ the job, 'e wouldn't 'a paid but a couple o' bob! now, tinkering boots is a thirsty trade, which them as 'as tried it won't deny, but i wouldn't get beer orf o' 'enery slade, an' there wasn't no other's as i could buy; an' so, for a month very near, i think, i was starving a'most for the lack of a drink. but at last to a comperimize we come, an' 'e said as my boots was right enough, an' i told 'im--arter i'd tasted some- as 'is beer wasn't really 'alf bad stuff; so we both shakes 'ands on the village green, an' we seed what a couple o' fools we'd been. but there wasn't no good come out o' the fight, an' we're both worse off than we was before; tho' i sits in 'is private bar of a night, an' 'e gives me 'is shoes to mend once more; for slade's lost 'is temper, an' eight bob clear, an' i'll _never_ catch up wi' that three weeks' beer! now if england quarrels with roosia, say, or them aggrannoying united states, she can tax their imports, an' make 'em pay more 'eavier dooties an' 'igher rates; but suppose as we taxes the goods they sell, it's likely as they'll tax ours as well. an' o' manufactured goods, an' such, we're sendin' three times as much as they; so i can't see as 'ow we'll be gaining much, with a three times 'eavier tax to pay. (it's a game as two can play, you see, an' they'll be a-suffering less than we!) for the balance o' goods as they sells to us is the corn, an' the grain, an' the foods we eat; an' it's likely the working class 'll cuss if we levies a tax on the furrin wheat, which 'll merely fall on the poor man's 'ead, by a-raising the price of 'is loaf o' bread. this retaliation's a tom-fool game; if we taxes the furriner's barley 'ere, we shall only be 'aving ourselves to blame when we 'as to pay more for our dinner-beer! free food is the best for british trade, --an' for you, an' for me, an' for 'enery slade! the colonies i've been 'earing, round the pubs, as the british lion's cubs is a gettin' out of 'and, and stubborn-'earted; for the colonies, they say, is a driftin' right away, from the motherland wot seed 'em safely started. but it's only little englanders, protectionists, an' such, keeps a-'owling an' a-crying as the empire's 'out o' touch.' there was canada, i know; kipling said as she 'ad snow, which (o' course) was met with angry contradictions; then haustralia come next, an' one guv'nor found a text to remind 'em of their ancestors' convictions. it's unfortunit, but still we must admit it for a fact, as we englishmen is hev'rvwhere notorious for tact. but wotever folks may shout an' make grievances about, there's uncommon little grounds as they can go on; for the strength o' hempire lies more in sentimental ties than in any 'business interests' an' so on; an' there's feelings of affection an' o' kindness as is worth twice as much as all them there 'commercial interests' on earth. an' our colonies 'll stand by the good ole motherland, tho' she may per'aps at times be rather trying; for they knows as well as we that there's nowheres 'alf so free as them countries where the british flag's a-flying. an' with kindly eyes they looks acrost (wot poets calls) the foam to that distant little island as they still considers ''ome.' an' they'll stick, if they are wise, to them sentimental ties- never mind if they can't value 'em in dollars; for they're independent blokes, an' they wouldn't stand no yokes, nor they doesn't 'old with wearin' chains an' collars. (even dawgs an' such 'll love you more, i've not the slightest doubt, if you turns 'em loose, an' keeps 'em free, an' lets 'em run about.) if them colonies _did_ drift, for theirselves they'd 'ave to shift- it's a case o' 'stand alone' or 'annexation'; tho' their lads is sterling stuff, still, they're 'ardly big enough for to 'old their own agin' some furrin nation; an' their armies o' militia-men is hexcellent--but small, while o' navies to defend their coasts they 'asn't none at all! yes, they knows, as well as we, as it's hengland rules the sea,- (tho' per'aps it ain't for me to go and say it!)- an' it's henglishmen as pays for the navy, nowadays,- (any'ow it ain't canadians as pay it!)- so they gives to us the priv'lege of defendin' of 'em 'ere, if we lets 'em run their own concerns an' doesn't interfere. we've a market, as they knows, for the produce wot they grows, which commercially's a quite sufficient fetter; an' so long as they can trade at the present prices paid, why, they don't want nothink easier nor better. an' a preference won't make 'em no more loyal than before, for they've proved their bloomin' loyalty a 'undred times and more. if we likes to pay 'em 'igh for their foodstuffs as we buy, well, it's natural as 'ow they must applaud it; but they wants no preference at the motherland's expense, if she ain't in no position to afford it; an' they knows, as well as we do, 'ow that any bounties paid must be 'ard on british workin'-men, an' bad for british trade. for they showed us, in the war, they was loyal to the core, an' they're ready for to 'elp us when we flounders; an' tho' 'ere and there, per'aps, there's some discontented chaps, as 'll grumble, like them there alaskan bounders; still, they're british to the backbone when the dawgs o' war is loosed, an' they'll stick by mother england till the cows comes 'ome to roost! preferential treatment we was always a hintimate family, an' we doted on one another; i was genuine fond o' my uncle fred, and o' cousin jim i've a-often said 'e was more like my own born brother; an' a feeling of 'earty affection i 'ad for kate, wot 'ad married my eldest lad. now, my uncle fred keeps the 'dumpshire arms,' an' jim's in the grocery trade; while kate 'as a little front-window shop, where she sells stone-bottles o' ginger-pop an' sweets as is all 'ome-made; and _i_ earns enough for my board an' booze, a-makin' an' mendin' o' boots an' shoes. last winter it were, when times was bad, that jim 'ad a 'appy thought; 'ow fine it'd be if we'd all agree on a kind of a mutual trade, sez 'e, for our things as we sold an' bought; we'd 'elp one another (which sounded nice), an' be getting our goods at a lower price. i'd tinker the boots o' the family cheap, an' get 'ome on my uncle's beer, nor i wouldn't be 'avin' to strain my means a-buying expensive pertaters an' greens orf o' cousin jim, no fear! an' for luxuries, such as the missus eats, i could get 'em 'alf-price orf o' katie's sweets. but it didn't work. for my uncle fred 'e treated me crool unfair; i sold 'im some shoes, starvation price, but i 'adn't a-tasted 'is beer but twice when 'e said as i'd drunk my share! then i mended a couple o' pairs o' kate's- but sweets is a thing as the missus 'ates. tho' for cousin jimmy i took an' made a set o' new 'eels and soles, i was paying for greens at a 'igher rate than 'e charged to my uncle fred, or to kate, an' 'is cheeses was full of 'oles! ('e was getting 'is liquor 'alf-price, no doubt, while _i_ 'ad to bally well go without!) now, i 'aven't spoke to my uncle fred for nigh on six months or more, an' i've ceased to 'ave dealings with cousin jim (for at 'eart i'd a-often suspected 'im), an' i never won't darken 'is door; an' i've 'ad quite enough o' that rubbish o' kate's, wot was always the kind of a woman i 'ates. yes, family ties is a splendid thing if it's _sentiment_ keeps 'em there; when it comes to a question o' gold and gain, they turns at once to a hirksome chain, such as nobody wants to wear; when matters of money appears on the floor, them family feelings walks out at the door! if england's a-going to 'aggle an' fight for colonial preference, if the love of 'er sons for the motherland is a kind of a feeling as only can stand on a basis o' shillings an' pence, that sort o' foundation won't last overlong, an' there's something, i lay, must be 'opelessly wrong. when the colonies 'eld out their 'ands to us, it wasn't for british gold; but who 'll vouch for the love o' the britisher-born, when 'e bargains 'is honour for tariffs on corn, an' 'is loyalty's bartered an' sold? (a 'appy 'armonious fam'ly we'll make, a-arguing who shall 'ave most o' the cake!) we shall 'ave them australian governments a-striking for better terms, an' there's sure to be plenty o' grumbling when the canadian manufacturing men is competing wi' henglish firms; an' each separate part o' the hempire 'll feel as the others is 'aving the best o' the deal. from which, if you follows my meaning through, there's a obvious moral to draw: let's consider the motherland's future, afore we allows 'er to risk being mother no more, an' becoming the mother-in-law! for if loyalty's paid for, it ain't worth a thought, an' affection's a fraud if it 'as to be bought. british trade oh, why was i born a english lad, in a island all shut in by sea? wot a much better chance i might 'ave 'ad if i'd only been 'made in germanee'! oh, why was i thus unwilling 'urled on the blooming 'dust-'eap o' the world.' no doubt as the german artisan don't get very much in the matter o' pay; but 'e works on the seven-days-weekly plan, with a haverage thirteen hours a day. an' 'e 'asn't no time for to sit an' think, nor money enough to take to drink! then give me a permanent german job, with nothink at all but work to do; with weekly wages o' sixteen bob, for to keep myself an' the missus too; a-makin' them gimcrack german toys for poor little english gals an' boys. to my london 'ome i'll say good-bye, for i 'asn't no use for a open port, where the workin' wage is a deal too 'igh, an' the workin' hours is far too short; where a workin'-man 'as time to sleep, an' food's to be 'ad so rotten cheap. a german factory's more my taste, with none o' them lazy english ways, where there ain't no money or time to waste on ridic'lous 'beanos' an' 'olidays; an' the workin' classes can just contrive to earn sufficient to keep alive. when i slaves all day at a german trade, a-makin' them goods as they dumps down 'ere, when i'm overworked an' i'm underpaid, till i feels as weak as that german beer, i'll think o' my english 'ome maybe, where everythink (but the drinks) is free! when i gets back 'ome of a sunday night, with a supper o' nice black bread to eat, i'll 'ave such a 'ealthy appetite, i never won't need no butcher's meat; for 'unger, o' course, is the finest sauce, when you're swollerin' sausages made of 'orse! an' i begs to state, when i comes 'ome late, with a 'ungry kind of a look in my eye, if i 'as to wait, with a hempty plate, till the blooming cat's-meat-man comes by, i'll think wi' scorn o' the old 'dust-'eap,' where mutton an' beef's to be bought so cheap. for we don't know nothink o' 'orse-flesh 'ere, but joe 'e'll learn us to eat it, when 'is tariff makes british meat too dear for the pockets o' british workin' men; an' they're 'aving their little marys lined with a diet o' maize an' bacon rind! when the price goes up of our meat and bread, by a grand imperial scheme o' joe's, we'll get cheap sugar and tea instead, an' we'll buy no food orf o' britain's foes; for we'll 'ave no need o' the furriner's crops when we're living on sweets washed down wi' slops! there's lessons to learn from german trade, in spite o' this foolish fiscal fuss; tho' their peoples ain't no better paid, nor near as well orf for food as us; for, wotever the german workman's lot, 'e knows 'ow to use wot brains 'e's got! an' if _our_ employers 'd only learn a few o' they furrin commercial ways, to make the business their first concern, an' not be so set upon 'olidays, they wouldn't be always a-'urrying orf, for the sake of a afternoon at gorf! with the wants o' the trade they'd keep in touch, an' 'd sometimes stay at the orfice late; if their business methods ain't up to much, they, at any rate, could be up-to-date! for there isn't no need of a fiscal fence, if you've henergy coupled wi' common-sense! we english ain't a-doing our best, an' that's the reason we loses ground; it's time as we took more interest, an' the chance 'as come to buck-up all round. no need for to put it in doggerel rhymes, to see as we're right be'ind the times. for it's heducation we wants, that's all, to make us the country we ought to be. if we rides for a fall at a tariff wall, we'll very soon find ourselves at sea. (which the simile's somewot mixed, you'll say, but the meanin's clear as the open day!) then 'ere's a 'ealth to the motherland, for all as they says she's goin' to pot; ole england's 'wooden walls' 'll stand when the fiscal fences is all forgot! an' she'll 'old 'er own, by land or sea, so long as 'er sons an' 'er trade is free! controversial entertainment on saturdays i often goes an' spends a evenin' in the pit at one of them vari'ty shows, an' makes a 'appy night of it; but since this fiscal row begun, i've 'ad to look elsewheres for fun. i'm partial to a music-'all, but when last week i chanced to go, i 'eard some low-necked blighter bawl a jingo song in praise o' joe; 'no more will england,' sez this crank, 'trade with the german an' the yank!' at furrin countries, o'er the sea, a lot o' silly jeers 'e 'urled; thinks i, where would ole england be without the market o' the world? we'd make a living, i suppose, a washin' of each other's clo's! nex' come the cinematograph, an' joe, i needn't say, was there; a picture of 'is upper 'alf, a-settin' smilin' in a chair. (there's no photographer in town would dare to 'take _'im_ lying down!') then a play-actress come along, a saucy bunnet on 'er 'ead; she didn't sing no fiscal song, she spoke a fiscal pome instead. 'these is,' she 'astened to explain, 'the words o' joseph chamberlain!' i 'eard that yankee lady's rhyme, an' then i took my coat an' 'at; i've read some drivel in my time, but nothink quite so bad as that. (she was a himport, i suppose, dumped down by foes o' poor ole joe's!) i took the kids to drury lane, an' 'eard a lion comic sing a song as told us once again to keep 'protecting' hev'rything. thinks i, 'ullo! but if that's so, can't we protect ourselves from joe? i ain't bad-tempered, 'eaven knows; a peaceful life is wot i'd choose; if people likes this scheme o' joe's, they're more than welcome to their views; they loves dear food, i've not a doubt, an' any'ow that's their look-out. but when i seeks the gall'ry door at one of them there public shows, i doesn't pay a bob or more to 'ear about this plan o' joe's; i simply wants to get away from controversies of the day. we 'as enough o' argument at 'ome, on 'bus-top, tube, or train; an' most on us 'll be content if 'entertainments' entertain; but joe's as bad as the perlice, 'e won't give no one any peace. an' seems to me, as plain as day, it's actors' business to amuse; if they can't no'ow keep away from giving us their fiscal views, why should the public be denied a chance to 'ear the other side? i 'opes it won't be very long afore george robey lets us 'ear a really fust-class fiscal song wrote by the dook o' devonsheer; while on the biograph we sees them comic cuts o' f.c.g.'s. if ruddy kipling would but write a free trade ballad, or a glee, which arthur roberts could recite, or dunville sing with mr. tree, i'd pay my money at the door, nor wouldn't ask for nothin' more. but while the music-'alls descend to nothing but protection 'turns,' there's other better ways to spend the little money that i earns. i only asks to see fair-play, an', failin' that, i'll stop away. 'statistics' i likes my glass of 'arf-an'-'arf, nor needn't make no bones about it; but still i ain't the bloke to chaff them fellers as can do without it; i pities 'em, but i respex toteetallers o' heither sex. i used to be the same myself, would never touch a thing but water, nor 'ave no bottles on my shelf containin' wot they didn't oughter. (o' water now i 'ates the sight, except to wash in, sunday night). an' wot cured me o' temperance was neither tracts nor indigestion, but simply that i read, by chance, some dry statistics on the question, which proved to me, beyond a doubt, that lamps as wasn't oiled went out! in them dark moments o' the war- of nineteen 'undred now i'm writing- my country raised a mounted corps, as seed a deal o' gallant fighting; an' nigh a third of all that lot was touched by fever, shell or shot. of the toteetallers as went, wot boasted o' their sober 'abits, as much as _thirty-five per cent._ took fever bad, an' died like rabbits; while, out o' them as liquored free, we didn't lose but twenty-three! when them statistics first i 'eard, nobody could 'a hacted quicker; i 'urried to the 'george the third,' an' simply dosed myself wi' liquor. (since then a many 'armless orgies i've 'ad wi' them there royal georges.) an' only yesterday i 'ears the state o' things as 'ad existed: o' them _toteetal_ volunteers there wasn't only _three_ enlisted! when _one_ fell sick, an' orf 'e went, 'e made that thirty-five per cent.! yes, figures proves you hanythink, to suit your private way o' thinking, they proves the blessedness o' drink, or else they proves the curse o' drinking; an', if you manages 'em right, they proves a'most that black is white! they proves that british industries is being ruined by the 'dumper'; they proves this year (as ever is) to be wot people calls a 'bumper.' an' when on exports they begin, lor! wot a muddle they gets in! they proves as 'ow the iron trade is prosperous (or else declining); that more (or less) was never made by them as is engaged in mining. (we gets a varied mental meal served up to us on plates o' steel!) they proves, without the slightest doubt, our manufacturies is growin'; they proves we're being quite cut out, or else that our 'ome trade's a-goin'. (in which, per'aps, they ain't so wrong- it _is_ a-goin', goin' strong!) but there's some undisputed fac's- an' even figures won't gainsay it: one is, if you puts on a tax, someone or other _'as_ to pay it. ('we'll tax the poor man's corn,' says joe; 'but touch 'is bread? oh dear me, no!') if england needs our pounds an' pence, an' taxes of our food to raise 'em, it don't require much common-sense to see as the consumer pays 'em; the thing i'm anxious for to learn is wot does _'e_ get in return? when prices they goes up a bit, the rich exchequer of the nation is bound in honour to remit somethink by way o' compensation. (tho', all the same, i'd like to see the bloke as talks of _tea_ to _me_!) an' that's a ticklish game to win; we'll stay exactly where we are if them blooming furrin goods comes in, in spite of our protective tariff! 'ha! but we'll keep 'em out,' sez you. then where's our promised revenoo? if that's the price as must be paid to forward joe's imperial mission; if we must bolster up our trade, an' not allow no competition, by taxing them as 'as to buy, 'gawd 'elp our british trade!' sez i. 'controversial methods' it doesn't matter if i goes inside our local workman's club to 'ave a game o' dominoes, or drops into the nearest pub; in 'arf a moment in 'll walk some bloke as starts a fiscal talk. an' if i ever tries, per'aps, to criticise this scheme o' joe's, there's always some excited chaps as leads from arguments to blows. an' then we throws the things about, till someone calls the chucker-out. they states that england's gone to pot, that ev'ry trade is lost to 'er; an' if i dares to say it's not, they calls me 'little englander'! (on one i 'ad to use my fist: 'e said i was a 'hoptimist.') nor yet it ain't no furrin foes as thus belittles britain's fame; it's partisans o' good old joe's as brings discredit on 'er name, by shouting out to ev'ryone that little england's day is done. one night jim adams sez to me, 'ole england's rotten to the core!' an' when 'e finds i don't agree, 'e ups an' calls me a pro-boer! (i 'ad a word or two with 'im; 'e's still in 'orspital, is jim!) if them so-called imperialists is blokes as runs their country down, upon 'er ruined state insists, an' tries to blacken 'er renown, then i for one 'ud much prefer to be a 'little englander.' if wot their politicians styles the 'patriotic' point of view is saying that these british isles 'as lost their trade an' credit too, i ain't a patriot no more: i'm just a hoptimist pro-boer! i'm not the sort o' chap as blames them folks as don't agree wi' me, but when they calls me silly names because my fiscal views is free, it don't require no further flaws to see the weakness o' their cause. a message from broadmoor altho' my brain is sound and well, an' mentally i've nothing wrong, they've locked me in a padded cell, an' watches me the 'ole day long; 'ow did i get in such a fix? 'twas all along o' politics. i'd studied joe's protection plan, an' thought i'd see what i could do to benefit my fellow-man by practisin' 'is 'opeful view that exports is the all in all, and himports should be nil--or small. so, when i stayed with uncle bill (my visit ain't improved 'is manners), i managed, when i left, to fill my pockets with 'is best 'avannahs; the cigarettes i left be'ind was quite the cheapest i could find. yet uncle bill 'e couldn't see that since 'is exports far exceeded 'is himports--thanks, o' course, to me- that was exactly what he needed to make 'im prosperous again; 'e merely said i was insane! 'e couldn't understand, wot's more, ('e was a cobdenite, an' still is), why, when i traded at the door 'is hovercoat for weary willie's, 'e, not the tramp, 'ad been the gainer; and yet--could anythink be plainer? one day a foreign merchant fleet was anchored orf a british pier; the cargo, mostly russian wheat, designed for himportation 'ere; true to my principles, that night i blew it up with dynamite. * * * * * the jury was a set o' twelve old fossils o' the asquith school; the judge was one they ought to shelve; my counsel was a bloomin' fool; 'e talked o' my 'disordered brain,' an' never mentioned chamberlain! so now they've sent me to a spot congenial to my fiscal notions, which, as i needn't say, is not the same as devonsheer's or goschen's. but i'm not mad, i must insist: i'm merely a protectionist! the turning tide jim 'icks was a tory, ten years back; an' 'e cheered at each tory win. an' 'e'd stand an' argue as white was black, for to 'elp them tories in. but times (an' parties) is changed since then, an' 'e's wishful to 'elp 'em out agen. 'rat!' sez you? maybe that's true. nor 'e ain't the only one as 'eard wot them tories _said_ they'd do, an' as seed wot them tories _done_; an' 'e don't feel noways bound, don't jim, to blokes as 'as broke their word with 'im. 'e nursed 'is party a many a year, an' 'e swollered their party tricks. just draw up a cheer to the fire, an' 'ear wot they promised the likes of 'icks. an' i'll tell you arterwards, if i can, wot the tories _done_ for the workin'-man. * * * * * chamberlain, 'e was the fust to speak,- an', o' course, 'e spoke cocksure,- of a pension of 'arf a crown a week for the old, 'ard-workin' poor. (an' many a cap was raised to joe, when 'e made that promise, ten year ago.) balfour nex' to the 'ustings comes, with a scheme for to 'elp improve them dwellin'-'ouses in crowded slums, where there warn't no room to move. (an' many a 'ope was kep' alive by the thought o' that promise o' '95.) then come a plan for to keep away them furriners orf our shores; we 'asn't no use for the likes o' they, wi' the crowds at our poor-'ouse doors. (but our english workmen is still denied, an' our english waiters can wait--outside!) * * * * * ten year ago, that were. to-day such schemes is a trifle flat. 'twas election-time, as i needn't say, when they promised the likes o' that. an' our unemployed in their thousands swarm, an' our poor law waits for the pledged reform. ten year ago, that were; an' yet we're a-watchin', with 'opeless eye, our slum-choked women-folk starve an' sweat, an' our stunted children die. an' late an' early, early an' late, the old men waits at the work'us gate. i wouldn't be 'ard on them tory chaps- no doubt as they done their best; but i can't 'elp thinkin' some'ow, per'aps, they'd be none the worst of a rest. that 'undred majority makes 'em slow, let alone all the trouble they've 'ad with joe. it's easy to sneer when you once begins, an' it's easy to badger an' blame; when the 'ins' is 'outs,' and the 'outs' is 'ins,' very like they'll be just the same! no better, per'aps, but at least no wuss; an' they can't very well do _less_ for us! wot can this guv'ment show to-day but them promises throwed aside? an' a country's confidence washed away on the ebb of a tory tide? * * * * * ten long years since they fust began! ten good years for to plot an' plan! an' wot 'a they done for the workin'-man? envoi protectionist! (if you exist) whose sympathies i can't enlist, be sparing of your curses! ah, don't abuse my fiscal views, but, out of pity for the muse, look only at my verses! free trader, too, i beg of you, whatever else you think or do, my lack of skill excuse. ah! no doubt my verse could not be worse, and weak the rhymes that i rehearse; but, then, how sound my views are! (thus may i strengthen--or convert, and no one's feelings need be hurt!) billing and sons, ltd., printers, guildford _by the same author._ ruthless rhymes for heartless homes, by col. d. streamer. illustrated by 'g. h.' oblong 4to. 3s. 6d. 'it is impossible not to be amused by some of the "ruthless rhymes for heartless homes," by colonel d. streamer, nor can anyone with a sense of humour fail to appreciate the many amusing points in the illustrations.'--_westminster budget._ '"ruthless rhymes for heartless homes" is the name of a really charming little book of rhymes. the words are by colonel d. streamer, and the illustrations by "g. h.," and 'tis hard to say whether words or pictures are the cleverer.... the book is one which must, however, be seen to be appreciated; to properly describe it is impossible.'--_calcutta englishman._ 'wise parents will, however, keep strictly to themselves "ruthless rhymes for heartless homes," by col. d. streamer. the illustrations, by "g. h." are very amusing, and especially happy is that to "equanimity," when "aunt jane observed the second time she tumbled off a 'bus, 'the step is short from the sublime to the ridiculous.'"' --_daily telegraph._ 'another charming whimsicality published by mr. edward arnold is "ruthless rhymes for heartless homes," by colonel d. streamer, illustrated by "g. h."'--_sydney morning herald._ 'the veriest nonsense, possessing the quality that makes it akin to carroll's work.'--_new york bookworm._ 'it is difficult to see the humour of- "philip, foozling with his cleek, drove his ball through helen's cheek. sad they bore her corpse away, seven up and six to play."' --_the scotsman._ london: edward arnold, 41 & 43 maddox st., w. _by the same author._ ballads of the boer war. fcap. 8vo., buckram. 3s. 6d. net. london: grant richards. (_second edition._) 'there is unquestionably a good deal of human nature in the book, and as an expression of sentiments which have remained hitherto inarticulate, as a revelation not always edifying, but often illuminating, of the heart of the man in the ranks, this little volume is a distinct addition to the literature of the war.'--_spectator._ 'racy expressions of tommy atkins' feelings in tommy atkins' language.... "coldstreamer's" verses in their kind are as good as any we have seen.'--_academy._ 'these colloquial rhymes express the private soldier's views in his own language.'--_the times._ 'these racy ballads make a book which many will read with interest and sympathy.'--_scotsman._ 'as good as anything yet done in the vernacular of mr. thomas atkins. a book for every friend of the army.'--_outlook._ 'vigorous kiplingesque verses, with sound common-sense and genuine feeling. well worth reading and buying.'--_to-day._ 'one of the liveliest books of light verse we have come across for a long time. "coldstreamer's" verses are always distinctive.'--_county gentleman._ _by the same author._ misrepresentative men. illustrated by f. strothman. new york: fox, duffield and co. (_second edition._) opinions of the american press. 'one of the most amusing books of the year. mr. graham is a fluent and ingenious rhymester, with an alert mind and a well-controlled sense of humour.'--_the times_ (new york). '"misrepresentative men" shows so high-spirited a mastery of words and metre (the result, we take it, of laborious days) that it will be read with pleasure by the most fastidious lover of what is amusing.'--_the nation_ (new york). 'mr. graham's verses are exceedingly clever, and mr. strothman's illustrations add to their cleverness.'--_the bookman_ (new york). 'a very amusing little book, by that cleverly humorous versifier "col. d. streamer," whose "ruthless rhymes for heartless homes" has had such a deserved vogue.'--_town topics_ (new york). 'the most amusing biographical caricatures of celebrities that we have read for a long time. there is not a dull line in the entire collection.'--_the bookseller_ (new york). 'these satirical verses have the same ingenious humour as the writer's previous rhymes. the book is altogether refreshing.'--_town and country_ (new york). 'the hit of the season.'--_the lexington herald._ 'a most attractively humorous work.'--_the pittsburg despatch._ 'a little book of really clever verse.'--_the milwaukee sentinel._ _by the same author._ perverted proverbs. the baby's baedeker. new york: harper and bros. protection and communism from the french by frédéric bastiat. with a preface, by the translator london: john w. parker and son, west strand mdccclii. translator's preface. this translation will not, it is hoped, be unacceptable to the english reader, particularly at the present moment, when it is not improbable that, under certain circumstances, a great effort may be made in this country to restore protection--or, should that wild attempt be considered impossible, to shift the public burdens in such a manner as to effect, as far as possible, the same purpose in favour of what is called the 'agricultural interest.' m. bastiat's spirited little work is in the form of a letter, addressed to m. thiers--the archenemy of free-trade, as he was of most propositions which had for their object the true happiness of france. the present was only one of a series of efforts made by m. bastiat in favour of the cause of freedom of commerce; and the english reader has already had an opportunity of admiring the force of his arguments and the clearness of his style, in mr. porter's* admirable translation of _popular fallacies_, which is, indeed, a perfect armory of arguments for those 'who, although they may have a general impression favourable to free-trade, have yet some fears as to the consequences that may follow its adoption.' what impression m. bastiat may have produced on the public mind of france it is not easy to conjecture, or how far the recent violent changes in that country, presuming them to be at all permanent, may prove favourable to free-trade or otherwise. but it is to be feared that there is an amount of prejudice and ignorance in france, among the mass of her people, more inveterate and more difficult to remove and enlighten than was the case in this country. however, seed thus sown cannot remain altogether without fruit, and the rapidity with which correct principles spread through a great community, under apparently most unfavourable circumstances, is such as frequently to astonish even those most convinced of the vast power of truth. * secretary of the board of trade, and author of the _progress of the nation_. the real object of m. bastiat is to expose the unsoundness and injustice of the system of protection. he does this partly by a dexterous reference to the theory of communism, and shows, with logical force and neat application, that the principles of the two are in truth the same. the parallel thus drawn, so far from being fanciful or strained, is capable of easy demonstration. but, in drawing it, m. bastiat rather assumes than proves that communism is itself wholly indefensible--that its establishment would be destructive of security and property, and, consequently, of society--in a word, that it is another term for robbery. this is true, and obviously so, of communism, in its more extravagant form; and it is to this, of course, that m. bastiat refers. but it cannot be denied that there are many modifications of the principle which embrace more or less truth, and which _appear_ to offer a corrective to that excessive competition or pressure of numbers, the evils of which are patent, admitted, and deplored. that the specific remedy proposed is vicious, that it would quickly make matters much worse than they are, that it is, in fact, a fraud and a mockery, does not prevent it from being, and naturally, captivating to many who at present see no other way out of the difficulties and the struggles by which they are surrounded: and who are tempted to embrace it, not only as a relief to their present wants and anxieties, but because it would, in their opinion, entail other consequences, as connected with their social condition, particularly grateful to their feelings. we further admit that such sentiments--not in themselves irrational--founded on a legitimate desire for improvement, and entertained by large and important classes--are entitled to the most respectful consideration. whether some considerable melioration in the condition of our labourers and artisans may not by degrees be effected by means of combined labour, or co-operation, and the principle of partnership, is no doubt one of the great questions to be solved by modern society, but it is much too wide a one to be entered upon, however cursorily, in this place. it is understood, however, that one of the most original and powerful thinkers within the domain of statistics is at the present moment engaged on this subject; and, if this be so, we shall no doubt, before long, be in the possession of views of extreme importance and interest. we have, with deep regret, to add that m. bastiat died during the autumn of last year, after a long illness, in the south of italy. by his death, not only france, but the world also, has sustained a loss. protection and communism. to m. thiers. sir, do not be ungrateful to the revolution of february. it may have surprised, perhaps disturbed you, but it has also afforded you, whether as an author, an orator, or a practised statesman, some unexpected triumphs. amidst these successes, there is one certainly of no usual character. we not long ago read in _la presse_, 'the association for the protection of national labour (the ancient mimerel club)* is about to address a circular to all its correspondents, to announce that a subscription is opened for the purpose of promoting in manufactories the circulation of m. thiers's book upon property. the association itself subscribes for 5000 copies.' would that i had been present when this flattering announcement met your eyes. it should have made them sparkle with joy. we have good reason to say that the ways of providence are as infallible as they are impenetrable. for if you will bear with me for a moment i will endeavour to prove that protection, when fully developed, and pushed to its legitimate consequences, becomes communism. it is sufficiently singular that a champion of protection should discover that he is a promoter of communism; but what is more extraordinary and more consoling still, is the fact that we find a powerful association, that was formed for the purpose of propagating theoretically and practically the principles of communism (in the manner deemed most profitable to its members) now devoting the half of its resources to destroy the evil which it has done with the other half. * an association, mr. porter informs us, composed like that assembling (or that did assemble, for we are not quite sure whether it still exists,) at no. 17, new bond street, exclusively of producers, at least of the article sought to be protected, and therefore of persons who believe themselves to be interested in excluding from the home market the productions of others. i repeat it,--this is consoling. it assures us of the inevitable triumph of truth, since it shows us the real and first propagators of subversive doctrines, startled at their success, industriously correcting with the proper antidote the poison they had spread. this supposes, it is true, the identity of the principles of communism and of protection, and perhaps you do not admit this identity, though, to speak the truth, it seems to me impossible that you could have written four hundred pages upon property without being struck by it. perhaps you imagine that some efforts made in favour of commercial freedom, or rather of free trade, the impatience of a discussion without results, the ardour of the contest, and the keenness of the struggle, have made me view (what happens too often to all of us) the errors of my adversaries in exaggerated colours. but, beyond question, according to my idea, it requires but little effort to develop the principles you have been advocating into those of communism. how can it be that our great manufacturers, landed proprietors, rich bankers, able statesmen, have become, without knowing or wishing it, the introducers, the very apostles of communism in france? and why not, i would ask? there are numerous workmen fully convinced of the _right of labour_, and consequently communists also without knowing or wishing it, and who would not acknowledge the title. the reason of this is, that amongst all classes interest biases the will, and the will, as pascal says, is the chief element of our faith. under another name, many of our working classes, very honest people be it observed, use communism as they have always used it, namely, on the condition that the wealth of others should alone be liable to the law. but as soon as the principle, extending itself, would apply the same rule to their own property--oh! then communism is held in detestation, and their former principles are rejected with loathing. to express surprise at this, is simply to confess ignorance of the human heart, its secret workings, and how strong its inclination is to practise self-deception.* * the truth of this is found on all occasions where the interests or the passions of men are concerned, and was rather amusingly shown in many ways when the free-trade measures of sir r. peel were being carried through. then every interest desired free-trade, except with reference to the articles produced by itself. no, sir; it is not the heat of controversy, which has betrayed me in seeing the doctrine of protection in this light, for, on the contrary, it was because i saw it in this point of view before the struggle commenced that i am thus engaged. believe me that to extend somewhat our foreign commerce--a consequential result which, however, is far from despicable--was never my governing motive; i believed, and i still believe, that property itself was concerned in the question; i believed, and i still believe, that our tariff of customs, owing to the principle which has given it birth, and the arguments by which it is defended, has made a breach in the very principle of property itself, through which all the rest of our legislation threatens to force itself. in considering this state of things, it seems to me that a communism, the true effect and range of which, (i must say this to be just,) was not contemplated by its supporters, was on the point of overwhelming us. it seems to me that this particular species of communism (for there are several kinds of it) flows logically from the arguments of the protectionists, and is involved when those arguments are pressed to their legitimate conclusion. it is upon this ground, therefore, that it seems to me of the utmost importance to meet the evil, for, fortified as it is by sophistical statements, and sanctioned by high authority, there is no hope of eradicating the error while such statements are permitted to take possession of and to distract the mind of the public. it is thus that we view the matter at bordeaux, paris, marseilles, lyons, and elsewhere, where we have organized the free-trade association. commercial freedom, considered by itself, is without doubt a great blessing to the people; but if we had only this object in view, our body should have been named the _association for commercial freedom_, or, more accurately, _for the gradual reform of the tariffs_. but the word 'free-trade' implies the _free disposal of the produce of labour_, in other terms '_property_' and it is for this reason that we have preferred it. we knew, indeed, that the term would give rise to many difficulties. it affirmed a principle, and from that moment all the supporters of the opposite one ranged themselves against us. more than this, it was extremely objectionable, even to some of those who were the most disposed to second us, that is to say, to merchants and traders more engaged in reforming the customs than in overthrowing communism. havre, while sympathizing with our views, refused to enlist under our banner. on all sides i was told, 'let us obtain without loss of time some modification of our tariff, without publishing to the world our extreme pretensions.' i replied, 'if you have only that in view, exert your influence through your chambers of commerce.' to this they answered, 'the word free-trade frightens people, and retards our success.' nothing is more true; but i would derive even from the terror inspired by this word my strongest arguments for its adoption. the more disliked it is, say i, the more it proves that the true notion of property is obscured. the doctrine of protection has clouded ideas, and confused and false ideas have in their turn supported protection. to obtain by surprise, or with the consent of the government, an accidental amelioration of the tariff may modify an effect, but cannot destroy a cause. i retain, then, the word _free-trade_, not in the mere spirit of opposition, but still, i admit, because of the obstacles it creates or encounters--obstacles which, while they betray the mischief at work, bear along with them the certain proof, that the very foundation of social order was threatened. it is not sufficient to indicate our views by a word; they should be defined. this has been done, and i here transcribe, as a programme, the first announcement or manifesto of this association. 'when uniting for the defence of a great cause, the undersigned feel the necessity of declaring their creed: of proclaiming the _design, the province, the means and the principles of their association_. 'exchange is a natural right, like property. every one who has made or acquired any article should have the option either to apply it immediately to his own use, or to transfer it to any one, whomsoever he may be, who may consent to give him something he may prefer to it in exchange. to deprive him of this power when he makes no use of it contrary to public order or morality, and solely to gratify the convenience of another, is to legalise a robbery--to violate the principle of justice. 'again, it is to violate the conditions of social order--for what true social order can exist in the midst of a community, in which each individual interest, aided in this by law and public opinion, aims at success by the depression of all the others? 'it is to disown that providential superintendence which presides over human affairs, and made manifest by the infinite variety of climates, seasons, natural advantages and resources, benefits which god has so unequally distributed among men to unite them by commercial intercourse in the ties of a common brotherhood. 'it is to retard or counteract the development of public prosperity, since he who is not free to barter as he pleases, is not free to select his occupation, and is compelled to give an unnatural direction to his efforts, to his faculties, to his capital, and to those agents which nature has placed at his disposal. 'in short, it is to imperil the peace of nations, for it disturbs the relations which unite them, and which render wars improbable in proportion as they would be burdensome. 'the association has, then, for its object free-trade. 'the undersigned do not contest that society has the right to impose on merchandise, which crosses the frontier, custom dues to meet national expenses, provided they are determined by the consideration of the wants of the treasury alone. 'but as soon as a tax, losing its fiscal character, aims at the exclusion of foreign produce, to the detriment of the treasury itself, in order to raise artificially the price of similar national products, and thus to levy contributions on the community for the advantage of a class, from that instant protection, or rather robbery, displays itself, and _this_ is the principle which the association proposes to eradicate from the public mind, and to expunge from our laws, independently of all reciprocity, and of the systems which prevail elsewhere. 'though this association has for its object the complete destruction of the system of protection, it does not follow that it requires or expects such a reformation to be accomplished in a day, as by the stroke of a wand. to return even from evil to good, from an artificial state of things to one more natural, calls for the exercise of much prudence and precaution. to carry out the details belongs to the supreme power--the province of the association is to propagate the principle, and to make it popular. 'as to the means which the association may employ to accomplish its ends, it will never seek for any but what are legal and constitutional. 'finally, the association has nothing to do with party politics. it does not advocate any particular interest, class or section of the country. it embraces the cause of eternal justice, of peace, of union, of free intercourse, of brotherhood among all men--the cause of public weal, which is identical in every respect with that of the _public consumer_.' is there a word in this programme which does not show an ardent wish to confirm and strengthen, or rather perhaps to re-establish, in the minds of men the idea of property, perverted, as it is, by the system of protection? is it not evident that the interest of commerce is made secondary to the interest of society generally? remark that the tariff, in itself good or evil in the financial point of view, engages little of our attention. but, as soon as it acts _intentionally_ with a view to protection, that is to say, as soon as it develops the principle of spoliation, and ignores, in fact, the right of property, we combat it, not as a tariff, but as a system. _it is there_, we say, that we must eradicate the principle from the public mind, in order to blot it from our laws.* * as mr. porter says, in one of his excellent notes on m. bastiat's work on _popular fallacies_, 'the true history of all progress in regard to great questions, involving change in social policy, is here indicated by m. bastiat. it is in vain that we look for such change through the enlightenment of what should be the governing bodies. in this respect, all legislative assemblies, whether called a chamber of deputies or a house of commons, are truly representatives of the public mind, never placing themselves in advance, nor lagging much behind the general conviction. this is not, indeed, a new discovery, but we are much indebted to mr. cobden and the leading members of the anti-corn-law league for having placed it in a point of view so prominent that it can no longer be mistaken. hereafter, the course of action is perfectly clear upon all questions that require legislative sanction. this can only be obtained through the enlightenment of the constituency; but when such enlightenment has been accomplished--when those mainly interested in bringing about the change have once formed their opinion in its favour, the task is achieved.' it will be asked, no doubt, why, having in view a general principle of this importance, we have confined the struggle to the merits of a particular question. the reason of this, is simple. it is necessary to oppose association to association, to engage the interests of men, and thus draw volunteers into our ranks. we know well that the contest between the protectionists and free-traders cannot be prolonged without raising and finally settling all questions, moral, political, philosophical, and economical, connected with property. and since the mimerel club, in directing its efforts to one end, had weakened the principle of property, so we aimed at inspiring it with renewed vigour, in pursuing a course diametrically opposite. but what matters it what i may have said or thought at other times? what matters it that i have perceived, or thought that i have perceived, a certain connexion between protection and communism? the essential thing is to prove that this connexion exists, and i proceed to ascertain whether this be so. you no doubt remember the time when, with your usual ability, you drew from the lips of monsieur proudhon this celebrated declaration, 'give me the right of labour, and i will abandon the right of property.' m. proudhon does not conceal that, in his eyes, these two rights are incompatible. if property is incompatible with the right of labour, and if the right of labour is founded upon the same principle as protection, what conclusion can we draw, but that protection is itself incompatible with property? in geometry, we regard as an incontestable truth, that two things equal to a third are equal to each other. now it happens that an eminent orator, m. billault, has thought it right to support at the tribune the right of labour. this was not easy, in the face of the declaration which escaped from m. proudhon. m. billault understood very well, that to make the state interfere to weigh in the balance the fortunes, and equalize the conditions, of men, tends towards communism; and what did he say to induce the national assembly to violate property and the principles thereof? he told you with all simplicity that he asked you to do what, in effect, you already do by your tariff. his aim does not go beyond a somewhat more extended application of the doctrines now admitted by you, and applied in practice. here are his words:-'look at our custom-house tariff? by their prohibitions, their differential taxes, their premiums, their combinations of all kinds, it is society which aids, which supports, which retards or advances all the combinations of national labour; it not only holds the balance between french labour, which it protects, and foreign labour, but on the soil of france itself it is perpetually interfering between the different interests of the country. listen to the perpetual complaints made by one class against another: see, for example, those who employ iron in their processes, complaining of the protection given to french iron over foreign iron; those who employ flax or cotton thread, protesting against the protection granted to french thread, in opposition to the introduction of foreign thread; and it is thus with all the others. society (it ought to be said, the government) finds itself then forcibly mixed up with all these struggles, with all the perplexities connected with the regulation of labour; it is always actively interfering between them, directly and indirectly, and from the moment that the question of custom duties is broached, you will see that you will be, in spite of yourselves, forced to acknowledge the fact and its cause, and to take on yourself the protection of every interest. 'the necessity which is thus imposed on the government to interfere in the question of labour, should not, then, be considered an objection to the debt which society owes to the poor workmen.' and you will remark well that in his arguments, m. billault has not the least intention of being sarcastic. he is no free-trader, intentionally disguised for the purpose of exposing the inconsistency of the protectionists. no; m. billault is himself a protectionist, _bonâ fide_. he aims at equalizing our fortunes by law. with this view, he considers the action of the tariffs useful; and being met by an obstacle--the right of property--he leaps over it, as you do. the right of labour is then pointed out to him, which is a second step in the same direction. he again encounters the right of property, and again he leaps over it; but turning round, he is surprised to see you do not follow him. he asks the reason. if you reply--i admit in principle that the law may violate property, but i find it _inopportune_ that this should be done under the particular form of the right of labour, m. billault would understand you, and discuss with you the secondary question of expediency. but you raise up, in opposition to his views, the principle of property itself. this astonishes him; and he conceives that he is entitled to say to you--do not act with inconsistency, and deny the right of labour on the ground of its infringement of the right of property, since you violate this latter right by your tariffs, whenever you find it convenient to do so. he might add, with some reason, by the protective tariffs you often violate the property of the poor for the advantage of the rich. by the right of labour, you would violate the property of the rich to the advantage of the poor. by what chance does it happen that your scruples stop short at the point they do? between you and m. billault there is only one point of difference. both of you proceed in the same direction--that of communism: only you have taken but one step, and he has taken two. on this account the advantage, in my eyes at least, is on your side; but you lose it on the ground of logic. for since you go along with him, though more slowly than he does, he is sufficiently well pleased to have you as his follower. this is an inconsistency which m. bitlault has managed to avoid, but, alas! to fall himself also into a sad dilemma! m. billault is too enlightened not to feel, indistinctly perhaps, the danger of each step that he takes in the path which ends in communism. he does not assume the ridiculous position of the champion of property, at the very moment of violating it; but how does he justify himself? he calls to his aid the favourite axiom of all who can reconcile two irreconcilable things--_there are no fixed principles_. property, communism--let us take a little from both, according to circumstances. 'to my mind, the pendulum of civilization which oscillates from the one principle to the other, according to the wants of the moment, but which always makes the greater progress if, after strongly inclining towards the absolute freedom of individual action, it fells back on the necessity of government interference.' there is, then, no such thing as truth in the world. no principles exist, since _the pendulum ought to oscillate from one principle to the other, according to the wants of the moment._ oh! metaphor, to what a point thou wouldst bring us, if allowed! but as you have well said, in your place in the assembly, one cannot discuss all parts of this subject at once, i will not at the present moment examine the system of protection in the purely economic point of view. i do not inquire then whether, with regard to national wealth, it does more good than harm, or the reverse. the only point that i wish to prove is, that it is nothing else than a species of communism. mm. billault and proudhon have commenced the proof, and i will try and complete it. and first, what is to be understood by communism? there are several modes, if not of realizing community of goods, at least of trying to do so. m. de lamartine has reckoned four. you think that there are a thousand, and i am of your opinion. however, i believe that all these could be reduced under three general heads, of which one only, according to me, is truly dangerous. first, it might occur to two or more men to combine their labour and their time. while they do not threaten the security, infringe the liberty, or usurp the property of others, neither directly nor indirectly, if they do any mischief, they do it to themselves. the tendency of such men will be always to attempt in remote places the realization of their dream. whoever has reflected upon these matters knows these enthusiasts will probably perish from want, victims to their illusions. in our times, communists of this description have given to their imaginary elysium the name of icaria,* as if they had had a melancholy presentiment of the frightful end towards which they were hastening. we may lament over their blindness; we should try to rescue them if they were in a state to hear us, but society has nothing to fear from their chimeras. * this, as most of our readers are aware, is an imaginary country at the other side of the world, where a state of circumstances is supposed to exist productive of general happiness--moral and physical--to all. the chief creator of this modern utopia, from which indeed the idea is confessedly taken, is m. cabet, whose book was published during the year of the late revolution in france. it is meant to be a grave essay on possible things, but could only be considered so, we venture to think, in paris, and only there in times of unusual excitement. the means by which m. cabet and his followers suppose their peculiar society could be established and maintained, are beyond conception false, ludicrous, and puerile. m. cabet was obliged to leave france for a grave offence, but found a refuge and no inconsiderable number of followers in america, where, by the side of much that is excellent and hopeful, flourishes, perhaps, under present circumstances, as a necessary parallel, many of the wild and exploded theories of the world. another form of communism, and decidedly the coarsest, is this: throw into a mass all the existing property, and then share it equally. it is spoliation becoming the dominant and universal law. it is the destruction, not only of property, but also of labour and of the springs of action which induce men to work. this same communism is so violent, so absurd, so monstrous, that in truth i cannot believe it to be dangerous. i said this some time ago before a considerable assembly of electors, the great majority of whom belonged to the suffering classes. my words were received with loud murmurs. i expressed my surprise at it. 'what,' said they, 'dares m. bastiat say that communism is not dangerous? he is then a communist! well, we suspected as much, for communists, socialists, economists, are all of the same order, as it is proved by the termination of the words.' i had some difficulty in recovering myself; but even this interruption proved the truth of my proposition. no, communism is not dangerous, when it shows itself in its most naked form, that of pure and simple spoliation; it is not dangerous, because it excites horror. i hasten to say, that if protection can be and ought to be likened to communism, it is not that which i am about to attack. but communism assumes a third form:-to make the state interfere to, let it take upon itself to adjust profits and to equalize men's possessions by taking from some, without their consent, to give to others without any return, to assume the task of putting things on an equality by robbery, assuredly is communism to the fullest extent. it matters not what may be the means employed by the state with this object, no more than the sounding names with which they dignify this thought. whether they pursue its realization by direct or indirect means, by restriction or by impost, by tariffs or by the right of labour; whether they call it by the watchword of equality, of mutual responsibility, of fraternity, that does not change the nature of things; the violation of property is not less robbery because it is accomplished with regularity, order, and system, and under the forms of law. i repeat that it is here, at this juncture, that communism is really dangerous. why? because under this form we see it incessantly ready to taint everything. behold the proof! one demands that the state should supply gratuitously to artisans, to labourers, the _instruments of labour_,* that is, to encourage them to take them from other artisans and labourers. another wishes that the state should lend without interest; this could not be done without violating property. a third calls for gratuitous education to all degrees; gratuitous! that is to say, at the expense of the tax-payers.** * by this phrase we believe is meant much more than the english words might indicate--the supplying all the capital necessary to start the artisan in the world. ** we think, with adam smith and most others, that education and religious instruction may fairly and properly, if the occasion requires, be excepted from this rule, on the ground that as they are most beneficial to the whole of society- their effects not stopping short with the persons receiving the immediate benefits--'they may, without injustice, be defrayed by the general contribution of the whole society.' we by no means say, however, that this public support should supersede voluntary contribution. a fourth requires that the state should support the associations of workmen, the theatres, the artists, see. but the means necessary for such support is so much money taken from those who have legitimately made it. a fifth is dissatisfied unless the state artificially raises the price of a particular product for the benefit of those who sell it; but it is to the detriment of those who buy. yes, under this form, there are very few people who at one time or an other would not be communists. you are so yourself; m. billault is; and i fear that in france we are all so in some degree. it seems that the intervention of the state reconciles us to robbery, in throwing the responsibility of it on all the world; that is to say, on no one; and it is thus that we sport with the wealth of others in perfect tranquillity of conscience. that honest m. tourret, one of the most upright of men who ever sat upon the ministerial bench, did he not thus commence his statement in favour of the scheme for the advancement of public money for agricultural purposes? 'it is not sufficient to give instruction for the cultivation of the arts. we must also supply the instruments of labour.' after this preamble, he submits to the national assembly a proposition, the first heading of which runs thus:-'first--there is opened, in the budget of 1849, in favour of the minister of agriculture and commerce, a credit of ten millions, to meet advances to the proprietors and associations of proprietors of rural districts.' confess that if this legislative language was rendered with exactness, it should have been:-'the minister of agriculture and commerce is authorized, during the year 1849, to take the sum of ten millions from the pocket of the labourers who are in great want of it, and _to whom it belongs_, to put it in the pocket of other labourers who are equally in want of it, and _to whom it does not belong_.' is not this an act of communism, and if made general, would it not constitute the system of communism? the manufacturer, who would die sooner than steal a farthing, does not in the least scruple to make this request of the legislature--'pass me a law which raises the price of my cloth, my iron, my coal, and enable me to overcharge my purchasers.' as the motive upon which he founds this demand is that he is not content with the profit, at which trade unfettered or free-trade would fix it, (which i affirm to be the same thing, whatever they may say,) so, on the other hand, as we are all dissatisfied with our profits, and disposed to call in the aid of the law, it is clear, at least to me, that if the legislature does not hasten to reply, 'that does not signify to us; we are not charged to violate property, but to protect it,' it is clear, i say, that we are in downright communism. the machinery put in motion by the state to effect the object may differ from what we have indicated, but it has the same aim, and involves the same principle. suppose i present myself at the bar of the national assembly, and say, 'i exercise a trade, and i do not find that my profits are sufficient: consequently i pray you to pass a law authorizing the tax-collectors to levy, for my benefit, only one centime upon each french family,' if the legislature grants my request, this could only be taken as a single act of legal robbery, which does not at this point merit the name of communism. but if all frenchmen, one after the other, made the same request, and if the legislature examined them with the avowed object of realizing the equality of goods, it is in this principle, followed by its effects, that i see, and that you cannot help seeing, communism. whether, in order to realize its theory, the legislature employs custom-house officers or excise collectors, imposes direct or indirect taxes, encourages by protection or premiums, matters but little. does it believe itself authorized to _take_ and to _give_ without compensation? does it believe that its province is to regulate profits? does it act in consequence of this belief? do the mass of the public approve of it?--do they compel this species of action? if so, i say we are upon the descent which leads to communism, whether we are conscious of it or not. and if they say to me, the state never acts thus in favour of any one, but only in favour of some classes, i would reply--then it has found the means of making communism even worse than it naturally is. i know, sir, that some doubt is thrown on these conclusions by the aid of a ready confusion of ideas. some administrative acts are quoted, very legitimate cases in their way, where the intervention of the state is as equitable as it is useful; then, establishing an apparent analogy between these cases, and those against which i protest, they will attempt to place me in the wrong, and will say to me--'as you can only see communism in protection, so you ought to see it in every case where government interferes.' this is a trap into which i will not fall. this is why i am compelled to inquire what is the precise circumstance which impresses on state intervention the communistic character. what is the province of the state? what are the things which individuals ought to entrust to the supreme power? which are those which they ought to reserve for private enterprise? to reply to these questions would require a dissertation on political economy. fortunately i need not do this for the purpose of solving the problem before us. when men, in place of labouring for themselves individually, combine with others, that is to say, when they club together to execute any work, or to produce a result by an united exertion, i do not call that _communism_, because i see nothing in this of its peculiar characteristic, _equalizing conditions by violent means_. the state _takes_, it is true, by taxes, but it _renders_ service for them in return. it is a particular but legitimate form of that foundation of all society, _exchange_. i go still further. in intrusting a special service to be done by the state, it may be made beneficial, or otherwise, according to its nature and the mode in which it is effected. beneficial, if by this means the service is made with superior perfection and economy, and the reverse on the opposite hypothesis: but in either case i do not perceive the principle of communism. the proceeding in the first was attended with success; in the second, with failure, that is all; and if communism is a mistake, it does not follow that every mistake is communism. political economists are in general very distrustful on the question of the intervention of government. they see in it inconveniences of all sorts, a discouragement of individual liberty, energy, foresight, and experience, which are the surest foundations of society. it often happens, then, that they have to resist this intervention. but it is not at all on the same ground and from the same motive which makes them repudiate protection. our opponents cannot, therefore, fairly turn any argument against us in consequence of our predilections, expressed, perhaps, without sufficient caution for the freedom of private enterprise, nor say, 'it is not surprising that these people reject the system of protection, for they reject the intervention of the state in everything.' first, it is not true that we reject it in everything: we admit that it is the province of the state to maintain order and security, to enforce regard for person and property, to repress fraud and violence. as to the services which partake, so to speak, of an industrial character, we have no other rule than this: that the state may take charge of these, if the result is a saving of labour to the mass of the people. but pray, in the calculation, take into account all the innumerable inconveniences of labour monopolized by the state. secondly, i am obliged to repeat it, it is one thing to protest against any new interference on the part of the state on the ground that, when the calculation was made, it was found that it would be disadvantageous to do so, and that it would result in a national loss; and it is another thing to resist it because it is illegitimate, violent, unprincipled, and because it assigns to the government to do precisely what it is its proper duty to prevent and to punish. now against the system called protection these two species of objections may be urged, but it is against the principle last mentioned, fenced round as it is by legal forms, that incessant war should be waged. thus, for example, men would submit to a municipal council the question of knowing whether it would be better that each family in a town should go and seek the water it requires at the distance of some quarter of a league, or whether it is more advantageous that the local authority should levy an assessment to bring the water to the marketplace. i should not have any objection in _principle_ to enter into the examination of this question. the calculation of the advantages and inconveniences for all would be the sole element in the decision. one might be mistaken in the calculation, but the error, which in this instance may involve the loss of property, would not be a systematic violation of it. but when the mayor proposes to discourage one trade for the advantage of another, to prohibit boots for the advantage of the shoemaker, or something like it, then would i say to him, that in this instance he acts no longer on a calculation of advantages and inconveniences; he acts by means of an abuse of power, and a violent perversion of the public authority; i would say to him, 'you who are the depositary of power and of the public authority to chastise robbery, dare you apply that power and authority to protect it and render it systematic?' should the idea of the mayor prevail, if i see, in consequence of this precedent all the trading classes of the village bestirring themselves, to ask for favours at the expense of each other--if in the midst of this tumult of unscrupulous attempts i see them confound even the notion of property, i must be allowed to assume that, to save it from destruction, the first thing to do is to point out what has been iniquitous in the measure, which formed the first link of the chain of these deplorable events. it would not be difficult, sir, to find in your work passages which support my position and corroborate my views. to speak the truth, i might consult it almost by chance for this purpose. thus, opening the book at hap-hazard, i would probably find a passage condemning, either expressly or by implication, the system of protection--proof of the identity of this system in principle with communism. let me make the trial. at page 283, i read:-'it is, then, a grave mistake to lay the blame upon competition, and not to have perceived that if the people are the producers, they are also the consumers, and that receiving less on one side,' (which i deny, and which you deny yourself some lines lower down,) 'paying less on the other, there remains then, for the advantage of all, the difference between a system which restrains human activity, and a system which places it in its proper course, and inspires it with ceaseless energy.' i defy you to say that this argument does not apply with equal force to foreign as to domestic competition. let us try again. at page 325, we find: 'men either possess certain rights, or they do not. if they do--if these rights exist, they entail certain inevitable consequences.... but more than this, they must be the same at all times; they are entire and absolute--past, present, and to come--in all seasons; and not only when it may please you to declare them to be, but when it may please the workmen to appeal to them.' will you maintain that an iron-master has an undefined right to hinder me for ever from producing indirectly two hundredweight of iron in my manufactory, for the sake of producing one hundred-weight in a direct manner in his own? this right, also, i repeat, either exists, or it does not. if it does exist, it must be absolute at all times and in all seasons; not only when it may please you to declare it to be so, but when it may please the iron-masters to claim its protection. let us again try our luck. at page 63, i read,-'property does not exist, if i cannot _give_ as well as _consume_ it.' we say so likewise. 'property does not exist, if i cannot _exchange_ as well as _consume_ it;' and permit me to add, that the _right of exchange_ is at least as valuable, as important in a social point of view, as characteristic of property, as the _right of gift_. it is to be regretted, that in a work written for the purpose of examining property under all its aspects, you have thought it right to devote two chapters to an investigation of the latter right, which is in but little danger, and not a line to that of exchange, which is so boldly attacked, even under the shelter of the laws. again, at page 47:-'man has an absolute property in his person and in his faculties. he has a derivative one, less inherent in his nature, but not less sacred, in what these faculties may produce, which embraces all that can be called the wealth of this world, and which society is in the highest degree interested in protecting; for without this protection there would be no labour; without labour, no civilization, not even the necessaries of life--nothing but misery, robbery, and barbarism.'* * this is a happy exposure of the inconsistency of m. thiers. but we have had recently, and in the sitting of the late national assembly, a curious example of the perversion of his extraordinary powers, in the speeches, full of false brilliancy, to the legislature of france, in condemnation of the principles of free-trade. his statements were coloured, or altogether without foundation; the examples which he adduced, when looked into, told against him, and his logic was puerile. yet he found an attentive and a willing auditory. indeed, the prejudices of the french on this subject, mixed up as they are with so many influences operating on their vanity, are still inveterate; and it was, as it always has been, m. thiers's object to reflect faithfully the national mind. his aim never was the noble one of raising and enlightening the views of his countrymen, but simply to gain an influence over their minds, by encouraging and echoing their prejudices and keeping alive their passions. well, sir, let us make a comment, if you do not object, on this text. like you, i see property at first in the free disposal of the person; then of the faculties; finally, of the produce of those faculties, which proves, i may say as a passing remark, that, from a certain point of view, liberty and property are identical. i dare hardly say, like you, that property in the produce of our faculties is less inherent in our nature than property in these faculties themselves. strictly speaking, that may be true; but whether a man is debarred from exercising his faculties, or deprived of what they may produce, the result is the same, and that result is called _slavery_. this is another proof of the identity of the nature of liberty and property. if i force a man to labour for my profit, that man is my slave. he is so still, if, leaving him personal liberty, i find means, by force or by fraud, to appropriate to myself the fruits of his labour. the first kind of oppression is the more brutal, the second the more subtle. as it has been remarked that free labour is more intelligent and productive, it may be surmised that the masters have said to themselves, 'do not let us claim directly the powers of our slaves, but let us take possession of much richer booty--the produce of their faculties freely exercised, and let us give to this new form of servitude the engaging name of _protection_.' you say, again, that society is interested in rendering property secure. we are agreed; only i go further than you; and if by _society_ you mean _government_, i say that its only province as regards property is to guarantee it in the most ample manner; that if it tries to measure and distribute it by that very act, government, instead of guaranteeing, infringes it. this deserves examination. when a certain number of men, who cannot live without labour and without property, unite to support a _common authority_, they evidently desire to be able to labour, and to enjoy the fruits of their labour in all security, and not to place their faculties and their properties at the mercy of that authority. even antecedent to all form of regular government, i do not believe that individuals could be properly deprived of the _right of defence_--the right of defending their persons, their faculties, and their possessions. without pretending, in this place, to philosophise upon the origin and the extent of the rights of governments--a vast subject, well calculated to deter me--permit me to submit the following idea to you. it seems to me that the rights of the state can only be the reduction into method of personal rights _previously existing_. i cannot, for myself, conceive _collective right_ which has not its root in _individual right_, and does not presume it. then, in order to know if the state is legitimately invested with a right, it is incumbent on us to ask whether this right dwells in the individual in virtue of his being and independently of all government. it is upon this principle that i denied some time ago the right of labour. i said, since peter has no right to take directly from paul what paul has acquired by his labour, there is no better foundation for this pretended right through the intervention of the state: for the state is but the _public authority_ created by peter and by paul, at their expense, with a defined and clear object in view, but which never can render that just which is in itself not so. it is with the aid of this touchstone that i test the distinction between property secured and property controlled by the state. why has the state the right to secure, even by force, every man's property? because this right exists previously in the individual. no one can deny to individuals the _right of lawful defence_--the right of employing force, if necessary, to repel the injuries directed against their persons, their faculties, and their effects. it is conceived that this individual right, since it resides in all men, can assume the collective form, and justify the employment of public authority. and why has the state no right to _equalize_ or apportion worldly wealth? _because, in order to do so, it is necessary to rob some in order to gratify others_. now, as none of the thirty-five millions of frenchmen have the right to take by force, under the pretence of rendering fortunes more equal, it does not appear how they could invest public authority with this right. and remark, that the right of distributing* the wealth of individuals is destructive of the right which secures it. there are the savages. they have not yet formed a government; but each of them possesses the _right of lawful defence_. and it is easy to perceive that it is this right which will become the basis of legitimate public authority. if one of these savages has devoted his time, his strength, his intelligence to make a bow and arrows, and another wishes to take these from him, all the sympathies of the tribe will be on the side of the victim; and if the cause is submitted to the judgment of the elders, the robber will infallibly be condemned. from that there is but one step to the organization of public power. but i ask you--is the province of this public power, at least its lawful province, to repress the act of him who defends his property in virtue of his abstract right, or the act of him who violates, contrary to that right, the property of another? it would be singular enough if public authority was based, not upon the rights of individuals, but upon their permanent and systematic violation! no; the author of the book before me could not support such a position. but it is scarcely enough that he could not support it; he ought perhaps to condemn it. it is scarcely enough to attack this gross and absurd communism disseminated in low newspapers. it would perhaps have been better to have unveiled and rebuked that other and more audacious and subtle communism, which, by the simple perversion of the just idea of the rights of government, insinuates itself into some branches of our legislation, and threatens to invade all. * it is not easy here, and in some other places, to convey the exact meaning without using circuitous language. for, sir, it is quite incontestable that by the action of the tariffs--by means of protection--governments realize this monstrous thing of which i have spoken so much. they abandon the right of lawful defence, previously existing in all men, the source and foundation of their own existence, to arrogate to themselves a _pretended right of equalizing the fortunes of all by means of robbery_, a right which, not existing before in any one, cannot therefore exist in the community. but to what purpose is it to insist upon these general ideas? why should i show the absurdity of communism, since you have done so yourself (except as to one of its aspects, and, as i think, practically the most threatening) much better than it was in my power to effect? perhaps you will say to me that the principle of the system of protection is not opposed to the principle of property. see, then, the means by which this system operates. these are two: by the aid of premiums or bounties, or by restriction. as to the first, that is evident. i defy any one to maintain that the end of the system of premiums, pushed to its legitimate conclusion, is not absolute communism. men work under protection of the public authority, as you say, charged to secure to each one his own--_suum cuique_. but in this instance the state, with the most philanthropic intentions in the world, undertakes a task altogether new and different, and, according to me, not only exclusive, but destructive of the first. it constitutes itself the judge of profits; it decides that this interest is not sufficiently remunerated, and that that is too much so; it stands as the distributor of fortunes, and makes, as m. billault phrases it, the pendulum of civilization oscillate from the liberty of individual action to its opposite. consequently it imposes upon the community at large a contribution for the purpose of making a present, under the name of premiums, to the exporters of a particular kind of produce. the pretext is to favour industry; it ought to say, _one_ particular interest at the expense of _all_ the others. i shall not stop to show that it stimulates the off-shoot at the expense of that branch which bears the fruit; but i ask you, on entering on this course, does it not justify every interest to come and claim a premium, if it can prove that the profits gained by it are not as much as those obtained by other interests? is it not the duty of the state to listen, to entertain, to give ear to every demand, and to do justice between the applicants. i do not believe it; but those who do so, should have the courage to put their thoughts in this form, and to say--government is not charged to render property secure, but to distribute it equally. in other words, there is no such thing as property. i only discuss here a question of principle. if i wished to investigate the subject of premiums for exportation, as shown in their economical effects, i could place them in the most ridiculous light, for they are nothing more than a gratuitous gift made by france to foreigners. it is not the seller who receives it, but the purchaser, in virtue of that law which you yourself have stated with regard to taxes; the consumer in the end supports all the charges, as he reaps all the advantages of production. thus we are brought to the subject of premiums, one of the most mortifying and mystifying things possible. some foreign governments have reasoned thus: 'if we raise our import duties to a figure equal to the premium paid by the tax-payers in france, it is clear that nothing will be changed as regards our consumers, for the net price will remain the same. the goods reduced by five francs on the french frontier, will pay five francs more at the german frontier; it is an infallible means of paying our public expenses out of the french treasury.' but other governments, they assure me, have been more ingenious still. they have said to themselves, 'the premium given by france is properly a present she makes us; but if we raise the duty, no reason would exist why more of those particular goods should be imported than in past times; we ourselves place a limit on the generosity of these excellent french people; let us abolish, on the contrary, provisionally, these duties; let us encourage, for instance, an unusual introduction of cloths, since every yard brings with it an absolute gift.' in the first case, our premiums have gone to the foreign exchequer; in the second they have profited, but upon a larger scale, private individuals. let us pass on to restriction. i am a workman--a joiner, for example--i have a little workshop, tools, some materials. all these things incontestably belong to me, for i have made them, or, which comes to the same thing, i have bought and paid for them. still more, i have strong arms, some intelligence, and plenty of good will. on this foundation i endeavour to provide for my own wants and for those of my family. remark, that i cannot directly produce anything which is useful to me, neither iron, nor wood, nor bread, nor wine, nor meat, nor stuffs, &c., but i can produce the _value_ of them. finally, these things must, so to speak, circulate under another form, from my saw and my plane. it is my interest to receive honestly the largest possible quantity in exchange for the produce of my labour. i say honestly, because it is not my desire to infringe on the property or the liberty of any one. but i also demand that my own property and liberty be held equally inviolable. the other workmen and i, agreed upon this point, impose upon ourselves some sacrifices; we give up a portion of our labour to some men called public _functionaries_, because theirs is the special _function_ to secure our labour and its produce from every injury that might befal either from within or from without. matters being thus arranged, i prepare to put my intelligence, my arms, my saw, and plane into activity. naturally my eyes are always fixed on those things necessary to my existence, and which it is my duty to produce indirectly in creating what is equal to them in _value_. the problem is, that i should produce them in the most advantageous manner possible. consequently i look at _values_ generally, or what, in other words, may be called the current or market price of articles. i am satisfied, judging from these materials in my possession, that my means for obtaining the largest quantity possible of fuel, for example, with the smallest possible quantity of labour, is to make a piece of furniture, to send it to a belgian, who will give me in return some coal. but there is in france a workman who extracts coal from the earth. now, it so happens that the officials, whom the miner and i _contribute_ to pay for preserving to each of us his freedom of labour, and the free disposal of its produce (which is property), it so happens, i say, that these officials have become newly enlightened and assumed other duties. they have taken it into their heads to compare my labour with that of the miner. consequently, they have forbidden me to warm myself with belgian fuel: and when i go to the frontier with my piece of furniture to receive the coal, i find it prohibited from entering france, which comes to the same thing as if they prohibited my piece of furniture from going out. i then reason with myself--if we had never paid the government in order to save us the trouble of defending our own property, would the miner have had the right to go to the frontier to prohibit me from making an advantageous exchange, on the ground that it would be better for him that this exchange should not be effected? assuredly not. if he had made so unjust an attempt, we would have joined issue on the spot, he, urged on by his unjust pretensions, i, strong in my right of legitimate defence. we have appointed and paid a public officer for the special purpose of preventing such contests. how does it happen, then, that i find the miner and him concurring in restraining my liberty and hampering my industry, in limiting the field of my exertions? if the public officer had taken my part, i might have conceived his right; he would have derived it from my own; for lawful defence is, indeed, a right. but on what principle should he aid the miner in his injustice? i learn, then, that the public officer has changed his nature. he is no longer a simple mortal invested with rights delegated to him by other men, who, consequently, possess them. no. he is a being superior to humanity, drawing his right from himself, and, amongst these rights, he arrogates to himself that of calculating our profits, of holding the balance between our various circumstances and conditions. it is very well, say i; in that case, i will overwhelm him with claims and demands, while i see a richer man than myself in the country. he will not listen to you, it may be said to me, for if he listen to you, he will be a communist, and he takes good care not to forget that his duty is to secure properties, not to destroy them. what disorder, what confusion in facts; but what can you expect when there is such disorder and confusion in ideas? you may have resisted communism vigorously in the abstract; but while at the same time you humour, and support, and foster it in that part of our legislation which it has tainted, your labours will be in vain. it is a poison, which, with your consent and approbation, has glided into all our laws and into our morals, and now you are indignant that it is followed by its natural consequences. possibly, sir, you will make me one concession; you will say to me, perhaps, the system of protection rests on the principle of communism. it is contrary to right, to property, to liberty; it throws the government out of its proper road, and invests it with arbitrary powers, which have no rational origin. all this is but too true; but the system of protection is useful; without it the country, yielding to foreign competition, would be ruined. this would lead us to the examination of protection in the economical point of view. putting aside all consideration of justice, of right, of equity, of property, of liberty, we should have to resolve the question into one of pure utility, the money question, so to speak; but this, you will admit, does not properly fall within my subject. take care that, availing yourself of expediency in order to justify your contempt of the principle of right is as if you said, 'communism or spoliation, condemned by justice, can, nevertheless, be admitted as an expedient,' and you must admit that such an avowal is replete with danger. without seeking to solve in this place the economical problem, allow me to make one assertion. i affirm that i have submitted to arithmetical calculation the advantages and the inconveniences of protection, from the point of view of mere wealth, and putting aside all higher considerations. i affirm, moreover, that i have arrived at this result: that all restrictive measures produce one advantage and two inconveniences, or, if you will, one profit and two losses, each of these losses equal to the profit, from which results one pure distinct loss, which circumstance brings with it the encouraging conviction, that in this, as in many other things, and i dare say in all, expediency and justice agree. this is only an assertion, it is true, but it can be supported by proofs of mathematical accuracy.* * what m. bastiat here asserts is unquestionably true. for it has often been shown, and may readily be shown, that the importation of foreign commodities, in the common course of traffic, never takes place except when it is, economically speaking, a national good, by causing the same amount of commodities to be obtained at a smaller cost of labour and capital to the country. to prohibit, therefore, this importation, or impose duties which prevent it, is to render the labour and capital of the country less efficient in production than they would otherwise be; and compel a waste of the difference between the labour and capital necessary for the home production of the commodity, and that which is required for producing the things with which it can be purchased from abroad. the amount of national loss thus occasioned is measured by the excess of the price at which the commodity is produced over that at which it could be imported. in the case of manufactured goods, the whole difference between the two prices is absorbed in indemnifying the producers for waste of labour, or of the capital which supports that labour. those who are supposed to be benefited--namely, the makers of the protected article, (unless they form an exclusive company, and have a monopoly against their own countrymen, as well as against foreigners,) do not obtain higher profits than other people. all is sheer loss to the country as well as to the consumer. when the protected article is a product of agriculture--the waste of labour not being incurred on the whole produce, but only on what may be called the last instalment of it--the extra price is only in part an indemnity for waste, the remainder being a tax paid to the landlords.--j. s. mill what causes public opinion to be led astray upon this point is this, that the profit produced by protection is palpable--visible, as it were, to the naked eye, whilst of the two equal losses which it involves, one is distributed over the mass of society, and the existence of the other is only made apparent to the investigating and reflective mind. without pretending to bring forward any proof of the matter here, i may be allowed, perhaps, to point out the basis on which it rests. two products, a and b, have an original value in france, which i may denominate 50 and 40 respectively. let us admit that a is not worth more than 40 in belgium. this being supposed, if france is subjected to the protective system, she will have the enjoyment of a and b in the whole as the result of her efforts, a quantity equal to 90, for she will, on the above supposition, be compelled to produce a directly. if she is free, the result of her efforts, equal to 90, will be equal: 1st, to the production of b, which she will take to belgium, in order to obtain a; 2ndly, to the production of another b for herself; 3rdly, to the production of c. it is that portion of disposable labour applied to the production of c in the second case, that is to say, creating new wealth equal to 10, without france being deprived either of a or of b, which makes all the difficulty. in the place of a put iron; in the place of b, wine, silk, and parisian articles; in the place of c put some new product not now existing. you will always find that restriction is injurious to national prosperity. do you wish to leave this dull algebra? so do i. to speak of facts, therefore, you will not deny that if the prohibitory system has contrived to do some good to the coal trade, it is only in raising the price of the coal. you will not, moreover, deny that this excess of price from 1822 to the present time has only occasioned a greater expense to all those who use this fuel--in other words, that it represents a loss. can it be said that the producers of coal have received, besides the interest of their capital and the ordinary profits of trade, in consequence of the protection afforded them, an extra gain equivalent to that loss? it would be necessary that protection, without losing those unjust and communistic qualities which characterize it, should at least be _neuter_ in the purely economic point of view. it would be necessary that it should at least have the merit of resembling simple robbery, which displaces wealth without destroying it. but you yourself affirm, at page 236, 'that the mines of aveyron, alais, saint-etienne, creuzot, anzin, the most celebrated of all, have not produced a revenue of four per cent, on the capital embarked in them.' it does not require protection that capital in france should yield four per cent. where, then, in this instance, is the profit to counterbalance the above-mentioned loss? this is not all. there is another national loss. since by the relative rising of the price of fuel, all the consumers of coal have lost, they have been obliged to limit their expenses in proportion, and the whole of national labour has been necessarily discouraged to this extent. it is this loss which they never take into their calculation, because it does not strike their senses. permit me to make another observation, which i am surprised has not struck people more. it is that protection applied to agricultural produce shows itself in all its odious iniquity with regard to farmers, and injurious in the end to the landed proprietors themselves. let us imagine an island in the south seas where the soil has become the private property of a certain number of inhabitants. let us imagine upon this appropriated and limited territory an agricultural population always increasing or having a tendency to increase. this last class will not be able to produce anything _directly_ of what is indispensable to life. they will be compelled to give up their labour to those who have it in their power to offer in exchange maintenance, and also the materials for labour, corn, fruit, vegetables, meat, wool, flax, leather, wood, &c. the interest of this class evidently is, that the market where these things are sold should be as extensive as possible. the more it finds itself surrounded by the greatest quantity of agricultural produce, the more of this it will receive for any given quantity of its own labour. under a free system, a multitude of vessels would be seen seeking food and materials among the neighbouring islands and continents, in exchange for manufactured articles. the cultivators of the land will enjoy all the prosperity to which they have a right to pretend; a just balance will be maintained between the value of manufacturing labour and that of agricultural labour. but, in this situation, the landed proprietors of the island make this calculation--if we prevent the workmen labouring for the foreigners, and receiving from them in exchange subsistence and raw materials, they will be forced to turn to us. as their number continually increases, and as the competition which exists between them is always active, they will compete for that share of food and materials which we can dispose of, after deducting what we require for ourselves, and we cannot fail to sell our produce at a very high price. in other words, the balance in the relative value of their labour and of ours will be disturbed. we shall be able to command a greater share in the result of their labour. let us, then, impose restrictions on that commerce which inconveniences us; and to enforce these restrictions, let us constitute a body of functionaries, which the workmen shall aid in paying. i ask you, would not this be the height of oppression, a flagrant violation of all liberty, of the first and the most sacred principles of property? however, observe well, that it would not perhaps be difficult for the landed proprietors to make this law received as a benefit by the labourer. they would say to the latter: 'it is not for us, honest people, that we have made it, but for you. our own interests touch us little; we only think of yours. thanks to this wise measure, agriculture prospers; we proprietors shall become rich, which will, at the same time, put it in our power to support a great deal of labour, and to pay you good wages; without it, we shall be reduced to misery--and what will become of you? the island will be inundated with provisions and importations from abroad; your vessels will be always afloat--what a national calamity! abundance, it is true, will reign all round you, but will you share in it? do not imagine that your wages will keep up and be raised, because the foreigner will only augment the number of those who overwhelm you with their competition. who can say that they will not take it into their heads to give you their produce for nothing? in this case, having neither labour nor wages, you will perish of want in the midst of abundance. believe us; accept our regulations with gratitude. increase and multiply. the produce which will remain in the island, over and above what is necessary for our own consumption, will be given to you in exchange for your labour, which by this means you will be always secure of. above all, do not believe that the question now in debate is between you and us, or one in which your liberty and your property are at stake. never listen to those who tell you so. consider it as certain that the question is between you and the foreigner--this barbarous foreigner--and who evidently wishes to speculate upon you; making you perfidious proffers of intercourse, which you are free either to accept or to refuse.' it is not improbable that such a discourse, suitably seasoned with sophisms upon cash, the balance of trade, national labour, agriculture encouraged by the state, the prospect of a war, &c., &c., would obtain the greatest success, and that the oppressive decree would' obtain the sanction of the oppressed themselves, if they were consulted. this has been, and will be so again.* * the ease with which the body of the people--the consumers- are deceived by statements and arguments such as are given in the text is remarkable. the principal reason, perhaps, is, that men are disposed at first to regard themselves as producers rather than as consumers. they imagine that the advantages of protection, if applied to their own case, would be incontestable; and, being unable consistently to deny that their neighbours are equally entitled to the same favour, a general clamour for protection against foreign competition arises. while they fail to perceive the absurdity of universal protection and its fallacy, or that it would be more for their interests to be able to dispose of a larger quantity of their productions, though perhaps at a reduced cost, than a smaller quantity in a market narrowed, as it must be, by the protection which it receives. however, the true position of the case is now, we hope, firmly established in england, and this is chiefly due to the recent able, full, and free discussions which have resulted in our existing free-trade system. and we confidently anticipate the day when the people of the continent, and of america, will, through the same processes of reasoning and reflection, and influenced by our example, arrive at the same result as ourselves. but the prejudices of proprietors and labourers do not change the nature of things. the result will be, a population miserable, destitute, ignorant, ill-conditioned, thinned by want, illness, and vice. the result will then be, the melancholy shipwreck, in the public mind, of all correct notions of right, of property, of liberty, and of the true functions of the state. and what i should like much to be able to show here is, that the mischief will soon ascend to the proprietors themselves, who will have led the way to their own ruin by the ruin of the general consumer, for in that island they will see the population, more and more debased, resort to the inferior species of food. here it will feed on chesnuts, there upon maize, or again upon millet, buckwheat, oats, potatoes. it will no longer know the taste of corn or of meat. the proprietors will be surprised to see agriculture decline. they will in vain exert themselves and ring in the ears of all,--'let us raise produce; with produce, there will be cattle; with cattle, manure; with manure, corn.' they will in vain create new taxes, in order to distribute premiums to the producers of grass and lucern; they will always encounter this obstacle--a miserable population, without the power of paying for food, and, consequently, of giving the first impulse to this succession of causes and effects. they will end by learning, to their cost, that it is better to have competition in a rich community, than to possess a monopoly in a poor one. this is why i say, not only is protection communism, but it is communism of the worst kind. it commences by placing the faculties and the labour of the poor, their only property, at the mercy of the rich; it inflicts a pure loss on the mass, and ends by involving the rich themselves in the common ruin. it invests the state with the extraordinary right of taking from those who have little, to give to those who have much; and when, under the sanction of this principle, the dispossessed call for the intervention of the state to make an adjustment in the opposite direction, i really do not see what answer can be given. in all cases, the first reply and the best would be, to abandon the wrongful act. but i hasten to come to an end with these calculations. after all, what is the position of the question? what do we say, and what do you say? there is one point, and it is the chief, upon which we are agreed: it is, that the intervention of the legislature in order to equalize fortunes, by taking from some for the benefit of others, is _communism_--it is the destruction of all labour, saving, and prosperity; of all justice; of all social order. you perceive that this fatal doctrine taints, under every variety of form, both journals and books: in a word, that it influences the speculations and the doctrines of men, and here you attack it with vigour. for myself, i believe that it had previously affected, with your assent and with your assistance, legislation and practical statesmanship, and it is there that i endeavour to counteract it. afterwards, i made you remark the inconsistency into which you would fall, if, while resisting communism when speculated on, you spare, or much more encourage, communism when acted on. if you reply to me, 'i act thus because communism, as existing through tariffs, although opposed to liberty, property, justice, promotes, nevertheless, the public good, and this consideration makes me overlook all others'--if this is your answer, do you not feel that you ruin beforehand all the success of your book, that you defeat its object, that you deprive it of its force, and give your sanction, at least upon the philosophical and moral part of the question, to communism of every shade? and then, sir, can so clear a mind as yours admit the hypothesis of a fundamental antagonism between what is useful and what is just? shall i speak frankly? rather than hazard an assertion so improbable, so impious, i would rather say, 'here is a particular question in which, at the first glance, it seems to me that utility and justice conflict. i rejoice that all those who have passed their lives in investigating the subject think otherwise. doubtless i have not sufficiently studied it.' i have not sufficiently studied it! is it, then, so painful a confession, that, not to make it, you would willingly run into the inconsistency even of denying the wisdom of those providential laws which govern the development of human societies? for what more formal denial of the divine wisdom can there be, than to pronounce that justice and utility are essentially incompatible! it has always appeared to me, that the most painful dilemma in which an intelligent and conscientious mind can be placed, is when it conceives such a distinction to exist. in short, which side to espouse--what part to take in such an alternative? to declare for utility--it is that to which men incline who call themselves practical. but unless they cannot connect two ideas, they will unquestionably be alarmed at the consequences of robbery and iniquity reduced to a system. shall we embrace resolutely, come what may, the cause of justice, saying--let us do what is our duty, in spite of everything. it is to this that honest men incline; but who would take the responsibility of plunging his country and mankind into misery, desolation and destruction? i defy any one, if he is convinced of this antagonism, to come to a decision. i deceive myself--they will come to a decision; and the human heart is so formed, that it will place interest before conscience. facts prove this; since, wherever they have believed the system of protection to be favourable to the well-being of the people, they have adopted it, in spite of all considerations of justice; but then the consequences have followed. faith in property has vanished. they have said, like m. billault, since property has been violated by protection, why should it not be by the right of labour? some, following m. billault, will take a further step; and others, one still more extreme, until communism is established. good and sound minds like yours are terrified by the rapidity of the descent they feel compelled to draw back--they do, in fact, draw back, as you have done in your book, as regards the protective system, which is the first start, and the sole practical start, of society upon the fatal declivity; but in the face of this strong denial of the right of property, if, instead of this maxim of your book, 'rights either exist, or they do not; if they do, they involve some absolute consequences'--you substitute this, 'here is a particular case where the national good calls for the sacrifice of right;' immediately, all that you believe you have put with force and reason in this work, is nothing but weakness and inconsistency. this is why, sir, if you wish to complete your work, it will be necessary that you should declare yourself upon the protective system; and for that purpose it is indispensable to commence by solving the economical problem; it will be necessary to be clear upon the pretended utility of this system. for, to suppose even that i extract from you its sentence of condemnation, on the ground of justice, that will not suffice to put an end to it. i repeat it--men are so formed, that when they believe themselves placed between _substantial good_ and _abstract justice_, the cause of justice runs a great risk. do you wish for a palpable proof of this? it is that which has befallen myself. when i arrived in paris, i found myself in the presence of schools called democratical and socialist, where, as you know, they make great use of the words, _principle, devotion, sacrifice, fraternity, right, union_. wealth is there treated _de haut en bas_, as a thing, if not contemptible at least secondary, so far, that because we consider it to be of much importance, they treat us as cold economists, egotists, selfish, shopkeepers, men without compassion, ungrateful to god for anything save vile pelf. good! you say to me; these are noble hearts, with whom i have no need to discuss the economical question, which is very subtle, and requires more attention than the parisian newspaper-writers and their readers can in general bestow on a study of this description. but with them the question of wealth will not be an obstacle; either they will take it on trust, on the faith of divine wisdom, as in harmony with justice, or they will sacrifice it willingly without a thought, for they have a passion for self-abandonment. if, then, they once acknowledge that free-trade is, in the abstract, right, they will resolutely enrol themselves under its banner. consequently, i address my appeal to them. can you guess their reply? here it is:-'your free-trade is a beautiful theory. it is founded on right and justice; it realizes liberty; it consecrates property; it would be followed by the union of nations--the reign of peace and of good-will amongst men. you have reason and principle on your side; but we will resist you to the utmost, and with all our strength, because foreign competition would be fatal to our national industry.' i take the liberty of addressing this reply to them:-'i deny that foreign competition would be fatal to national industry. if it was so, you would be placed in every instance between your interest--which, according to you, is on the side of the restriction--and justice, which, by your confession, is on the side of freedom of intercourse! now when i, the worshipper of the golden calf, warn you that the time has arrived to make your own choice, whence comes it that you, the men of self-denial, cling to self-interest, and trample principle under foot? do not, then, inveigh so much against a motive, which governs you as it governs other men? such is the experience which warns me that it is incumbent on us, in the first place, to solve this alarming problem: is there harmony or antagonism between justice and utility? and, in consequence, to investigate the economical side of the protective system; for since they whose watchword is fraternity, themselves yield before an apprehended adversity, it is clear that this proceeds from no doubt in the truth of the cause of universal justice, but that it is an acknowledgment of the existence and of the necessity of self-interest, as an all-powerful spring of action, however unworthy, abject, contemptible, and despised it may be deemed. it is this which has given rise to a work, in two small volumes, which i take the liberty of sending you with the present one, well convinced, sir, that if, like other political economists, you judge severely of the system of protection on the ground of morality, and if we only differ as far as concerns its utility, you will not refuse to inquire, with some care, if these two great elements of substantial progress agree or disagree. this harmony exists--or, at least, it is as clear to me as the light of the sun that it does. may it reveal itself to you! it is, then, by applying your talents, which have so remarkable an influence on others, to counteract communism in its most dangerous shape, that you will give it a mortal blow. see what passes in england. it would seem that if communism could have found a land favourable to it, it ought to have been the soil of britain. there, the feudal institutions, placing everywhere in juxtaposition extreme misery and extreme opulence, should have prepared the minds of men for the reception of false doctrines. but notwithstanding this, what do we see? whilst the continent is agitated, not even the surface of english society is disturbed. chartism has been able to take no root there. do you know why? because the league or association which, for ten years discussed the system of protection, only triumphed by placing the right of property on its true principles, and by pointing out and defining the proper functions of the state.* * this is a well-earned tribute, both to the people of england, and to the results of the exertions of the league and of sir r. peel. there can be no doubt that the calmness of this country, during the late agitations of europe, was very much due to the contentment which followed on the abolition of the corn-laws, and on the reduction and simplification of the tariff. to this must be added the conviction (though the process is sometimes sufficiently slow), that their wishes, when clearly indicated, find expression and attention in the legislature, and that things are working on to a great though gradual improvement. the inhabitants of this kingdom had the practical good sense to perceive the progress made, and the security they had that the future would not be barren, and they refused to imperil these substantial advantages in favour of mere theories and of experiments, the effects of which no human wit could foresee. assuredly, if to unmask protectionism is to aim a blow at communism in consequence of their close connexion, one might also destroy both, by adopting a course the converse of the above. protection would not stand for any length of time before a good definition of the right of property. also, if anything has surprised and rejoiced me, it is to see the association for the defence of monopolies devote their resources to the propagation of your book. it is an encouraging sight, and consoles me for the inutility of my past efforts. this resolution of the mimerel committee will doubtless oblige you to add to the editions of your work. in this case, permit me to observe to you that, such as it is, it presents a grave deficiency. in the name of science, in the name of truth, in the name of the public good, i adjure you to supply it; and i warn you that the time has come when you must answer these two questions: first, is there an incompatibility in principle between the system of protection and the right of property? secondly, is it the function of the government to guarantee to each the free exercise of his faculties, and the free disposal of the fruits of his labour--that is to say, property--or to take from one to give to the other, so as to weigh in the balance profits, contingencies, and other circumstances? ah! sir, if you arrive at the same conclusions as myself--if, thanks to your talents, to your fame, to your influence, you can imbue the public mind with these conclusions, who can calculate the extent of the service which you will render to french society? we would see the state confine itself within its proper limits, which is, to secure to each the exercise of his faculties, and the free disposition of his possessions. we would see it free itself at once, both from its present vast but unlawful functions, and from the frightful responsibility which attaches to them. it would confine itself to restraining the abuses of liberty, which is to realize liberty itself! it would secure justice to all, and would no longer promise prosperity to any one. men would learn to distinguish between what is reasonable, and what is puerile to ask from the government. they would no longer overwhelm it with claims and complaints; no longer lay their misfortunes at its door, or make it responsible for their chimerical hopes; and, in this keen pursuit of a prosperity, of which it is not the dispenser, they would no longer be seen, at each disappointment, to accuse the legislature and the law, to change their rulers and the forms of government, heaping institution upon institution, and ruin upon ruin. they would witness the extinction of that universal fever for mutual robbery, by the costly and perilous intervention of the state. the government, limited in its aim and responsibility, simple in its action, economical, not imposing on the governed the expense of their own chains, and sustained by sound public opinion, would have a solidity which, in our country, has never been its portion; and we would at last have solved this great problem--_to close for ever the gulf of revolution_. the end. generously made available by the making of america collection of the university of michigan library (http://www.hti.umich.edu/m/moagrp/) note: images of the original pages are available through the making of america collection of the university of michigan library. see http://www.hti.umich.edu/m/moagrp/ what is free trade? an adaptation of frederick bastiat's "sophismes économiques" designed for the american reader by emile walter a worker new york: g. p. putnam & son, 661 broadway the new york printing company, 81, 83, and 85 centre street, new york 1867 contents. chapter i. plenty and scarcity chapter ii. obstacles to wealth and causes of wealth chapter iii. effort--result chapter iv. equalizing of the facilities of production chapter v. our productions are overloaded with internal taxes chapter vi. balance of trade chapter vii. a petition chapter viii. discriminating duties chapter ix. a wonderful discovery chapter x. reciprocity chapter xi. absolute prices chapter xii. does protection raise the rate of wages? chapter xiii. theory and practice chapter xiv. conflict of principles chapter xv. reciprocity again chapter xvi. obstructed rivers plead for the prohibitionists chapter xvii. a negative railroad chapter xviii. there are no absolute principles chapter xix. national independence chapter xx. human labor--national labor chapter xxi. raw material chapter xxii. metaphors chapter xxiii. conclusion introduction. years ago i could not rid my mind of the notion that free trade meant some cunning policy of british statesmen designed to subject the world to british interests. coming across bastiat's inimitable _sophismes economiques_ i learnt to my surprise that there were frenchmen also who advocated free trade, and deplored the mischiefs of the protective policy. this made me examine the subject, and think a good deal upon it; and the result of this thought was the unalterable conviction i now hold--a conviction that harmonizes with every noble belief that our race entertains; with civil and religious freedom for all, regardless of race or color; with the harmony of god's works; with peace and goodwill to all mankind. that conviction is this: that to make taxation the incident of protection to special interests, and those engaged in them, is robbery to the rest of the community, and subversive of national morality and national prosperity. i believe that taxes are necessary for the support of government, i believe they must be raised by levy, i even believe that some customs taxes may be more practicable and economical than some internal taxes; but i am entirely opposed to making anything the object of taxation but the revenue required by government for its economical maintenance. i do not espouse free trade because it is british, as some suppose it to be. independent of other things, that would rather set me against it than otherwise, because generally those things which best fit european society ill befit our society--the structure of each being so different. free trade is no more british than any other kind of freedom: indeed, great britain has only followed quite older examples in adopting it, as for instance the republics of venice and holland, both of which countries owed their extraordinary prosperity to the fact of their having set the example of relaxing certain absurd though time-honored restrictions on commerce. i espouse free trade because it is just, it is unselfish, and it is profitable. for these reasons have i, a worker, deeply interested in the welfare of the fellow-workers who are my countrymen, lent to truth and justice what little aid i could, by adapting bastiat's keen and cogent essay to the wants of readers on this side of the atlantic. emile walter, _the worker_. new york, 1866. what is free trade? chapter i. plenty and scarcity. which is better for man and for society--abundance or scarcity? what! can such a question be asked? has it ever been pretended, is it possible to maintain, that scarcity is better than plenty? yes: not only has it been maintained, but it is still maintained. congress says so; many of the newspapers (now happily diminishing in number) say so; a large portion of the public say so; indeed, the _city theory_ is by far the more popular one of the two. has not congress passed laws which prohibit the importation of foreign productions by the maintenance of excessive duties? does not the _tribune_ maintain that it is advantageous to limit the supply of iron manufactures and cotton fabrics, by restraining any one from bringing them to market, but the manufacturers in new england and pennsylvania? do we not hear it complained every day: our importations are too large; we are buying too much from abroad? is there not an association of ladies, who, though they have not kept their promise, still, promised each other not to wear any clothing which was manufactured in other countries? now tariffs can only raise prices by diminishing the quantity of goods offered for sale. therefore, statesmen, editors, and the public generally, believe that scarcity is better than abundance. but why is this; why should men be so blind as to maintain that scarcity is better than plenty? because they look at _price_, but forget _quantity_. but let us see. a man becomes rich in proportion to the remunerative nature of his labor; that is to say, _in proportion as he sells his produce at a high price_. the price of his produce is high in proportion to its scarcity. it is plain, then, that, so far as regards him at least, scarcity enriches him. applying, in turn, this manner of reasoning to each class of laborers individually, the _scarcity theory_ is deduced from it. to put this theory into practice, and in order to favor each class of labor, an artificial scarcity is produced in every kind of produce by prohibitory tariffs, by restrictive laws, by monopolies, and by other analogous measures. in the same manner it is observed that when an article is abundant, it brings a small price. the gains of the producer are, of course, less. if this is the case with all produce, all producers are then poor. abundance, then, ruins society; and as any strong conviction will always seek to force itself into practice, we see the laws of the country struggling to prevent abundance. now, what is the defect in this argument? something tells us that it must be wrong; but _where_ is it wrong? is it false? no. and yet it is wrong? yes. but how? _it is incomplete._ man produces in order to consume. he is at once producer and consumer. the argument given above, considers him only under the first point of view. let us look at him in the second character, and the conclusion will be different. we may say: the consumer is rich in proportion as he _buys_ at a low price. he buys at a low price in proportion to the abundance of the articles in demand; _abundance_, then, enriches him. this reasoning, extended to all consumers, must lead to the _theory of abundance_. which theory is right? can we hesitate to say? suppose that by following out the _scarcity theory_, suppose that through prohibitions and restrictions we were compelled not only to make our own iron, but to grow our own coffee; in short, to obtain everything with difficulty and great outlay of labor. we then take an account of stock and see what our savings are. afterward, to test the other theory, suppose we remove the duties on iron, the duties on coffee, and the duties on everything else, so that we shall obtain everything with as little difficulty and outlay of labor as possible. if we then take an account of stock, is it not certain that we shall find more iron in the country, more coffee, more everything else? choose then, fellow-countrymen, between scarcity and abundance, between much and little, between protection and free trade. you now know which theory is the right one, for you know the fruits they each bear. but, it will be answered, if we are inundated with foreign goods and produce, our specie, our precious product of california, our dollars, will leave the country. well, what of that? man is not fed with coin. he does not dress in gold, nor warm himself with silver. what does it matter, then, whether there be more or less specie in the country, provided there be more bread in the cupboard, more meat in the larder, more clothes in the wardrobe, and more fuel in the cellar? again, it will be objected, if we accustom ourselves to depend upon england for iron, what shall we do in case of a war with that country? to this i reply, we shall then be compelled to produce iron ourselves. but, again i am told, we will not be prepared; we will have no furnaces in blast, no forges ready. true; neither will there be any time when war shall occur that the country will not be already filled with all the iron we shall want until we can make it here. did the confederates in the late war lack for iron? why, then, shall we manufacture our own staples and bolts because we may some day or other have a quarrel with our ironmonger! to sum up: a radical antagonism exists between the vender and the buyer. the former wishes the article offered to be _scarce_, and the supply to be small, so that the price may be high. the latter wishes it _abundant_ and the supply to be large, so that the price may be low. the laws, which should at least remain neutral, take part for the vender against the buyer; for the producer against the consumer; for high against low prices; for scarcity against abundance; for protection against free trade. they act, if not intentionally, at least logically, upon the principle that _a nation is rich in proportion as it is in want of everything_. chapter ii. obstacles to wealth and causes of wealth. man is naturally in a state of entire destitution. between this state, and the satisfying of his wants, there exist a number of obstacles which it is the object of labor to surmount. i wish to make a journey of some hundred miles. but between the point of my departure and my destination there are interposed mountains, rivers, swamps, forests, robbers; in a word--_obstacles_. to overcome these obstacles it is necessary that i should bestow much labor and great efforts in opposing them; or, what is the same thing, if others do it for me, i must pay them the value of their exertions. it is evident that i would have been better off had these obstacles never existed. remember this. through the journey of life, in the long series of days from the cradle to the tomb, man has many difficulties to oppose him. hunger, thirst, sickness, heat, cold, are so many obstacles scattered along his road. in a state of isolation he would be obliged to combat them all by hunting, fishing, agriculture, spinning, weaving, architecture, etc., and it is very evident that it would be better for him that these difficulties should exist to a less degree, or even not at all. in a state of society he is not obliged personally to struggle with each of these obstacles, but others do it for him; and he, in turn, must remove some one of them for the benefit of his fellow-men. this doing one kind of labor for another, is called the division of labor. considering mankind as a whole, _let us remember once more that it would be better for society that these obstacles should be as weak and as few as possible_. but mark how, in viewing this simple truth from a narrow point of view, we come to believe that obstacles, instead of being a disadvantage, are actually a source of wealth! if we examine closely and in detail the phenomena of society and the private interests of men _as modified by the division of labor_, we perceive, without difficulty, how it has happened that wants have been confounded with riches, and the obstacle with the cause. the separation of occupations, which results from the division of labor, causes each man, instead of struggling against _all_ surrounding obstacles, to combat only _one_; the effort being made not for himself alone, but for the benefit of his fellows, who, in their turn, render a similar service to him. it hence results that this man looks upon the obstacle which he has made it his profession to combat for the benefit of others, as the immediate cause of his riches. the greater, the more serious, the more stringent, may be this obstacle, the more he is remunerated for the conquering of it, by those who are relieved by his labors. a physician, for instance, does not busy himself in baking his bread, or in manufacturing his clothing and his instruments; others do it for him, and he, in return, combats the maladies with which his patients are afflicted. the more dangerous and frequent these maladies are, the more others are willing, the more, even, are they forced, to work in his service. disease, then, which is an obstacle to the happiness of mankind, becomes to him the source of his comforts. the reasoning of all producers is, in what concerns themselves, the same. as the doctor draws his profits from _disease_, so does the ship-owner from the obstacle called _distance_; the agriculturist from that named _hunger_; the cloth manufacturer from _cold_; the schoolmaster lives upon _ignorance_, the jeweler upon _vanity_, the lawyer upon _cupidity and breach of faith_. each profession has then an immediate interest in the continuation, even in the extension, of the particular obstacle to which its attention has been directed. theorists hence go on to found a system upon these individual interests, and say: wants are riches: labor is riches: the obstacle to well-being is well-being: to multiply obstacles is to give food to industry. then comes the statesman; and as the developing and propagating of obstacles is the developing and propagating of riches, what more natural than that he should bend his efforts to that point? he says, for instance: if we prevent a large importation of iron, we create a difficulty in procuring it. this obstacle severely felt, obliges individuals to pay, in order to relieve themselves from it. a certain number of our citizens, giving themselves up to the combating of this obstacle, will thereby make their fortunes. in proportion, too, as the obstacle is great, and the mineral scarce, inaccessible, and of difficult and distant transportation, in the same proportion will be the number of laborers maintained by the various branches of this industry. the same reasoning will lead to the proscription of machinery. here are men who are at a loss how to dispose of their petroleum. this is an obstacle which other men set about removing for them by the manufacture of casks. it is fortunate, say our statesmen, that this obstacle exists, since it occupies a portion of the labor of the nation, and enriches a certain number of our citizens. but here is presented to us an ingenious machine, which cuts down the oak, squares it, makes it into staves, and, gathering these together, forms them into casks. the obstacle is thus diminished, and with it the fortunes of the coopers. we must prevent this. let us proscribe the machine! to sift thoroughly this sophism, it is sufficient to remember that human labor is not an _end_ but a _means_. _labor is never without employment._ if one obstacle is removed, it seizes another, and mankind is delivered from two obstacles by the same effort which was at first necessary for one. if the labor of coopers could become useless, it must take another direction. to maintain that human labor can end by wanting employment, it would be necessary to prove that mankind will cease to encounter obstacles. chapter iii. effort--result. we have seen that between our wants and their gratification many obstacles are interposed. we conquer or weaken these by the employment of our faculties. it may be said, in general terms, that industry is an effort followed by a result. but by what do we measure our well-being? by our riches? by the result of our effort, or by the effort itself? there exists always a proportion between the effort employed and the result obtained. does progress consist in the relative increase of the second or of the first term of this proportion--between effort or result? both propositions have been sustained, and in political economy opinions are divided between them. according to the first system, riches are the result of labor. they increase in the same ratio as _the result does to the effort_. absolute perfection, of which god is the type, consists in the infinite distance between these two terms in this relation, viz., effort none, result infinite. the second system maintains that it is the effort itself which forms the measure of, and constitutes, our riches. progression is the increase of the _proportion of the effect to the result_. its ideal extreme may be represented by the eternal and fruitless efforts of sisyphus.[a] [footnote a: we will therefore beg the reader to allow us in future, for the sake of conciseness, to designate this system under the term of _sisyphism_, from sisyphus, who, in punishment of his crimes, was compelled to roll a stone up hill, which fell to the bottom as fast as he rolled it to the top, so that his labor was interminable as well as fruitless.] the first system tends naturally to the encouragement of everything which diminishes difficulties, and augments production--as powerful machinery, which adds to the strength of man; the exchange of produce, which allows us to profit by the various natural agents distributed in different degrees over the surface of our globe; the intellect which discovers, the experience which proves, and the emulation which excites. the second as logically inclines to everything which can augment the difficulty and diminish the product; as, privileges, monopolies, restrictions, prohibition, suppression of machinery, sterility, &c. it is well to mark here that the universal practice of men is always guided by the principle of the first system. every _workman_, whether agriculturist, manufacturer, merchant, soldier, writer or philosopher, devotes the strength of his intellect to do better, to do more quickly, more economically--in a word, _to do more with less_. the opposite doctrine is in use with theorists, essayists, statesmen, ministers, men whose business is to make experiments upon society. and even of these we may observe, that in what personally concerns themselves, they act, like everybody else, upon the principle of obtaining from their labor the greatest possible quantity of useful results. it may be supposed that i exaggerate, and that there are no true sisyphists. i grant that in practice the principle is not pushed to its extreme consequences. and this must always be the case when one starts upon a wrong principle, because the absurd and injurious results to which it leads, cannot but check it in its progress. for this reason, practical industry never can admit of sisyphism. the error is too quickly followed by its punishment to remain concealed. but in the speculative industry of theorists and statesmen, a false principle may be for a long time followed up, before the complication of its consequences, only half understood, can prove its falsity; and even when all is revealed, the opposite principle is acted upon, self is contradicted, and justification sought, in the incomparably absurd modern axiom, that in political economy there is no principle universally true. let us see, then, if the two opposite principles i have laid down do not predominate, each in its turn; the one in practical industry, the other in industrial legislation. when a man prefers a good plough to a bad one; when he improves the quality of his manures; when, to loosen his soil, he substitutes as much as possible the action of the atmosphere for that of the hoe or the harrow; when he calls to his aid every improvement that science and experience have revealed, he has, and can have, but one object, viz., to _diminish the proportion of the effort to the result_. we have indeed no other means of judging of the success of an agriculturist or of the merits of his system, but by observing how far he has succeeded in lessening the one, while he increases the other; and as all the farmers in the world act upon this principle, we may say that all mankind are seeking, no doubt for their own advantage, to obtain at the lowest price, bread, or whatever other article of produce they may need, always diminishing the effort necessary for obtaining any given quantity thereof. this incontestable tendency of human nature, once proved, would, one might suppose, be sufficient to point out the true principle to the legislator, and to show him how he ought to assist industry (if indeed it is any part of his business to assist it at all), for it would be absurd to say that the laws of men should operate in an inverse ratio from those of providence. yet we have heard members of congress exclaim, "i do not understand this theory of cheapness; i would rather see bread dear, and work more abundant." and consequently these gentlemen vote in favor of legislative measures whose effect is to shackle and impede commerce, precisely because by so doing we are prevented from procuring indirectly, and at low price, what direct production can only furnish more expensively. now it is very evident that the system of mr. so-and-so, the congressman, is directly opposed to that of mr. so-and-so, the agriculturist. were he consistent with himself, he would as legislator vote against all restriction; or else as farmer, he would practise in his fields the same principle which he proclaims in the public councils. we would then see him sowing his grain in his most sterile fields, because he would thus succeed in _laboring much_, to _obtain little_. we would see him forbidding the use of the plough, because he could, by scratching up the soil with his nails, fully gratify his double wish of "_dear bread_ and _abundant labor_." restriction has for its avowed object and acknowledged effect, the augmentation of labor. and again, equally avowed and acknowledged, its object and effect are, the increase of prices--a synonymous term for scarcity of produce. pushed then to its greatest extreme, it is pure sisyphism as we have defined it; _labor infinite; result nothing_. there have been men who accused railways of _injuring shipping_; and it is certainly true that the most perfect means of attaining an object must always limit the use of a less perfect means. but railways can only injure shipping by drawing from it articles of transportation; this they can only do by transporting more cheaply; and they can only transport more cheaply, by _diminishing the proportion of the effort employed to the result obtained_--for it is in this that cheapness consists. when, therefore, these men lament the suppression of labor in attaining a given result, they maintain the doctrine of sisyphism. logically, if they prefer the vessel to the railway, they should also prefer the wagon to the vessel, the pack-saddle to the wagon, and the sack to the pack-saddle: for this is, of all known means of transportation, the one which requires the greatest amount of labor, in proportion to the result obtained. "labor constitutes the riches of the people," say some theorists. this was no elliptical expression, meaning that the "results of labor constitute the riches of the people." no; these theorists intended to say, that it is the _intensity_ of labor which measures riches; and the proof of this is that from step to step, from restriction to restriction, they forced on the united states (and in so doing believed that they were doing well) to give to the procuring of, for instance, a certain quantity of iron, double the necessary labor. in england, iron was then at $20; in the united states it cost $40. supposing the day's work to be worth $2.50, it is evident that the united states could, by barter, procure a ton of iron by eight days' labor taken from the labor of the nation. thanks to the restrictive measures of these gentlemen, sixteen days' work were necessary to procure it, by direct production. here then we have double labor for an identical result; therefore double riches; and riches, measured not by the result, but by the intensity of labor. is not this pure and unadulterated sisyphism? that there may be nothing equivocal, these gentlemen carry their idea still farther, and on the same principle that we have heard them call the intensity of labor _riches_, we will find them calling the abundant results of labor and the plenty of everything proper to the satisfying of our wants, _poverty_. "everywhere," they remark, "machinery has pushed aside manual labor; everywhere production is superabundant; everywhere the equilibrium is destroyed between the power of production and that of consumption." here then we see that, according to these gentlemen, if the united states was in a critical situation it was because her productions were too abundant; there was too much intelligence, too much efficiency in her national labor. we were too well fed, too well clothed, too well supplied with everything; the rapid production was more than sufficient for our wants. it was necessary to put an end to this calamity, and therefore it became needful to force us, by restrictions, to work more in order to produce less. all that we could have further to hope for, would be, that human intellect might sink and become extinct; for, while intellect exists, it cannot but seek continually to increase the _proportion of the end to the means; of the product to the labor_. indeed it is in this continuous effort, and in this alone, that intellect consists. sisyphism has been the doctrine of all those who have been intrusted with the regulation of the industry of our country. it would not be just to reproach them with this; for this principle becomes that of our administration only because it prevails in congress; it prevails in congress only because it is sent there by the voters; and the voters are imbued with it only because public opinion is filled with it to repletion. let me repeat here, that i do not accuse the protectionists in congress of being absolutely and always sisyphists. very certainly they are not such in their personal transactions; very certainly each of them will procure for himself _by barter_, what by _direct production_ would be attainable only at a higher price. but i maintain that they are sisyphists when they prevent the country from acting upon the same principle. chapter iv. equalizing of the facilities of production. the protectionists often use the following argument: "it is our belief that protection should correspond to, should be the representation of, the difference which exists between the price of an article of home production and a similar article of foreign production. a protective duty calculated upon such a basis does nothing more than secure free competition; free competition can only exist where there is an equality in the facilities of production. in a horse-race the load which each horse carries is weighed and all advantages equalized; otherwise there could be no competition. in commerce, if one producer can undersell all others, he ceases to be a competitor and becomes a monopolist. suppress the protection which represents the difference of price according to each, and foreign produce must immediately inundate and obtain the monopoly of our market. every one ought to wish, for his own sake and for that of the community, that the productions of the country should be protected against foreign competition, _whenever the latter may be able to undersell the former_." this argument is constantly recurring in all writings of the protectionist school. it is my intention to make a careful investigation of its merits, and i must begin by soliciting the attention and the patience of the reader. i will first examine into the inequalities which depend upon natural causes, and afterwards into those which are caused by diversity of taxes. here, as elsewhere, we find the theorists who favor protection taking part with the producer. let us consider the case of the unfortunate consumer, who seems to have entirely escaped their attention. they compare the field of protection to the _turf_. but on the turf, the race is at once a _means and an end_. the public has no interest in the struggle, independent of the struggle itself. when your horses are started in the course with the single object of determining which is the best runner, nothing is more natural than that their burdens should be equalized. but if your object were to send an important and critical piece of intelligence, could you without incongruity place obstacles to the speed of that one whose fleetness would secure you the best means of attaining your end? and yet this is your course in relation to industry. you forget the end aimed at, which is the _well-being_ of the community; you set it aside; more, you sacrifice it by a perfect _petitio principii_. but we cannot lead our opponents to look at things from our point of view; let us now take theirs: let us examine the question as producers. i will seek to prove: 1. that equalizing the facilities of production is to attack the foundations of mutual exchange. 2. that it is not true that the labor of one country can be crushed by the competition of more favored climates. 3. that, even were this the case, protective duties cannot equalize the facilities of production. 4. that freedom of trade equalizes these conditions as much as possible; and 5. that the countries which are the least favored by nature are those which profit most by mutual exchange. 1. _equalizing the facilities of production is to attack the foundations of mutual exchange._ the equalizing of the facilities of production, is not only the shackling of certain articles of commerce, but it is the attacking of the system of mutual exchange in its very foundation principle. for this system is based precisely upon the very diversities, or, if the expression be preferred, upon the inequalities of fertility, climate, temperature, capabilities, which the protectionists seek to render null. if new england sends its manufactures to the west, and the west sends corn to new england, it is because these two sections are, from different circumstances, induced to turn their attention to the production of different articles. is there any other rule for international exchanges? again, to bring against such exchanges the very inequalities of condition which excite and explain them, is to attack them in their very cause of being. the protective system, closely followed up, would bring men to live like snails, in a state of complete isolation. in short, there is not one of its sophisms, which, if carried through by vigorous deductions, would not end in destruction and annihilation. 2. _it is not true that the labor of one country can be crushed by the competition of more favored climates._ the statement is not true that the unequal facility of production, between two similar branches of industry, should necessarily cause the destruction of the one which is the least fortunate. on the turf, if one horse gains the prize, the other loses it; but when two horses work to produce any useful article, each produces in proportion to his strength; and because the stronger is the more useful it does not follow that the weaker is good for nothing. wheat is cultivated in every section of the united states, although there are great differences in the degree of fertility existing among them. if it happens that there be one which does not cultivate it, it is because, even to itself, such cultivation is not useful. analogy will show us, that under the influences of an unshackled trade, notwithstanding similar differences, wheat would be produced in every portion of the world; and if any nation were induced to entirely abandon the cultivation of it, this would only be because it would _be her interest_ to otherwise employ her lands, her capital, and her labor. and why does not the fertility of one department paralyze the agriculture of a neighboring and less favored one? because the phenomena of political economy have a suppleness, an elasticity, and, so to speak, _a self-levelling power_, which seems to escape the attention of the school of protectionists. they accuse us of being theoretic, but it is themselves who are so to a supreme degree, if the being theoretic consists in building up systems upon the experience of a single fact, instead of profiting by the experience of a series of facts. in the above example, it is the difference in the value of lands which compensates for the difference in their fertility. your field produces three times as much as mine. yes. but it has cost you ten times as much, and therefore i can still compete with you: this is the sole mystery. and observe how the advantage on one point leads to disadvantage on the other. precisely because your soil is more fruitful it is more dear. it is not _accidentally_ but _necessarily_ that the equilibrium is established, or at least inclines to establish itself: and can it be denied that perfect freedom in exchanges is of all systems the one which favors this tendency? i have cited an agricultural example; i might as easily have taken one from any trade. there are tailors at barnegat, but that does not prevent tailors from being in new york also, although the latter have to pay a much higher rent, as well as higher price for furniture, workmen, and food. but their customers are sufficiently numerous not only to reëstablish the balance, but also to make it lean on their side. when, therefore, the question is about equalizing the advantages of labor, it would be well to consider whether the natural freedom of exchange is not the best umpire. this self-levelling faculty of political phenomena is so important, and at the same time so well calculated to cause us to admire the providential wisdom which presides over the equalizing government of society, that i must ask permission a little longer to turn to it the attention of the reader. the protectionists say, such a nation has the advantage over us, in being able to procure cheaply, coal, iron, machinery, capital; it is impossible for us to compete with it. we must examine this proposition under other aspects. for the present, i stop at the question, whether, when an advantage and a disadvantage are placed in juxtaposition, they do not bear in themselves, the former a descending, the latter an ascending power, which must end by placing them in a just equilibrium? let us suppose the countries a and b. a has every advantage over b; you thence conclude that labor will be concentrated upon a, while b must be abandoned. a, you say, sells much more than it buys; b buys much more than it sells. i might dispute this, but i will meet you upon your own ground. in the hypothesis, labor being in great demand in a, soon rises in value; while labor, iron, coal, lands, food, capital, all being little sought after in b, soon fall in price. again: a being always selling and b always buying, cash passes from b to a. it is abundant in a, very scarce in b. but where there is abundance of cash, it follows that in all purchases a large proportion of it will be needed. then in a, _real dearness_, which proceeds from a very active demand, is added to _nominal dearness_, the consequence of a superabundance of the precious metals. scarcity of money implies that little is necessary for each purchase. then in b, a _nominal cheapness_ is combined with _real cheapness_. under these circumstances, industry will have the strongest possible motives for deserting a to establish itself in b. now, to return to what would be the true course of things. as the progress of such events is always gradual, industry from its nature being opposed to sudden transits, let us suppose that, without waiting the extreme point, it will have gradually divided itself between a and b, according to the laws of supply and demand; that is to say, according to the laws of justice and usefulness. _i do not advance an empty hypothesis when i say, that were it possible that industry should concentrate itself upon a single point, there must, from its nature, arise spontaneously, and in its midst_, an irresistible power of decentralization. we will quote the words of a manufacturer to the chamber of commerce at manchester (the figures brought into his demonstration being suppressed): "formerly we exported goods; this exportation gave way to that of thread for the manufacture of goods; later, instead of thread, we exported machinery for the making of thread; then capital for the construction of machinery; and lastly, workmen and talent, which are the source of capital. all these elements of labor have, one after the other, transferred themselves to other points, where their profits were increased, and where the means of subsistence being less difficult to obtain, life is maintained at less cost. there are at present to be seen in prussia, austria, saxony, switzerland, and italy, immense manufacturing establishments, founded entirely by english capital, worked by english labor, and directed by english talent." we may here perceive that nature, with more wisdom and foresight than the narrow and rigid system of the protectionists can suppose, does not permit the concentration of labor, and the monopoly of advantages, from which they draw their arguments as from an absolute and irremediable fact. it has, by means as simple as they are infallible, provided for dispersion, diffusion, mutual dependence, and simultaneous progress; all of which, your restrictive laws paralyze as much as is in their power, by their tendency towards the isolation of nations. by this means they render much more decided the differences existing in the conditions of production; they check the self-levelling power of industry, prevent fusion of interests, neutralize the counterpoise, and fence in each nation within its own peculiar advantages and disadvantages. 3. _even were the labor of one country crushed by the competition of more favored climates (which is denied), protective duties cannot equalize the facilities of production._ to say that by a protective law the conditions of production are equalized, is to disguise an error under false terms. it is not true that an import duty equalizes the conditions of production. these remain after the imposition of the duty just as they were before. the most that law can do is to equalize the _conditions of sale_. if it should be said that i am playing upon words, i retort the accusation upon my adversaries. it is for them to prove that _production_ and _sale_ are synonymous terms, which if they cannot do, i have a right to accuse them, if not of playing upon words, at least of confounding them. let me be permitted to exemplify my idea. suppose that several new york speculators should determine to devote themselves to the production of oranges. they know that the oranges of portugal can be sold in new york at one cent each, whilst on account of the boxes, hot-houses, &c., which are necessary to ward against the severity of our climate, it is impossible to raise them at less than a dollar apiece. they accordingly demand a duty of ninety-nine cents upon portugal oranges. with the help of this duty, say they, the _conditions of production_ will be equalized. congress, yielding as usual to this argument, imposes a duty of ninety-nine cents on each foreign orange. now i say that the _relative conditions of production_ are in no wise changed. the law can take nothing from the heat of the sun in lisbon, nor from the severity of the frosts in new york. oranges continuing to mature themselves _naturally_ on the banks of the tagus, and artificially upon those of the hudson, must continue to require for their production much more labor on the latter than the former. the law can only equalize the _conditions of sale_. it is evident that while the portuguese sell their oranges here at a dollar apiece, the ninety-nine cents which go to pay the tax are taken from the american consumer. now look at the whimsicality of the result. upon each portuguese orange, the country loses nothing; for the ninety-nine cents which the consumer pays to satisfy the impost tax, enter into the treasury. there is improper distribution; but no loss. but upon each american orange consumed, there will be about ninety-nine cents lost; for while the buyer very certainly loses them, the seller just as certainly does not gain them; for, even according to the hypothesis, he will receive only the price of production, i will leave it to the protectionists to draw their conclusion. 4. _but freedom of trade equalizes these conditions as much as is possible._ i have laid some stress upon this distinction between the conditions of production and those of sale, which perhaps the prohibitionists may consider as paradoxical, because it leads me on to what they will consider as a still stranger paradox. this is: if you really wish to equalize the facilities of production, leave trade free. this may surprise the protectionists; but let me entreat them to listen, if it be only through curiosity, to the end of my argument. it shall not be long. i will now take it up where we left off. if we suppose for the moment, that the common and daily profits of each american amount to one dollar, it will indisputably follow that to produce an orange by _direct_ labor in america, one day's work, or its equivalent, will be requisite; whilst to produce the cost of a portuguese orange, only one-hundredth of this day's labor is required; which means simply this, that the sun does at lisbon what labor does at new york. now is it not evident, that if i can produce an orange, or, what is the same thing, the means of buying it, with one-hundredth of a day's labor, i am placed exactly in the same condition as the portuguese producer himself, excepting the expense of the transportation? it therefore follows that freedom of commerce equalizes the conditions of production direct or indirect, as much as it is possible to equalize them; for it leaves but the one inevitable difference, that of transportation. i will add that free trade equalizes also the facilities for attaining enjoyments, comforts, and general consumption; the last, an object which is, it would seem, quite forgotten, and which is nevertheless all-important; since, in fine, consumption is the main object of all our industrial efforts. thanks to freedom of trade, we would enjoy here the results of the portuguese sun, as well as portugal itself; and the inhabitants of new york would have in their reach, as well as those of london, and with the same facilities, the advantages which nature has in a mineralogical point of view conferred upon cornwall. 5. _countries least favored by nature (countries not yet cleared of forests, for example) are those which profit most by mutual exchange._ the protectionists may suppose me in a paradoxical humor, for i go further still. i say, and i sincerely believe, that if any two countries are placed in unequal circumstances as to advantages of production, _the one of the two which is the less favored by nature, will gain more by freedom of commerce_. to prove this, i will be obliged to turn somewhat aside from the form of reasoning which belongs to this work. i will do so, however; first, because the question in discussion turns upon this point; and again, because it will give me the opportunity of exhibiting a law of political economy of the highest importance, and which, well understood, seems to me to be destined to lead back to this science all those sects which, in our days, are seeking in the land of chimeras that social harmony which they have been unable to discover in nature. i speak of the law of consumption, which the majority of political economists may well be reproached with having too much neglected. consumption is the _end_, the final cause of all the phenomena of political economy, and, consequently, in it is found their final solution. no effect, whether favorable or unfavorable, can be vested permanently in the producer. his advantages and disadvantages, derived from his relations to nature and to society, both pass gradually from him; and by an almost insensible tendency are absorbed and fused into the community at large--the community considered as consumers. this is an admirable law, alike in its cause and its effects; and he who shall succeed in making it well understood, will have a right to say, "i have not, in my passage through the world, forgotten to pay my tribute to society." every circumstance which favors the work of production is of course hailed with joy by the producer, for its _immediate effect_ is to enable him to render greater services to the community, and to exact from it a greater remuneration. every circumstance which injures production, must equally be the source of uneasiness to him; for its _immediate effect_ is to diminish his services, and consequently his remuneration. this is a fortunate and necessary law of nature. the immediate good or evil of favorable or unfavorable circumstances must fall upon the producer, in order to influence him invisibly to seek the one and to avoid the other. again: when an inventor succeeds in his labor-saving machine, the _immediate_ benefit of this success is received by him. this again is necessary, to determine him to devote his attention to it. it is also just; because it is just that an effort crowned with success should bring its own reward. but these effects, good and bad, although permanent in themselves, are not so as regards the producer. if they had been so, a principle of progressive and consequently infinite inequality would have been introduced among men. this good, and this evil, both therefore pass on, to become absorbed in the general destinies of humanity. how does this come about? i will try to make it understood by some examples. let us go back to the thirteenth century. men who gave themselves up to the business of copying, received for this service _a remuneration regulated by the general rate of the profits_. among them is found one, who seeks and finds the means of rapidly multiplying copies of the same work. he invents printing. the first effect of this is, that the individual is enriched, while many more are impoverished. at the first view, wonderful as the discovery is, one hesitates in deciding whether it is not more injurious than useful. it seems to have introduced into the world, as i said above, an element of infinite inequality. guttenberg makes large profits by this invention, and perfects the invention by the profits, until all other copyists are ruined. as for the public--the consumer--it gains but little, for guttenberg takes care to lower the price of books only just so much as is necessary to undersell all rivals. but the great mind which put harmony into the movements of celestial bodies, could also give it to the internal mechanism of society. we will see the advantages of this invention escaping from the individual, to become for ever the common patrimony of mankind. the process finally becomes known. guttenberg is no longer alone in his art; others imitate him. their profits are at first considerable. they are recompensed for being the first who made the effort to imitate the processes of the newly-invented art. this again was necessary, in order that they might be induced to the effort, and thus forward the great and final result to which we approach. they gain largely; but they gain less than the inventor, for _competition_ has commenced its work. the price of books now continually decreases. the gains of the imitators diminish in proportion as the invention becomes older; and in the same proportion imitation becomes less meritorious. soon the new object of industry attains its normal condition; in other words, the remuneration of printers is no longer an exception to the general rules of remuneration, and, like that of copyists formerly, it is only regulated _by the general rate of profits_. here then the producer, as such, holds only the old position. the discovery, however, has been made; the saving of time, labor, effort, for a fixed result, for a certain number of volumes, is realized. but in what is this manifested? in the cheap price of books. for the good of whom? for the good of the consumer--of society--of humanity. printers, having no longer any peculiar merit, receive no longer a peculiar remuneration. as men--as consumers--they no doubt participate in the advantages which the invention confers upon the community; but that is all. as printers, as producers, they are placed upon the ordinary footing of all other producers. society pays them for their labor, and not for the usefulness of the invention. _that_ has become a gratuitous benefit, a common heritage to mankind. the wisdom and beauty of these laws strike me with admiration and reverence. what has been said of printing, can be extended to every agent for the advancement of labor--from the nail and the mallet, up to the locomotive and the electric telegraph. society enjoys all, by the abundance of its use, its consumption; and it _enjoys all gratuitously_. for as their effect is to diminish prices, it is evident that just so much of the price as is taken off by their intervention, renders the production in so far _gratuitous_. there only remains the actual labor of man to be paid for; and the remainder, which is the result of the invention, is subtracted; at least after the invention has run through the cycle which i have just described as its destined course. i send for a workman; he brings a saw with him; i pay him two dollars for his day's labor, and he saws me twenty-five boards. if the saw had not been invented, he would perhaps not have been able to make one board, and i would none the less have paid him for his day's labor. the _usefulness_, then, of the saw, is for me a gratuitous gift of nature, or rather, is a portion of the inheritance which, _in common_ with my brother men, i have received from the genius of my ancestors. i have two workmen in my field; the one directs the handle of a plough, the other that of a spade. the result of their day's labor is very different, but the price is the same, because the remuneration is proportioned, not to the usefulness of the result, but to the effort, the [time, and] labor given to attain it. i invoke the patience of the reader, and beg him to believe, that i have not lost sight of free trade: i entreat him only to remember the conclusion at which i have arrived: _remuneration is not proportioned to the usefulness of the articles brought by the producer into the market, but to the [time and] labor required for their production._[b] [footnote b: it is true that [time and] labor do not receive a uniform remuneration; because labor is more or less intense, dangerous, skilful, &c., [and time more or less valuable.] competition establishes for each category a price current: and it is of this variable price that i speak.] i have so far taken my examples from human inventions, but will now go on to speak of natural advantages. in every article of production, nature and man must concur. but the portion of nature is always gratuitous. only so much of the usefulness of an article as is the result of human labor becomes the object of mutual exchange, and consequently of remuneration. the remuneration varies much, no doubt, in proportion to the intensity of the labor, of the skill, which it requires, of its being _à-propos_ to the demand of the day, of the need which exists for it, of the momentary absence of competition, &c. but it is not the less true in principle, that the assistance received from natural laws, which belongs to all, counts for nothing in the price. we do not pay for the air we breathe, although so useful to us, that we could not live two minutes without it. we do not pay for it, because nature furnishes it without the intervention of man's labor. but if we wish to separate one of the gases which compose it for instance, to fill a balloon, we must take some [time and] labor; or if another takes it for us, we must give him an equivalent in something which will have cost us the trouble of production. from which we see that the exchange is between efforts, [time and] labor. it is certainly not for hydrogen gas that i pay, for this is everywhere at my disposal, but for the work that it has been necessary to accomplish in order to disengage it; work which i have been spared, and which i must refund. if i am told that there are other things to pay for, as expense, materials, apparatus, i answer, that still in these things it is the work that i pay for. the price of the coal employed is only the representation of the [time and] labor necessary to dig and transport it. we do not pay for the light of the sun, because nature alone gives it to us. but we pay for the light of gas, tallow, oil, wax, because here is labor to be remunerated;--and remark, that it is so entirely [time and] labor and not utility to which remuneration is proportioned, that it may well happen that one of these means of lighting, while it may be much more effective than another, may still cost less. to cause this, it is only necessary that less [time and] human labor should be required to furnish it. when the water-boat comes to supply my ship, were i to pay in proportion to the _absolute utility_ of the water, my whole fortune would not be sufficient. but i pay only for the trouble taken. if more is required, i can get another boat to furnish it, or finally go and get it myself. the water itself is not the subject of the bargain, but the labor required to obtain the water. this point of view is so important, and the consequences that i am going to draw from it so clear, as regards the freedom of international exchanges, that i will still elucidate my idea by a few more examples. the alimentary substance contained in potatoes does not cost us very dear, because a great deal of it is attainable with little work. we pay more for wheat, because, to produce it, nature requires more labor from man. it is evident that if nature did for the latter what she does for the former, their prices would tend to the same level. it is impossible that the producer of wheat should permanently gain more than the producer of potatoes. the law of competition cannot allow it. again, if by a happy miracle the fertility of all arable lands were to be increased, it would not be the agriculturist, but the consumer, who would profit by this phenomenon; for the result of it would be abundance and cheapness. there would be less labor incorporated into an acre of grain, and the agriculturist would be therefore obliged to exchange it for less labor incorporated into some other article. if, on the contrary, the fertility of the soil were suddenly to deteriorate, the share of nature in production would be less, that of labor greater, and the result would be higher prices. i am right then in saying that it is in consumption, in mankind, that at length all political phenomena find their solution. as long as we fail to follow their effects to this point, and look only at _immediate_ effects, which act but upon individual men or classes of men _as producers_, we know nothing more of political economy than the quack does of medicine, when instead of following the effects of a prescription in its action upon the whole system, he satisfies himself with knowing how it affects the palate and the throat. the tropical regions are very favorable to the production of sugar and coffee; that is to say, nature does most of the business and leaves but little for labor to accomplish. but who reaps the advantage of this liberality of nature? not these regions, for they are forced by competition to receive remuneration simply for their labor. it is mankind who is the gainer; for the result of this liberality is _cheapness_, and cheapness belongs to the world. here in the temperate zone, we find coal and iron ore on the surface of the soil; we have but to stoop and take them. at first, i grant, the immediate inhabitants profit by this fortunate circumstance. but soon comes competition, and the price of coal and iron falls, until this gift of nature becomes gratuitous to all, and human labor is only paid according to the general rate of profits. thus, natural advantages, like improvements in the process of production, are, or have, a constant tendency to become, under the law of competition, the common and _gratuitous_ patrimony of consumers, of society, of mankind. countries, therefore, which do not enjoy these advantages, must gain by commerce with those which do; because the exchanges of commerce are between _labor and labor_, subtraction being made of all the natural advantages which are combined with these labors; and it is evidently the most favored countries which can incorporate into a given labor the largest proportion of these _natural advantages_. their produce representing less labor, receives less recompense; in other words, is _cheaper_. if then all the liberality of nature results in cheapness, it is evidently not the producing, but the consuming country, which profits by her benefits. hence we may see the enormous absurdity of the consuming country, which rejects produce precisely because it is cheap. it is as though we should say: "we will have nothing of that which nature gives you. you ask of us an effort equal to two, in order to furnish ourselves with produce only attainable at home by an effort equal to four. you can do it because with you nature does half the work. but we will have nothing to do with it; we will wait till your climate, becoming more inclement, forces you to ask of us a labor equal to four, and then we can treat with you _upon an equal footing_!" a is a favored country; b is maltreated by nature. mutual traffic then is advantageous to both, but principally to b, because the exchange is not between _utility_ and _utility_, but between _value_ and _value_. now a furnishes a greater _utility in a similar value_, because the utility of any article includes at once what nature and what labor have done; whereas the value of it only corresponds to the portion accomplished by labor. b then makes an entirely advantageous bargain; for by simply paying the producer from a for his labor, it receives in return not only the results of that labor, but in addition there is thrown in whatever may have accrued from the superior bounty of nature. we will lay down the general rule. traffic is an exchange of _values_; and as value is reduced by competition to the simple representation of labor, traffic is the exchange of equal labors. whatever nature has done towards the production of the articles exchanged, is given on both sides _gratuitously_; from whence it necessarily follows, that the most advantageous commerce is transacted with those countries which are the least favored by nature. the theory of which i have attempted in this chapter to trace the outlines, deserves a much greater elaboration. but perhaps the attentive reader will have perceived in it the fruitful seed which is destined in its future growth to smother protectionism, at once with the various other isms whose object is to exclude the law of competition from the government of the world. competition, no doubt, considering man as producer, must often interfere with his individual and _immediate_ interests. but if we consider the great object of all labor, the universal good, in a word, consumption, we cannot fail to find that competition is to the moral world what the law of equilibrium is to the material one. it is the foundation of true gratification, of true liberty and equality, of the equality of comforts and condition, so much sought after in our day; and if so many sincere reformers, so many earnest friends to public right, seek to reach their end by _commercial legislation_, it is only because they do not yet understand _commercial freedom_. chapter v. our productions are overloaded with internal taxes-this is but a new wording of the sophism before noticed. the demand made is, that the foreign article should be taxed, in order to neutralize the effects of the internal tax, which weighs down domestic produce. it is still then but the question of equalizing the facilities of production. we have but to say that the tax is an artificial obstacle, which has exactly the same effect as a natural obstacle, i.e. the increasing of the price. if this increase is so great that there is more loss in producing the article in question at home than in attracting it from foreign parts by the production of an equivalent value of something else--_laissez faire_. individual interest will soon learn to choose the lesser of two evils. i might refer the reader to the preceding demonstration for an answer to this sophism; but it is one which recurs so often, that it deserves a special discussion. i have said more than once, that i am opposing only the theory of the protectionists, with the hope of discovering the source of their errors. were i disposed to enter into controversy with them, i would say: why direct your tariffs principally against england, a country more overloaded with taxes than any in the world? have i not a right to look upon your argument as a mere pretext? but i am not of the number of those who believe that prohibitionists are guided by interest, and not by conviction. the doctrine of protection is too popular not to be sincere. if the majority could believe in freedom, we would be free. without doubt it is individual interest which weighs us down with tariffs; but it acts upon conviction. "the will (said pascal) is one of the principal organs of belief." but belief does not the less exist because it is rooted in the will and in the secret inspirations of egotism. we will return to the sophism drawn from internal taxes. the government may make either a good or a bad use of taxes; it makes a good use of them when it renders to the public services equivalent to the value received from them; it makes a bad use of them when it expends this value, giving nothing in return. to say in the first case that they place the country which pays them in more disadvantageous conditions for production, than the country which is free from them, is a sophism. we pay, it is true, so many millions for the administration of justice, and the maintenance of order, but we have justice and order; we have the security which they give, the time which they save for us; and it is most probable that production is neither more easy nor more active among nations, where (if there be such) each individual takes the administration of justice into his own hands. we pay, i grant, many millions for roads, bridges, ports, steamships; but we have these steamships, these ports, bridges, and roads; and unless we maintain that it is a losing business to establish them, we cannot say that they place us in a position inferior to that of nations who have, it is true, no budget of public works, but who likewise have no public works. and here we see why (even while we accuse taxes of being a cause of industrial inferiority) we direct our tariffs precisely against those nations which are the most taxed. it is because these taxes, well used, far from injuring, have ameliorated the _conditions of production_ to these nations. thus we again arrive at the conclusion that the protectionist sophisms not only wander from, but are the contrary--the very antithesis--of truth. as to unproductive taxes, suppress them if you can; but surely it is a most singular idea to suppose, that their evil effect is to be neutralized by the addition of individual taxes to public taxes. many thanks for the compensation! the state, you say, has taxed us too much; surely this is no reason that we should tax each other! a protective duty is a tax directed against foreign produce, but which returns, let us keep in mind, upon the national consumer. is it not then a singular argument to say to him, "because the taxes are heavy, we will raise prices higher for you; and because the state takes a part of your revenue, we will give another portion of it to benefit a monopoly?" but let us examine more closely this sophism so accredited among our legislators; although, strange to say, it is precisely those who keep up the unproductive taxes (according to our present hypothesis) who attribute to them afterwards our supposed inferiority, and seek to re-establish the equilibrium by further taxes and new clogs. it appears to me to be evident that protection, without any change in its nature and effects, might have taken the form of a direct tax, raised by the state, and distributed as a premium to privileged industry. let us admit that foreign iron could be sold in our market at $16, but not lower; and american iron at not lower than $24. in this hypothesis there are two ways in which the state can secure the national market to the home producer. the first, is to put upon foreign iron a duty of $10. this, it is evident, would exclude it, because it could no longer be sold at less than $26; $16 for the indemnifying price, $10 for the tax; and at this price it must be driven from the market by american iron, which we have supposed to cost $24. in this case the buyer, the consumer, will have paid all the expenses of the protection given. the second means would be to lay upon the public an internal revenue tax of $10, and to give it as a premium to the iron manufacturer. the effect would in either case be equally a protective measure. foreign iron would, according to both systems, be alike excluded; for our iron manufacturer could sell at $14, what, with the $10 premium, would thus bring him in $24. while the price of sale being $14, foreign iron could not obtain a market at $16. in these two systems the principle is the same; the effect is the same. there is but this single difference; in the first case the expense of protection is paid by a part, in the second by the whole of the community. i frankly confess my preference for the second system, which i regard as more just, more economical, and more legal. more just, because, if society wishes to give bounties to some of its members, the whole community ought to contribute; more economical, because it would banish many difficulties, and save the expenses of collection; more legal, because the public would see clearly into the operation, and know what was required of it. but if the protective system had taken this form, would it not have been laughable enough to hear it said: "we pay heavy taxes for the army, the navy, the judiciary, the public works, the debt, &c. these amount to more than 200 millions. it would therefore be desirable that the state should take another 200 millions to relieve the poor iron manufacturers." this, it must certainly be perceived, by an attentive investigation, is the result of the sophism in question. in vain, gentlemen, are all your efforts; you cannot give money to one without taking it from another. if you are absolutely determined to exhaust the funds of the taxable community, well; but, at least, do not mock them; do not tell them, "we take from you again, in order to compensate you for what we have already taken." it would be a too tedious undertaking to endeavor to point out all the fallacies of this sophism. i will therefore limit myself to the consideration of it in three points. you argue that the united states are overburdened with taxes, and deduce thence the conclusion that it is necessary to protect such and such an article of produce. but protection does not relieve us from the payment of these taxes. if, then, individuals devoting themselves to any one object of industry, should advance this demand: "we, from our participation in the payment of taxes, have our expenses of production increased, and therefore ask for a protective duty which shall raise our price of sale:" what is this but a demand on their part to be allowed to free themselves from the burden of the tax, by laying it on the rest of the community? their object is to balance, by the increased price of their produce, the amount which they pay in taxes. now, as the whole amount of these taxes must enter into the treasury, and the increase of price must be paid by society, it follows that (where this protective duty is imposed) society has to bear, not only the general tax, but also that for the protection of the article in question. but, it is answered, let _everything_ be protected. firstly, this is impossible; and, again, were it possible, how could such a system give relief? _i_ will pay for you, _you_ will pay for me; but not the less still there remains the tax to be paid. thus you are the dupes of an illusion. you determine to raise taxes for the support of an army, a navy, judges, roads, &c. afterwards you seek to disburden from its portion of the tax, first one article of industry, then another, then a third; always adding to the burden of the mass of society. you thus only create interminable complications. if you can prove that the increase of price resulting from protection, falls upon the foreign producer, i grant something specious in your argument. but if it be true that the american people paid the tax before the passing of the protective duty, and afterwards that it has paid not only the tax but the protective duty also, truly i do not perceive wherein it has profited. but i go much further, and maintain that the more oppressive our taxes are, the more anxiously ought we to open our ports and frontiers to foreign nations, less burdened than ourselves. and why? _in order that we may_ share with them, _as much as possible, the burden which we bear._ is it not an incontestable maxim in political economy, that taxes must, in the end, fall upon the consumer? _the greater then our commerce, the greater the portion which will be reimbursed to us, of taxes incorporated in the produce which we will have sold to foreign consumers; whilst we on our part will have made to them only a lesser reimbursement, because (according to our hypothesis) their produce is less taxed than ours._ chapter vi. balance of trade. our adversaries have adopted a system of tactics, which embarrasses us not a little. do we prove our doctrine? they admit the truth of it in the most respectful manner. do we attack their principles? they abandon them with the best possible grace. they only ask that our doctrine, which they acknowledge to be true, should be confined to books; and that their principles, which they allow to be false, should be established in practice. if we will give up to them the regulation of our tariffs, they will leave us triumphant in the domain of literature. it is constantly alleged in opposition to our principles, that they are good only in theory. but, gentlemen, do you believe that merchants' books are good in practice? it does appear to me, if there is anything which can have a practical authority, when the object is to prove profit and loss, that this must be commercial accounts. we cannot suppose that all the merchants of the world, for centuries back, should have so little understood their own affairs, as to have kept their books in such a manner as to represent gains as losses, and losses as gains. truly it would be easier to believe that our legislators are bad political economists. a merchant, one of my friends, having had two business transactions, with very different results, i have been curious to compare on this subject the accounts of the counter with those of the custom-house, interpreted by our legislators. mr. t dispatched from new orleans a vessel freighted for france with cotton valued at $200,000. such was the amount entered at the custom-house. the cargo, on its arrival at havre, had paid ten per cent. expenses, and was liable to thirty per cent. duties, which raised its value to $280,000. it was sold at twenty per cent. profit on its original value, which equalled $40,000, and the price of sale was $320,000, which the consignee converted into merchandise, principally parisian goods. these goods, again, had to pay for transportation to the sea-board, insurance, commissions, &c., ten per cent.; so that when the return cargo arrived at new orleans, its value had risen to $352,000, and it was thus entered at the custom-house. finally, mr. t realized again on this return cargo twenty per cent. profits, amounting to $70,400. the goods thus sold for the sum of $422,400. if our legislators require it, i will send them an extract from the books of mr. t. they will there see, _credited_ to the account of _profit and loss_, that is to say, set down as gained, two sums; the one of $40,000, the other of $70,400, and mr. t feels perfectly certain that, as regards these, there is no mistake in his accounts. now what conclusion do our congressmen draw from the sums entered into the custom-house, in this operation? they thence learn that the united states have exported $200,000, and imported $352,000; from whence they conclude "_that she has spent, dissipated, the profits of her previous savings; that she is impoverishing herself and progressing to her ruin; and that she has squandered on a foreign nation_ $152,000 _of her capital_." some time after this transaction, mr. t dispatched another vessel, again freighted with national produce, to the amount of $200,000. but the vessel foundered in leaving the port, and mr. t had only further to inscribe upon his books two little items, thus worded: "_sundries due to x_, $200,000, for purchase of divers articles dispatched by vessel n." "_profit and loss due, to sundries_, $200,000, _for final and total loss of cargo._" in the meantime the custom-house inscribed $200,000 upon its list of _exportations_, and as there can of course be nothing to balance this entry on the list of _importations_, it hence follows that our enlightened members of congress must see in this wreck _a clear profit_ to the united states of $200,000. we may draw hence yet another conclusion, viz.: that according to the balance of trade theory, the united states has an exceedingly simple manner of constantly doubling her capital. it is only necessary, to accomplish this, that she should, after entering into the custom-house her articles for exportation, cause them to be thrown into the sea. by this course, her exportations can speedily be made to equal her capital; importations will be nothing, and our gain will be, all which the ocean will have swallowed up. you are joking, the protectionists will reply. you know that it is impossible that we should utter such absurdities. nevertheless, i answer, you do utter them, and what is more, you give them life, you exercise them practically upon your fellow-citizens, as much, at least, as is in your power to do. but lest even mr. t's books may not be deemed of sufficient weight to counterbalance the convictions of the horace greeley school of prohibition, i shall proceed to furnish a table exhibiting various classes of commercial transactions, embracing most of the classes usually effected by importing and exporting houses, all of which may result in undoubted profits to the parties engaged in them, and to the country at large, and yet which, as they appear in the annual commerce and navigation reports issued by the government, would be made to prove by mr. greeley that the result has in each case been a loss to the country. the sums are all stated in gold: a, represents one hundred merchants, who shipped to london beef, boots and shoes, butter, cheese, cotton, hams and bacon, flour, indian corn, lard, lumber, machinery, oils, pork, staves, tallow, tobacco and cigars, worth in new york, in the aggregate, ten millions of dollars, gold, but worth in london plus the cost of transportation, &c., eleven millions of dollars, gold, in bond. after being sold in london, the proceeds (eleven millions) were invested in british goods, worth eleven millions in london, but worth twelve millions in bond in new york, and plus the cost of transportation, &c. after having these goods sold in new york, a net profit of two millions was the result of the whole transaction, a profit both to the merchants and the country; yet, according to the commerce and navigation returns, the exports were ten millions, and the imports eleven millions (valued at the foreign place of production as the law directs), showing, according to mr. greeley's solitary point of view, a loss to the country of one million. b, owned a gold mine in nevada, and had no capital with which to develop it. he proceeded to france, sold his mine to c for a million, which he invested in french muslin-de-laines, buttons, and glassware, worth a million in france, but worth $1,100,000 in philadelphia, ex duty and plus transportation, &c. these sold, b netted an undoubted profit of $100,000, besides getting rid of his mine; but, according to the commerce and navigation returns, the exports were nothing, and the imports $1,000,000; showing, according to mr. greeley's solitary point of view, a loss to the country of $1,000,000. c, the french owner of the nevada mine, had a million more with which to develop it. hearing that french cloths and gloves had a good sale in boston, he invested his million in these goods, sailed for boston with them, sold them there in bond and plus exportation, for $1,100,000, which he at once invested in machinery, labor, &c., destined for nevada. so far, c made a profit of $100,000, and had $2,100,000 invested in an american gold mine; but, according to the commerce and navigation returns, the exports were nothing, and the imports $1,000,000; according to mr. greeley's solitary point of view, a loss to the country of $ 1,000,000. d, had a rich uncle in rio janeiro who died and left him a million. d ordered this sum to be invested in hides and shipped to him at boston. these hides were worth a million in rio, but $1,100,000 in natick, ex duty and plus transportation. upon selling them d was clearly worth $1,100,000; yet, according to the commerce and navigation reports, as there had been no exports, but simply $1,000,000 of imports, the transaction, from mr. greeley's solitary point of view, seemed a loss to the country of $1,000,000. e, in 1850, shipped to cuba, wagons, carts, agricultural implements, pianos and billiard-tables, worth $1,000,000 in baltimore, but $1,100,000 in havana, ex duty and plus transportation. these he sold, and invested the proceeds in cigars worth $1,100,000 in havana, but in russia, ex duty and plus transportation, $1,210,000. disposing of these in turn, and investing the proceeds in russian iron worth $1,210,000 in russia, but $1,331,000 in venezuela, ex duty and plus transportation, he shipped the iron to venezuela, where he realized on it, investing the proceeds this time in south american products worth in spain $1,464,100. he sold these products in spain, bought olive oil with the proceeds, shipped the same to australia, where it was worth, ex duty and plus charges, $1,610,510, which sum he realized in gold, which he carried to new york in 1853. on the latter transaction he makes no profit, but barely clears his charges. yet on the whole he has made a net gain of $610,510; but, according to the commerce and navigation reports, the exports have been $1,000,000 and the imports $1,610,510, showing, from mr. greeley's solitary point of view, a loss to the country of $610,510. nay more, for mr. greeley balances his trade accounts each year by itself, and as e's outward shipment was made in 1850 and his importation in 1853, the country, according to h.g., lost in 1853, by over importation, $1,610,500. yet not to be hard on h.g., and to be perfectly honest in our accounts, we will only set down a loss to the country from his point of view of $610,510. f, owned the 4,000 ton ship great republic, which cost him $160,000. finding her too large for profitable employment, and hearing that large vessels were in demand in england as troop transports to the crimea, he sent her out in ballast and sold her in southampton for $200,000 cash. with this sum he went to geneva, where he invested it in swiss watches worth $200,000 in geneva, but $210,000 in new orleans, ex duty and plus transportation. to new orleans he accordingly shipped the watches, and they were sold. by these transactions he not only got rid of his elephant, but both he and the country clearly gained $50,000. yet according to mr. greeley's single eye the country suffered to the extent of $200,000, for in the exports appeared nothing, but among the imports $200,000 worth of foreign gewgaws, only fit to keep time with. g, (an actual transaction) shipped by the great eastern on her last voyage from new york, lard and other merchandise, worth in new york $600,000, the fact of which, in the hurry of business, he failed to report to the custom house, and it therefore did not appear in the exports. this lard was carried to england, where it found no sale, and was reshipped to new york. g only escaped being charged duty on it when it arrived, by swearing that it had been originally shipped from here in good faith; yet it was entered as an import (free of duty), and showed, according to mr. greeley's one eye, that the country was on the road to ruin $600,000 worth. h, lived in brownsville, texas, where he had a lot of arms and gunpowder, worth $100,000. the mexicans levied a very high import duty on these articles, and they consequently bore a very high price in matamoras, just opposite, being worth in the market of that town no less than $250,000. he accordingly conceived the idea of smuggling them into mexican territory, and, with the connivance of the mexican officials, (what rascals these foreign custom-house officials are, to be sure!) actually succeeded in doing so, and thus realized the very handsome profit of $150,000 in gold. the entire proceeds he invested in mexican indigo and cochineal, worth in mexico $250,000, and in boston $275,000, in bond, plus charges. of course, no export entry was furnished to the customs collector at brownsville; but mr. greeley fastened his one eye on the indigo and cochineal, when it arrived in boston, and made up his mind that the country had lost $250,000. as for h, he has invested $100,000 in more gunpowder and arms, and starts for brownsville next week, to try his luck again. with the other $175,000 he has a notion of buying out the new york _tribune_, and setting it right on free trade, and other matters of the sort. i, and his friends owned a fine fleet of merchantmen when the war broke out. the aggregate burden of the vessels was nearly a million of tons, and they were worth $40 a ton. when the rebel cruisers commenced their operations, there were no united states cruisers prepared to capture them, because our best vessels were on blockade service. this being the case, insurance on american merchantmen rose very high--so high that i and his friends were reluctantly compelled to sell their vessels in great britain and elsewhere, and convert them into cash. they brought $40,000,000, and this sum was invested in merchandise, which netted a profit of ten per cent. to i and his friends. they thus gained $4,000,000 by these transactions. the entire proceeds, $44,000,000, they then lent to the government with which to carry on its war of existence with the southern insurgents. profitable as these transactions clearly were to i and his friends, and to the government, mr. greeley, nevertheless, only sees the import of $40,000,000 worth of foreign extravagances, and consequently wants the tariff on iron increased in order to make water run up hill. j, had $2,000,000 in five-twenty bonds, which cost him $1,400,000 gold. as the market price in new york was only 70 gold, while it was 72-1/4 in london, he conceived the inhuman idea of selling them in the latter place. the cost of sending them there, including insurance, &c., made them net him but 72, but at this price he gained a profit of $40,000. with his capital now augmented to $1,440,000 he bought rags in italy, which he sold in new york for $1,584,000, ex duty and plus transportation, a clear profit of $184,000 from the start. no export appearing in the commerce and navigation returns, and nothing but the rags meeting his unital gaze, mr. greeley at once posted his national ledger with a loss of $1,440,000, the cost of the rags in italy. k, was, and is still (for these are actual transactions taken from his account books), an exchange broker, doing business in new york. he buys notes on the banks of england, ireland, scotland, france and canada--indeed, foreign banknotes of all kinds--for which he usually pays about ninety per cent, of their face value. by the end of last year he had invested $200,000 in these notes brought here by travellers. he then inclosed them in letters, and sent them to their proper destinations to be redeemed. redeemed they were in due time, and the proceeds remitted in gold. in this business he earned the neat profit of $22,222, and the country was that much richer thereby. but mr. greeley, who only looked at the import of k's gold remittance, declared the country $22,222 worse off than before, and dares us to "come on" with the figures. l, and some fifty thousand other skedaddlers ran off to canada when the war broke out, for fear they might be drafted. together with the colored folks who fled there, and the many travellers who went there from time to time, they carried with them most of our silver half-dollars, quarters, dimes, half-dimes, and three-cent pieces. these amounted to $25,000,000, which the skedaddlers, the colored folks, and the travellers, as with returning peace they slowly straggled back into the country, invested in canadian knick-knacks, which they disposed of in the united states. the incoming goods were duly entered at our frontier custom-houses, but the outgoing silver was not. mr. greeley, unaware of this fact, detects an over-importation of $25,000,000, and is waiting to be elected to congress in order to legislate the matter right. m, (an actual transaction) had $1,000,000 in illinois central railroad bonds, for which he desired to obtain $1,000,000 worth of iron rails to repair the road with. not being able to effect the transaction in the united states, he sent the bonds to germany, where they were sold, and the proceeds invested in english railroad iron, worth $1,000,000 in glasgow, but $1,100,000 in chicago, ex duty, and plus transportation. by this transaction m, besides effecting the desired exchange, netted a profit of $100,000. yet, according to the commerce and navigation reports, and mr. greeley's one eye, as there had been no exports and $1,000,000 of imports, the country was a sufferer by the latter sum. n, was a body of incorporators who owned a tract of land lying in the bend of a river. standing in need of water power for manufacturing purposes, they resolved to cut a canal across the bend. as this would essentially benefit the navigation of the river, the state agreed to guaranty their bonds for a loan of money to the extent of $1,000,000. finding no purchaser for these bonds in the united states, they remitted them to europe, and there sold them at par. with the proceeds they purchased army blankets for the boston market, on which they realized ten per cent. net profit. these sold, the avails were invested in barrows, spades, water-wheels, wages, &c., and in good time the canal was cut and the manufactory set a-going. profitable as this thing was to n, mr. greeley's single-barrelled telescope sees in it only a loss to the country of $1,000,000. o, represents the illinois central, union pacific, and other western railroads, owning grants of land along their respective roads, to sell which to actual settlers they open agencies in london, havre, antwerp, and other european cities. the emigrants who buy these lands pay for them in europe, and set sail for america with their title-deeds in their pockets, and their axes on their shoulders, ready for a conquest over forest and prairie. the agents of the illinois central railroad (see report of the company), who have sold 1,664,422 acres, say at an average of ten dollars per acre, invested the proceeds, $16,644,220, in iron rails for the road, worth that sum in england, but ten per cent. more in illinois, less duty and plus transportation. the road has thus not only netted a profit of $1,664,422 on the transaction, but sold their wild lands to actual settlers, who will soon convert them into productive farms. but mr. greeley, upon seeing an import of $16,644,220 of iron rails, declares the thing must be stopped or the country will perish. p, is sir morton peto and other european capitalists, who, believing that eight per cent., the average rate of interest in the united states, is better than three per cent., the average rate in england, invest $10,000,000 of capital in american enterprises. this capital is sent hither in the form of merchandise, to stock our railroads, farms, factories, etc., and is so much clear benefit to the country; but to mr. greeley's solitary vision it is only a curse. q, and his friends are cozy old-fashioned merchants in boston city, who own one hundred and seventy-nine vessels (see consular reports, 1865), which trade between foreign ports and away from the united states altogether. these vessels have an aggregate burden of one million tons, are worth forty dollars, gold, per ton, and earn a net profit per annum of ten per cent. on their cost. although in this kind of carrying trade we are wofully behind other nations, yet it yields, in twelve years (the average age of the vessels engaged in it), the neat little profit of $48,000,000, which is invested by q in tea, coffee, and sugar, and imported into the united states at a net profit of ten per cent. although an unquestionable gain to q and the country at large of $52,800,000, mr. greeley, with his contracted views, only regards it as a dead loss on the import side of our commerce and navigation returns. r, was a bank which had a defaulting cashier, who ran away in 1857 with $500,000 of its funds. (sch*yl*r carried off a million of new haven railroad bonds). these funds were recovered and converted into gold, which was shipped to the united states. according to mr. greeley, who could find no record of exports to counterbalance it, the same was a dead loss to the country. s, and his friends own 76,990 tons of whaling ships (see commerce and navigation reports, 1866), worth $40 per ton, gold, or $3,079,600. these ships are sent annually to the arctic regions and earn for s and his friends ten per cent., or $307,960 net profit each year. five years' profits, consisting of whale oil, bone, etc., which, after an active and profitable trade at the sandwich islands, they returned with this year, were valued at $1,655,659, and were duly entered among the imports, furnishing to mr. greeley an indubitable proof that the country was losing money in this business, and that the attention of congress should at once be directed toward supplying a proper remedy. t, was a south american refugee, who brought with him a million of dollars in gold doubloons. after living here for many years, by which time, through foreign trading, his capital had doubled, he invested the entire avails in united states bonds, as a last and striking evidence of his faith in our institutions, and departed to his native country, there to rest his bones. this man clearly prospered, and so did the country in which he settled, and on whose national faith he lent all his fortune. yet mr. greeley concludes the whole thing to have been a bad job for us, and harps upon another over-importation of $1,000,000. u, is a gallant yankee sea-captain, who picks up an abandoned vessel at sea laden with a valuable cargo of teas, and bravely tows her into port, receiving $200,000 of the proceeds of the sale of her cargo as salvage for his skill and intrepidity. from mr. greeley's point of view u is a traitor to his country, and suffering a merited poverty for over-importing. but u drives his carriage about town, and has his own opinion of mr. greeley's views. v, having a debt of $300,000 due to him by a merchant in alexandria, requests him to invest the same in arabian horses, as fancy stock to improve american breeds. the horses arrive in good order, and on being sold, yield v a net profit of $30,000, besides enriching our native breeds of these useful animals. mr. greeley still holds out, and jots the whole transaction down as an additional evidence of national decadence. tabular expose. official returns of these transactions as they would appear per commerce and navigation reports.--sums all stated in gold. --+------------+------------+------------+----------------| |exports. | imports. | net profit |immediate | |value in the| foreign | to the |accretion to the| |united | value. | individual.|country's stock | |states. | | |of productive | | | | |wealth. | --+------------+------------+------------+----------------| a | $10,000,000| $11,000,000| $2,000,000 | $2,000,000 | b | | 1,000,000| 100,000 | 1,100,000 | c | | 1,000,000| 100,000 | 1,000,000 | d | | 1,000,000| 1,100,000 | 1,100,000 | e | 1,000,000| 1,610,510| 610,510 | 610,510 | f | | 200,000| 50,000 | 50,000 | g | | 600,000| | | h | | 250,000| 175,000 | 175,000 | i | | 40,000,000| 4,000,000 | 4,000,000 | j | | 1,440,000| 184,000 | 1,584,000 | k | | 222,222| 22,222 | 22,222 | l | | 25,000,000| | 25,000,000 | m | | 1,000,000| 100,000 | 1,000,000 | n | | 1,000,000| 100,000 | 1,100,000 | o | | 16,644,220| 1,664,422 | 18,308,642 | p | | 10,000,000| | 10,000,000 | q | | 48,000,000| 52,800,000 | 52,800,000 | r | | 500,000| 500,000 | 500,000 | s | | 1,655,659| 1,655,659 | 1,655,659 | t | | 1,000,000| 1,000,000 | 2,000,000 | u | | 200,000| 200,000 | 200,000 | v | | 300,000| 30,000 | 330,000 | w | | | | | x | | | | | y | | | | | z | | | | | --+------------+------------+------------+----------------| $11,000,000|$163,622,611|$66,391,813 |$124,736,033 | ----------------------------------------------------------w, x, y, z, represent 43,628,427,835,109 other commercial transactions, in all of which the parties to them and the countries in which they live make money, but which, regarded from mr. greeley's solitary point of view, should be stopped at once by appropriate legislation. these various transactions, it will be perceived, have netted to the individuals engaged in them a clear profit of $66,391,813, while the country has added to its immediate stock of wealth not only this sum, but $58,344,220 over, viz: $124,736,033; while, according to the balance of trade chimera, which simply weighs the custom-house reports of the value of the exports with that of the imports (and their values in their respective countries of production, too), this commerce has been a loss to the country of $163,622,611--$11,000,000: $152,622,611. so much for _theory_ when confronted with _practice_. the truth is, that the theory of the balance of trade should be precisely _reversed_. the profits accruing to the nation from any foreign commerce should be calculated by the overplus of the importation above the exportation. this overplus, after the deduction of expenses, is the real gain. here we have the true theory, and it is one which leads directly to freedom in trade. i now, gentlemen, abandon you this theory, as i have done all those of the preceding chapters. do with it as you please, exaggerate it as you will; it has nothing to fear. push it to the furthest extreme; imagine, if it so please you, that foreign nations should inundate us with useful produce of every description, and ask nothing in return; that our importations should be _infinite_, and our exportations _nothing_. imagine all this, and still i defy you to prove that we will be the poorer in consequence. chapter vii. a petition. petition from the manufacturers of candles, wax-lights, lamps, chandeliers, reflectors, snuffers, extinguishers; and from the producers of tallow, oil, resin, petroleum, kerosene, alcohol, and generally of every thing used for lights. "_to the honorable the senators and representatives of the united states in congress assembled._ "gentlemen:--you are in the right way: you reject abstract theories; abundance, cheapness, concerns you little. you are entirely occupied with the interest of the producer, whom you are anxious to free from foreign competition. in a word, you wish to secure the _national market_ to _national labor_. "we come now to offer you an admirable opportunity for the application of your--what shall we say? your theory? no, nothing is more deceiving than theory--your doctrine? your system? your principle? but you do not like doctrines; you hold systems in horror; and, as for principles, you declare that there are no such things in political economy. we will say, then, your practice; your practice without theory, and without principle. "we are subjected to the intolerable competition of a foreign rival, who enjoys, it would seem, such superior facilities for the production of light, that he is enabled to _inundate_ our _national market_ at so exceedingly reduced a price, that, the moment he makes his appearance, he draws off all custom from us; and thus an important branch of american industry, with all its innumerable ramifications, is suddenly reduced to a state of complete stagnation. this rival, who is no other than the sun, carries on so bitter a war against us, that we have every reason to believe that he has been excited to this course by our perfidious cousins, the britishers. (good diplomacy this, for the present time!) in this belief we are confirmed by the fact that in all his transactions with their befogged island, he is much more moderate and careful than with us. "our petition is, that it would please your honorable body to pass a law whereby shall be directed the shutting up of all windows, dormers, sky-lights, shutters, curtains--in a word, all openings, holes, chinks, and fissures through which the light of the sun is used to penetrate into our dwellings, to the prejudice of the profitable manufactures which we flatter ourselves we have been enabled to bestow upon the country; which country cannot, therefore, without ingratitude, leave us now to struggle unprotected through so unequal a contest. "we pray your honorable body not to mistake our petition for a satire, nor to repulse us without at least hearing the reasons which we have to advance in its favor. "and first, if, by shutting out as much as possible all access to natural light, you thus create the necessity for artificial light, is there in the united states an industrial pursuit which will not, through some connection with this important object, be benefited by it? "if more tallow be consumed, there will arise a necessity for an increase of cattle and sheep. thus artificial meadows must be in greater demand; and meat, wool, leather, and above all, manure, this basis of agricultural riches, must become more abundant. "if more oil be consumed, it will effect a great impetus to our petroleum trade. pit-hole, tack, and oil creek stock will go up exceedingly, and an immense revenue will thereby accrue to the numerous possessors of oil lands, who will be able to pay such a large tax that the national debt can be paid off at once. besides that, the patent hermetical barrel trade, and numerous other industries connected with the oil trade, will prosper at an unprecedented rate, to the great benefit and glory of the country. "navigation would equally profit. thousands of vessels would soon be employed in the whale fisheries, and thence would arise a navy capable of sustaining the honor of the united states, and of responding to the patriotic sentiments of the undersigned petitioners, candle-merchants, &c. "but what words can express the magnificence which new york will then exhibit! cast an eye upon the future, and behold the gildings, the bronzes, the magnificent crystal chandeliers, lamps, lusters, and candelabras, which will glitter in the spacious stores, compared to which the splendor of the present day will appear little and insignificant. "there is none, not even the poor manufacturer of resin in the midst of his pine forests, nor the miserable miner in his dark dwelling, but who would enjoy an increase of salary and of comforts. "gentlemen, if you will be pleased to reflect, you cannot fail to be convinced that there is perhaps not one american, from the opulent stockholder of pit-hole, down to the poorest vender of matches, who is not interested in the success of our petition. "we foresee your objections, gentlemen; but there is not one that you can oppose to us which you will not be obliged to gather from the works of the partisans of free trade. we dare challenge you to pronounce one word against our petition, which is not equally opposed to your own practice and the principle which guides your policy. "if you tell us that, though we may gain by this protection, the united states will not gain, because the consumer must pay the price of it, we answer you: "you have no longer any right to cite the interest of the consumer. for whenever this has been found to compete with that of the producer, you have invariably sacrificed the first. you have done this to _encourage labor_, to _increase the demand for labor_. the same reason should now induce you to act in the same manner. "you have yourselves already answered the objection. when you were told: the consumer is interested in the free introduction of iron, coal, corn, wheat, cloths, &c., your answer was: yes, but the producer is interested in their exclusion. thus, also, if the consumer is interested in the admission of light, we, the producers, pray for its interdiction. "you have also said the producer and the consumer are one. if the manufacturer gains by protection, he will cause the agriculturist to gain also; if agriculture prospers, it opens a market for manufactured goods. thus we, if you confer upon us the monopoly of furnishing light during the day, will as a first consequence buy large quantities of tallow, coal, oil, resin, kerosene, wax, alcohol, silver, iron, bronze, crystal, for the supply of our business; and then we and our numerous contractors having become rich, our consumption will be great, and will become a means of contributing to the comfort and competency of the workers in every branch of national labor. "will you say that the light of the sun is a gratuitous gift, and that to repulse gratuitous gifts is to repulse riches under pretence of encouraging the means of obtaining them? "take care--you carry the death-blow to your own policy. remember that hitherto you have always repulsed foreign produce, _because_ it was an approach to a gratuitous gift, and _the more in proportion_ as this approach was more close. you have, in obeying the wishes of other monopolists, acted only from a _half-motive_; to grant our petition there is a much _fuller inducement_. to repulse us, precisely for the reason that our case is a more complete one than any which have preceded it, would be to lay down the following equation: + × + = -; in other words, it would be to accumulate absurdity upon absurdity. "labor and nature concur in different proportions, according to country and climate, in every article of production. the portion of nature is always gratuitous; that of labor alone regulates the price. "if a lisbon orange can be sold at one hundredth the price of a new york one, it is because a natural and gratuitous heat does for the one, what the other only obtains from an artificial and consequently expensive one. "when, therefore, we purchase a portuguese orange, we may say that we obtain it 99/100 gratuitously and 1/100 by the right of labor; in other words, at a mere song compared to those of new york. "now it is precisely on account of this 99/100 _gratuity_ (excuse the phrase) that you argue in favor of exclusion. how, you say, could national labor sustain the competition of foreign labor, when the first has every thing to do, and the last is rid of nearly all the trouble, the sun taking the rest of the business upon himself? if then the 99/100 _gratuity_ can determine you to check competition, on what principle can the _entire gratuity_ be alleged as a reason for admitting it? you are no logicians if, refusing the 99/100 gratuity as hurtful to human labor, you do not _à fortiori_, and with double zeal, reject the full gratuity. "again, when any article, as coal, iron, cheese, or cloth, comes to us from foreign countries with less labor than if we produced it ourselves, the difference in price is a _gratuitous gift_ conferred upon us; and the gift is more or less considerable, according as the difference is greater or less. it is the quarter, the half, or the three-quarters of the value of the produce, in proportion as the foreign merchant requires the three-quarters, the half, or the quarter of the price. it is as complete as possible when the producer offers, as the sun does with light, the whole, in free gift. the question is, and we put it formally, whether you wish for the united states the benefit of gratuitous consumption, or the supposed advantages of laborious production. choose: but be consistent. and does it not argue the greatest inconsistency to check, as you do, the importation of iron-ware, dry-goods, and other foreign manufactures, merely because, and even in proportion as, their price approaches zero, while at the same time you freely admit, and without limitation, the light of the sun, whose price is during the whole day _at_ zero?" chapter viii. discriminating duties. a poor laborer of ohio had raised, with the greatest possible care and attention, a nursery of vines, from which, after much labor, he at last succeeded in producing a pipe of catawba wine, and forgot, in the joy of his success, that each drop of this precious nectar had cost a drop of sweat to his brow. "i will sell it," said he to his wife, "and with the proceeds i will buy lace, which will serve you to make a present for our daughter." the honest countryman, arriving in the city of cincinnati, there met an englishman and a yankee. the yankee said to him, "give me your wine, and i in exchange will give you fifteen bundles of yankee lace." the englishman said, "give it to me, and i will give you twenty bundles of english lace, for we english can spin cheaper than the yankees." but a custom-house officer standing by, said to the laborer, "my good fellow, make your exchange, if you choose, with brother jonathan, but it is my duty to prevent your doing so with the englishman." "what!" exclaimed the countryman, "you wish me to take fifteen bundles of new england lace, when i can have twenty from manchester!" "certainly," replied the custom-house officer; "do you not see that the united states would be a loser if you were to receive twenty bundles instead of fifteen?" "i can scarcely understand this," said the laborer. "nor can i explain it," said the custom-house officer, "but there is no doubt of the fact; for congressmen, ministers, and editors, all agree that a people is impoverished in proportion as it receives a large compensation for any given quantity of its produce." the countryman was obliged to conclude his bargain with the yankee. his daughter received but three-fourths of her present; and these good folks are still puzzling themselves to discover how it can happen that people are ruined by receiving four instead of three; and why they are richer with three dozen bundles of lace instead of four. chapter ix. a wonderful discovery. at this moment, when all minds are occupied in endeavoring to discover the most economical means of transportation; when, to put these means into practice, we are levelling roads, improving rivers, perfecting steamboats, establishing railroads, and attempting various systems of traction, atmospheric, hydraulic, pneumatic, electric, &c.; at this moment, when, i believe, every one is seeking in sincerity and with ardor the solution of this problem--"_to bring the price of things in their place of consumption, as near as possible to their price in that of production_"--i would believe myself to be acting a culpable part towards my country, towards the age in which i live, and towards myself, if i were longer to keep secret the wonderful discovery which i have just made. i am well aware that the self-illusions of inventors have become proverbial, but i have, nevertheless, the most complete certainty of having discovered an infallible means of bringing produce from all parts of the world into the united states, and reciprocally to transport ours, with a very important reduction of price. infallible! and yet this is but a single one of the advantages of my astonishing invention, which requires neither plans nor devices, neither preparatory studies, nor engineers, nor machinists, nor capital, nor stockholders, nor governmental assistance! there is no danger of shipwrecks, of explosions, of shocks of fire, nor of displacement of rails! it can be put into practice without preparation almost any day we think proper! finally: and this will, no doubt, recommend it to the public, it will not increase the budget one cent; but the contrary. it will not augment the number of office-holders, nor the exigencies of state; but the contrary. it will put in hazard the liberty of no one; but on the contrary, it will secure to each a greater freedom. i have been led to this discovery, not from accident, but from observation, and i will tell you how. i had this question to determine: "why does any article made, for instance, at montreal, bear an increased price on its arrival at new york?" it was immediately evident to me that this was the result of _obstacles_ of various kinds existing between montreal and new york. first, there is _distance_, which cannot be overcome without trouble and loss of time; and either we must submit to these troubles and losses in our own person, or pay another for bearing them for us. then come rivers, hills, accidents, heavy and muddy roads. these are so many _difficulties_ to be overcome; in order to do which, causeways are constructed, bridges built, roads cut and paved, railroads established, &c. but all this is costly, and the article transported must bear its portion of the expense. there are robbers, too, on the roads, sometimes, and this necessitates railway guards, a police force, &c. now, among these _obstacles_, there is one which we ourselves have lately placed, and that at no little expense, between montreal and new york. this consists of men planted along the frontier, armed to the teeth, whose business it is to place _difficulties_ in the way of the transportation of goods from one country to another. these men are called custom-house officers, and their effect is precisely similar to that of rutted and boggy roads. they retard and put obstacles in the way of transportation, thus contributing to the difference which we have remarked between the price of production and that of consumption; to diminish which difference, as much as possible, is the problem which we are seeking to resolve. here, then, we have found its solution. let our tariff be diminished: we will thus have constructed a northern railway which will cost us nothing. nay, more, we will be saved great expenses, and will begin, from the first day, to save capital. really, i cannot but ask myself, in surprise, how our brains could have admitted so whimsical a piece of folly as to induce us to pay many millions to destroy the _natural obstacles_ interposed between the united states and other nations, only at the same time to pay so many millions more in order to replace them by _artificial obstacles_, which have exactly the same effect; so that the obstacle removed and the obstacle created, neutralize each other, things go on as before, and the only result of our trouble is a double expense. an article of canadian production is worth, at montreal, twenty dollars, and, from the expenses of transportation, thirty dollars at new york. a similar article of new york manufacture costs forty dollars. what is our course under these circumstances? first, we impose a duty of at least ten dollars on the canadian article, so as to raise its price to a level with that of the new york one--the government, withal, paying numerous officials to attend to the levying of this duty. the article thus pays ten dollars for transportation, and ten for the tax. this done, we say to ourselves: transportation between montreal and new york is very dear; let us spend two or three millions in railways, and we will reduce it one-half. evidently the result of such a course will be to get the canadian article at new york for thirty-five dollars, viz.: 20 dollars--price at montreal. 10 " duty. 5 " transportation by railway. - 35 dollars--total, or market price at new york. could we not have attained the same end by lowering the tariff to five dollars? we would then have- 20 dollars--price at montreal. 5 " duty. 10 " transportation on the common road. - 35 dollars--total, or market price at new york. and this arrangement would have saved us the $2,000,000 spent upon the railway, besides the expense saved in custom-house surveillance, which would of course diminish in proportion as the temptation to smuggling would become less. but it is answered: the duty is necessary to protect new york industry. so be it; but do not then destroy the effect of it by your railway. for if you persist in your determination to keep the canadian article on a par with the new york one at forty dollars, you must raise the duty to fifteen dollars, in order to have:- 20 dollars--price at montreal. 15 " protective duty. 5 " transportation by railway. - 40 dollars--total, at equalized prices. and i now ask, of what benefit, under these circumstances, is the railway? frankly, is it not humiliating to the nineteenth century, that it should be destined to transmit to future ages the example of such puerilities seriously and gravely practised? to be the dupe of another, is bad enough; but to employ all the forms and ceremonies of representation in order to cheat oneself--to doubly cheat oneself, and that too in a mere numerical account--truly this is calculated to lower a little the pride of this _enlightened age_. chapter x. reciprocity. we have just seen that all which renders transportation difficult, acts in the same manner as protection; or, if the expression be preferred, that protection tends towards the same result as all obstacles to transportation. a tariff may be truly spoken of as a swamp, a rut, a steep hill; in a word, an _obstacle_, whose effect is to augment the difference between the price of consumption and that of production. it is equally incontestable that a swamp, a bog, &c., are veritable protective tariffs. there are people (few in number, it is true, but such there are) who begin to understand that obstacles are not the less obstacles because they are artificially created, and that our well-being is more advanced by freedom of trade than by protection; precisely as a canal is more desirable than a sandy, hilly, and difficult road. but they still say, this liberty ought to be reciprocal. if we take off our taxes in favor of canada, while canada does not do the same towards us, it is evident that we are duped. let us, then, make _treaties of commerce_ upon the basis of a just reciprocity; let us yield where we are yielded to; let us make the _sacrifice_ of buying that we may obtain the advantage of selling. persons who reason thus, are (i am sorry to say), whether they know it or not, governed by the protectionist principle. they are only a little more inconsistent than the pure protectionists, as these are more inconsistent than the absolute prohibitionists. i will illustrate this by a fable: there were, it matters not where, two towns, n*w y*rk and m*ntr**l, which, at great expense, had a road built, which connected them with each other. some time after this was done, the inhabitants of n*w y*rk became uneasy, and said: "m*ntr**l is overwhelming us with its productions; this must be attended to." they established, therefore, a corps of _obstructors_, so called, because their business was to place obstacles in the way of the convoys which arrived from m*ntr**l. soon after, m*ntr**l also established a corps of obstructors. after some years, people having become more enlightened, the inhabitants of m*ntr**l began to discover that these reciprocal obstacles might possibly be reciprocal injuries. they sent, therefore, an ambassador to n*w y*rk, who (passing over the official phraseology) spoke much to this effect: "we have built a road, and now we put obstacles in the way of this road. this is absurd. it would have been far better to have left things in their original position, for then we would not have been put to the expense of building our road, and afterwards of creating difficulties. in the name of m*ntr**l i come to propose to you not to renounce at once our system of mutual obstacles, for this would be acting according to a principle, and we despise principles as much as you do; but to somewhat lighten these obstacles, weighing at the same time carefully our respective _sacrifices_." the ambassador having thus spoken, the town of n*w y*rk asked time to reflect; manufacturers, office-seekers, congressmen, and custom-house officers, were consulted; and at last, after some years' deliberation, it was declared that the negotiations were broken off. at this news, the inhabitants of m*ntr**l held a council. an old man (who it has always been supposed had been secretly bribed by n*w y*rk) rose and said: "the obstacles raised by n*w y*rk are injurious to our sales; this is a misfortune. those which we ourselves create, injure our purchases; this is a second misfortune. we have no power over the first, but the second is entirely dependent upon ourselves. let us then at least get rid of one, since we cannot be delivered from both. let us suppress our corps of obstructors, without waiting for n*w y*rk to do the same. some day or other she will learn to better calculate her own interests." a second counsellor, a man of practice and of facts, uncontrolled by principles and wise in ancestral experience, replied: "we must not listen to this dreamer, this theorist, this innovator, this utopian, this political economist, this friend to n*w y*rk. we would be entirely ruined if the embarrassments of the road were not carefully weighed and exactly equalized between n*w y*rk and m*ntr**l. there would be more difficulty in going than in coming; in exportation than in importation. we would be with regard to n*w y*rk, in the inferior condition in which havre, nantes, bordeaux, lisbon, london, hamburg, and new orleans, are, in relation to cities placed higher up the rivers seine, loire, garonne, tagus, thames, elbe, and mississippi; for the difficulties of ascending must always be greater than those of descending rivers." "(a voice exclaims: 'but the cities near the mouths of rivers have always prospered more than those higher up the stream.') "this is not possible." "(the same voice: 'but it is a fact.') "well, they have then prospered _contrary to rule_." such conclusive reasoning staggered the assembly. the orator went on to convince them thoroughly and conclusively by speaking of national independence, national honor, national dignity, national labor, overwhelming importation, tributes, ruinous competition. in short, he succeeded in determining the assembly to continue their system of obstacles, and i can now point out a certain country where you may see road-workers and obstructors working with the best possible understanding, by the decree of the same legislative assembly, paid by the same citizens; the first to improve the road, the last to embarrass it. chapter xi. absolute prices. if we wish to judge between freedom of trade and protection, to calculate the probable effect of any political phenomenon, we should notice how far its influence tends to the production of _abundance_ or _scarcity_, and not simply of _cheapness_ or _dearness_ of price. we must beware of trusting to absolute prices: it would lead to inextricable confusion. mr. protectionist, after having established the fact that protection raises prices, adds: "the augmentation of price increases the expenses of life, and consequently the price of labor, and every one finds in the increase of the price of his produce the same proportion as in the increase of his expenses. thus, if everybody pays as consumer, everybody receives also as producer." it is evident that it would be easy to reverse the argument, and say: if everybody receives as producer, everybody must pay as consumer. now what does this prove? nothing whatever, unless it be that protection _transfers_ riches, uselessly and unjustly. spoliation does the same. again, to prove that the complicated arrangements of this system give even simple compensation, it is necessary to adhere to the "_consequently_" of mr. protectionist, and to convince oneself that the price of labor rises with that of the articles protected. this is a question of fact. for my own part i do not believe in it, because i think that the price of labor, like everything else, is governed by the proportion existing between the supply and the demand. now i can perfectly well understand that _restriction_ will diminish the supply of produce, and consequently raise its price; but i do not as clearly see that it increases the demand for labor, thereby raising the rate of wages. this is the less conceivable to me, because the sum of labor required depends upon the quantity of disposable capital; and protection, while it may change the direction of capital, and transfer it from one business to another, cannot increase it one penny. this question, which is of the highest interest, we will examine elsewhere. i return to the discussion of _absolute prices_, and declare that there is no absurdity which cannot be rendered specious by such reasoning as that which is commonly resorted to by protectionists. imagine an isolated nation possessing a given quantity of cash, and every year wantonly burning the half of its produce; i will undertake to prove by the protective theory that this nation will not be the less rich in consequence of such a procedure. for, the result of the conflagration must be, that everything would double in price. an inventory made before this event, would offer exactly the same nominal value as one made after it. who, then, would be the loser? if john buys his cloth dearer, he also sells his corn at a higher price; and if peter makes a loss on the purchase of his corn, he gains it back by the sale of his cloth. thus "every one finds in the increase of the price of his produce, the same proportion as in the increase of his expenses: and thus if everybody pays as consumer, everybody also receives as producer." all this is nonsense, and not science. the simple truth is, that whether men destroy their corn and cloth by fire, or by use, the effect is the same as regards price, but not as regards riches, for it is precisely in the enjoyment of the use, that riches--in other words, comfort, well-being--exist. restriction may in the same way, while it lessens the abundance of things, raise their prices, so as to leave each individual as rich, _numerically speaking_, as when unembarrassed by it. but because we put down in an inventory three bushels of corn at $1, or four bushels at 75 cents, and sum up the nominal value of each inventory at $3, does it thence follow that they are equally capable of contributing to the necessities of the community? to this truthful and common-sense view of the phenomenon of consumption it will be my continual endeavor to lead the protectionists; for in this is the end of all my efforts, the solution of every problem. i must continually repeat to them that restriction, by impeding commerce, by limiting the division of labor, by forcing it to combat difficulties of situation and temperature, must in its results diminish the quantity produced by any fixed quantum of labor. and what can it benefit us that the smaller quantity produced under the protective system bears the same _nominal value_ as the greater quantity produced under the free trade system? man does not live on _nominal values_, but on real articles of produce; and the more abundant these articles are, no matter what price they may bear, the richer is he. the following passage occurs in the writings of a french protectionist: "if fifteen millions of merchandise sold to foreign nations, be taken from our ordinary produce, calculated at fifty millions, the thirty-five millions of merchandise which remain, not being sufficient for the ordinary demand, will increase in price to the value of fifty millions. the revenue of the country will thus represent fifteen millions more in value.... there will then be an increase of fifteen millions in the riches of the country; precisely the amount of the importation of money." this is droll enough! if a country has made in the course of the year fifty millions of revenue in harvests and merchandise, she need but sell one-quarter to foreign nations, in order to make herself one-quarter richer than before! if then she sold the half, she would increase her riches by one-half; and if the last hair of her wool, the last grain of her wheat, were to be changed for cash, she would thus raise her product to one hundred millions, where before it was but fifty! a singular manner, certainly, of becoming rich. unlimited price produced by unlimited scarcity! to sum up our judgment of the two systems, let us contemplate their different effects when pushed to the most exaggerated extreme. according to the protectionist just quoted, the french would be quite as rich, that is to say, as well provided with everything, if they had but a thousandth part of their annual produce, because this part would then be worth a thousand times its natural value! so much for looking at prices alone. according to us, the french would be infinitely rich if their annual produce were infinitely abundant, and consequently bearing no value at all. chapter xii. does protection raise the rate of wages? when we hear our beardless scribblers, romancers, reformers, our perfumed magazine writers, stuffed with ices and champagne, as they carefully place in their portfolios the sentimental scissorings which fill the current literature of the day, or cause to be decorated with gilded ornaments their tirades against the egotism and the individualism of the age; when we hear them declaiming against social abuses, and groaning over deficient wages and needy families; when we see them raising their eyes to heaven and weeping over the wretchedness of the laboring classes, while they never visit this wretchedness unless it be to draw lucrative sketches of its scenes of misery, we are tempted to say to them: the sight of you is enough to make me sicken of attempting to teach the truth. affectation! affectation! it is the nauseating disease of the day! if a thinking man, a sincere philanthropist, takes into consideration the condition of the working classes and endeavors to lay bare their necessities, scarcely has his work made an impression before it is greedily seized upon by the crowd of reformers, who turn, twist, examine, quote, exaggerate it, until it becomes ridiculous; and then, as sole compensation, you are overwhelmed with such big words as: organization, association; you are flattered and fawned upon until you become ashamed of publicly defending the cause of the working man; for how can it be possible to introduce sensible ideas in the midst of these sickening affectations? but we must put aside this cowardly indifference, which the affectation that provokes it is not enough to justify. working men, your situation is singular! you are robbed, as i will presently prove to you. but no: i retract the word; we must avoid an expression which is violent; perhaps, indeed, incorrect; inasmuch as this spoliation, wrapped in the sophisms which disguise it, is practised, we must believe, without the intention of the spoiler, and with the consent of the spoiled. but it is nevertheless true that you are deprived of the just remuneration of your labor, while no one thinks of causing _justice_ to be rendered to you. if you could be consoled by the noisy appeals of your champions to philanthropy, to powerless charity, to degrading almsgiving, or if the high-sounding words of voice of the people, rights of labor, &c., would relieve you--these indeed you can have in abundance. but _justice_, simple _justice_--this nobody thinks of rendering you. for would it not be _just_ that after a long day's labor, when you have received your wages, you should be permitted to exchange them for the largest possible sum of comforts you can obtain voluntarily from any man upon the face of the earth? i too, perhaps, may some day speak to you of the voice of the people, the rights of labor, &c., and may perhaps be able to show you what you have to expect from the chimeras by which you allow yourselves to be led astray. in the meantime let us examine if _injustice_ is not done to you by the legislative limitation of the number of persons from whom you are allowed to buy those things which you need; as iron, coal, cotton and woollen cloths, &c.; thus artificially fixing (so to express myself) the price which these articles must bear. is it true that protection, which avowedly raises prices, and thus injures you, proportionably raises the rate of wages? on what does the rate of wages depend? one of your own class has energetically said: "when two workmen run after a boss, wages fall; when two bosses run after a workman, wages rise." allow me, in similar laconic phrase, to employ a more scientific, though perhaps a less striking expression: "the rate of wages depends upon the proportion which the supply of labor bears to the demand." on what depends the _demand_ for labor? on the quantity of disposable capital seeking investment. and the law which says, "such or such an article shall be limited to home production and no longer imported from foreign countries," can it in any degree increase this capital? not in the least. this law may withdraw it from one course, and transfer it to another; but cannot increase it one penny. then it cannot increase the demand for labor. while we point with pride to some prosperous manufacture, can we answer, whence comes the capital with which it is founded and maintained? has it fallen from the moon? or rather is it not drawn either from agriculture, or stock-breeding, or commerce? we here see why, since the reign of protective tariffs, if we see more workmen in our mines and our manufacturing towns, we find also fewer vessels in our ports, fewer graziers and fewer laborers in our fields and upon our hill-sides. i could speak at great length upon this subject, but prefer illustrating my thought by an example. a countryman had twenty acres of land, with a capital of $10,000. he divided his land into four parts, and adopted for it the following changes of crops: 1st, maize; 2d, wheat; 3d, clover; and 4th, rye. as he needed for himself and family but a small portion of the grain, meat, and dairy produce of the farm, he sold the surplus and bought iron, coal, cloths, etc. the whole of his capital was yearly distributed in wages and payments of accounts to the workingmen of the neighborhood. this capital was, from his sales, again returned to him, and even increased from year to year. our countryman, being fully convinced that idle capital produces nothing, caused to circulate among the working classes this annual increase, which he devoted to the inclosing and clearing of lands, or to improvements in his farming utensils and his buildings. he deposited some sums in reserve in the hands of a neighboring banker, who on his part did not leave these idle in his strong-box, but lent them to various tradesmen, so that the whole came to be usefully employed in the payment of wages. the countryman died, and his son, become master of the inheritance, said to himself: "it must be confessed that my father has, all his life, allowed himself to be duped. he bought iron, and thus paid _tribute_ to england, while our own land could, by an effort, be made to produce iron as well as england. he bought coal, cloths, and oranges, thus paying _tribute_ to new brunswick, france, and sicily, very unnecessarily; for coal may be found, doeskins may be made, and oranges may be forced to grow, within our own territory. he paid tribute to the foreign miner and the weaver; our own servants could very well mine our iron and get up native doeskins almost as good as the french article. he did all he could to ruin himself, and gave to strangers what ought to have been kept for the benefit of his own household." full of this reasoning, our headstrong fellow determined to change the routine of his crops. he divided his farm into twenty parts. on one he dug for coal; on another he erected a cloth factory; on a third he put a hot-house and cultivated the orange; he devoted the fourth to vines, the fifth to wheat, &c., &c. thus he succeeded in rendering himself _independent_, and furnished all his family supplies from his own farm. he no longer received anything from the general circulation; neither, it is true, did he cast anything into it. was he the richer for this course? no; for his mine did not yield coal as cheaply as he could buy it in the market, nor was the climate favorable to the orange. in short, the family supply of these articles was very inferior to what it had been during the time when the father had obtained them and others by exchange of produce. with regard to the demand for labor, it certainly was no greater than formerly. there were, to be sure, five times as many fields to cultivate, but they were five times smaller. if coal was mined, there was also less wheat; and because there were no more oranges bought, neither was there any more rye sold. besides, the farmer could not spend in wages more than his capital, and his capital, instead of increasing, was now constantly diminishing. a great part of it was necessarily devoted to numerous buildings and utensils, indispensable to a person who determines to undertake everything. in short, the supply of labor continued the same, but the means of paying became less. the result is precisely similar when a nation isolates itself by the prohibitive system. its number of industrial pursuits is certainly multiplied, but their importance is diminished. in proportion to their number, they become less productive, for the same capital and the same skill are obliged to meet a greater number of difficulties. the fixed capital absorbs a greater part of the circulating capital; that is to say, a greater part of the funds destined to the payment of wages. what remains, ramifies itself in vain; the quantity cannot be augmented. it is like the water of a deep pond, which, distributed among a multitude of small reservoirs, appears to be more abundant, because it covers a greater quantity of soil, and presents a larger surface to the sun, while we hardly perceive that, precisely on this account, it absorbs, evaporates, and loses itself the quicker. capital and labor being given, the result is, a sum of production, always the less great in proportion as obstacles are numerous. there can be no doubt that international barriers, by forcing capital and labor to struggle against greater difficulties of soil and climate, must cause the general production to be less, or, in other words, diminish the portion of comforts which would thence result to mankind. if, then, there be a general diminution of comforts, how, working men, can it be possible that _your_ portion should be increased? under such a supposition it would be necessary to believe that the rich, those who made the law, have so arranged matters, that not only they subject themselves to their own proportion of the general diminution, but taking the whole of it upon themselves, that they submit also to a further loss in order to increase your gains. is this credible? is this possible? it is, indeed, a most suspicious act of generosity; and if you act wisely you will reject it. chapter xiii. theory and practice. defenders of free trade, we are accused of being mere theorists, of not giving sufficient weight to the practical. "what a fearful charge against you, free traders," say the protectionists, "is this long succession of distinguished statesmen, this imposing race of writers, who have all held opinions differing from yours!" this we do not deny. we answer, "it is said, in support of established errors, that 'there must be some foundation for ideas so generally adopted by all nations. should not one distrust opinions and arguments which overturn that which, until now, has been held as settled; that which is held as certain by so many persons whose intelligence and motives make them trustworthy?'" we confess this argument should make a profound impression, and ought to throw doubt on the most incontestable points, if we had not seen, one after another, opinions the most false, now generally acknowledged to be such, received and professed by all the world during a long succession of centuries. it is not very long since all nations, from the most rude to the most enlightened, and all men, from the street-porter to the most learned philosopher, believed in the four elements. nobody had thought of contesting this doctrine, which is, however, false; so much so, that at this day any mere naturalist's assistant, who should consider earth, water, and fire, elements, would disgrace himself. on which our opponents make this observation: "if you suppose you have thus answered the very forcible objection you have proposed to yourselves, you deceive yourselves strangely. suppose that men, otherwise intelligent, should be mistaken on any point whatever of natural history for many centuries, that would signify or prove nothing. would water, air, earth, fire, be less useful to man whether they were or were not elements? such errors are of no consequence; they lead to no revolutions, do not unsettle the mind; above all, they injure no interests, so they might, without inconvenience, endure for millions of years. the physical world would progress just as if they did not exist. would it be thus with errors which attack the moral world? can we conceive that a system of government, absolutely false, consequently injurious, could be carried out through many centuries, among many nations, with the general consent of educated men? can we explain how such a system could be reconciled with the ever-increasing prosperity of nations? you acknowledge that the argument you combat ought to make a profound impression. yes, truly, and this impression remains, for you have rather strengthened than destroyed it." or again, they say: "it was only in the middle of the last century, the eighteenth century, in which all subjects, all principles, without exception, were delivered up to public discussion, that these furnishers of speculative ideas which are applied to everything without being applicable to anything--commenced writing on political economy. there existed, however, a system of political economy, not written, but practised by governments. it is said that colbert was its inventor, and it was the rule of all the states of europe. what is more singular, it has remained so till lately, despite anathemas and contempt, and despite the discoveries of the modern school. this system, which our writers have called the _mercantile system_, consists in opposing, by prohibitions and duties, such foreign productions as might ruin our manufacturers by their competition. this system has been pronounced futile, absurd, capable of ruining any country, by economical writers of all schools. it has been banished from all books, reduced to take refuge in the practice of every people; and we do not understand why, in regard to the wealth of nations, governments should not have yielded themselves to wise authors rather than to _the old experience_ of a system. above all, we cannot conceive why, in political economy, the american government should persist in resisting the progress of light, and in preserving, in its practice, those old errors which all our economists of the pen have designated. but we have said too much about this mercantile system, which has in its favor _facts_ alone, though sustained by scarcely a single writer of the day." would not one say, who listened only to this language, that we political economists, in merely claiming for every one _the free disposition of his own property_, had, like the fourierists, conjured up from our brains a new social order, chimerical and strange; a sort of phalanstery, without precedent in the annals of the human race, instead of merely talking plain _meum_ and _tuum_ it seems to us that if there is in all this anything utopian, anything problematical, it is not free trade, but protection; it is not the right to exchange, but tariff after tariff applied to overturning the natural order of commerce. but it is not the point to compare and judge of these two systems by the light of reason; the question for the moment is, to know which of the two is founded upon experience. so, messrs. monopolists, you pretend that the facts are on your side; that we have, on our side, theories only. you even flatter yourselves that this long series of public acts, this old experience of the world, which you invoke, has appeared imposing to us, and that we confess we have not as yet refuted you as fully as we might. but we do not cede to you the domain of facts, for you have on your side only exceptional and contracted facts, while we have universal ones to oppose to them; the free and voluntary acts of all men. what do you say, and what say we? we say: "it is better to buy from others anything which would cost more to make ourselves." and on your part you say: "it is better to make things ourselves, even though it would cost less to purchase them from others." now, gentlemen, laying aside theory, demonstration, argument, everything which appears to afflict you with nausea, which of these assertions has in its favor the sanction of _universal practice_? visit the fields, work-rooms, manufactories, shops; look above, beneath, and around you; investigate what is going on in your own establishment; observe your own conduct at all times, and then say which is the principle that directs these labors, these workmen, these inventors, these merchants; say, too, which is your own individual practice. does the farmer make his clothes? does the tailor raise the wheat which he consumes? does not your housekeeper cease making bread at home so soon as she finds it more economical to buy it from the baker? do you give up the pen for the brush in order to avoid paying tribute to the shoe-black? does not the whole economy of society depend on the separation of occupations, on the division of labor; in one word, on _exchange_? and is exchange anything else than the calculation which leads us to discontinue, as far as we can, direct production, when indirect acquisition spares us time and trouble? you are not, then, men of _practice_, since you cannot show a single man on the surface of the globe who acts in accordance with your principle. "but," you will say, "we have never heard our principle made the rule of individual relations. we comprehend perfectly that this would break the social bond, and force men to live, like snails, each one in his own shell. we limit ourselves to asserting that it governs _in fact_ the relations which are established among the agglomerations of the human family." but still, this assertion is erroneous. the family, the village, the town, the county, the state, are so many agglomerations, which all, without any exception, _practically_ reject your principle, and have never even thought of it. all of them procure, by means of exchange, that which would cost them more to procure by means of production. nations would act in the same natural manner, if you did not prevent it _by force_. it is _we_, then, who are the men of practice and of experience; for, in order to combat the interdict which you have placed exceptionally on certain international exchanges, we appeal to the practice and experience of all individuals, and all agglomerations of individuals whose acts are voluntary, and consequently may be called on for testimony. but you commence by _constraining_, by _preventing_, and then you avail yourself of acts caused by prohibition to exclaim, "see! practice justifies us!" you oppose our _theory_, indeed all _theory_. but when you put a principle in antagonism with ours, do you, by chance, fancy that you have formed no _theory_? no, no; erase that from your plea. you form a theory as well as ourselves; but between yours and ours there is this difference: our theory consists merely in observing universal facts, universal sentiments, universal calculations and proceedings, and further, in classifying them and arranging them, in order to understand them better. it is so little opposed to practice, that it is nothing but _practice explained_. we observe the actions of men moved by the instinct of preservation and of progress; and what they do freely, voluntarily, is precisely what we call _political economy_, or the economy of society. we go on repeating with out cessation: "every man is _practically_ an excellent economist, producing or exchanging, according as it is most advantageous to him to exchange or to produce. each one, through experience, is educated to science; or rather, science is only that same experience scrupulously observed and methodically set forth." as for you, you form a theory, in the unfavorable sense of the word. you imagine, you invent--proceedings which are not sanctioned by the practice of any living man under the vault of heaven--and then you call to your assistance constraint and prohibition. you need, indeed, have recourse to _force_, since, in wishing that men should _produce_ that which it would be more advantageous to them to _buy_, you wish them to renounce an _advantage_; you demand that they should act in accordance with a doctrine which implies contradiction even in its terms. now, this doctrine, which, you argue, would be absurd in individual relations, we defy you to extend, even in speculation, to transactions between families, towns, counties, states. by your own avowal, it is applicable to international relations only. and this is why you are obliged to repeat daily: "principles are not in their nature absolute. that which is _well_ in the individual, the family, the county, the state, is _evil_ in the nation. that which is _good_ in detail--such as, to purchase rather than to produce, when purchase is more advantageous than production--is bad in the mass. the political economy of individuals is not that of nations," and other rubbish, _ejusdem farinæ_. and why all this? look at it closely. it is in order to prove to us that we, consumers, are your property, that we belong to you body and soul, that you have an exclusive right to our stomachs and limbs, and it is for you to nourish us and clothe us at your own price, however great may be your ignorance, your rapacity, or the inferiority of your position. no, you are not men of practice; you are men of abstraction--and of extraction! chapter xiv. conflict of principles. there is one thing which confounds us, and it is this: some sincere publicists, studying social economy from the point of view of producers only, have arrived at this double formula: "governments ought to dispose of the consumers subject to the influence of their laws, in favor of national labor." "they should render distant consumers subject to their laws, in order to dispose of them in favor of national labor." the first of these formulas is termed _protection_; the latter, _expediency_. both rest on the principle called balance of trade; the formula of which is: "a people impoverishes itself when it imports, and enriches itself when it exports." of course, if every foreign purchase is a tribute paid, a loss, it is perfectly evident we must restrain, even prohibit, importations. and if all foreign sales are tribute received, profit, it is quite natural to create channels of outlet, even by force. protective system--colonial system: two aspects of the same theory. to _hinder_ our fellow-citizens purchasing of foreigners, _to force_ foreigners to purchase from our fellow-citizens, are merely two consequences of one identical principle. now, it is impossible not to recognize that according to this doctrine, general utility rests on _monopoly_, or interior spoliation, and on _conquest_, or exterior spoliation. let us enter one of the cabins among the adirondacks. the father of the family has received for his work only a slender salary. the icy northern blast makes his half naked children shiver, the fire is extinguished, and the table bare. there are wool, and wood, and coal, just over the st. lawrence; but these commodities are forbidden to the family of the poor day-laborer, for the other side of the river is no longer the united states. the foreign pine-logs may not gladden the hearth of his cabin; his children may not know the taste of canadian bread, the wool of upper canada will not bring back warmth to their benumbed limbs. general utility wills it so. all very well! but acknowledge that here it contradicts justice. to dispose by legislation of consumers, to limit them to the products of national labor, is to encroach upon their liberty, to forbid them a resource (exchange) in which there is nothing contrary to morality; in one word, it is to do them injustice. "yet this is necessary," it is said, "under the penalty of seeing national labor stopped, under the penalty of striking a fatal blow at public prosperity." the writers of the protectionist school arrive then at this sad conclusion; that there is a radical incompatibility between justice and utility. on the other side, if nations are interested in selling, and not in buying, violent action and reaction are the natural condition of their relations, for each will seek to impose its products on all, and all will do their utmost endeavor to reject the products of each. as a sale, in effect, implies a purchase, and since, according to this doctrine, to sell is to benefit, as to buy is to injure, every international transaction implies the amelioration of one people, and the deterioration of another. but, on one side, men are fatally impelled towards that which profits them: on the contrary, they resist instinctively whatever injures them; whence we must conclude that every people bears within itself a natural force of expansion, and a not less natural power of resistance, which are equally prejudicial to all the others; or, in other terms, that antagonism and war are the natural constitution of human society! so that the theory which we are discussing may be summed up in these two axioms: "utility is incompatible with justice at home," "utility is incompatible with peace abroad." now that which astonishes us, which confounds us, is, that a publicist, a statesman, who has sincerely adhered to an economic doctrine whose principle clashes so violently with other incontestable principles, could enjoy one moment's calm and repose of mind. as for us, it seems to us, that if we had penetrated into science by this entrance, if we did not clearly perceive that liberty, utility, justice, peace, are things not only compatible, but closely allied together, so to say, identical with each other, we would try to forget all we had learned; we would say to ourselves: "how could god will that men shall attain prosperity only through injustice and war? how could he will that they may remove war and injustice only by renouncing their own well-being?" does not the science which has conducted us to the horrible blasphemy which this alternative implies deceive us by false lights; and shall we dare take on ourselves to make it the basis of legislation for a great people? and when a long succession of illustrious philosophers have brought together more comforting results from this same science, to which they have consecrated their whole lives; when they affirm that liberty and utility are reconciled with justice and peace, that all these grand principles follow infinite parallels, without clashing, throughout all eternity; have they not in their favor the presumption which results from all we know of the goodness and the wisdom of god, manifested in the sublime harmony of the material creation? ought we lightly to believe, against such a presumption, and in face of so many imposing authorities, that it has pleased this same god to introduce antagonism and a discord into the laws of the moral world? no, no; before taking it for granted that all social principles clash, shock, and neutralize each other, and are in anarchical, eternal, irremediable, conflict together; before imposing on our fellow citizens the impious system to which such reasoning conducts us, we had better go over the whole chain, and assure ourselves that there is no point on the way where we may have gone astray. and if, after a faithful examination, twenty times recommenced, we should always return to this frightful conclusion, that we must choose between the advantages and the good--we should thrust science away, disheartened; we should shut ourselves up in voluntary ignorance; above all, we should decline all participation in the affairs of our country, leaving to the men of another time the burden and the responsibility of a choice so difficult. chapter xv. reciprocity again. the protectionists ask, "are we sure that the foreigner will purchase as much from us, as he will sell to us? what reason have we to think that the english producer will come to us rather than to any other nation on the globe to look for the productions he may need; and for productions equivalent in value to his own exportations to this country?" we are surprised that men who call themselves peculiarly _practical_, reason independent of all practice. in practice, is there one exchange in a hundred, in a thousand, in ten thousand perhaps, where there is a direct barter of product for product? since there has been money in the world, has any cultivator ever said, "i wish to buy shoes, hats, advice, instruction, from that shoemaker, hatter, lawyer, and professor only, who will purchase from me just wheat enough to make an equivalent value?" and why should nations impose such a restraint upon themselves? how is the matter managed? suppose a nation deprived of exterior relations. a man has produced wheat. he throws it into the widest national circulation he can find for it, and receives in exchange, what? some dollars; that is to say bills, bonds, infinitely divisible, by means of which it becomes lawful for him to withdraw from national circulation, whenever he thinks it advisable, and by just agreement, such articles as he may need or wish. in fine, at the end of the operation he will have withdrawn from the mass the exact equivalent of what he threw into it, and in value his consumption will precisely equal his production. if the foreign exchanges of that nation are free, it is no longer into _national_, but into _general_ circulation that each one throws his products, and from which he draws his returns. he has not to inquire whether what he delivers up for general circulation is purchased by a fellow-countryman or a foreigner; whether the goods he receives came to him from a frenchman or an englishman; whether the objects for which, in accordance with his needs, he, in the end, exchanges his bills, are made on this or that side of the atlantic or the st. lawrence. with each individual there is always an exact balance between what he puts into and what he draws out of the grand common reservoir; and if that is true of each individual, it is true of the nation in the aggregate. the only difference between the two cases is, that in the latter, each one is in a more extended market for both his sales and his purchases, and has consequently more chances of doing well by both. this objection is made: "if every one should agree that they would not withdraw from circulation any of the products of a specified individual, he in turn would sustain the misfortune of being able to draw nothing out. the same of a nation." answer.--if the nation cannot draw out of the mass, it will no longer contribute to it: it will work for itself. it will be compelled to that which you would impose on it in advance: that is to say, isolation. and this will be the ideal of prohibitive government. is it not amusing that you inflict upon it, at once and already, the misfortune of this system, in the fear that it runs the risk of getting there some day without you? chapter xvi. obstructed rivers plead for the prohibitionists. some years ago, when the spanish cortes were discussing a treaty with portugal on improving the course of the river douro, a deputy rose and said, "if the douro is turned into a canal, transportation will be made at a much lower price. portuguese cereals will sell cheaper in castile, and will make a formidable opposition to our _national labor_. i oppose the project unless the ministers engage to raise the tariff in such a way as to restore the equilibrium." the assembly found the argument unanswerable. three months later the same question was submitted to the senate of portugal. a noble hidalgo said: "mr. president, the project is absurd. you post guards, at great expense, on the banks of the douro, in order to prevent the introduction of castilian cereals into portugal, while, at the same time, you would, also, at great expense, facilitate their introduction. this is an inconsistency with which i cannot identify myself. let the douro pass on to our sons as our fathers left it to us." now, when it is proposed to alter and confine the course of the mississippi, we recall the arguments of the iberian orators, and say to ourselves, if the member from st. louis was as good an economist as those of valencia, and the representatives from new orleans as powerful logicians as those of oporto, assuredly the mississippi would be left "to sleep amid its forests dank and lone," for to improve the navigation of the mississippi will favor the introduction of new orleans products to the injury of st. louis, and an inundation of the products of st. louis to the detriment of new orleans. chapter xvii. a negative railroad. we have said that when, unfortunately, we place ourselves at the point of view of the producer's interest, we cannot fail to clash with the general interest, because the producer, as such, demands only _efforts_, _wants_, _and obstacles_. when the atlantic and great western railway is finished, the question will arise, "should connection be broken at pittsburg?" this the pittsburgers will answer affirmatively, for a multitude of reasons, but for this among others; the railroad from new york to st. louis ought to have an interruption at pittsburg, in order that merchandise and travellers compelled to stop in the city may leave in it fees to the hackmen, pedlars, errand-boys, consignees, hotel-keepers, etc. it is clear, that here again the interest of the agent of labor is placed before the interest of the consumer. but if pittsburg ought to profit by the interruption, and if the profit is conformable with public interest, harrisburg, dayton, indianapolis, columbus, much more all the intermediate points, ought to demand stoppages, and that in the general interest, in the widely extended interest of national labor, for the more they are multiplied, the more will consignments, commissions, transportations, be multiplied on all points of the line. with this system we arrive at a railroad of successive stoppages, to a _negative railroad_. whether the protectionists wish it or not, it is not the less certain that the principle of restriction is the same as the principle of gaps, the sacrifice of the consumers to the producer, of the end to the means. chapter xviii. there are no absolute principles. we cannot be too much astonished at the facility with which men resign themselves to be ignorant of what is most important for them to know, and we may feel sure that they have decided to go to sleep in their ignorance when they have brought themselves to proclaim this axiom: there are no absolute principles. enter the halls of congress. the question under discussion is whether the law shall interdict or allow international exchanges. mr. c****** rises and says: "if you tolerate these exchanges, the foreigner will inundate you with his products, the english with cotton and iron goods, the nova-scotian with coal, the spaniard with wool, the italian with silk, the canadian with cattle, the swede with iron, the newfoundlander with salt-fish. industrial pursuits will thus be destroyed." mr. g***** replies: "if you prohibit these exchanges, the varied benefits which nature has lavished on different climates will be, to you, as though they were not. you will not participate in the mechanical skill of the english, nor in the riches of the nova-scotian mines, in the abundance of canadian pasturage, in the cheapness of spanish labor, in the fervor of the italian climate; and you will be obliged to ask through a forced production that which you might by exchange have obtained through a readier production." assuredly, one of the senators deceives himself. but which? it is well worth while to ascertain; for we are not dealing with opinions only. you stand at the entrance of two roads; you must choose; one of them leads necessarily to _misery_. to escape from this embarrassment it is said: there are no absolute principles. this axiom, so much in vogue in our day, not only serves laziness, it is also in accord with ambition. if the theory of prohibition should prevail, or again, if the doctrine of liberty should triumph, a very small amount of law would suffice for our economic code. in the first case it would stand--_all foreign exchange is forbidden_; in the second, _all exchange with abroad is free_, and many great personages would lose their importance. but if exchange has not a nature proper to itself; if it is governed by no natural law; if it is capriciously useful or injurious; if it does not find its spring in the good it accomplishes, its limit when it ceases to do good; if its effects cannot be appreciated by those who execute them; in one word, if there are no absolute principles, we are compelled to measure, weigh, regulate transactions, to equalize the conditions of labor, to look for the level of profits--colossal task, well suited to give great entertainments, and high influence to those who undertake it. here in new york are a million of human beings who would all die within a few days, if the abundant provisioning of nature were not flowing towards this great metropolis. imagination takes fright in the effort to appreciate the immense multiplicity of articles which must cross the bay, the hudson, the harlem, and the east rivers, to-morrow, if the lives of its inhabitants are not to become the prey of famine, riot, and pillage. yet, as we write, all are sleeping; and their quiet slumbers are not disturbed for a moment by the thought of so frightful a perspective. on the other hand, forty-five states and territories have worked to-day, without concert, without mutual understanding, to provision new york. how is it that every day brings in what is needed, neither more nor less, to this gigantic market? what is the intelligent and secret power which presides over the astonishing regularity of movements so complicated--a regularity in which each one has a faith so undoubting, though comfort and life are at stake. this power is an _absolute principle_, the principle of freedom of operation, the principle of free conduct. we have faith in that innate light which providence has placed in the hearts of all men, to which he has confided the preservation and improvement of our race-_interest_ (since we must call it by its name), which is so active, so vigilant, so provident, when its action is free. what would become of you, inhabitants of new york, if a congressional majority should take a fancy to substitute for this power the combinations of their genius, however superior it may be supposed to be; if they imagined they could submit this prodigious mechanism to its supreme direction, unite all its resources in their own hands, and decide when, where, how, and on what conditions everything should be produced, transported, exchanged, and consumed? ah! though there may be much suffering within your bounds, though misery, despair, and perhaps hungry exhaustion may cause more tears to flow than your ardent charity can dry, it is probable, it is certain, we dare to affirm, that the arbitrary intervention of government would multiply these sufferings infinitely, and would extend to you all, those evils which at present are confined to a small portion of your number. we all have faith in this principle where our internal transactions are concerned; why should we not have faith in the same principle applied to our international operations, which are, assuredly, less numerous, less delicate, and less complicated. and if it is not necessary that the mayor and common council of new york should regulate our industries, weigh our change, our profits, and our losses, occupy themselves with the regulation of prices, equalize the conditions of our labor in internal commerce--why is it necessary that the custom-house, proceeding on its fiscal mission, should pretend to exercise protective action upon our exterior commerce? chapter xix. national independence. among the arguments which are considered of weight in favor of the restriction system, we must not forget that drawn from national independence. "what shall we do in case of war," say they, "if we have placed ourselves at the mercy of great britain for iron and coal?" english monopolists did not fail on their side to exclaim, when the corn-laws were repealed, "what will become of great britain in time of war if she depends on the united states for food?" one thing they fail to observe: it is that this sort of dependence, which results from exchange, from commercial operations, is a _reciprocal_ dependence. we cannot depend on the foreigner unless the foreigner depends on us. this is the very essence of _society_. we do not place ourselves in a state of independence by breaking natural relations, but in a state of isolation. remark also: we isolate ourselves in the anticipation of war; but the very act of isolation is the commencement of war. it renders it more easy, less burdensome, therefore less unpopular. let nations become permanent recipient customers each of the other, let the interruption of their relations inflict upon them the double suffering of privation and surfeit, and they will no longer require the powerful navies which ruin them, the great armies which crush them; the peace of the world will no longer be compromised by the caprice of a napoleon or of a bismarck, and war will disappear through lack of aliment, resources, motive, pretext, and popular sympathy. we know well that we shall be reproached (in the cant of the day) for proposing interest, vile and prosaic interest, as a foundation for the fraternity of nations. it would be preferred that it should have its foundation in charity, in love, even in self-renunciation, and that, demolishing the material comfort of man, it should have the merit of a generous sacrifice. when shall we have done with such puerile talk? when shall we banish charlatanry from science? when shall we cease to manifest this disgusting contradiction between our writings and our conduct? we hoot at and spit upon _interest_, that is to say, the useful, the right (for to say that all nations are interested in a thing, is to say that that thing is good in itself), as if interest were not the necessary, eternal, indestructible instrument to which providence has intrusted human perfectibility. would not one suppose us all angels of disinterestedness? and is it supposed that the public does not see with disgust that this affected language blackens precisely those pages for which it is compelled to pay highest? affectation is truly the malady of this age. what! because comfort and peace are correlative things; because it has pleased god to establish this beautiful harmony in the moral world; you are not willing that we should admire and adore his providence, and accept with gratitude laws which make justice the condition of happiness. you wish peace only so far as it is destructive to comfort; and liberty burdens you because it imposes no sacrifices on you. if self-renunciation has so many claims for you, who prevents your carrying it into private life? society will be grateful to you for it, for some one, at least, will receive the benefit of it; but to wish to impose it on humanity as a principle is the height of absurdity, for the abnegation of everything is the sacrifice of everything--it is evil set up in theory. but, thank heaven, men may write and read a great deal of such talk, without causing the world to refrain on that account from rendering obedience to its motive-power, which is, whether they will or no, _interest_. after all, it is singular enough to see sentiments of the most sublime abnegation invoked in favor of plunder itself. just see to what this ostentatious disinterestedness tends. these men, so poetically delicate that they do not wish for peace itself, if it is founded on the base interest of men, put their hands in the pockets of others, and, above all, of the poor; for what section of the tariff protects the poor? well, gentlemen, dispose according to your own judgment of what belongs to yourselves, but allow us also to dispose of the fruit of the sweat of our brows, to avail ourselves of exchange at our own pleasure. talk away about self-renunciation, for that is beautiful; but at the same time practice a little honesty. chapter xx. human labor--national labor. to break machines, to reject foreign merchandise--are two acts proceeding from the same doctrine. we see men who clap their hands when a great invention is made known to the world, who nevertheless adhere to the protective system. such men are highly inconsistent. with what do they upbraid freedom of commerce? with getting foreigners more skilful or better situated than ourselves to produce articles, which, but for them, we should produce ourselves. in one word, they accuse us of damaging national labor. might they not as well reproach machines for accomplishing, by natural agents, work which, without them, we could perform with our own arms, and, in consequence, damaging human labor? the foreign workman who is more favorably situated than the american laborer, is, in respect to the latter, a veritable economic machine, which injures him by competition. in the same manner, a machine which executes a piece of work at a less price than can be done by a certain number of arms, is, relatively to those arms, a true competing foreigner, who paralyzes them by his rivalry. if, then, it is needful to protect national labor against the competition of foreign labor, it is not less so, to protect human labor against the rivalry of mechanical labor. so, he who adheres to the protective policy, if he has but a small amount of logic in his brain, must not stop when he has prohibited foreign products; he must farther proscribe the shuttle and the plough. and that is the reason why we prefer the logic of those men who, declaiming against the invasion of exotic merchandise, have, at least, the courage to declaim as well against the excess of production due to the inventive power of the human mind. hear such a conservative:--"one of the strongest arguments against liberty of commerce, and the too great employment of machines, is, that very many workmen are deprived of work, either by foreign competition, which is destructive to their manufactures, or by machines, which take the place of men in the workshops." this gentleman perfectly sees the analogy, or rather, let us say, the identity, existing between importations and machines; that is the reason he proscribes both: and truly there is some pleasure in having to do with reasonings, which, even in error, pursue an argument to the end. let us look at the difficulty in the way of its soundness. if it be true, _à priori_, that the domain of _invention_ and that of labor cannot be extended, except at the expense of one or the other, it is in the place where there are most machines, lancaster or lowell, for example, that we shall meet with the fewest _workmen_. and if, on the contrary, we prove _a fact_, that mechanical and hand work co-exist in a greater degree among wealthy nations than among savages, we must necessarily conclude that these two powers do not exclude each other. it is not easy to explain how a thinking being can taste repose in presence of this dilemma: either--"the inventions of man do not injure labor, as general facts attest, since there are more of both among the english and americans than among the hottentots and cherokees. in that case i have made a false reckoning, though i know neither where nor when i got astray. i should commit the crime of treason to humanity if i should introduce my error into the legislation of my country." or else--"the discoveries of the mind limit the work of the arms, as some particular facts seem to indicate; for i see daily a machine do the labor of from twenty to a hundred workmen, and thus i am forced to prove a flagrant, eternal, incurable antithesis between the intellectual and physical ability of man; between his progress and his comfort; and i cannot forbear saying that the creator of man ought to have given him either reason or arms, moral force, or brutal force, but that he has played with him in conferring upon him opposing faculties which destroy one another." the difficulty is pressing. do you know how they get rid of it? by this singular apothegm: "in political economy there are no absolute principles." in intelligible and vulgar language, that means: "i do not know where is the true nor the false; i am ignorant of what constitutes general good or evil; i give myself no trouble about it. the only law which i consent to recognize, is the immediate effect of each measure upon my personal comfort." no absolute principles! you might as well say, there are no absolute facts; for principles are only the summing up of well proven facts. machines, importations, have certainly consequences. these consequences are good or bad. on this point there may be difference of opinion. but whichever of these we adopt, we express it in one of these two _principles_: "machines are a benefit," or "machines are an evil." "importations are favorable," or "importations are injurious." but to say "there are no principles," is the lowest degree of abasement to which the human mind can descend; and we confess we blush for our country when we hear so monstrous a heresy uttered in the presence of the american people, with their consent; that is to say, in the presence and with the consent of the greater part of our fellow-citizens, in order to justify congress for imposing laws on us, in perfect ignorance of the reasons for them or against them. but then we shall be told, "destroy _the sophism_; prove that machines do not injure _human labor_, nor importations _national industry_." in an essay of this nature such demonstrations cannot be complete. our aim is more to propose difficulties than to solve them; to excite reflection, than to satisfy it. no conviction of the mind is well acquired, excepting that which it gains by its own labor. we will try, nevertheless, to place it before you. the opponents of importations and machines are mistaken, because they judge by immediate and transitory consequences, instead of looking at general and final ones. the immediate effect of an ingenious machine is to economize, towards a given result, a certain amount of handwork. but its action does not stop there: inasmuch as this result is obtained with less effort, it is given to the public for a lower price; and the amount of the savings thus realized by all the purchasers, enables them to procure other gratifications--that is to say, to encourage handwork in general, equal in amount to that subtracted from the special handwork lately improved upon--so that the level of work has not fallen, though that of gratification has risen. let us make this connection of consequences evident by an example. suppose that in the united states ten millions of hats are sold at five dollars each: this affords to the hatters' trade an income of fifty millions. a machine is invented which allows hats to be afforded at three dollars each. the receipts are reduced to thirty millions, admitting that the consumption does not increase. but, for all that, the other twenty millions are not subtracted from _human labor_. economized by the purchasers of hats, they will serve them in satisfying other needs, and by consequence will, to that amount, remunerate collective industry. with these two dollars saved, john will purchase a pair of shoes, james a book, william a piece of furniture, etc. human labor, in the general, will thus continue to be encouraged to the amount of fifty millions; but this sum, beside giving the same number of hats as before, will add the gratifications obtained by the twenty millions which the machine has spared. these gratifications are the net products which america has gained by the invention. it is a gratuitous gift, a tax, which the genius of man has imposed on nature. we do not deny that, in the course of the change, a certain amount of labor may have been _displaced_; but we cannot agree that it has been destroyed, or even diminished. the same holds true of importations. we will resume the hypothesis. america makes ten millions of hats, of which the price was five dollars each. the foreigner invaded our market in furnishing us with hats at three dollars. we say that national labor will be not at all diminished. for it will have to produce to the amount of thirty millions, in order to pay for ten millions of hats at three dollars. and then there will remain to each purchaser two dollars saved on each hat, or a total of twenty millions, which will compensate for other enjoyments; that is to say, for other work. so the total of labor remains what it was; and the supplementary enjoyments, represented by twenty millions economized on the hats, will form the net profit of the importations, or of free trade. no one need attempt to horrify us by a picture of the sufferings, which, in this hypothesis, will accompany the displacement of labor. for if prohibition had never existed, labor would have classed itself in accordance with the law of exchange, and no displacement would have taken place. if, on the contrary, prohibition has brought in an artificial and unproductive kind of work, it is prohibition, and not free trade, which is responsible for the inevitable displacement, in the transition from wrong to right. unless, indeed, it should be contended that, because an abuse cannot be destroyed without hurting those who profit by it, its existence for a single moment is reason enough why it should endure forever. chapter xxi. raw material. it is said that the most advantageous commerce consists in the exchange of manufactured goods for raw material, because this raw material is a spur to _national labor_. and then the conclusion is drawn, that the best custom-house regulation would be that which should give the utmost possible facility to the entry of _raw material_, and oppose the greatest obstacles to articles which have received their first manipulation by labor. no sophism of political economy is more widely spread than the foregoing. it supports not only the protectionists, but, much more, and above all, the pretended liberalists. this is to be regretted; for the worst which can happen to a good cause is not to be severely attacked, but to be badly defended. commercial freedom will probably have the fate of all freedom; it will not be introduced into our laws until after it has taken possession of our minds. but if it be true that a reform must be generally understood, in order that it may be solidly established, it follows that nothing can retard it so much as that which misleads public opinion; and what is more likely to mislead it than those writings which seem to favor freedom by upholding the doctrines of monopoly? several years ago, three large cities of france--lyons, bordeaux, and havre--were greatly agitated against the restrictive policy. the nation, and indeed all europe, was moved at seeing a banner raised, which they supposed to be that of free trade. alas! it was still the banner of monopoly; of a monopoly a little more niggardly, and a great deal more absurd, than that which they appeared to wish to overturn. owing to the sophism which we are about to unveil, the petitioners merely reproduced the doctrine of _protection to national labor_, adding to it, however, another folly. what is, in effect, the prohibitive system? let us listen to the protectionist: "labor constitutes the wealth of a people, because it alone creates those material things which our necessities demand, and because general comfort depends upon these." this is the principle. "but this abundance must be the product of _national labor_. should it be the product of foreign labor, national labor would stop at once." this is the mistake. (see the close of the last chapter.) "what shall be done, then, in an agricultural and manufacturing country?" this is the question. "restrict its market to the products of its own soil, and its own industry." this is the end proposed. "and for this end, restrain by prohibitive duties the entrance of the products of the industry of other nations." these are the means. let us reconcile with this system that of the petition from bordeaux. it divided merchandise into three classes: "the first includes articles of food, and _raw material free from all human labor. a wise economy would require that this class should not be taxed_." here there is no labor; consequently no protection. "the second is composed of articles which have undergone _some preparation_. this preparation warrants us _in charging it with some tax_." here protection commences, because, according to the petitioners, _national labor_ commences. "the third comprises perfected articles which can in no way serve national labor; we consider these the most taxable." here, labor, and with it protection, reach their maximum. the petitioners assert that foreign labor injures national labor; this is _the error_ of the prohibitive school. they demanded that the french market should be restricted to french _labor_; this is the _end_ of the prohibitive system. they insisted that foreign labor should be subject to restriction and taxation; these are the _means_ of the prohibitive system. what difference, then, is it possible to discover between the petitioners of bordeaux and the advocate of american restriction? one alone: the greater or less extent given to the word _labor_. the protectionist extends it to everything--so he wishes to _protect_ everything. "labor constitutes _all_ the wealth of a people," says he; "to protect national industry, _all_ national industry, manufacturing industry, _all_ manufacturing industry, is the idea which should always be kept before the people." the petitioners saw no labor excepting that of manufacturers; so they would admit that alone to the favors of protection. they said: "raw material is _devoid of all human labor_. for that reason we should not tax it. fabricated articles can no longer occupy national labor. we consider them the most taxable." we are not inquiring whether protection to national labor is reasonable. the protectionist and the bordelais agree upon this point, and we, as has been seen in the preceding chapters, differ from both. the question is to ascertain which of the two--the protectionists or the raw-materialists of bordeaux--give its just acceptation to the word "labor." now, upon this ground, it must be said, the protectionist is, by all odds, right; for observe the dialogue which might take place between them: the protectionist: "you agree that national labor ought to be protected. you agree that no foreign labor can be introduced into our market without destroying therein an equal amount of our national labor. yet you assert that there is a host of merchandise possessed of _value_ (since it sells), which is, however, free from _human labor_. and, among other things, you name wheat, corn, meats, cattle, lard, salt, iron, brass, lead, coal, wool, furs, seeds, etc. if you can prove to me that the value of these things is not due to labor, i will agree that it is useless to protect them. but, again, if i demonstrate to you that there is as much labor in a hundred dollars' worth of wool as in a hundred dollars' worth of cloth, you must acknowledge that protection is as much due to the one as to the other. now, why is this bag of wool worth a hundred dollars? is it not because that sum is the price of production? and is the price of production anything but that which it has been necessary to distribute in wages, salaries, manual labor, interest, to all the workmen and capitalists who have concurred in producing the article?" the raw-materialist: "it is true, that in regard to wool, you may be right. but a bag of wheat, an ingot of iron, a quintal of coal--are they the produce of labor? did not nature create them?" the protectionist: "without doubt nature _creates_ the _elements_ of all things; but it is labor which produces their _value_. i was wrong myself in saying that labor creates material objects, and this faulty phrase has led the way to many other errors. it does not belong to man, either manufacturer or cultivator, to _create_, to make something out of nothing; if, by _production_, we understand _creation_, all our labors will be unproductive; that of merchants more so than any other, except, perhaps, that of law-makers. the farmer has no claim to have _created_ wheat, but he may claim to have created its _value_: he has transformed into wheat substances which in no wise resembled it, by his own labor with that of his ploughmen and reapers. what more does the miller effect who converts it into flour, the baker who turns it into bread? because man must clothe himself in cloth, a host of operations is necessary. before the intervention of any human labor, the true raw materials of this product (cloth) are air, water, gas, light, the chemical substances which must enter into its composition. these are truly the raw materials which are _untouched by human labor_; therefore, they are of no _value_, and i do not think of protecting them. but a first labor converts these substances into hay, straw, etc., a second into wool, a third into thread, a fourth into cloth, a fifth into clothing--who will dare to say that every step in this work is not _labor_, from the first stroke of the plough, which begins, to the last stroke of the needle, which terminates it? and because, in order to secure more celerity and perfection in the accomplishment of a definite work, such as a garment, the labors are divided among several classes of industry, you wish, by an arbitrary distinction, that the order of succession of these labors should be the only reason for their importance; so much so that the first shall not deserve even the name of labor, and that the last work pre-eminently, shall alone be worthy of the favors of protection!" the raw-materialist: "yes, we begin to see that wheat no more than wool is entirely devoid of human labor; but, at least, the agriculturist has not, like the manufacturer, done all by himself and his workmen; nature aids him, and if there is labor, it is not all labor in the wheat." the protectionist: "but all its _value_ is in the labor it has cost. i admit that nature has assisted in the material formation of wheat. i admit even that it may be exclusively her work; but confess that i have controlled it by my labor; and when i sell you some wheat, observe this well: that it is not the work of _nature_ for which i make you pay, but _my own_; and, on your supposition, manufactured articles would be no more the product of labor than agricultural ones. does not the manufacturer, too, rely upon nature to second him? does he not avail himself of the weight of the atmosphere in aid of the steam-engine, as i avail myself of its humidity in aid of the plough? did he create the laws of gravitation, of correlation of forces, of affinities?" the raw-materialist: "come, let the wool go too. but coal is assuredly the work, and the exclusive work, of nature, _unaided by any human labor_." the protectionist: "yes, nature made coal, but _labor_ makes its value. coal had no _value_ during the thousands of years during which it was hidden, unknown, a hundred feet below the soil. it was necessary to look for it there--that is a _labor_: it was necessary to transport it to market; that is another _labor_: and once more, the price which you pay for it in the market is nothing else than the remuneration for these labors of digging and transportation." we see that thus far the protectionist has all the advantage on his side; that the value of raw material, as well as that of manufactured material, represents the expense of production, that is to say, of _labor_; that it is impossible to conceive of a material possessed of value while totally unindebted to human labor; that the distinction which the raw-materialists make is wholly futile, in theory; that, as a basis for an unequal division of _favors_, it would be iniquitous in practice; because the result would be that one-third of the people, engaged in manufactures, would obtain the sweets of monopoly, for the reason that they produced _by labor_, while the other two-thirds, that is to say the agriculturists, would be abandoned to competition, under pretext that they produced without labor. it will be urged that it is of more advantage to a nation to import the materials called raw, whether they are or are not the product of labor, and to export manufactured articles. this is a strongly accredited opinion. "the more abundant raw materials are," said the petition from bordeaux, "the more manufactories are multiplied and extended." it said again, that "raw material opens an unlimited field of labor to the inhabitants of the country from which it is imported." "raw material," said the other petition, that from havre, "being the aliment of labor, must be submitted to a _different system_, and admitted at once at the lowest duty." the same petition would have the protection on manufactured articles reduced, not one after another, but at an undetermined time; not to the lowest duty, but to twenty per cent. "among other articles which necessity requires to be abundant and cheap," said the third petition, that from lyons, "the manufacturers name all raw material." this all rests on an illusion. we have seen that all _value_ represents labor. now, it is true that labor increases ten-fold, sometimes a hundred-fold, the value of a rough product, that is to say, expands ten-fold, a hundred-fold, the products of a nation. thence it is reasoned, "the production of a bale of cotton causes workmen of all classes to earn one hundred dollars only. the conversion of this bale into lace collars raises their profits to ten thousand dollars; and will you dare to say that the nation is not more interested in encouraging labor worth ten thousand than that worth one hundred dollars?" we forget that international exchanges, no more than individual exchanges, work by weight or measure. we do not exchange a bale of cotton for a bale of lace collars, nor a pound of wool in the grease for a pound of wool in cashmere; but a certain value of one of these things _for an equal value_ of the other. now to barter equal value against equal value is to barter equal work against equal work. it is not true, then, that the nation which gives for a hundred dollars cashmere or collars, gains more than the nation which delivers for a hundred dollars wool or cotton. in a country where no law can be adopted, no impost established, without the consent of those whom this law is to govern, the public cannot be robbed without being first deceived. our ignorance is the "raw material" of all extortion which is practised upon us, and we may be sure in advance that every sophism is the forerunner of a spoliation. good public, when you see a sophism, clap your hand on your pocket; for that is certainly the point at which it aims. what was the secret thought which the shipowners of bordeaux and of havre, and the manufacturers of lyons, conceived in this distinction between agricultural products and manufactured articles? "it is principally in this first class (that which comprehends raw material _unmodified by human labor_)," said the raw-materialists of bordeaux, "that the chief aliment of our merchant marine is found. at the outset, a wise economy would require that this class should not be taxed. the second (articles which have received some preparation) may be charged; the third (articles on which no more work has to be done) we consider the most taxable." "consider," said those of havre, "that it is indispensable to reduce all raw materials one after another to the lowest rate, in order that industry may successively bring into operation the naval forces which will furnish to it its first and indispensable means of labor." the manufacturers could not in exchange of politeness be behind the ship-owners; so the petition from lyons demanded the free introduction of raw material, "in order to prove," said they, "that the interests of manufacturing towns are not always opposed to those of maritime ones!" true; but it must be said that both interests were, understood as the petitioners understood them, terribly opposed to the interests of the country, of agriculture, and of consumers. see, then, where you would come out! see the end of these subtle economical distinctions! you would legislate against allowing _perfected_ produce to traverse the ocean, in order that the much more expensive transportation of rough materials, dirty, loaded with waste matter, may offer more employment to our merchant service, and put our naval force into wider operation. this is what these petitioners termed _a wise economy_. why did they not demand that the firs of russia should be brought to them with their branches, bark, and roots; the gold of california in its mineral state, and the hides from buenos ayres still attached to the bones of the tainted skeleton? industry, the navy, labor, have for their end, the general good, the public good. to create a useless industry, in order to favor superfluous transportation; to feed superfluous labor, not for the good of the public, but for the expense of the public--this is to realize a veritable begging the question. work, in itself, is not a desirable thing; its result is; all work without result is a loss. to pay sailors for carrying useless waste matter across the sea is like paying them for skipping stones across the surface of the water. so we arrive at this result: that all economical sophisms, despite their infinite variety, have this in common, that they confound the means with the end, and develop one at the expense of the other. chapter xxii. metaphors. sometimes a sophism dilates itself, and penetrates through the whole extent of a long and heavy theory. more frequently it is compressed, contracted, becomes a principle, and is completely covered by a word. a good man once said: "god protect us from the devil and from metaphors!" in truth, it would be difficult to say which of the two creates the more evil upon our planet. it is the demon, say you; he alone, so long as we live, puts the spirit of spoliation in our hearts. yes; but he does not prevent the repression of abuses by the resistance of those who suffer from them. _sophistry_ paralyzes this resistance. the sword which malice puts in the assailant's hand would be powerless, if sophistry did not break the shield upon the arm of the assailed; and it is with good reason that malebranche has inscribed at the opening of his book, "error is the cause of human misery." see how it comes to pass. ambitious hypocrites will have some sinister purpose; for example, sowing national hatred in the public mind. this fatal germ may develop, lead to general conflagration, arrest civilization, pour out torrents of blood, draw upon the land the most terrible of scourges--_invasion_. in every case of indulgence in such sentiments of hatred they lower us in the opinion of nations, and compel those americans, who have retained some love of justice, to blush for their country. certainly these are great evils; and in order that the public should protect itself from the guidance of those who would lead it into such risks, it is only necessary to give it a clear view of them. how do they succeed in veiling it from them? it is by _metaphor_. they alter, they force, they deprave the meaning of three or four words, and all is done. such a word is _invasion_ itself. an owner of an american furnace says, "preserve us from the _invasion_ of english iron." an english landlord exclaims, "let us repel the _invasion_ of american wheat!" and so they propose to erect barriers between the two nations. barriers constitute isolation, isolation leads to hatred, hatred to war, and war to _invasion_. "suppose it does," say the two sophists; "is it not better to expose ourselves to the chance of an eventual _invasion_, than to accept a certain one?" and the people still believe, and the barriers still remain. yet what analogy is there between an exchange and an _invasion_? what resemblance can possibly be established between a vessel of war, which comes to pour fire, shot, and devastation into our cities, and a merchant ship, which comes to offer to barter with us freely, voluntarily, commodity for commodity? as much may be said of the word _inundation_. this word is generally taken in bad part, because _inundations_ often ravage fields and crops. if, however, they deposit upon the soil a greater value than that which they take from it; as is the case in the inundations of the nile, we might bless and deify them as the egyptians do. well! before declaiming against the inundation of foreign produces, before opposing to them restraining and costly obstacles, let us inquire if they are the inundations which ravage or those which fertilize? what should we think of mehemet ali, if, instead of building, at great expense, dams across the nile for the purpose of extending its field of inundation, he should expend his money in digging for it a deeper bed, so that egypt should not be defiled by this _foreign_ slime, brought down from the mountains of the moon? we exhibit precisely the same amount of reason, when we wish, by the expenditure of millions, to preserve our country--from what? the advantages with which nature has endowed other climates. among the metaphors which conceal an injurious theory, none is more common than that embodied in the words _tribute, tributary_. these words are so much used that they have become synonymous with the words _purchase, purchaser_, and one is used indifferently for the other. yet a _tribute_ or _tax_ differs as much from _purchase_ as a theft from an exchange, and we should like quite as well to hear it said, "dick turpin has broken open my safe, and has _purchased_ out of it a thousand dollars," as we do to have it remarked by our sage representatives, "we have paid to england the _tribute_ for a thousand gross of knives which she has sold to us." for the reason why turpin's act is not a _purchase_ is, that he has not paid into my safe, with my consent, value equivalent to what he has taken from it, and the reason why the payment of five hundred thousand dollars, which we have made to england, is not a _tribute_, is simply because she has not received them gratuitously, but in exchange for the delivery to us of a thousand gross of knives, which we ourselves have judged worth five hundred thousand dollars. but is it necessary to take up seriously such abuses of language? why not, when they are seriously paraded in newspapers and in books? do not imagine that they escape from writers who are ignorant of their language; for one who abstains from them, we could point you to ten who employ them, and they persons of consideration--that is to say, men whose words are laws, and whose most shocking sophisms serve as the basis of administration for the country. a celebrated modern philosopher has added to the categories of aristotle, the sophism which consists in including in one word the begging of the question. he cites several examples. he should have added the word _tributary_ to his vocabulary. in effect the question is, are purchases made abroad useful or injurious? "they are injurious," you say. and why? "because they make us _tributary_ to the foreigner." here is certainly a word which presents as a fact that which is a question. how is this abusive trope introduced into the rhetoric of monopolists? some specie _goes out of a country_ to satisfy the rapacity of a victorious enemy--other specie, also, goes out of a country to settle an account for merchandise. the analogy between the two cases is established, by taking account of the one point in which they resemble one another, and leaving out of view that in which they differ. this circumstance, however,--that is to say, non-reimbursement in the one case, and reimbursement freely agreed upon in the other--establishes such a difference between them, that it is not possible to class them under the same title. to deliver a hundred dollars _by compulsion_ to him who says "stand and deliver," or _voluntarily_ to pay the same sum to him who sells you the object of your wishes--truly, these are things which cannot be made to assimilate. as well might you say, it is a matter of indifference whether you throw bread into the river or eat it, because in either case it is bread _destroyed_. the fault of this reasoning, as in that which the word _tribute_ is made to imply, consists in founding an exact similitude between two cases on their points of resemblance, and omitting those of difference. chapter xxiii. conclusion. all the sophisms we have hitherto combated are connected with one single question: the restrictive system; and, out of pity for the reader, we pass by acquired rights, untimeliness, misuse of the currency, etc., etc. but social economy is not confined to this narrow circle. fourierism, saint-simonism, communism, mysticism, sentimentalism, false philanthropy, affected aspirations to equality and chimerical fraternity, questions relative to luxury, to salaries, to machines, to the pretended tyranny of capital, to distant territorial acquisitions, to outlets, to conquests, to population, to association, to emigration, to imposts, to loans, have encumbered the field of science with a host of parasitical _sophisms_, which demand the hoe and the sickle of the diligent economist. it is not because we do not recognize the fault of this plan, or rather of this absence of plan. to attack, one by one, so many incoherent sophisms which sometimes clash, although more frequently one runs into the other, is to condemn one's self to a disorderly, capricious struggle, and to expose one's self to perpetual repetitions. how much we should prefer to say simply how things are, without occupying ourselves with the thousand aspects in which the ignorant see them! to explain the laws under which societies prosper or decay, is virtually to destroy all sophistry at once. when la place had described all that can, as yet, be known of the movements of the heavenly bodies, he had dispersed, without even naming them, all the astrological dreams of the egyptians, greeks, and hindoos, much more surely than he could have done by directly refuting them through innumerable volumes. truth is one; the book which exposes it is an imposing and durable monument: il brave les tyrans avides, plus hardi que les pyramides et plus durable que l'airain. error is manifold, and of ephemeral duration; the work which combats it does not carry within itself a principle of greatness or of endurance. but if the power, and perhaps the opportunity, have failed us for proceeding in the manner of la place and of say, we cannot refuse to believe that the form which we have adopted has, also, its modest utility. it appears to us especially well suited to the wants of the age, to the hurried moments which it can consecrate to study. a treatise has, doubtless, an incontestable superiority; but upon condition that it be read, meditated upon, searched into. it addresses itself to a select public only. its mission is, at first, to fix, and afterwards to enlarge, the circle of acquired knowledge. the refutation of vulgar prejudices could not carry with it this high bearing. it aspires only to disencumber the route before the march of truth, to prepare the mind, to reform public opinion, to blunt dangerous tools in improper hands. it is in social economy above all, that these hand-to-hand struggles, these constantly recurring combats with popular errors, have a true practical utility. we might arrange the sciences under two classes. the one, strictly, can be known to philosophers only. they are those whose application demands a special occupation. the public profit by their labor, despite their ignorance of them. they do not enjoy the use of a watch the less, because they do not understand mechanics and astronomy. they are not the less carried along by the locomotive and the steamboat through their faith in the engineer and the pilot. we walk according to the laws of equilibrium without being acquainted with them. but there are sciences which exercise upon the public an influence proportionate with the light of the public itself, not from knowledge accumulated in a few exceptional heads, but from that which is diffused through the general understanding. such are morals, hygiene, social economy, and in countries which men belong to themselves, politics. it is of these sciences, above all, that bentham might have said: "that which spreads them is worth more than that which advances them." of what consequence is it that a great man, a god even, should have promulgated moral laws, so long as men, imbued with false notions, take virtues for vices, and vices for virtues? of what value is it that smith, say, and, according to chamans, economists of all schools, have proclaimed the superiority of liberty to restraint in commercial transactions, if those who make the laws and those for whom the laws are made, are convinced to the contrary. these sciences, which are well named social, have this peculiarity: that for the very reason that they are of a general application, no one confesses himself ignorant of them. do we wish to decide a question in chemistry or geometry? no one pretends to have the knowledge instinctively; we are not ashamed to consult draper; we make no difficulty about referring to euclid. but in social science authority is but little recognized. as such a one has to do daily with morals, good or bad, with hygiene, with economy, with politics reasonable or absurd, each one considers himself skilled to comment, discuss, decide, and dogmatize in these matters. are you ill? there is no good nurse who does not tell you, at the first moment, the cause and cure of your malady. "they are humors," affirms she; "you must be purged." but what are humors? and are these humors? she does not trouble herself about that. i involuntarily think of this good nurse when i hear all social evils explained by these common phrases: "it is the superabundance of products, the tyranny of capital, industrial plethora," and other idle stories of which we cannot even say: _verba et voces prætereaque nihil_: for they are also fatal mistakes. from what precedes, two things result-1st. that the social sciences must abound in sophistry much more than the other sciences, because in them each one consults his own judgment or instinct alone. 2d. that in these sciences sophistry is especially injurious, because it misleads public opinion where opinion is a power--that is, law. two sorts of books, then, are required by these sciences; those which expound them, and those which propagate them; those which show the truth, and those which combat error. it appears to us that the inherent defect in the form of this little essay--_repetition_--is that which constitutes its principal value. in the question we have treated, each sophism has, doubtless, its own set form, and its own range, but all have one common root, which is, "_forgetfulness of the interests of man, insomuch as they forget the interests of consumers_." to show that the thousand roads of error conduct to this generating sophism, is to teach the public to recognize it, to appreciate it--to distrust it under all circumstances. after all, we do not aspire to arouse convictions, but doubts. we have no expectation that in laying down the book, the reader shall exclaim: "_i know_." please heaven he may be induced to say, "_i am ignorant_." "i am ignorant, for i begin to believe there is something delusive in the sweets of scarcity." "i am no longer so much edified by the charms of obstruction." "effort without result no longer seems to me so desirable as result without effort." "it may probably be true that the secret of commerce does not consist, as that of arms does, _in giving and not receiving_, according to the definition which the duellist in the play gives of it." "i consider an article is increased in value by passing through several processes of manufacture; but, in exchange, do two equal values cease to be equal because the one comes from the plough and the other from the power-loom?" "i confess that i begin to think it singular that humanity should be ameliorated by shackles, or enriched by taxes: and, frankly, i should be relieved of a heavy weight, i should experience a pure joy, if i could see demonstrated, which the author assures us of, that there is no incompatibility between comfort and justice, between peace and liberty, between the extension of labor and the progress of intelligence." "so, without feeling satisfied by his arguments, to which i do not know whether to give the name of reasoning or of objections, i will interrogate the masters of the science." let us terminate by a last and important observation this monograph of sophisms. the world does not know, as it ought, the influence which sophistry exerts upon it. if we must say what we think, when the right of the strongest was dethroned, sophistry placed the empire in the right of the most cunning; and it would be difficult to say which of these two tyrants has been the more fatal to humanity. men have an immoderate love for pleasure, influence, position, power--in one word, for wealth. and at the same time men are impelled by a powerful impulse to procure these things at the expense of another. but this other, which is the public, has an inclination not less strong to keep what it has acquired, provided it can and knows how. spoliation, which plays so large a part in the affairs of the world, has, then, two agents only: strength and cunning; and two limits: courage and right. power applied to spoliation forms the groundwork of human savagism. to retrace its history would be to reproduce almost entire the history of all nations--assyrians, babylonians, medes, persians, egyptians, greeks, romans, goths, franks, huns, turks, arabs, moguls, tartars--without counting that of the spaniards in america, the english in india, the french in africa, the russians in asia, etc., etc. but, at least, among civilized nations, the men who produce wealth have become sufficiently numerous and sufficiently strong to defend it. is that to say that they are no longer despoiled? by no means; they are robbed as much as ever, and, what is more, they despoil one another. the agent alone is changed; it is no longer by violence, but by stratagem, that the public wealth is seized upon. in order to rob the public, it must be deceived. to deceive it, is to persuade it that it is robbed for its own advantage; it is to make it accept fictitious services, and often worse, in exchange for its property. hence sophistry, economical sophistry, political sophistry, and financial sophistry--and, since force is held in check, sophistry is not only an evil, it is the parent of other evils. so it becomes necessary to hold it in check, _in its turn_, and for this purpose to render the public more acute than the cunning; just as it has become more peaceful than the strong. economic sophisms by frédéric bastiat translated from the fifth edition of the french, by patrick james stirling, lld., f.r.s.e. author of "the philosophy of trade," etc. edinburgh: oliver and boyd, tweeddale court. 1873 translator's preface. bastiat's two great works on political economy--the sophismes économiques, and the harmonies économiques--may be regarded as counterparts of each other. he himself so regarded them: "the one," he says, "pulls down, the other builds up." his object in the sophismes was to refute the fallacies of the protectionist school, then predominant in france, and so to clear the way for the establishment of what he maintained to be the true system of economic science, which he desired to found on a new and peculiar theory of value, afterwards fully developed by him in the _harmonies_. whatever difference of opinion may exist among economists as to the soundness of this theory, all must admire the irresistible logic of the _sophismes_, and "the sallies of wit and humour," which, as mr cobden has said, make that work as "amusing as a novel." the system of bastiat having thus a _destructive_ as well as a _constructive_ object, a _negative_ as well as a _positive_ design, it is perhaps only doing justice to his great reputation as an economist to put the english reader in a position to judge of that system as a whole. hence the present translation of the _sophismes_ is intended as a companion volume to the translation of the _harmonies._ it is unnecessary for me to say more here by way of preface, the gifted author having himself explained the design of the work in a short but lucid introduction. p.j.s. economic sophisms. first series. introduction. my design in this little volume is to refute some of the arguments which are urged against the freedom of trade. i do not propose to engage in a contest with the protectionists; but rather to instil a principle into the minds of those who hesitate because they sincerely doubt. i am not one of those who say that protection is founded on men's interests. i am of opinion rather that it is founded on errors, or, if you will, upon _incomplete truths_. too many people fear liberty, to permit us to conclude that their apprehensions are not sincerely felt. it is perhaps aiming too high, but my wish is, i confess, that this little work should become, as it were, the _manual_ of those whose business it is to pronounce between the two principles. where men have not been long accustomed and familiarized to the doctrine of liberty, the sophisms of protection, in one shape or another, are constantly coming back upon them. in order to disabuse them of such errors when they recur, a long process of analysis becomes necessary; and every one has not the time required for such a process--legislators less than others. this is my reason for endeavouring to present the analysis and its results cut and dry. but it may be asked, are the benefits of liberty so hidden as to be discovered only by economists by profession? * the first series of the sophismes économiques appeared in the end of 1845; the second series in 1848.--editor. we must confess that our adversaries have a marked advantage over us in the discussion. in very few words they can announce a half-truth; and in order to demonstrate that it is _incomplete_, we are obliged to have recourse to long and dry dissertations. this arises from the nature of things. protection concentrates on one point the good which it produces, while the evils which it inflicts are spread over the masses. the one is visible to the naked eye; the other only to the eye of the mind. in the case of liberty, it is just the reverse. in the treatment of almost all economic questions, we find it to be so. you say, here is a machine which has turned thirty workmen into the street. or, here is a spendthrift who encourages every branch of industry. or, the conquest of algeria has doubled the trade of marseilles. or, the budget secures subsistence for a hundred thousand families. you are understood at once and by all. your propositions are in themselves clear, simple, and true. what are your deductions from them? machinery is an evil. luxury, conquests, and heavy taxation, are productive of good. and your theory has all the more success that you are in a situation to support it by a reference to undoubted facts. on our side, we must decline to confine our attention to the cause, and its direct and immediate effect. we know that this very effect in its turn becomes a cause. to judge correctly of a measure, then, we must trace it through the whole chain of results to its definitive effect. in other words, we are forced to _reason_ upon it. but then clamour gets up: you are theorists, metaphysicians, idealists, utopian dreamers, _doctrinaires_; and all the prejudices of the popular mind are roused against us. what, under such circumstances, are we to do? we can only invoke the patience and good sense of the reader, and set our deductions, if we can, in a light so clear, that truth and error must show themselves plainly, openly, and without disguise,--and that the victory, once gained, may remain on the side of restriction, or on that of freedom. and here i must set down an essential observation. some extracts from this little volume have already appeared in the _journal des economistes_. in a critique, in other respects very favourable, from the pen of m. le vicomte de romanet, he supposes that i demand the suppression of customs. he is mistaken. i demand the suppression of the protectionist _régime_. we don't refuse taxes to the government, but we desire, if possible, to dissuade the governed from taxing one another. napoleon said that "the customhouse should not be made an instrument of revenue, but a means of protecting industry." we maintain the contrary, and we contend that the customhouse ought not to become in the hands of the working classes an instrument of reciprocal rapine, but that it may be used as an instrument of revenue as legitimately as any other. so far are we--or, to speak only for myself, so far am i--from demanding the suppression of customs, that i see in that branch of revenue our future anchor of safety. i believe our resources are capable of yielding to the treasury immense returns; and to speak plainly, i must add, that, seeing how slow is the spread of sound economic doctrines, and so rapid the increase of our budgets, i am disposed to count more upon the necessities of the treasury than on the force of enlightened opinion for furthering the cause of commercial reform. you ask me, then, what is your conclusion? and i reply, that here there is no need to arrive at a conclusion. i combat sophisms; that is all. but you rejoin, that it is not enough to pull down--it is also necessary to build up. true; but to destroy an error, is to build up the truth which stands opposed to it. after all, i have no repugnance to declare what my wishes are. i desire to see public opinion led to sanction a law of customs conceived nearly in these terms:-articles of primary necessity to pay a duty, ad valorem, of 5 per cent. articles of convenience, 10 per cent. articles of luxury, 15 to 20 per cent. these distinctions, i am aware, belong to an order of ideas which are quite foreign to political economy strictly so called, and i am far from thinking them as just and useful as they are commonly supposed to be. but this subject does not fall within the compass of my present design. i. abundance, scarcity. which is best for man, and for society, abundance or scarcity? what! you exclaim, can that be a question? has any one ever asserted, or is it possible to maintain, that scarcity is at the foundation of human wellbeing? yes, this has been asserted, and is maintained every day; and i hesitate not to affirm that the _theory of scarcity_ is much the most popular. it is the life of conversation, of the journals, of books, and of the tribune; and strange as it may seem, it is certain that political economy will have fulfilled its practical mission when it has established beyond question, and widely disseminated, this very simple proposition: "the wealth of men consists in the abundance of commodities." do we not hear it said every day, "the foreigner is about to inundate us with his products?" then we fear abundance. did not m. saint cricq exclaim, "production is excessive?" then he feared abundance. do workmen break machines? then they fear excess of production, or abundance. has not m. bugeaud pronounced these words, "let bread be dear, and agriculturists will get rich?" now, bread cannot be dear but because it is scarce. therefore m. bugeaud extols scarcity. does not m. d'argout urge as an argument against sugar-growing the very productiveness of that industry? does he not say, "beetroot has no future, and its culture cannot be extended, because a few acres devoted to its culture in each department would supply the whole consumption of france?" then, in his eyes, good lies in sterility, in dearth, and evil in fertility and abundance. the _presse_, the _commerce_, and the greater part of the daily papers, have one or more articles every morning to demonstrate to the chambers and the government, that it is sound policy to raise legislatively the price of all things by means of tariffs. and do the chambers and the government not obey the injunction? now tariffs can raise prices only by diminishing the _supply_ of commodities in the market! then the journals, the chambers, and the minister, put in practice the theory of scarcity, and i am justified in saying that this theory is by far the most popular. how does it happen that in the eyes of workmen, of publicists, and statesmen, abundance should appear a thing to be dreaded, and scarcity advantageous? i propose to trace this illusion to its source. we remark that a man grows richer in proportion to the return yielded by his exertions, that is to say, in proportion as he sells his commodity at a _higher price_. he sells at a higher price in proportion to the rarity, to the scarcity, of the article he produces. we conclude from this, that, as far as he is concerned at least, scarcity enriches him. applying successively the same reasoning to all other producers, we construct the _theory of scarcity_. we next proceed to apply this theory, and, in order to favour producers generally, we raise prices artificially, and cause a scarcity of all commodities, by prohibition, by restriction, by the suppression of machinery, and other analogous means. the same thing holds of abundance. we observe that when a product is plentiful, it sells at a lower price, and the producer gains less. if all producers are in the same situation, they are all poor. therefore it is abundance that ruins society and as theories are soon reduced to practice, we see the law struggling against the abundance of commodities. this sophism in its more general form may make little impression, but applied to a particular order of facts, to a certain branch of industry, to a given class, of producers, it is extremely specious; and this is easily explained. it forms a syllogism which is not _false_, but _incomplete_. now, what is _true_ in a syllogism is always and necessarily present to the mind. but _incompleteness_ is a negative quality, an absent _datum_, which it is very possible, and indeed very easy, to leave out of account. man produces in order to consume. he is at once producer and consumer. the reasoning which i have just explained considers him only in the first of these points of view. had the second been taken into account, it would have led to an opposite conclusion. in effect, may it not be said:-the consumer is richer in proportion as he _purchases_ all things cheaper; and he purchases things cheaper in proportion to their abundance; therefore it is abundance which enriches him. this reasoning, extended to all consumers, leads to the _theory of plenty_. it is the notion of _exchange_ imperfectly understood which leads to these illusions. if we consider our personal interest, we recognise distinctly that it is double. as _sellers_ we have an interest in dearness, and consequently in scarcity; as _buyers_, in cheapness, or what amounts to the same thing, in the abundance of commodities. we cannot, then, found our reasoning on one or other of these interests before inquiring which of the two coincides and is identified with the general and permanent interest of mankind at large. if man were a solitary animal, if he laboured exclusively for himself, if he consumed directly the fruit of his labour--in a word, _if he did not exchange_--the theory of scarcity would never have appeared in the world. it is too evident that, in that case, abundance would be advantageous, from whatever quarter it came, whether from the result of his industry, from ingenious tools, from powerful machinery of his invention, or whether due to the fertility of the soil, the liberality of nature, or even to a mysterious _invasion_ of products brought by the waves and left by them upon the shore. no solitary man would ever have thought that in order to encourage his labour and render it more productive, it was necessary to break in pieces the instruments which saved it, to neutralize the fertility of the soil, or give back to the sea the good things it had brought to his door. he would perceive at once that labour is not an end, but a means; and that it would be absurd to reject the result for fear of doing injury to the means by which that result was accomplished. he would perceive that if he devotes two hours a day to providing for his wants, any circumstance (machinery, fertility, gratuitous gift, no matter what) which saves him an hour of that labour, the result remaining the same, puts that hour at his disposal, and that he can devote it to increasing his enjoyments; in short, he would see that _to save labour_ is nothing else than _progress_. but _exchange_ disturbs our view of a truth so simple. in the social state, and with the separation of employments to which it leads, the production and consumption of a commodity are not mixed up and confounded in the same individual. each man comes to see in his labour no longer a means but an end. in relation to each commodity, exchange creates two interests, that of the producer and that of the consumer; and these two interests are always directly opposed to each other. it is essential to analyze them, and examine their nature. take the case of any producer whatever, what is his immediate interest? it consists of two things: 1st, that the fewest possible number of persons should devote themselves to his branch of industry; 2dly, that the greatest possible number of' persons should be in quest of the article he produces. political economy explains it more succinctly in these terms, supply very limited, demand very extended; or in other words still, competition limited, demand unlimited. what is the immediate interest of the consumer? that the supply of the product in question should be extended, and the demand restrained. seeing, then, that these two interests are in opposition to each other, one of them must necessarily coincide with social interests in general, and the other be antagonistic to them. but which of them should legislation favour, as identical with the public good--if, indeed, it should favour either? to discover this, we must inquire what would happen if the secret wishes of men were granted. in as far as we are producers, it must be allowed that the desire of every one of us is anti-social. are we vine-dressers? it would give us no great regret if hail should shower down on all the vines in the world except our own: _this is the theory of scarcity_. are we iron-masters? our wish is, that there should be no other iron in the market but our own, however much the public may be in want of it; and for no other reason than that this want, keenly felt and imperfectly satisfied, shall ensure us a higher price: this _is still the theory of scarcity_. are we farmers? we say with m. bugeaud, let bread be dear, that is to say, scarce, and agriculturists will thrive: always the same theory, _the theory of scarcity_. are we physicians? we cannot avoid seeing that certain physical ameliorations, improving the sanitary state of the country, the development of certain moral virtues, such as moderation and temperance, the progress of knowledge tending to enable each man to take better care of his own health, the discovery of certain simple remedies of easy application, would be so many blows to our professional success. in as far as we are physicians, then, our secret wishes would be anti-social. i do not say that physicians form these secret wishes. on the contrary, i believe they would hail with joy the discovery of a universal panacea; but they would not do this as physicians, but as men, and as christians. by a noble abnegation of self', the physician places himself in the consumer's point of view. but as exercising a profession, from which he derives his own and his family's subsistence, his desires, or, if you will, his interests, are anti-social. are we manufacturers of cotton stuffs? we desire to sell them at the price most profitable to ourselves. we should consent willingly to an interdict being laid on all rival manufactures; and if we could venture to give this wish public expression, or hope to realize it with some chance of success, we should attain our end, to some extent, by indirect means; for example, by excluding foreign fabrics, in order to diminish the _supply_, and thus produce, forcibly and to our profit, a _scarcity_ of clothing. in the same way, we might pass in review all other branches of industry, and we should always find that the producers, as such, have anti-social views. "the shopkeeper," says montaigne, "thrives only by the irregularities of youth; the farmer by the high price of corn, the architect by the destruction of houses, the officers of justice by lawsuits and quarrels. ministers of religion derive their distinction and employment from our vices and our death. no physician rejoices in the health of his friends, nor soldiers in the peace of their country; and so of the rest." hence it follows that if the secret wishes of each producer were realized, the world would retrograde rapidly towards barbarism. the sail would supersede steam, the oar would supersede the sail, and general traffic would be carried on by the carrier's waggon; the latter would be superseded by the mule, and the mule by the pedlar. wool would exclude cotton, cotton in its turn would exclude wool, and so on until the dearth of all things had caused man himself to disappear from the face of the earth. suppose for a moment that the legislative power and the public force were placed at the disposal of mimeral's committee, and that each member of that association had the privilege of bringing in and sanctioning a favourite law, is it difficult to divine to what sort of industrial code the public would be subjected? if we now proceed to consider the immediate interest of the consumer, we shall find that it is in perfect harmony with the general interest, with all that the welfare of society calls for. when the purchaser goes to market, he desires to find it well stocked. let the seasons be propitious for all harvests; let inventions more and more marvellous bring within reach a greater and greater number of products and enjoyments; let time and labour be saved; let distances be effaced by the perfection and rapidity of transit; let the spirit of justice and of peace allow of a diminished weight of taxation; let barriers of every kind be removed;--in all this the interest of the consumer runs parallel with the public interest. the consumer may push his secret wishes to a chimerical and absurd length, without these wishes becoming antagonistic to the public welfare. he may desire that food and shelter, the hearth and the roof, instruction and morality, security and peace, power and health, should be obtained without exertion, and without measure, like the dust of the highways, the water of the brook, the air which we breathe; and yet the realization of his desires would not be at variance with the good of society. it may be said that if these wishes were granted, the work of the producer would become more and more limited, and would end with being stopped for want of aliment. but why? because, on this extreme supposition, all imaginable wants and desires would be fully satisfied. man, like omnipotence, would create all things by a simple act of volition. well, on this hypotheses, what reason should we have to regret the stoppage of industrial production? i made the supposition, not long ago, of the existence of an assembly composed of workmen, each member of which, in his capacity of producer, should have the power of passing a law embodying his _secret wish_, and i said that the code which would emanate from that assembly would be monopoly systematized, the theory of scarcity reduced to practice. in the same way, a chamber in which each should consult exclusively his own immediate interest as a consumer, would tend to systematize liberty, to suppress all restrictive measures, to overthrow all artificial barriers--in a word, to realize the _theory of plenty_. hence it follows: that to consult exclusively the immediate interest of the producer, is to consult an interest which is anti-social. that to take for basis exclusively the immediate interest of the consumer, would be to take for basis the general interest. let me enlarge on this view of the subject a little, at the risk of being prolix. a radical antagonism exists between seller and buyer.* the former desires that the subject of the bargain should be scarce, its supply limited, and its price high. the latter desires that it should be _abundant_, its supply large, and its price low. the laws, which should be at least neutral, take the part of the seller against the buyer, of the producer against the consumer, of dearness against cheapness,** of scarcity against abundance. * the author has modified somewhat the terms of this proposition in a posterior work.--see _harmonies économiques_, chapter xi.--editor. ** we have not in french a substantive to express the idea opposed to that of dearness (cheapness). it is somewhat remarkable that the popular instinct expresses the idea by this periphrase, _marché avantageux, bon marche'_. the protectionists would do well to reform this locution, for it implies an economic system opposed to theirs. they proceed, if not intentionally, at least logically, on this datum: _a nation is rich when it is in want of everything_. for they say, it is the producer that we must favour by securing him a good market for his product. for this purpose it is necessary to raise the price, and in order to raise the price we must restrict the supply; and to restrict the supply is to create scarcity. just let us suppose that at the present moment, when all these laws are in full force, we make a complete inventory, not in value, but in weight, measure, volume, quantity, of all the commodities existing in the country, which are fitted to satisfy the wants and tastes of its inhabitants--corn, meat, cloth, fuel, colonial products, etc. suppose, again, that next day all the barriers which oppose the introduction of foreign products are removed. lastly, suppose that in order to test the result of this reform, they proceed three months afterwards to make a new inventory. is it not true that there will be found in france more corn, cattle, cloth, linen, iron, coal, sugar, etc., at the date of the second, than at the date of the first inventory? so true is this, that our protective tariffs have no other purpose than to hinder all these things from reaching us, to restrict the supply, and prevent depreciation and abundance. now i would ask, are the people who live under our laws better fed because there is _less_ bread, meat, and sugar in the country? are they better clothed, because there is _less_ cloth and linen? better warmed, because there is _less_ coal? better assisted in their labour, because there are _fewer_ tools and _less_ iron, copper, and machinery? but it may be said, if the foreigner _inundates_ us with his products, he will carry away our money. and what does it matter? men are not fed on money. they do not clothe themselves with gold, or warm themselves with silver. what matters it whether there is more or less money in the country, if there is more bread on our sideboards, more meat in our larders, more linen in our wardrobes, more firewood in our cellars. restrictive laws always land us in this dilemma:-either you admit that they produce scarcity, or you do not. if you admit it, you avow by the admission that you inflict on the people all the injury in your power. if you do not admit it, you deny having restricted the supply and raised prices, and consequently you deny having favoured the producer. what you do is either hurtful or profitless, injurious or ineffectual. it never can be attended with any useful result. ii. obstacle, cause. the obstacle mistaken for the cause,--scarcity mistaken for abundance,--this is the same sophism under another aspect; and it is well to study it in all its phases. man is originally destitute of everything. between this destitution and the satisfaction of his wants, there exist a multitude of _obstacles_ which labour enables us to surmount. it is curious to inquire how and why these very obstacles to his material prosperity have come to be mistaken for the cause of that prosperity. i want to travel a hundred miles. but between the starting-point and the place of my destination, mountains, rivers, marshes, impenetrable forests, brigands--in a word, _obstacles_--interpose themselves; and to overcome these obstacles, it is necessary for me to employ many efforts, or, what comes to the same thing, that others should employ many efforts for me, the price of which i must pay them. it is clear that i should have been in a better situation if these obstacles had not existed. on his long journey through life, from the cradle to the grave, man has need to assimilate to himself a prodigious quantity of alimentary substances, to protect himself against the inclemency of the weather, to preserve himself from a number of ailments, or cure himself of them. hunger, thirst, disease, heat, cold, are so many obstacles strewn along his path. in a state of isolation he must overcome them all, by hunting, fishing, tillage, spinning, weaving, building; and it is clear that it would be better for him that these obstacles were less numerous and formidable, or, better still, that they did not exist at all. in society, he does not combat these obstacles personally, but others do it for him; and in return he employs himself in removing one of those obstacles which are encountered by his fellow-men. it is clear also, considering things in the gross, that it would be better for men in the aggregate, or for society, that these obstacles should be as few and feeble as possible. but when we come to scrutinize the social phenomena in detail, and men's sentiments as modified by the introduction of exchange, we soon perceive how they have come to confound wants with wealth, the obstacle with the cause. the separation of employments, the division of labour, which results from the faculty of exchanging, causes each man, instead of struggling on his own account to overcome all the obstacles which surround him, to combat only _one_ of them; he overcomes that one not for himself but for his fellow-men, who in turn render him the same service. the consequence is that this man, in combating this obstacle which it is his special business to overcome for the sake of others, sees in it the immediate source of his own wealth. the greater, the more formidable, the more keenly felt this obstacle is, the greater will be the remuneration which his fellow-men will be disposed to accord him; that is to say, the more ready will they be to remove the obstacles which stand in his way. the physician, for example, does not bake his own bread, or manufacture his own instruments, or weave or make his own coat. others do these things for him, and in return he treats the diseases with which his patients are afflicted. the more numerous, severe, and frequent these diseases are, the more others consent, and are obliged, to do for his personal comfort. regarding it from this point of view, disease, that general obstacle to human happiness, becomes a cause of material prosperity to the individual physician. the same argument applies to all producers in their several departments. the shipowner derives his profits from the obstacle called _distance_; the agriculturist from that called _hunger_; the manufacturer of cloth from that called _cold_; the schoolmaster lives upon _ignorance_; the lapidary upon _vanity_; the attorney on _cupidity_; the notary upon possible _bad faith_,--just as the physician lives upon the diseases of men. it is quite true, therefore, that each profession has an immediate interest in the continuation, nay in the extension, of the special obstacle which it is its business to combat. observing this, theorists make their appearance, and, founding a system on their individual sentiments, tell us: want is wealth, labour is wealth, obstacles to material prosperity are prosperity. to multiply obstacles is to support industry. then statesmen intervene. they have the disposal of the public force; and what more natural than to make it available for developing and multiplying obstacles, since this is developing and multiplying wealth? they say, for example: if we prevent the importation of iron from places where it is abundant, we place an obstacle in the way of its being procured. this obstacle, keenly felt at home, will induce men to pay in order to be set free from it. a certain number of our fellow-citizens will devote themselves to combating it, and this obstacle will make their fortune. the greater the obstacle is--that is, the scarcer, the more inaccessible, the more difficult to transport, the more distant from the place where it is to be used, the mineral sought for becomes--the more hands will be engaged in the various ramifications of this branch of industry. exclude, then, foreign iron, create an obstacle, for you thereby create the labour which is to overcome it. the same reasoning leads to the proscription of machinery. here, for instance, are men who are in want of casks for the storage of their wine. this is an obstacle; and here are other men whose business it is to remove that obstacle by making the casks that are wanted. it is fortunate, then, that this obstacle should exist, since it gives employment to a branch of national industry, and enriches a certain number of our fellow-citizens. but then we have ingenious machinery invented for felling the oak, cutting it up into staves, and forming them into the wine-casks that are wanted. by this means the obstacle is lessened, and so are the gains of the cooper. let us maintain both at their former elevation by a law, and put down the machinery. to get at the root of this sophism, it is necessary only to reflect that human labour is not the _end_, but the _means. it never remains unemployed_. if one obstacle is removed, it does battle with another; and society is freed from two obstacles by the same amount of labour which was formerly, required for the removal of one. if the labour of the cooper is rendered unnecessary in one department, it will soon take another direction. but how and from what source will it be remunerated? from the same source exactly from which it is remunerated at present; for when a certain amount of labour becomes disposable by the removal of an obstacle, a corresponding amount of remuneration becomes disposable also. to maintain that human labour will ever come to want employment, would be to maintain that the human race will cease to encounter obstacles. in that case labour would not only be impossible; it would be superfluous. we should no longer have anything to do, because we should be omnipotent; and we should only have to pronounce our _fiat_ in order to ensure the satisfaction of all our desires and the supply of all our wants.* * see post, ch. xiv. of second series of _sophismes economiques_, and ch. iii. and xi. of the _harmonies économiques_. iii. effort, result. we have just seen that between our wants and the satisfaction of these wants, obstacles are interposed. we succeed in overcoming these obstacles, or in diminishing their force by the employment of our faculties. we may say in a general way, that industry is an effort followed by a result. but what constitutes the measure of our prosperity, or of our wealth? is it the result of the effort? or is it the effort itself? a relation always subsists between the effort employed and the result obtained. progress consists in the relative enhancement of the second or of the first term of this relation. both theses have been maintained; and in political economy they have divided the region of opinion and of thought. according to the first system, wealth is the result of labour, increasing as the relative _proportion of result to effort increases_. absolute perfection, of which god is the type, consists in the infinite distance interposed between the two terms--in this sense, effort is _nil_, result infinite. the second system teaches that it is the effort itself which constitutes the measure of wealth. to make progress is to increase the relative proportion _which effort bears to result_. the ideal of this system may be found in the sterile and eternal efforts of sisyphus.* the first system naturally welcomes everything which tends to diminish _pains_ and augment _products_; powerful machinery which increases the forces of man, exchange which allows him to derive greater advantage from natural agents distributed in various proportions over the face of the earth, intelligence which discovers, experience which proves, competition which stimulates, etc. logically, the second invokes everything which has the effect of increasing pains and diminishing products; privileges, monopolies, restrictions, prohibitions, suppression of machinery, sterility, etc. it is well to remark that the _universal practice_ of mankind always points to the principle of the first system. we have never seen, we shall never see, a man who labours in any department, be he agriculturist, manufacturer, merchant, artificer, soldier, author, or philosopher, who does not devote all the powers of his mind to work better, to work with more rapidity, to work more economically--in a word, to effect _more with less_. the opposite doctrine is in favour only with theorists, deputies, journalists, statesmen, ministers--men, in short, born to make experiments on the social body. * for this reason, and for the sake of conciseness, the reader will pardon us for designating this system in the sequel by the name of _sisyphism_. at the same time, we may observe, that in what concerns themselves personally, they act as every one else does, on the principle of obtaining from labour the greatest possible amount of useful results. perhaps i may be thought to exaggerate, and that there are no true _sisyphists_. if it be argued that in practice they do not press their principle to its most extreme consequences, i willingly grant it. this is always the case when one sets out with a false principle. such a principle soon leads to results so absurd and so mischievous that we are obliged to stop short. this is the reason why practical industry never admits _sisyphism_; punishment would follow error too closely not to expose it. but in matters of speculation, such as theorists and statesmen deal in, one may pursue a false principle a long time before discovering its falsity by the complicated consequences to which men were formerly strangers; and when at last its falsity is found out, the authors take refuge in the opposite principle, turn round, contradict themselves, and seek their justification in a modern maxim of incomparable absurdity: in political economy, there is no inflexible rule, no absolute principle. let us see, then, if these two opposite principles which i have just described do not predominate by turns, the one in practical industry, the other in industrial legislation. i have already noticed the saying of m. bugeaud (that "when bread is dear, agriculturists become rich"); but in m. bugeaud are embodied two separate characters, the agriculturist and the legislator. as an agriculturist, m. bugeaud directs all his efforts to two ends,--to save labour, and obtain cheap bread. when he prefers a good plough to a bad one; when he improves his pastures; when, in order to pulverize the soil, he substitutes as much as possible the action of the atmosphere for that of the harrow and the hoe; when he calls to his aid all the processes of which science and experiment have proved the efficacy,--he has but one object in view, viz., to diminish _the proportion of effort to result_. we have indeed no other test of the ability of a cultivator, and the perfection of his processes, than to measure to what extent they have lessened the one and added to the other. and as all the farmers in the world act upon this principle, we may assert that the effort of mankind at large is to obtain, for their own benefit undoubtedly, bread and all other products cheaper, to lessen the labour needed to procure a given quantity of what they want. this incontestable tendency of mankind once established, should, it would seem, reveal to the legislator the true principle, and point out to him in what way he should aid industry (in as far as it falls within his province to aid it); for it would be absurd to assert that human laws should run counter to the laws of providence. and yet we have heard m. bugeaud, as a deputy, exclaim: "i understand nothing of this theory of cheapness; i should like better to see bread dearer and labour more abundant." and following out this doctrine, the deputy of the dordogne votes legislative measures, the effect of which is to hamper exchanges, for the very reason that they procure us indirectly what direct production could not procure us but at greater expense. now, it is very evident that m. bugeaud's principle as a deputy is directly opposed to the principle on which he acts as an agriculturist. to act consistently, he should vote against all legislative restriction, or else import into his farming operations the principle which he proclaims from the tribune. we should then see him sow his corn in his most sterile fields, for in this way he would succeed in _working much to obtain little_. we should see him throwing aside the plough, since hand-culture would satisfy his double wish for dearer bread and more abundant labour. restriction has for its avowed object, and its acknowledged effect, to increase labour. it has also for its avowed object, and its acknowledged effect, to cause dearness, which means simply scarcity of products; so that, carried out to its extreme limits, it is pure _sisyphism_, such as we have defined it,--_labour infinite, product nil_. baron charles dupin, the light of the peerage, it is said, on economic science, accuses railways of _injuring navigation_; and it is certain that it is of the nature of a more perfect, to restrict the use of a less perfect means of conveyance. but railways cannot hurt navigation except by attracting traffic; and they cannot attract traffic but by conveying goods and passengers more cheaply; and they cannot convey them more cheaply but by _diminishing the proportion which the effort employed bears to the result obtained_, seeing that that is the very thing which constitutes cheapness. when, then, baron dupin deplores this diminution of the labour employed to effect a given result, it is the doctrine of _sisyphism_ which he preaches. logically, since he prefers the ship to the rail, he should prefer the cart to the ship, the pack-saddle to the cart, and the pannier to all other known means of conveyance, for it is the latter which exacts the most labour with the least result. "labour constitutes the wealth of a people," said m. de saint-cricq, that minister of commerce who has imposed so many restrictions upon trade. we must not suppose that this was an elliptical expression, meaning, "the results of labour constitute the wealth of a people." no, this economist distinctly intended to affirm that it is the _intensity_ of labour which is the measure of wealth, and the proof of it is, that from consequence to consequence, from one restriction to another, he induced france (and in this he thought he was doing her good) to expend double the amount of labour, in order, for example, to provide herself with an equal quantity of iron. in england, iron was then at eight francs, while in france it cost sixteen francs. taking a day's labour at one franc, it is clear that france could, by means of exchange, procure a quintal of iron by subtracting eight days' work from the aggregate national labour. in consequence of the restrictive measures of m. de saint-cricq, france was obliged to expend sixteen days' labour in order to provide herself with a quintal of iron by direct production. double the labour for the same satisfaction, hence double the wealth. then it follows that wealth is not measured by the result, but by the intensity of the labour. is not this _sisyphism_ in all its purity? and in order that there may be no mistake as to his meaning, the minister takes care afterwards to explain more fully his ideas; and as he had just before called the intensity of labour _wealthy_ he goes on to call the more abundant results of that labour, or the more abundant supply of things proper to satisfy our wants, _poverty_. "everywhere," he says, "machinery has taken the place of manual labour; everywhere production superabounds; everywhere the equilibrium between the faculty of producing, and the means of consuming, is destroyed." we see, then, to what, in m. de saint-cricq's estimation, the critical situation of the country was owing--it was to having produced too much, and her labour being too intelligent, and too fruitful. we were too well fed, too well clothed, too well provided with everything; a too rapid production surpassed all our desires. it was necessary, then, to put a stop to the evil, and for that purpose, to force us, by restrictions, to labour more in order to produce less. i have referred likewise to the opinions of another minister of commerce, m. d'argout. they deserve to be dwelt upon for an instant. desiring to strike a formidable blow at beet-root culture, he says, "undoubtedly, the cultivation of beet-root is useful, _but this utility is limited_. the developments attributed to it are exaggerated. to be convinced of this, it is sufficient to observe that this culture will be necessarily confined within the limits of consumption. double, triple, if you will, the present consumption of france, _you will always find that a very trifling portion of the soil will satisfy the requirements of that consumption_." (this is surely rather a singular subject of complaint!) "do you desire proof of this? how many _hectares_ had we under beet-root in 1828? 3130, which is equivalent to 1-10, 540th of our arable land. at the present time, when indigenous sugar supplies one-third of our consumption, how much land is devoted to that culture? 16,700 _hectares_, or 1-1978th of the arable land, or 45 _centiares_ in each commune. suppose indigenous sugar already supplied our whole consumption, we should have only 48,000 hectares under beet-root, or 1-689th of the arable land."* there are two things to be remarked upon in this citation--the facts and the doctrine. the facts tend to prove that little land, little capital, and little labour are required to produce a large quantity of sugar, and that each commune of france would be abundantly provided by devoting to beet-root cultivation one hectare of its soil. the doctrine consists in regarding this circumstance as adverse, and in seeing in the very power and fertility of the new industry, _a limit to its utility_. * it is fair to m. d'argout to say that he put this language in the mouth of the adversaries of beet-root culture. but he adopts it formally, and sanctions it besides, by the law which it was employed to justify. i do not mean to constitute myself here the defender of beet-root culture, or a judge of the strange facts advanced by m. d'argout; * but it is worth while to scrutinize the doctrine of a statesman, to whom france for a long time entrusted the care of her agriculture and of her commerce. i remarked in the outset that a variable relation exists between an industrial effort and its result; that absolute imperfection consists in an infinite effort without any result; absolute perfection in an unlimited result without any effort; and perfectibility in the progressive diminution of effort compared with the result. but m. d'argout tells us there is death where we think we perceive life, and that the importance of any branch of industry is in direct proportion to its powerlessness. what are we to expect, for instance, from the cultivation of beet-root? do you not see that 48,000 _hectares_ of land, with capital and manual labour in proportion, are sufficient to supply all france with sugar? then, this is a branch of industry of limited utility; limited, of course, with reference to the amount of labour which it demands, the only way in which, according to the ex-minister, any branch of industry can be useful. this utility would be still more limited, if, owing to the fertility of the soil, and the richness of the beet-root, we could reap from 24,000 hectares, what at present we only obtain from 48,000. oh! were only twenty times, a hundred times, more land, capital, and labour necessary to _yield us the same result_, so much the better. we might build some hopes on this new branch of industry, and it would be worthy of state protection, for it would offer a vast field to our national industry. but to produce much with little! that is a bad example, and it is time for the law to interfere. * supposing that 48,000 or 50,000 hectares were sufficient to supply the present consumption, it would require 150,000 for triple that consumption, which m. d'argout admits as possible. moreover, if beet-root entered into a six years' rotation of crops, it would occupy successively 900,000 hectares, or 1-38th of the arable land. but what is true with regard to sugar, cannot be otherwise with regard to bread. if, then, the _utility_ of any branch of industry is to be estimated not by the amount of satisfactions it is fitted to procure us with a determinate amount of labour, but, on the contrary, by the amount of labour which it exacts in order to yield us a determinate amount of satisfactions, what we ought evidently to desire is, that each acre of land should yield less corn, and each grain of com less nourishment; in other words, that our land should be comparatively barren; for then the quantity of land, capital, and manual labour that would be required for the maintenance of our population would be much more considerable; we could then say that the demand for human labour would be in direct proportion to this barrenness. the aspirations of mm. bugeaud, saint-cricq, dupin, and d'argout, would then be satisfied; bread would be dear, labour abundant, and france rich--rich at least in the sense in which these gentlemen understand the word. what we should desire also is, that human intelligence should be enfeebled or extinguished; for, as long as it survives, it will be continually endeavouring to augment _the proportion which the end bears to the means, and which the product bears to the labour_. it is in that precisely that intelligence consists. thus, it appears that _sisyphism_ has been the doctrine of all the men who have been intrusted with our industrial destinies. it would be unfair to reproach them with it. this principle guides ministers only because it is predominant in the chambers; and it predominates in the chambers only because it is sent there by the electoral body, and the electoral body is imbued with it only because public opinion is saturated with it. i think it right to repeat here that i do not accuse men such as mm. bugeaud, dupin, saint-cricq, and d'argout of being absolutely and under all circumstances _sisyphists_. they are certainly not so in their private transactions; for in these they always desire to obtain _by way of exchange_ what would cost them dearer to procure _by direct production_; but i affirm they are _sisyphists_ when they hinder the country from doing the same thing.* * see on the same subject, _sophismes économiques_, second series, ch. xvi., post, and _harmonies économiques_, ch. vi. iv. to equalize the conditions of production. it has been said.....but in case i should be accused of putting sophisms into the mouths of the protectionists, i shall allow one of their most vigorous athletes to speak for them. "it has been thought that protection in our case should simply represent the difference which exists between the cost price of a commodity which we produce and the cost price of the same commodity produced by our neighbours.... a protective duty calculated on this basis would only ensure free competition....; free competition exists only when there is equality in the conditions and in the charges. in the case of a horse race, we ascertain the weight which each horse has to carry, and so equalize the conditions; without that there could be no fair competition. in the case of trade, if one of the sellers can bring his commodity to market at less cost, he ceases to be a competitor, and becomes a monopolist.... do away with this protection which represents the difference of cost price, and the foreigner invades our markets and acquires a monopoly."* "every one must wish, for his own sake, as well as for the sake of others, that the production of the country should be protected against foreign competition, _whenever the latter can furnish products at a lower price._"** * m. le vicomte de romanet. ** matthieu le dombasle. this argument recurs continually in works of the protectionist school. i propose to examine it carefully, and i solicit earnestly the reader's patience and attention. i shall consider, first of all, the inequalities which are attributable to nature, and afterwards those which are attributable to diversity of taxation. in this, as in other cases, we shall find protectionist theorists viewing their subject from the producer's stand-point, whilst we advocate the cause of the unfortunate consumers, whose interests they studiously keep out of sight. they institute a comparison between the field of industry and the _turf_. but as regards the latter, the race is at once the _means_ and the _end_. the public feels no interest in the competition beyond the competition itself. when you start your horses, your _end_, your object, is to find out which is the swiftest runner, and i see your reason for equalizing the weights. but if your _end_, your object, were to secure the arrival of some important and urgent news at the winning-post, could you, without inconsistency, throw obstacles in the way of any one who should offer you the best means of expediting your message? this is what you do in commercial affairs. you forget the end, the object sought to be attained, which is material prosperity; you disregard it, you sacrifice it to a veritable _petitio principii_; in plain language, you are begging the question. but since we cannot bring our opponents to our point of view, let us place ourselves in theirs, and examine the question in its relations with production. i shall endeavour to prove, 1st, that to level and equalize the conditions of labour, is to attack exchange in its essence and principle. 2d, that it is not true that the labour of a country is neutralized by the competition of more favoured countries. 3d, that if that were true, protective duties would not equalize the conditions of production. 4th, that liberty, freedom of trade, levels these conditions as much as they can be levelled. 5th, that the least favoured countries gain most by exchange. i. to level and equalize the conditions of labour is not simply to cramp exchanges in certain branches of trade, it is to attack exchange in its principle, for its principle rests upon that very diversity, upon those very inequalities of fertility, aptitude, climate, and temperature, which you desire to efface. if guienne sends wine to brittany, and if brittany sends corn to guienne, it arises from their being placed under different conditions of production. is there a different law for international exchanges? to urge against international exchanges that inequality of conditions which gives rise to them, and explains them, is to argue against their very existence. if protectionists had on their side sufficient logic and power, they would reduce men, like snails, to a state of absolute isolation. moreover, there is not one of their sophisms which, when submitted to the test of rigorous deductions, does not obviously tend to destruction and annihilation. ii. it is not true, in point of _fact_, that inequality of conditions existing between two similar branches of industry entails necessarily the ruin of that which is least favourably situated. on the turf, if one horse gains the prize, the other loses it; but when two horses are employed in useful labour, each produces a beneficial result in proportion to its powers; and if the more vigorous renders the greater service, it does not follow that the other renders no service at all. we cultivate wheat in all the departments of france, although there are between them enormous differences of fertility; and if there be any one department which does not cultivate wheat, it is because it is not profitable to engage in that species of culture in that locality. in the same way, analogy shows us that under the _régime_ of liberty, in spite of similar differences, they produce wheat in all the countries of europe; and if there be one which abandons the cultivation of that grain, it is because it is found _more for its interest_ to give another direction to the employment of its land, labour, and capital and why should the fertility of one department not paralyze the agriculturist of a neighbouring department which is less favourably situated? because the economic phenomena have a flexibility, an elasticity, _levelling powers_, so to speak, which appear to have altogether escaped the notice of the protectionist school. that school accuses us of being given up to system; but it is the protectionists who are systematic in the last degree, if the spirit of system consists in bolstering up arguments which rest upon one fact instead of upon an aggregation of facts. in the example which we have given, it is the difference in the value of lands which compensates the difference in their fertility. your field produces three times more than mine. yes, but it has cost you ten times more, and i can still compete with you. this is the whole mystery. and observe, that superiority in some respects leads to inferiority in others. it is just because your land is more fertile that it is dearer; so that it is not _accidentally_, but _necessarily_, that the equilibrium is established, or tends to be established; and it cannot be denied that liberty is the _régime_ which is most favourable to this tendency. i have referred to a branch of agricultural industry; i might as well have referred to industry in a different department. there are tailors at quimper, and that does not hinder there being tailors also in paris, though the latter pay a higher rent, and live at much greater expense. but then they have a different set of customers, and that serves not only to redress the balance, but to make it incline to their side. when we speak, then, of equalizing the conditions of labour, we must not omit to examine whether liberty does not give us what we seek from an arbitrary system. this natural levelling power of the economic phenomena is so important to the question we are considering, and at the same time so fitted to inspire us with admiration of the providential wisdom which presides over the equitable government of society, that i must ask permission to dwell upon it for a little. the protectionist gentlemen tell us: such or such a people have over us an advantage in the cheapness of coal, of iron, of machinery, of capital--we cannot compete with them. we shall examine the proposition afterwards under all its aspects. at present, i confine myself to the inquiry whether, when a superiority and an inferiority are both present, they do not possess in themselves, the one an ascending, the other a descending force, which must ultimately bring them back to a just equilibrium. suppose two countries, a and b. a possesses over b all kinds of advantages. you infer from this, that every sort of industry will concentrate itself in a, and that b is powerless. a, you say, sells much more than it buys; b buys much more than it sells. i might dispute this, but i respect your hypothesis. on this hypothesis, labour is much in demand in a, and will soon rise in price there. iron, coal, land, food, capital, are much in demand in a, and they will soon rise in price there. contemporaneously with this, labour, iron, coal, land, food, capital, are in little request in b, and will soon fall in price there. nor is this all. while a is always selling, and b is always buying, money passes from b to a. it becomes abundant in a, and scarce in b. but abundance of money means that we must have plenty of it to buy everything else. then in a, to the _real dearness_ which arises from a very active demand, there is added a _nominal dearness_, which is due to a redundancy of the precious metals. scarcity of money means that little is required for each purchase. then in b a _nominal cheapness_ comes to be combined with _real cheapness_. in these circumstances, industry will have all sorts of motives--motives, if i may say so, carried to the highest degree of intensity--to desert a and establish itself in b. or, to come nearer what would actually take place under such circumstances, we may affirm that sudden displacements being so repugnant to the nature of industry, such a transfer would not have been so long delayed, but that from the beginning, under the free _régime_, it would have gradually and progressively shared and distributed itself between a and b, according to the laws of supply and demand--that is to say, according to the laws of justice and utility. and when i assert that if it were possible for industry to concentrate itself upon one point, that very circumstance would set in motion an irresistible decentralizing force, i indulge in no idle hypothesis. let us listen to what was said by a manufacturer in addressing the manchester chamber of commerce (i omit the figures by which he supported his demonstration):-"formerly we exported stuffs; then that exportation gave place to that of yams, which are the raw material of stuffs; then to that of machines, which are the instruments for producing yarn; afterwards to the exportation of the capital with which we construct our machines; finally, to that of our workmen and our industrial skill, which are the source of our capital. all these elements of labour, one after the other, are set to work wherever they find the most advantageous opening, wherever the expense of living is cheaper and the necessaries of life are moat easily procured; and at the present day, in prussia, in austria, in saxony, in switzerland, in italy, we see manufactures on an immense scale founded and supported by english capital, worked by english operatives, and directed by english engineers." you see very clearly, then, that nature, or rather that providence, more wise, more far-seeing than your narrow and rigid theory supposes, has not ordered this concentration of industry, this monopoly of all advantages upon which you found your reasoning as upon a fact which is unalterable and without remedy. nature has provided, by means as simple as they are infallible, that there should be dispersion, diffusion, solidarity, simultaneous progress; all constituting a state of things which your restrictive laws paralyze as much as they can; for the tendency of such laws is, by isolating communities, to render the diversity of condition much more marked, to prevent equalization, hinder fusion, neutralize countervailing circumstances, and segregate nations, whether in their superiority or in their inferiority of condition. iii. in the third place, to contend that by a protective duty you equalize the conditions of production, is to give currency to an error by a deceptive form of speech. it is not true that an import duty equalizes the conditions of production. these remain, after the imposition of the duty, the same as they were before. at most, all that such a duty equalizes are _the conditions of sale_. it may be said, perhaps, that i am playing upon words, but i throw back the accusation. it is for my opponents to show that _production and sale_ are synonymous terms; and if they cannot do this, i am warranted in fastening upon them the reproach, if not of playing on words, at least of mixing them up and confusing them. to illustrate what i mean by an example: i suppose some parisian speculators to devote themselves to the production of oranges. they know that the oranges of portugal can be sold in paris for a penny apiece, whilst they, on account of the frames and hot-houses which the colder climate would render necessary, could not sell them for less than a shilling as a remunerative price. they demand that portuguese oranges should have a duty of elevenpence imposed upon them. by means of this duty, they say, the _conditions af production_ will be equalized; and the chamber, giving effect, as it always does, to such reasoning, inserts in the tariff a duty of elevenpence upon every foreign orange. now, i maintain that the _conditions of production_ are in nowise changed. the law has made no change on the heat of the sun of lisbon, or on the frequency and intensity of the frosts of paris. the ripening of oranges will continue to go on naturally on the banks of the tagus, and artificially on the banks of the seine--that is to say, much more human labour will be required in the one country than in the other. the conditions of sale are what have been equalized. the portuguese must now sell us their oranges at a shilling, elevenpence of which goes to pay the tax. that tax will be paid, it is evident, by the french consumer. and look at the whimsical result. upon each portuguese orange consumed, the country will lose nothing, for the extra elevenpence charged to the consumer will be paid into the treasury. this will cause displacement, but not loss. but upon each french orange consumed there will be a loss of elevenpence, or nearly so, for the purchaser will certainly lose that sum, and the seller as certainly will not gain it, seeing that by the hypothesis he will only have received the cost price. i leave it to the protectionists to draw the inference. iv. if i have dwelt upon this distinction between the conditions of production and the conditions of sale, a distinction which the protectionists will no doubt pronounce paradoxical, it is because it leads me to inflict on them another, and a much stranger, paradox, which is this: would you equalize effectually the conditions of production, leave exchange free. now, really, it will be said, this is too much; you must be making game of us. well, then, were it only for curiosity, i entreat the gentlemen protectionists to follow me on to the conclusion of my argument. it will not be long. i revert to my former illustration. let us suppose for a moment that the average daily wage which a frenchman earns is equal to a shilling, and it follows incontestably that to produce directly an orange in france, a day's work, or its equivalent, is required; while to produce the value of a portuguese orange, only a twelfth part of that day's labour would be necessary; which means exactly this, that the sun does at lisbon what human labour does at paris. now, is it not very evident that if i can produce an orange, or, what comes to the same thing, the means of purchasing one, with a twelfth part of a day's labour, i am placed, with respect to this production, under exactly the same conditions as the portuguese producer himself, excepting the carriage, which must be at my expense. it is certain, then, that liberty equalizes the conditions of production direct or indirect, as far as they can be equalized, since it leaves no other difference, but the inevitable one arising from the expense of transport. i add, that liberty equalizes also the conditions of enjoyment, of satisfaction, of consumption, with which the protectionists never concern themselves, and which are yet the essential consideration, consumption being the end and object of all our industrial efforts. in virtue of free trade, we enjoy the sun of portugal like the portuguese themselves. the inhabitants of havre and the citizens of london are put in possession, and on the same conditions, of all the mineral resources which nature has bestowed on newcastle. v. gentlemen protectionists, you find me in a paradoxical humour; and i am disposed to go further still. i say, and i sincerely think, that if two countries are placed under unequal conditions of production, _it is that one of the two which is least favoured by nature which has most to gain by free trade_. to prove this, i must depart a little from the usual form of such a work as this. i shall do so nevertheless, first of all, because the entire question lies there, and also because it will afford me an opportunity of explaining an economic law of the highest importance, and which, if rightly understood, appears to me to be fitted to bring back to the science all those sects who, in our day, seek in the land of chimeras that social harmony which they fail to discover in nature. i refer to the law of consumption, which it is perhaps to be regretted that the majority of economists have neglected. consumption is the _end_ and final cause of all the economic phenomena, and it is in consumption consequently that we must expect to find their ultimate and definitive solution. nothing, whether favourable or unfavourable, can abide permanently with the producer. the advantages which nature and society bestow upon him, the inconveniences he may experience, glide past him, so to speak, and are absorbed and mixed up with the community in as far as the community represents consumers. this is an admirable law both in its cause and in its effects, and he who shall succeed in clearly describing it is entitled, in my opinion, to say, "i have not passed through life without paying my tribute to society." everything which favours the work of production is welcomed with joy by the producer, for the _immediate effect_ of it is to put him in a situation to render greater service to the community, and to exact from it a greater remuneration. every circumstance which retards or interrupts production gives pain to the producer, for the _immediate effect_ of it is to circumscribe his services, and consequently his remuneration. _immediate_ good or ill circumstances--fortunate or unfortunate--necessarily fall upon the producer, and leave him no choice but to accept the one and eschew the other. in the same way, when a workman succeeds in discovering an improved process in manufactures, the _immediate_ profit from the improvement results to him. this was necessary, in order to give his labour an intelligent direction; and it is just, because it is fair that an effort crowned with success should carry its recompense along with it. but i maintain that these good or bad effects, though in their own nature permanent, are not permanent as regards the producer. if it had been so, a principle of progressive, and, therefore, of indefinite, inequality would have been introduced among men, and this is the reason why these good or evil effects become very soon absorbed in the general destinies of the human race. how is this brought about? i shall show how it takes place by some examples. let us go back to the thirteenth century. the men who then devoted themselves to the art of copying received for the service which they rendered _a remuneration regulated by the general rate of earnings_.* among them there arose one who discovered the means of multiplying copies of the same work rapidly. he invented printing. in the first instance, one man was enriched, and many others were impoverished. at first sight, marvellous as the invention proves itself to be, we hesitate to decide whether it is hurtful or useful. it seems to introduce into the world, as i have said, an indefinite element of inequality. guttemberg profits by his invention, and extends his invention with its profits indefinitely, until he has ruined all the copyists. as regards the public, in the capacity of consumer, it gains little; for guttemberg takes care not to lower the price of his books, but just enough to undersell his rivals. but the intelligence which has introduced harmony into the movements of the heavenly bodies, has implanted it also in the internal mechanism of society. we shall see the economic advantages of the invention when it has ceased to be individual property, and has become for ever the common patrimony of the masses. at length the invention comes to be known. guttemberg is no longer the only printer; others imitate him. their profits' at first are large. they are thus rewarded for having been the first to imitate the invention; and it is right that it should be so, for this higher remuneration was necessary to induce them to concur in the grand definite result which is approaching. they gain a great deal, but they gain less than the inventor, for _competition_ now begins its work. the price of books goes on falling. the profit of imitators goes on diminishing in proportion as the invention becomes of older date; that is to say, in proportion as the imitation becomes less meritorious..... * the author, here and elsewhere, uses the french word _profits_; but it is clear from the context that he does not refer to the returns from capital, in which sense alone the english economists employ the term _profits_. we have therefore substituted the words _earnings or wages_.- translator, the new branch of industry at length reaches its normal state; in other words, the remuneration of printers ceases to be exceptionally high, and comes, like that of the copyist, to be _regulated by the ordinary rate of earnings_. here we have production, as such, brought back to the point from which it started. and yet the invention is not the less an acquisition; the saving of time, of labour, of effort to produce a given result, that is, to produce a determinate number of copies, is not the less realized. but how does it show itself? in the cheapness of books. and to whose profit? to the profit of the consumer, of society, of the human race. the printers, who have thenceforth no exceptional merit, no longer receive exceptional remuneration. as men, as consumers, they undoubtedly participate in the advantages which the invention has conferred upon the community. but that is all. as printers, as producers, they have returned to the ordinary condition of the other producers of the country. society pays them for their labour, and not for the utility of the invention. the latter has become the common and gratuitous heritage of mankind at large. i confess that the wisdom and the beauty of these laws call forth my admiration and respect. i see in them saint-simonianism: _to each according to his capacity; to each capacity according to its works_. i see in them, communism; that is, the tendency of products to become the _common_ heritage of men; but a saint-simonianism, a communism, regulated by infinite prescience, and not abandoned to the frailties, the passions, and the arbitrary will of men. what i have said of the art of printing, may be affirmed of all the instruments of labour, from the nail and the hammer to the locomotive and the electric telegraph. society becomes possessed of all through its more abundant consumption, and _it enjoys all gratuitously_, for the effect of inventions and discoveries is to reduce the price of commodities; and all that part of the price which has been annihilated, and which represents the share invention has in production, evidently renders the product gratuitous to that extent. all that remains to be paid for is the human labour, the immediate labour, /and it is paid for without reference to the result of the invention, at least when that invention has passed through the cycle i have just described--the cycle which it is designed to pass through. i send for a tradesman to my house; he comes and brings his saw with him; i pay him two shillings for his day's work, and he saws me twenty-five boards. had the saw not been invented, he would probably not have made out to furnish me with one, and i should have had to pay him the same wages for his day's work. the _utility_ produced by the saw is then, as far as i am concerned, a gratuitous gift of nature, or rather it is a part of that inheritance which, _in common_ with all my brethren, i have received from my ancestors. i have two workmen in my field. the one handles the plough, the other the spade. the result of their labour is very different, but the day's wages are the same, because the remuneration is not proportioned to the utility produced, but to the effort, the labour, which is exacted. i entreat the reader's patience, and beg him to believe that i have not lost sight of free trade. let him only have the goodness to remember the conclusion at which i have arrived: _remuneration is not in proportion to the utilities which the producer brings to market, but to his labour_.* * it is true that labour does not receive a uniform remuneration. it may be more or less intense, dangerous, skilled, etc. competition settles the usual or current price in each department--and this is the fluctuating price of which i speak. i have drawn my illustrations as yet from human inventions. let us now turn our attention to natural advantages. in every branch of production, nature and man concur. but the portion of utility which nature contributes is always gratuitous. it is only the portion of utility which human labour contributes which forms the subject of exchange, and, consequently, of remuneration. the latter varies, no doubt, very much in proportion to the intensity of the labour, its skill, its promptitude, its suitableness, the need there is of it, the temporary absence of rivalry, etc. but it is not the less true, in principle, that the concurrence of natural laws, which are common to all, counts for nothing in the price of the product. we do not pay for the air we breathe, although it is so _useful_ to us, that, without it, we could not live two minutes. we do not pay for it, nevertheless; because nature furnishes it to us without the aid of human labour. but if, for example, we should desire to separate one of the gases of which it is composed, to make an experiment, we must make an exertion; or if we wish another to make that exertion for us, we must sacrifice for that other an equivalent amount of exertion, although we may have embodied it in another product. whence we see that pains, efforts, and exertions are the real subjects of exchange. it is not, indeed, the oxygen gas that i pay for, since it is at my disposal everywhere, but the labour necessary to disengage it, labour which has been saved me, and which must be recompensed. will it be said that there is something else to be paid for, materials, apparatus, etc.? still, in paying for these, i pay for labour. the price of the coal employed, for example, represents the labour necessary to extract it from the mine and to transport it to the place where it is to be used. we do not pay for the light of the sim, because it is a gift of nature. but we pay for gas, tallow, oil, wax, because there is here human labour to be remunerated; and it will be remarked that, in this case, the remuneration is proportioned, not to the utility produced, but to the labour employed, so much so that it may happen that one of these kinds of artificial light, though more intense, costs us less, and for this reason, that the same amount of human labour affords us more of it. were the porter who carries water to my house to be paid in proportion to the _absolute utility_ of water, my whole fortune would be insufficient to remunerate him. but i pay him in proportion to the exertion he makes. if he charges more, others will do the work, or, if necessary, i will do it myself. water, in truth, is not the subject of our bargain, but the labour of carrying it. this view of the matter is so important, and the conclusions which i am about to deduce from it throw so much light on the question of the freedom of international exchanges, that i deem it necessary to elucidate it by other examples. the alimentary substance contained in potatoes is not very costly, because we can obtain a large amount of it with comparatively little labour. we pay more for wheat, because the production of it costs a greater amount of human labour. it is evident that if nature did for the one what it does for the other, the price of both would tend to equality. it is impossible that the producer of wheat should permanently gain much more than the producer of potatoes. the law of competition would prevent it. if by a happy miracle the fertility of all arable lands should come to be augmented, it would not be the agriculturist, but the consumer, who would reap advantage from that phenomenon for it would resolve itself into abundance and cheapness. there would be less labour incorporated in each quarter of corn, and the cultivator could exchange it only for a smaller amount of labour worked up in some other product. if, on the other hand, the fertility of the soil came all at once to be diminished, nature's part in the process of production would be less, that of human labour would be greater, and the product dearer. i am, then, warranted in saying that it is in consumption, in the human element, that all the economic phenomena come ultimately to resolve themselves. the man who has failed to regard them in this light, to follow them out to their ultimate effects, without stopping short at _immediate_ results, and viewing them from the _producer's_ standpoint, can no more be regarded as an economist than the man who should prescribe a draught, and, instead of watching its effect on the entire system of the patient, should inquire only how it affected the mouth and throat, could be regarded as a physician. tropical regions are very favourably situated for the production of sugar and of coffee. this means that nature does a great part of the work, and leaves little for human labour to do. but who reaps the advantage of this liberality of nature? not the producing countries, for competition causes the price barely to remunerate the labour. it is the human race that reaps the benefit, for the result of nature's liberality is cheapness, and cheapness benefits everybody. suppose a temperate region where coal and iron-ore are found on the surface of the ground, where one has only to stoop down to get them. that, in the first instance, the inhabitants would profit by this happy circumstance, i allow. but competition would soon intervene, and the price of coal and iron-ore would go on falling, till the gift of nature became free to all, and then the human labour employed would be alone remunerated according to the general rate of earnings. thus the liberality of nature, like improvements in the processes of production, is, or continually tends to become, under the law of competition, the common and gratuitous patrimony of consumers, of the masses, of mankind in general. then, the countries which do not possess these advantages have everything to gain by exchanging their products with those countries which possess them, because the subject of exchange is _labour_, apart from the consideration of the natural utilities worked up with that labour; and the countries which have incorporated in a given amount of their labour the greatest amount of these _natural utilities_, are evidently the most favoured countries. their products which represent the least amount of human labour are the least profitable; in other words, they _are cheaper_; and if the whole liberality of nature resolves itself into _cheapness_, it is evidently not the producing, but the consuming, country which reaps the benefit. hence we see the enormous absurdity of consuming countries which reject products for the very reason that they are cheap. it is as if they said, "we want nothing that nature gives us. you ask me for an effort equal to two, in exchange for a product which i cannot create without an effort equal to four; you can make that effort, because in your case nature does half the work. be it so; i reject your offer, and i shall wait until your climate, having become more inclement, will force you to demand from me an effort equal to four, in order that i may treat with you _on a footing of equality_." a is a favoured country. b is a country to which nature has been less bountiful. i maintain that exchange benefits both, but benefits b especially; because exchange is not an exchange of _utilities for utilities_, but _of value for value_. now a includes _a greater amount of utility in the same value_, seeing that the utility of a product includes what nature has put there, as well as what labour has put there; whilst value includes only what labour has put there. then b makes quite an advantageous bargain. in recompensing the producer of a for his labour only, it receives into the bargain a greater amount of natural utility than it has given. this enables us to lay down the general rule: exchange is a barter of _values_; value under the action of competition being made to represent labour, exchange becomes a barter of equal labour. what nature has imparted to the products exchanged is on both sides given _gratuitously and into the bargain_; whence it follows necessarily that exchanges effected with countries the most favoured by nature are the most advantageous. the theory of which in this chapter i have endeavoured to trace the outlines would require great developments. i have glanced at it only in as far as it bears upon my subject of free trade. but perhaps the attentive reader may have perceived in it the fertile germ which in the rankness of its maturity will not only smother protection, but, along with it, _fourierisrme, saint-simonianisme, communisme_, and all those schools whose object it is to exclude from the government of the world the law of _competition_. regarded from the producer's point of view, competition no doubt frequently clashes with our _immediate_ and individual interests; but if we change our point of view and extend our regards to industry in general, to universal prosperity--in a word, to _consumption_--we shall find that competition in the moral world plays the same part which equilibrium does in the material world. it lies at the root of true communism, of true socialism, of that equality of conditions and of happiness so much desired in our day; and if so many sincere publicists, and well-meaning reformers seek after the _arbitrary_, it is for this reason--that they do not understand liberty.* * the theory sketched in this chapter, is the same which, four years afterwards, was developed in the _harmonies économiques_. remuneration reserved exclusively for human labour; the gratuitous nature of natural agents; progressive conquest of these agents, to the profit of mankind, whose common property they thus become; elevation of general wellbeing and tendency to relative equalization of conditions; we recognise here the essential elements of the most important of all the works of bastiat.--editor. v. our products are burdened with taxes. we have here again the same sophism. we demand that foreign products should be taxed to neutralize the effect of the taxes which weigh upon our national products. the object, then, still is to equalize the conditions of production. we have only a word to say, and it is this: that the tax is an artificial obstacle which produces exactly the same result as a natural obstacle, its effect is to enhance prices. if this enhancement reach a point which makes it a greater loss to create the product for ourselves than to procure it from abroad by producing a counter value, _laissez faire_, let well alone. of two evils, private interest will do well to choose the least. i might, then, simply refer the reader to the preceding demonstration; but the sophism which we have here to combat recurs so frequently in the lamentations and demands, i might say in the challenges, of the protectionist school, as to merit a special discussion. if the question relate to one of those exceptional taxes which are imposed on certain products, i grant readily that it is reasonable to impose the same duty on the foreign product. for example, it would be absurd to exempt foreign salt from duty; not that, in an economical point of view, france would lose anything by doing so, but the reverse. let them say what they will, principles are always the same; and france would gain by the exemption as she must always gain by removing a natural or artificial obstacle. but in this instance the obstacle has been interposed for purposes of revenue. these purposes must be attained; and were foreign salt sold in our market duty free, the treasury would lose its hundred millions of francs (four millions sterling); and must raise that sum from some other source. there would be an obvious inconsistency in creating an obstacle, and failing in the object. it might have been better to have had recourse at first to another tax than that upon french salt. but i admit that there are certain circumstances in which a tax may be laid on foreign commodities, provided it is not _protective_, but fiscal. but to pretend that a nation, because she is subjected to heavier taxes than her neighbours, should protect herself by tariffs against the competition of her rivals, in this is a sophism, and it is this sophism which i intend to attack. i have said more than once that i propose only to explain the theory, and lay open, as far as possible, the sources of protectionist errors. had i intended to raise a controversy, i should have asked the protectionists why they direct their tariffs chiefly against england and belgium, the most heavily taxed countries in the world? am i not warranted in regarding their argument only as a pretext? but i am not one of those who believe that men are prohibitionists from self-interest, and not from conviction. the doctrine of protection is too popular not to be sincere. if the majority had faith in liberty, we should be free. undoubtedly it is self-interest which makes our tariffs so heavy; but conviction is at the root of it. "the will," says pascal, "is one of the principal organs of belief." but the belief exists nevertheless, although it has its root in the will, and in the insidious suggestions of egotism. let us revert to the sophism founded on taxation. the state may make a good or a bad use of the taxes which it levies. when it renders to the public services which are equivalent to the value it receives, it makes a good use of them. and when it dissipates its revenues without giving any service in return, it makes a bad use of them. in the first case, to affirm that the taxes place the country which pays them under conditions of production more unfavourable than those of a country which is exempt from them, is a sophism. we pay twenty millions of francs for justice and police; but then we have them, with the security they afford us, and the time which they save us; and it is very probable that production is neither more easy nor more active in those countries, if there are any such, where the people take the business of justice and police into their own hands. we pay many hundreds of millions (of francs) for roads, bridges, harbours, and railways. granted; but then we have the benefit of these roads, bridges, harbours, and railways; and whether we make a good or a bad bargain in constructing them, it cannot be said that they render us inferior to other nations, who do not indeed support a budget of public works, but who have no public works. and this explains why, whilst accusing taxation of being a cause of industrial inferiority, we direct our tariffs especially against those countries which are the most heavily taxed. their taxes, well employed, far from deteriorating, have ameliorated, _the conditions of production_ in these countries. thus we are continually arriving at the conclusion that protectionist sophisms are not only not true, but are the very reverse of true.* * see harmonies économiques, ch. xvii. if taxes are improductive, suppress them, if you can; but assuredly the strangest mode of neutralizing their effect is to add individual to public taxes. fine compensation truly! you tell us that the state taxes are too much; and you give that as a reason why we should tax one another! a protective duty is a tax directed against a foreign product; but we must never forget that it falls back on the home consumer. now the consumer is the tax-payer. the agreeable language you address to him is this: "because your taxes are heavy, we raise the price of everything you buy; because the state lays hold of one part of your income, we hand over another to the monopolist." but let us penetrate a little deeper into this sophism, which is in such repute with our legislators, although the extraordinary thing is that it is just the very people who maintain unproductive taxes who attribute to them our industrial inferiority, and in that inferiority find an excuse for imposing other taxes and restrictions. it appears evident to me that the nature and effects of protection would not be changed, were the state to levy a direct tax and distribute the money afterwards in premiums and indemnities to the privileged branches of industry. suppose that while foreign iron cannot be sold in our market below eight francs, french iron cannot be sold for less than twelve francs. on this hypothesis, there are two modes in which the state can secure the home market to the producer. the first mode is to lay a duty of five francs on foreign iron. it is evident that that duty would exclude it, since it could no longer be sold under thirteen francs, namely, eight francs for the cost price, and five francs for the tax, and at that price it would be driven out of the market by french iron, the price of which we suppose to be only twelve francs. in this case, the purchaser, the consumer, would be at the whole cost of the protection. or again, the state might levy a tax of five francs from the public, and give the proceeds as a premium to the ironmaster. the protective effect would be the same. foreign iron would in this case be equally excluded; for our ironmaster can now sell his iron at seven francs, which, with the five francs premium, would make up to him the remunerative price of twelve francs. but with home iron at seven francs the foreigner could not sell his for eight, which by the supposition is his lowest remunerative price. between these two modes of going to work, i can see only one difference. the principle is the same; the effect is the same; but in the one, certain individuals pay the price of protection; in the other, it is paid for by the nation at large. i frankly avow my predilection for the second mode. it appears to me more just, more economical, and more honourable; more just, because if society desires to give largesses to some of its members, all should contribute; more economical, because it would save much expense in collecting, and get us rid of many restrictions; more honourable, because the public would then see clearly the nature of the operation, and act accordingly. but if the protectionist system had taken this form, it would have been laughable to hear men say, "we pay heavy taxes for the army, for the navy, for the administration of justice, for public works, for the university, the public debt, etc.--in all exceeding a milliard [£40,000,000 sterling]. for this reason, the state should take another milliard from us, to relieve these poor ironmasters, these poor shareholders in the coal-mines of anzin, these unfortunate proprietors of forests, these useful men who supply us with cod-fish." look at the subject closely, and you will be satisfied that this is the true meaning and effect of the sophism we are combating. it is all in vain; you cannot _give money_ to some members of the community but by taking it from others. if you desire to ruin the tax-payer, you may do so. but at least do not banter him by saying, "in order to compensate your losses, i take from you again as much as i have taken from you already." to expose fully all that is false in this sophism would be an endless work. i shall confine myself to three observations. you assert that the country is overburdened with taxes, and on this fact you found an argument for the protection of certain branches of industry. but we have to pay these taxes in spite of protection. if, then, a particular branch of industry presents itself, and says, "i share in the payment of taxes; that raises the cost price of my products, and i demand that a protecting duty should also raise their selling price," what does such a demand amount to? it amounts simply to this, that the tax should be thrown over on the rest of the community. the object sought for is to be reimbursed the amount of the tax by a rise of prices. but as the treasury requires to have the full amount of all the taxes, and as the masses have to pay the higher price, it follows that they have to bear not only their own share of taxation but that of the particular branch of industry which is protected. but we mean to protect everybody, you will say. i answer, in the first place, that that is impossible; and, in the next place, that if it were possible, there would be no relief. i would pay for you, and you would pay for me; but the tax must be paid all the same. you are thus the dupes of an illusion. you wish in the first instance to pay taxes in order that you may have an army, a navy, a church, a university, judges, highways, etc., and then you wish to free from taxation first one branch of industry, then a second, then a third, always throwing back the burden upon the masses. you do nothing more than create interminable complications, without any other result than these complications themselves. show me that a rise of price caused by protection falls upon the foreigner, and i could discover in your argument something specious. but if it be true that the public pays the tax before your law, and that after the law is passed it pays for protection and the tax into the bargain, truly i cannot see what is gained by it. but i go further, and maintain that the heavier our taxes are, the more we should hasten to throw open our ports and our frontiers to foreigners less heavily taxed than ourselves. and why? in order to throw back upon them a greater share of our burden. is it not an incontestable axiom in political economy that taxes ultimately fall on the consumer? the more, then, our exchanges are multiplied, the more will foreign consumers reimburse us for the taxes incorporated and worked up in the products we sell them; whilst we in this respect will have to make them a smaller restitution, seeing that their products, according to our hypothesis, are less heavily burdened than ours. in fine, have you never asked yourselves whether these heavy burdens on which you found your argument for a prohibitory régime are not caused by that very régime? if commerce were free, what use would you have for your great standing armies and powerful navies?.... but this belongs to the domain of politics. et ne confondons pas, pour trop approfondir, leurs affaires avec les nôtres. vi. balance of trade. our adversaries have adopted tactics which are rather embarrassing. do we establish our doctrine? they admit it with the greatest possible respect. do we attack their principle? they abandon it with the best grace in the world. they demand only one thing--that our doctrine, which they hold to be true, should remain relegated in books, and that their principle, which they acknowledge to be vicious, should reign paramount in practical legislation. resign to them the management of tariffs, and they will give up all dispute with you in the domain of theory. "assuredly," said m. gauthier de rumilly, on a recent occasion, "no one wishes to resuscitate the antiquated theories of the balance of trade." very right, monsieur gauthier, but please to remember that it is not enough to give a passing slap to error, and immediately afterwards, and for two hours together, reason as if that error were truth. let me speak of m. lestiboudois. here we have a consistent reasoner, a logical disputant. there is nothing in his conclusions which is not to be found in his premises. he asks nothing in practice, but what he justifies in theory. his principle may be false; that is open to question. but, at any rate, he has a principle. he believes, and he proclaims it aloud, that if france gives ten, in order to receive fifteen, she loses five; and it follows, of course, that he supports laws which are in keeping with this view of the subject "the important thing to attend to," he says, "is that the amount of our importations goes on augmenting, and exceeds the amount of our exportations--that is to say, france every year purchases more foreign products, and sells less of her own. figures prove this. what do we see? in 1842, imports exceeded exports by 200 millions. these facts appear to prove in the clearest manner that national industry _is not sufficiently protected_, that we depend upon foreign labour for our supplies, that the competition of our rivals _oppresses_ our industry. the present law appears to me to recognise the fact, which is not true according to the economists, that when we purchase we necessarily sell a corresponding amount of commodities. it is evident that we can purchase, not with our usual products, not with our revenue, not with the results of permanent labour, but with our capital, with products which have been accumulated and stored up, those intended for reproduction--that is to say, that we may expend, that we may dissipate, the proceeds of anterior economies, that we may impoverish ourselves, that we may proceed on the road to ruin, and consume entirely the national capital. _this is exactly what we are doing. every year we give away 200 millions of francs to the foreigner_." well, here is a man with whom we can come to an understanding. there is no hypocrisy in this language. the doctrine of the balance of trade is openly avowed. france imports 200 millions more than she exports. then we lose 200 millions a year. and what is the remedy? to place restrictions on importation. the conclusion is unexceptionable. it is with m. lestiboudois, then, that we must deal, for how can we argue with m. gauthier? if you tell him that the balance of trade is an error, he replies that that was what he laid down at the beginning. if you say that the balance of trade is a truth, he will reply that that is what he proves in his conclusions. the economist school will blame me, no doubt, for arguing with m. lestiboudois. to attack the balance of trade, it will be said, is to fight with a windmill. but take care. the doctrine of the balance of trade is neither so antiquated, nor so sick, nor so dead as m. gauthier would represent it, for the entire chamber--m. gauthier himself included--has recognised by its votes the theory of m. lestiboudois. i shall not fatigue the reader by proceeding to probe that theory, but content myself with subjecting it to the test of facts. we are constantly told that our principles do not hold good, except in theory. but tell me, gentlemen, if you regard the books of merchants as holding good in practice? it appears to me that if there is anything in the world which should have practical authority, when the question regards profit and loss, it is commercial accounts. have all the merchants in the world come to an understanding for centuries to keep their books in such a way as to represent profits as losses, and losses as profits? it may be so, but i would much rather come to the conclusion that m. lestiboudois is a bad economist. now, a merchant of my acquaintance having had two transactions, the results of which were very different, i felt curious to compare the books of the counting-house with the books of the customhouse, as interpreted by m. lestiboudois to the satisfaction of our six hundred legislators. m. t. despatched a ship from havre to the united states, with a cargo of french goods, chiefly those known as _articles de paris_, amounting to 200,000 francs. this was the figure declared at the customhouse. when the cargo arrived at new orleans it was charged with 10 per cent, freight and 30 per cent, duty, making a total of 280,000 francs. it was sold with 20 per cent, profit, or 40,000 francs, and produced a total of 320,000 francs, which the consignee invested in cottons. these cottons had still for freight, insurance, commission, etc., to bear a cost of 10 per cent. so that when the new cargo arrived at havre it had cost 352,000 francs, which was the figure entered in the customhouse books. finally m. t. realized upon this return cargo 20 per cent, profit, or 70,400 francs; in other words, the cottons were sold for 422,400 francs. if m. lestiboudois desires it, i shall send him an extract from the books of m. t. he will there see _at the credit_ of the _profit and loss_ account--that is to say, as profits--two entries, one of 40,000, another of 70,400 francs, and m. t. is very sure that his accounts are accurate. and yet, what do the customhouse books tell m. lestiboudois regarding this transaction? they tell him simply that france exported 200,000 francs' worth, and imported to the extent of 352,000 francs; whence the honourable deputy concludes "_that she had expended, and dissipated the profits of her anterior economies, that she is impoverishing herself that she is on the high road to ruin, and has given away to the foreigner 152,000 francs of her capital_." some time afterwards, m. t. despatched another vessel with a cargo also of the value of 200,000 francs, composed of the products of our native industry. this unfortunate ship was lost in a gale of wind after leaving the harbour, and all m. t. had to do was to make two short entries in his books, to this effect:-"_sundry goods debtors to x_, 200,000 francs, for purchases of different commodities despatched by the ship n. "_profit and loss debtors to sundry goods_, 200,000 francs, in consequence of _definitive and total loss_ of the cargo." at the same time, the customhouse books bore an entry of 200.000 francs in the list of _exportations_; and as there was no corresponding entry to make in the list of _importations_, it follows that m. lestiboudois and the chamber will see in this shipwreck _a clear and net profit_ for france of 200,000 francs. there is still another inference to be deduced from this, which is, that according to the theory of the balance of trade, france has a very simple means of doubling her capital at any moment. it is enough to pass them through the customhouse, and then pitch them into the sea. in this case the exports will represent the amount of her capital, the imports will be _nil_, and even impossible, and we shall gain all that the sea swallows up. this is a joke, the protectionists will say. it is impossible' we could give utterance to such absurdities. you do give utterance to them, however, and, what is more, you act upon them, and impose them on your fellow-citizens to the utmost of your power. the truth is, it would be necessary to take the balance of trade _backwards [au rebours]_, and calculate the national profits from foreign trade by the excess of imports over exports. this excess, after deducting costs, constitutes the real profit. but this theory, which is true, leads directly to free trade. i make you a present of it, gentlemen, as i do of all the theories in the preceding chapters. exaggerate it as much as you please--it has nothing to fear from that test. suppose, if that amuses you, that the foreigner inundates us with all sorts of useful commodities without asking anything in return, that our imports are _infinite_ and exports _nil_, i defy you to prove to me that we should be poorer on that account. vii. of the manufacturers of candles, wax-lights, lamps, candlesticks, street lamps, snuffers, extinguishers, and of the producers of oil, tallow, rosin, alcohol, and, generally, of everything connected with lighting. to messieurs the members of the chamber of deputies. gentlemen,--you are on the right road. you reject abstract theories, and have little consideration for cheapness and plenty your chief care is the interest of the producer. you desire to emancipate him from external competition, and reserve the _national market for national industry_. we are about to offer you an admirable opportunity of applying your--what shall we call it? your theory? no; nothing is more deceptive than theory; your doctrine? your system? your principle? but you dislike doctrines, you abhor systems, and as for principles, you deny that there are any in social economy: we shall say, then, your practice, your practice without theory and without principle. we are suffering from the intolerable competition of a foreign rival, placed, it would seem, in a condition so far superior to ours for the production of light, that he absolutely _inundates our national market_ with it at a price fabulously reduced. the moment he shows himself, our trade leaves us--all consumers apply to him; and a branch of native industry, having countless ramifications, is all at once rendered completely stagnant. this rival, who is no other than the sun, wages war to the knife against us, and we suspect that he has been raised up by _perfidious albion_ (good policy as times go); inasmuch as he displays towards that haughty island a circumspection with which he dispenses in our case. what we pray for is, that it may please you to pass a law ordering the shutting up of all windows, sky-lights, dormer-windows, outside and inside shutters, curtains, blinds, bull's-eyes; in a word, of all openings, holes, chinks, clefts, and fissures, by or through which the light of the sun has been in use to enter houses, to the prejudice of the meritorious manufactures with which we flatter ourselves we have accommodated our country,--a country which, in gratitude, ought not to abandon us now to a strife so unequal. we trust, gentlemen, that you will not regard this our request as a satire, or refuse it without at least previously hearing the reasons which we have to urge in its support. and, first, if you shut up as much as possible all access to natural light, and create a demand for artificial light, which of our french manufactures will not be encouraged by it? if more tallow is consumed, then there must be more oxen and sheep; and, consequently, we shall behold the multiplication of artificial meadows, meat, wool, hides, and, above all, manure, which is the basis and foundation of all agricultural wealth. if more oil is consumed, then we shall have an extended cultivation of the poppy, of the olive, and of rape. these rich and exhausting plants will come at the right time to enable us to avail ourselves of the increased fertility which the rearing of additional cattle will impart to our lands. our heaths will be covered with resinous trees. numerous swarms of bees will, on the mountains, gather perfumed treasures, now wasting their fragrance on the desert air, like the flowers from which they emanate. no branch of agriculture but will then exhibit a cheering development. the same remark applies to navigation. thousands of vessels will proceed to the whale fishery; and, in a short time, we shall possess a navy capable of maintaining the honour of france, and gratifying the patriotic aspirations of your petitioners, the undersigned candlemakers and others. but what shall we say of the manufacture of _articles de paris?_ henceforth you will behold gildings, bronzes, crystals, in candlesticks, in lamps, in lustres, in candelabra, shining forth, in spacious warerooms, compared with which those of the present day can be regarded but as mere shops. no poor _resinier_ from his heights on the seacoast, no coalminer from the depth of his sable gallery, but will rejoice in higher wages and increased prosperity. only have the goodness to reflect, gentlemen, and you will be convinced that there is, perhaps, no frenchman, from the wealthy coalmaster to the humblest vender of lucifer matches, whose lot will not be ameliorated by the success of this our petition. we foresee your objections, gentlemen, but we know that you can oppose to us none but such as you have picked up from the effete works of the partisans of free trade. we defy you to utter a single word against us which will not instantly rebound against yourselves and your entire policy. you will tell us that, if we gain by the protection which we seek, the country will lose by it, because the consumer must bear the loss. we answer: you have ceased to have any right to invoke the interest of the consumer; for, whenever his interest is found opposed to that of the producer, you sacrifice the former. you have done so for the purpose of _encouraging labour and increasing employment_. for the same reason you should do so again. you have yourselves obviated this objection. when you are told that the consumer is interested in the free importation of iron, coal, corn, textile fabrics--yes, you reply, but the producer is interested in their exclusion. well, be it so;--if consumers are interested in the free admission of natural light, the producers of artificial light are equally interested in its prohibition. but, again, you may say that the producer and consumer are identical. if the manufacturer gain by protection, he will make the agriculturist also a gainer; and if agriculture prosper, it will open a vent to manufactures. very well; if you confer upon us the monopoly of furnishing light during the day,--first of all, we shall purchase quantities of tallow, coals, oils, resinous substances, wax, alcohol--besides silver, iron, bronze, crystal--to carry on our manufactures; and then we, and those who furnish us with such commodities, having become rich will consume a great deal, and impart prosperity to all the other branches of our national industry. if you urge that the light of the sun is a gratuitous gift of nature, and that to reject such gifts is to reject wealth itself under pretence of encouraging the means of acquiring it, we would caution you against giving a death-blow to your own policy. remember that hitherto you have always repelled foreign products, because they approximate more nearly than home products to the character of gratuitous gifts. to comply with the exactions of other monopolists, you have only _half a motive_; and to repulse us simply because we stand on a stronger vantage-ground than others would be to adopt the equation, + x + = -; in other words, it would be to heap _absurdity upon absurdity_. nature and human labour co-operate in various proportions (depending on countries and climates) in the production of commodities. the part which nature executes is always gratuitous; it is the part executed by human labour which constitutes value, and is paid for. if a lisbon orange sells for half the price of a paris orange, it is because natural, and consequently gratuitous, heat does for the one, what artificial, and therefore expensive, heat must do for the other. when an orange comes to us from portugal, we may conclude that it is furnished in part gratuitously, in part for an onerous consideration; in other words, it comes to us at _half-price_ as compared with those of paris. now, it is precisely the _gratuitous half_ (pardon the word) which we contend should be excluded. you say, how can natural labour sustain competition with foreign labour, when the former has all the work to do, and the latter only does one-half, the sun supplying the remainder? but if this half being gratuitous, determines you to exclude competition, how should the whole, being gratuitous, induce you to admit competition? if you were consistent, you would, while excluding as hurtful to native industry what is half gratuitous, exclude _a fortiori_ and with double zeal, that which is altogether gratuitous. once more, when products such as coal, iron, corn, or textile fabrics, are sent us from abroad, and we can acquire them with less labour than if we made them ourselves, the difference is a free gift conferred upon us. the gift is more or less considerable in proportion as the difference is more or less great. it amounts to a quarter, a half, or three-quarters of the value of the product, when the foreigner only asks us for three-fourths, a half, or a quarter of the price we should otherwise pay. it is as perfect and complete as it can be, when the donor (like the sun in furnishing us with light) asks us for nothing. the question, and we ask it formally, is this, do you desire for our country the benefit of gratuitous consumption, or the pretended advantages of onerous production? make your choice, but be logical; for as long as you exclude as you do, coal, iron, com, foreign fabrics, in proportion as their price approximates to zero, what inconsistency would it be to admit the light of the sun, the price of which is already at _zero_ during the entire day! viii. differential duties. a poor vine-dresser of the gironde had trained with fond enthusiasm a slip of vine, which, after much fatigue and much labour, yielded him, at length, a tun of wine; and his success made him forget that each drop of this precious nectar had cost his brow a drop of sweat. "i shall sell it," said he to his wife, "and with the price i shall buy stuff sufficient to enable you to furnish a trousseau for our daughter." the honest countryman repaired to the nearest town, and met a belgian and an englishman. the belgian said to him: "give me your cask of wine, and i will give you in exchange fifteen parcels of stuff." the englishman said: "give me your wine, and i will give you twenty parcels of stuff; for we english can manufacture the stuff cheaper than the belgians." but a customhouse officer, who was present, interposed, and said: "my good friend, exchange with the belgian if you think proper, but my orders are to prevent you from making an exchange with the englishman." "what!" exclaimed the countryman; "you wish me to be content with fifteen parcels of stuff which have come from brussels, when i can get twenty parcels which have come from manchester?" "certainly; don't you see that france would be a loser if you received twenty parcels, instead of fifteen?" "i am at a loss to understand you," said the vine-dresser, "and i am at a loss to explain it," rejoined the customhouse official; "but the thing is certain, for all our deputies, ministers, and journalists agree in this, that the more a nation receives in exchange for a given quantity of its products, the more it is impoverished." the peasant found it necessary to conclude a bargain with the belgian. the daughter of the peasant got only three-quarters of her trousseau; and these simple people are still asking themselves how it happens that one is ruined by receiving four instead of three; and why a person is richer with three dozens of towels than with four dozens. ix. immense discovery. at a time when everybody is bent on bringing about a saving in the expense of transport--and when, in order to effect this saving, we are forming roads and canals, improving our steamers, and connecting paris with all our frontiers by a network of railways--at a time, too, when i believe we are ardently and sincerely seeking a solution of the problem, _how to bring the prices of commodities, in the place where they are to be consumed, as nearly as possible to the level of their prices in the place where they were produced_,--i should think myself wanting to my country, to my age, and to myself, if i kept longer secret the marvellous discovery which i have just made. the illusions of inventors are proverbial, but i am positively certain that i have discovered an infallible means of bringing products from every part of the world to france, and _vice versa_ at a considerable reduction of cost. infallible, did i say? its being infallible is only one of the advantages of my invention. it requires neither plans, estimates, preparatory study, engineers, mechanists, contractors, capital, shareholders, or government aid! it presents no danger of shipwreck, explosion, fire, or collision! it may be brought into operation at any time! moreover--and this must undoubtedly recommend it to the public--it will not add a penny to the budget, but the reverse. it will not increase the staff of functionaries, but the reverse. it will interfere with no man's liberty, but the reverse. it is observation, not chance, which has put me in possession of this discovery, and i will tell you what suggested it. i had at the time this question to resolve: "why does an article manufactured at brussels, for example, cost dearer when it comes to paris?" i soon perceived that it proceeds from this: that between paris and brussels _obstacles_ of many kinds exist. first of all, there is _distance_, which entails loss of time, and we must either submit to this ourselves, or pay another to submit to it. then come rivers, marshes, accidents, bad roads, which are so many _difficulties_ to be surmounted. we succeed in building bridges, in forming roads, and making them smoother by pavements, iron rails, etc. but all this is costly, and the commodity must be made to bear the cost. then there are robbers who infest the roads, and a body of police must be kept up, etc. now, among these _obstacles_ there is one which we have ourselves set up, and at no little cost, too, between brussels and paris. there are men who lie in ambuscade along the frontier, armed to the teeth, and whose business it is to throw _difficulties_ in the way of transporting merchandise from the one country to the other. they are called customhouse officers, and they act in precisely the same way as ruts and bad roads. they retard, they trammel commerce, they augment the difference we have remarked between the price paid by the consumer and the price received by the producer--that very difference, the reduction of which, as far as possible, forms the subject of our problem. that problem is resolved in three words: reduce your tariff. you will then have done what is equivalent to constructing the northern railway without cost, and will immediately begin to put money in your pocket. in truth, i often seriously ask myself how anything so whimsical could ever have entered into the human brain, as first of all to lay out many millions for the purpose of removing the _natural obstacles_ which lie between france and other countries, and then to lay out many more millions for the purpose of substituting _artificial obstacles_, which have exactly the same effect; so much so, indeed, that the obstacle created and the obstacle removed neutralize each other, and leave things as they were before, the residue of the operation being a double expense. a belgian product is worth at brussels 20 francs, and the cost of carriage would raise the price at paris to 30 francs. the same article made in paris costs 40 francs. and how do we proceed? in the first place, we impose a duty of 10 francs on the belgian product, in order to raise its cost price at paris to 40 francs; and we pay numerous officials to see the duty stringently levied, so that, on the road, the commodity is charged 10 francs for the carriage, and 10 francs for the tax. having done this, we reason thus: the carriage from brussels to paris, which costs 10 francs, is very dear. let us expend two or three hundred millions [of francs] in railways, and we shall reduce it by one half. evidently, all that we gain by this is that the belgian product would sell in paris for 35 francs, viz. 20 francs, its price at brussels. 10 " duty. 5 " reduced carriage by railway. total, 35 francs, representing cost price at paris. now, i ask, would we not have attained the same result by lowering the tariff by 5 francs? we should then have- 20 francs, the price at brussels. 5 " reduced duty. 10 " carriage by ordinary roads. total, 35 francs, representing cost price at paris. and by this process we should have saved the 200 millions which the railway cost, plus the expense of customhouse surveillance, for this last would be reduced in proportion to the diminished encouragement held out to smuggling. but it will be said that the duty is necessary to protect parisian industry. be it so; but then you destroy the effect of your railway. for, if you persist in desiring that the belgian product should cost at paris 40 francs, you must raise your duty to 15 francs, and then you have- 20 francs, the price at brussels. 15 " protecting duty. 5 " railway carriage. total, 40 francs, being the equalized price. then, i venture to ask, what, under such circumstances, is the good of your railway? in sober earnestness, let me ask, is it not humiliating that the nineteenth century should make itself a laughing-stock to future ages by such puerilities, practised with such imperturbable gravity? to be the dupe of other people is not very pleasant, but to employ a vast representative apparatus in order to dupe, and double dupe, ourselves--and that, too, in an affair of arithmetic--should surely humble the pride of this _age of enlightenment_. x. reciprocity. we have just seen that whatever increases the expense of conveying commodities from one country to another--in other words, whatever renders transport more onerous--acts in the same way as a protective duty; or if you prefer to put it in another shape, that a protective duty acts in the same way as more onerous transport. a tariff, then, may be regarded in the same light as a marsh, a rut, an obstruction, a steep declivity--in a word, it is an _obstacle_, the effect of which is to augment the difference between the price which the producer of a commodity receives, and the price which the consumer pays for it. in the same way, it is undoubtedly true that marshes and quagmires are to be regarded in the same light as protective tariffs. there are people (few in number, it is true, but there are such people) who begin to understand that obstacles are not less obstacles because they are artificial, and that our mercantile prospects have more to gain from liberty than from protection, and exactly for the same reason which makes a canal more favourable to traffic than a steep, roundabout, and inconvenient road. but they maintain that this liberty must be reciprocal. if we remove the barriers we have erected against the admission of spanish goods, for example, spain must remove the barriers she has erected against the admission of ours. they are, therefore, the advocates of _commercial treaties_, on the basis of exact reciprocity, concession for concession; let us make the _sacrifice_ of buying, say they, to obtain the advantage of selling. people who reason in this way, i am sorry to say, are, whether they know it or not, protectionists in principle; only, they are a little more inconsistent than pure protectionists, as the latter are more inconsistent than absolute prohibitionists. the following apologue will demonstrate this:-stulta and puera. there were, no matter where, two towns called stulta and puera. they completed at great cost a highway from the one town to the other. when this was done, stulta said to herself, "see how puera inundates us with her products; we must see to it." in consequence, they created and paid a body of _obstructives_, so called because their business was to place _obstacles_ in the way of traffic coming from puera. soon afterwards, puera did the same. at the end of some centuries, knowledge having in the interim made great progress, the common sense of puera enabled her to see that such reciprocal obstacles could only be reciprocally hurtful. she therefore sent a diplomatist to stulta, who, laying aside official phraseology, spoke to this effect: "we have made a highway, and now we throw obstacles in the way of using it. this is absurd. it would have been better to have left things as they were. we should not, in that case, have had to pay for making the road in the first place, nor afterwards have incurred the expense of maintaining _obstructives_. in the name of puera, i come to propose to you, not to give up opposing each other all at once--that would be to act upon a principle, and we despise principles as much as you do--but to lessen somewhat the present obstacles, taking care to estimate equitably the respective _sacrifices_ we make for this purpose." so spoke the diplomatist. stulta asked for time to consider the proposal, and proceeded to consult, in succession, her manufacturers and agriculturists. at length, after the lapse of some years, she declared that the negotiations were broken off. on receiving this intimation, the inhabitants of puera held a meeting. an old gentleman (they always suspected he had been secretly bought by stulta) rose and said: the obstacles created by stulta injure our sales, which is a misfortune. those which we have ourselves created injure our purchases, which is another misfortune. with reference to the first, we are powerless; but the second rests with ourselves. let us, at least, get quit of one, since we cannot rid ourselves of both evils. let us suppress our _obstructives_ without requiring stulta to do the same. some day, no doubt, she will come to know her own interests better. a second counsellor, a practical, matter-of-fact man, guiltless of any acquaintance with principles, and brought up in the ways of his forefathers, replied: "don't listen to that utopian dreamer, that theorist, that innovator, that economist, that _stultomaniac_." we shall all be undone if the stoppages of the road are not equalized, weighed, and balanced between stulta and puera. there would be greater difficulty in going than in coming, in exporting than in importing. we should find ourselves in the same condition of inferiority relatively to stulta, as havre, nantes, bordeaux, lisbon, london, hamburg, and new orleans, are with relation to the towns situated at the sources of the seine, the loire, the garonne, the tagus, the thames, the elbe, and the mississippi, for it is more difficult for a ship to ascend than to descend a river. (_a voice_: towns at the _embouchures_ of rivers prosper more than towns at their source.) this is impossible. (same voice: but it is so.) well, if it be so, they have prospered _contrary to rules_. reasoning so conclusive convinced the assembly, and the orator followed up his victory by talking largely of national independence, national honour, national dignity, national labour, inundation of products, tributes, murderous competition. in short, he carried the vote in favour of the maintenance of obstacles; and if you are at all curious on the subject, i can point out to you countries, where you will see with your own eyes road-makers and obstructives working together on the most friendly terms possible, under the orders of the same legislative assembly, and at the expense of the same taxpayers, the one set endeavouring to clear the road, and the other set doing their utmost to render it impassible. xi. nominal prices. do you desire to be in a situation to decide between liberty and protection? do you desire to appreciate the bearing of an economic phenomenon? inquire into its effects _upon the abundance or scarcity of commodities_, and not _upon the rise or fall of prices_. distrust _nominal prices_;* and they will only land you in an inextricable labyrinth. * i have translated the expression des prix absolus, nominal prices, or actual money prices, because the english economists do not, so far as i remember, make use of the term absolute price.--see post, chap. v. of second series, where the author employs the expression in this sense.- translator. m. matthieu de dombasle, after having shown that protection raises prices, adds-"the enhancement of price increases the expense of living, and _consequently_ the price of labour, and each man receives, in the enhanced price of his products, compensation for the higher prices he has been obliged to pay for the things he has occasion to buy. thus, if every one pays more as a consumer, every one receives more as a producer." it is evident that we could reverse this argument, and say--"if every one receives more as a producer, every one pays more as a consumer." now, what does this prove? nothing but this, that protection _displaces_ wealth uselessly and unjustly. in so far, it simply perpetrates spoliation. again, to conclude that this vast apparatus leads to simple compensations, we must stick to the "consequently" of m. de dombasle, and make sure that the price of labour will not fail to rise with the price of the protected products. this is a question of fact which i remit to m. moreau de jonnés, that he may take the trouble to find out whether the rate of wages advances along with the price of shares in the coal-mines of anzin. for my own part, i do not believe that it does; because, in my opinion, the price of labour, like the price of everything else, is governed by the relation of supply to demand. now, i am convinced that _restriction_ diminishes the supply of coal, and consequently enhances its price; but i do not see so clearly that it increases the demand for labour, so as to enhance the rate of wages; and that this effect should be produced is all the less likely, because the quantity of labour demanded depends on the disposable capital. now, protection may indeed displace capital, and cause its transference from one employment to another, but it can never increase it by a single farthing. but this question, which is one of the greatest interest and importance, will be examined in another place.* i return to the subject of _nominal price_; and i maintain that it is not one of those absurdities which can be rendered specious by such reasonings as those of m. de dombasle. put the case of a nation which is isolated, and possesses a given amount of specie, and which chooses to amuse itself by burning each year one half of all the commodities that it possesses. i undertake to prove that, according to the theory of m. de dombasle, it will not be less rich. in fact, in consequence of the fire, all things will be doubled in price, and the inventories of property, made before and after the destruction, will show exactly the same _nominal_ value. but then what will the country in question have lost? if john buys his cloth dearer, he also sells his corn at a higher price; and if peter loses on his purchase of corn, he retrieves his losses by the sale of his cloth. "each recovers, in the extra price of his products, the extra expense of living he has been put to; and if everybody pays as a consumer, everybody receives a corresponding amount as a producer." all this is a jingling quibble, and not science. the truth, in plain terms, is this: that men consume cloth and corn by fire or by using them, and that the effect is the same _as regards price_, but not _as regards wealth_, for it is precisely in the use of commodities that wealth or material prosperity consists. in the same way, restriction, while diminishing the abundance of things, may raise their price to such an extent that each party shall be, _pecuniarily speaking_, as rich as before. but to set down in an inventory three measures of corn at 20s., or four measures at 15s., because the result is still sixty shillings,--would this, i ask, come to the same thing with reference to the satisfaction of men's wants? it is to this, the consumer's point of view, that i shall never cease to recall the protectionists, for this is the end and design of all our efforts, and the solution of all problems.** * see _post_, ch. v., second series.--translator. ** to this view of the subject the author frequently reverts. it was, in his eyes, all important; and, four days before his death, he dictated this recommendation:--"tell m. de f. to treat economical questions always from the consumer's point of view, for the interest of the consumer is identical with that of the human race."--editor. i shall never cease to say to them: is it, or is it not, true that restriction, by impeding exchanges, by limiting the division of labour, by forcing labour to connect itself with difficulties of climate and situation, diminishes ultimately the quantity of commodities produced by a determinate amount of efforts? and what does this signify, it will be said, if the smaller quantity produced under the _régime_ of protection has the same _nominal value_ as that produced under the _régime_ of liberty? the answer is obvious. man does not live upon nominal values, but upon real products, and the more products there are, whatever be their price, the richer he is. in writing what precedes, i never expected to meet with an anti-economist who was enough of a logician to admit, in so many words, that the wealth of nations depends on the value of things, apart from the consideration of their abundance. but here is what i find in the work of m. de saint-chamans (p. 210):-"if fifteen millions' worth of commodities, sold to foreigners, are taken from the total production, estimated at fifty millions, the thirty-five millions' worth of commodities remaining, not being sufficient to meet the ordinary demand, will increase in price, and rise to the value of fifty millions. in that case the revenue of the country will represent a value of fifteen millions additional.... there would then be an increase of the wealth of the country to the extent of fifteen millions, exactly the amount of specie imported." this is a pleasant view of the matter! if a nation produces in one year, from its agriculture and commerce, a value of fifty millions, it has only to sell a quarter of it to the foreigner to be a quarter richer! then if it sells the half, it will be one-half richer! and if it should sell the whole, to its last tuft of wool and its last grain of wheat, it would bring up its revenue to 100 millions. singular way of getting rich, by producing infinite dearness by absolute scarcity! again, would you judge of the two doctrines? submit them to the test of exaggeration. according to the doctrine of m. de saint-chamans, the french would be quite as rich--that is to say, quite as well supplied with all things--had they only a thousandth part of their annual products, because they would be worth a thousand times more. according to our doctrine, the french would be infinitely rich if their annual products were infinitely abundant, and, consequently, without any value at all.* * see _post_, ch. v. of second series of _sophismes_; and ch. vi. of _harmonies economiques_. xii. does protection raise the rate of wages? an atheist, declaiming one day against religion and priestcraft, became so outrageous in his abuse, that one of his audience, who was not himself very orthodox, exclaimed, "if you go on much longer in this strain, you will make me a convert." in the same way, when we see our beardless scribblers, our novel-writers, reformers, fops, amateur contributors to newspapers, redolent of musk, and saturated with champagne, stuffing their portfolios with radical prints, or issuing under gilded covers their own tirades against the egotism and individualism of the age--when we hear such people declaim against the rigour of our institutions, groan over the proletariat and the wages system, raise their eyes to heaven, and weep over the poverty of the working classes (poverty which they never see but when they are paid to paint it),--we are likewise tempted to exclaim, "if you go on longer in this strain, we shall lose all interest in the working classes." affectation is the besetting sin of our times. when a serious writer, in a spirit of philanthropy, refers to the sufferings of the working classes, his words are caught up by these sentimentalists, twisted, distorted, and exaggerated, _usque ad 'nauseam_. the grand, the only remedy, it would seem, lies in the high-sounding phrases, association and organization. the working classes are flattered--fulsomely, servilely flattered; they are represented as in the condition of slaves, and men of common sense will soon be ashamed publicly to espouse their cause, for how can common sense make itself heard in the midst of all this insipid and empty declamation? far from us be this cowardly indifference, which would not be justified even by the sentimental affectation which prompts it. workmen! your situation is peculiar! they make merchandise of you, as i shall show you immediately.... but no; i withdraw that expression. let us steer clear of strong language, which may be misapplied; for spoliation, wrapt up in the sophistry which conceals it, may be in full operation unknown to the spoliator, and with the blind assent of his victim. still, you are deprived of the just remuneration of your labour, and no one is concerned to do you _justice_. if all that was wanted to console you were ardent appeals to philanthropy, to impotent charity, to degrading almsgiving; or if the grand words, organization, communism, _phalanstère,_* were enough for you, truly they would not be spared. but _justice_, simple justice, no one thinks of offering you. and yet, would it not be _just_ that when, after a long day's toil, you have received your modest wages, you should have it in your power to exchange them for the greatest amount of satisfactions and enjoyments which you could possibly obtain for them from any one in any part of the world? * allusion to a socialist work of the day.--translator. some day i may have occasion also to talk to you of association and organization, and we shall then see what you have to expect from those chimeras which now mislead you. in the meantime, let us inquire whether _injustice_ is not done you by fixing legislatively the people from whom you are to purchase the things you have need of--bread, meat, linens, or cloth; and in dictating, if i may say so, the artificial scale of prices which you are to adopt in your dealings. is it true that protection, which admittedly makes you pay dearer for everything, and entails a loss upon you in this respect, raises proportionally your wages? on what does the rate of wages depend? one of your own class has put it forcibly, thus: when two workmen run after one master, wages fall; they rise when two masters run after one workman. for the sake of brevity, allow me to make use of this formula, more scientific, although, perhaps, not quite so clear. the rate of wages depends on the proportion which the supply of labour bears to the demand for it. now, on what does the _supply_ of labour depend? on the number of men waiting for employment; and on this first element protection can have no effect. on what does the _demand_ for labour depend? on the disposable capital of the nation. but does the law which says, we shall no longer receive such or such a product from abroad, we shall make it at home, augment the capital? not in the least degree. it may force capital from one employment to another, but it does not increase it by a single farthing. it does not then increase the demand for labour. we point with pride to a certain manufacture. is it established or maintained with capital which has fallen from the moon? no; that capital has been withdrawn from agriculture, from shipping, from the production of wines. and this is the reason why, under the _régime_ of protective tariffs, there are more workmen in our mines and in our manufacturing towns, and fewer sailors in our ports, and fewer labourers in our fields and vineyards. i could expatiate at length on this subject, but i prefer to explain what i mean by an example. a countryman was possessed of twenty acres of land, which he worked with a capital of £400. he divided his land into four parts, and established the following rotation of crops:--1st, maize; 2d, wheat; 3d, clover; 4th, rye. he required for his own family only a moderate portion of the grain, meat, and milk which his farm produced, and he sold the surplus to buy oil, flax, wine, etc. his whole capital was expended each year in wages, hires, and small payments to the working classes in his neighbourhood. this capital was returned to him in his sales, and even went on increasing year by year; and our countryman, knowing very well that capital produces nothing when it is unemployed, benefited the working classes by devoting the annual surplus to enclosing and clearing his land, and to improving his agricultural implements and farm buildings. he had even some savings in the neighbouring town with his banker, who, of course, did not let the money lie idle in his till, but lent it to shipowners and contractors for public works, so that these savings were always resolving themselves into wages. at length the countryman died, and his son, who succeeded him, said to himself, "my father was a dupe all his life. he purchased oil, and so paid _tribute_ to provence, whilst our own land, with some pains, can be made to grow the olive. he bought cloth, wine, and oranges, and thus paid tribute to brittany, medoc, and hyères, whilst we can cultivate hemp, the vine, and the orange tree with more or less success. he paid _tribute_ to the miller and the weaver, whilst our own domestics can weave our linen and grind our wheat." in this way he ruined himself, and spent among strangers that money which he might have spent at home. misled by such reasoning, the volatile youth changed his rotation of crops. his land he divided into twenty divisions. in one he planted olives, in another mulberry trees, in a third he sowed flax, in a fourth he had vines, in a fifth wheat, and so on. by this means he succeeded in supplying his family with what they required, and felt himself independent. he no longer drew anything from the general circulation, nor did he add anything to it. was he the richer for this? no; for the soil was not adapted for the cultivation of the vine, and the climate was not fitted for the successful cultivation of the olive; and he was not long in finding out that his family was less plentifully provided with all the things which they wanted than in the time of his father, who procured them by exchanging his surplus produce. as regarded his workmen, they had no more employment than formerly. there were five times more fields, but each field was five times smaller; they produced oil, but they produced less wheat; he no longer purchased linens, but he no longer sold rye. moreover, the farmer could expend in wages only the amount of his capital, and his capital went on constantly diminishing. a great part of it went for buildings, and the various implements needed for the more varied cultivation in which he had engaged. in short, the supply of labour remained the same, but as the means of remunerating that labour fell off, the ultimate result was a forcible reduction of wages. on a greater scale, this is exactly what takes place in the case of a nation which isolates itself by adopting a prohibitive _régime_. it multiplies its branches of industry, i grant, but they become of diminished importance; it adopts, so to speak, a more complicated _industrial rotation_, but it is not so prolific, because its capital and labour have now to struggle with natural difficulties. a greater proportion of its circulating capital, which forms the wages fund, must be converted into fixed capital. what remains may have more varied employment, but the total mass is not increased. it is like distributing the water of a pond among a multitude of shallow reservoirs--it covers more ground, and presents a greater surface to the rays of the sun, and it is precisely for this reason that it is all the sooner absorbed, evaporated, and lost. the amount of capital and labour being given, they create a smaller amount of commodities in proportion as they encounter more obstacles. it is beyond doubt, that when international obstructions force capital and labour into channels and localities where they meet with greater difficulties of soil and climate, the general result must be, fewer products created--that is to say, fewer enjoyments for consumers. now, when there are fewer enjoyments upon the whole, will the workman's share of them be augmented? if it were augmented, as is asserted, then the rich--the men who make the laws--would find their own share not only subject to the general diminution, but that diminished share would be still further reduced by what was added to the labourers' share. is this possible? is it credible? i advise you, workmen, to reject such suspicious generosity.* * see _harmonies économiques_, ch. xiv. xiii. theory, practice. as advocates of free trade, we are accused of being theorists, and of not taking practice sufficiently into account. "what fearful prejudices were entertained against m. say," says m. ferrier,* "by that long train of distinguished administrators, and that imposing phalanx of authors who dissented from his opinions; and m. say was not unaware of it. hear what he says:--'it has been alleged in support of errors of long standing, that there must have been some foundation for ideas which have been adopted by all nations. ought we not to distrust observations and reasonings which run counter to opinions which have been constantly entertained down to our own time, and which have been regarded as sound by so many men remarkable for their enlightenment and their good intentions? this argument, i allow, is calculated to make a profound impression, and it might have cast doubt upon points which we deem the most incontestable, if we had not seen, by turns, opinions the most false, and now generally acknowledged to be false, received and professed by everybody during a long series of ages. not very long ago all nations, from the rudest to the most enlightened, and all men, from the street-porter to the _savant_, admitted the existence of four elements. no one thought of contesting that doctrine, which, however, is false; so much so, that even the greenest assistant in a naturalist's class-room would be ashamed to say that he regarded earth, water, and fire as elements.'" * de l'administration commerciale opposée à oeconomie politique, p. 5. on this m. ferrier remarks:-"if m. say thinks to answer thus the very strong objection which he brings forward, he is singularly mistaken. that men, otherwise well informed, should have been mistaken for centuries on certain points of natural history is easily understood, and proves nothing. water, air, earth, and fire, whether elements or not, are not the less useful to man.... such errors are unimportant: they lead to no popular commotions, no uneasiness in the public mind; they run counter to no pecuniary interest; and this is the reason why without any felt inconvenience they may endure for a thousand years. the physical world goes on as if they did not exist. but of errors in the moral world, can the same thing be said? can we conceive that a system of administration, found to be absolutely false and therefore hurtful, should be followed out among many nations for centuries, with the general approval of all well-informed men? can it be explained how such a system could coexist with the constantly increasing prosperity of nations? m. say admits that the argument which he combats is fitted to make a profound impression. yes, indeed; and the impression remains; for m. say has rather deepened than done away with it." * might we not say, that it is a "fearful prejudice" against mm. ferrier and saint-chamans, that "_economists of all schools_, that is to say, everybody who has studied the question, should have arrived at the conclusion, that, after all, liberty is better than constraint, and the laws of god wiser than those of colbert." let us hear what m. de saint-chamans says on the same subject:-"it was only in the middle of the last century, of that eighteenth century which handed over all subjects and all principles without exception to free discussion, that these _spéculative_ purveyors of ideas, applied by them to all things without being really applicable to anything, began to write upon political economy. there existed previously a system of political economy, not to be found in books, but which had been put in _practical_ operation by governments. colbert, it is said, was the inventor of it, and it was adopted as a rule by all the nations of europe. the singular thing is, that in spite of contempt and maledictions, in spite of all the discoveries of the modern school, it still remains in practical operation. this system, which our authors have called the _mercantile system_, was designed to.... impede, by prohibitions or import duties, the entry of foreign products, which might ruin our own manufactures by their competition. economic writers of all schools* have declared this system untenable, absurd, and calculated to impoverish any country. it has been banished from all their books, and forced to take refuge in the _practical_ legislation of all nations. they cannot conceive why, in measures relating to national wealth, governments should not follow the advice and opinions of learned authors, rather than trust to their _experience_ of the tried working of a system which has been long in operation. above all, they cannot conceive why the french government should in economic questions obstinately set itself to resist the progress of enlightenment, and maintain in its _practice_ those ancient errors, which all our economic writers have exposed. but enough of this mercantile system, which has nothing in its favour but _facts_, and is not defended by any speculative writer."* * du système de l'impot, par m. le vicomte de saint-chamans, p. 11. such language as this would lead one to suppose that in demanding for every one _the free disposal of his property_, economists were propounding some new system, some new, strange, and chimerical social order, a sort of _phalanstère_, coined in the mint of their own brain, and without precedent in the annals of the human race. to me it would seem that if we have here anything factitious or contingent, it is to be found, not in liberty, but in protection; not in the free power of exchanging, but in customs duties employed to overturn artificially the natural course of remuneration. but our business at present is not to compare, or pronounce between, the two systems; but to inquire which of the two is founded on experience. the advocates of monopoly maintain that _the facts_ are on their side, and that we have on our side only _theory_. they flatter themselves that this long series of public acts, this _old experience_ of europe, which they invoke, has presented itself as something very formidable to the mind of m. say; and i grant that he has not refuted it with his wonted sagacity. for my own part, i am not disposed to concede to the monopolists the domain of _facts_, for they have only in their favour facts which are forced and exceptional; and we oppose to these, facts which are universal, the free and voluntary acts of mankind at large. what do we say; and what do they say? we say, "you should buy from others what you cannot make for yourself but at a greater expense." and they say, "it is better to make things for yourself, although they cost you more than, the price at which you could buy them from others." now, gentlemen, throwing aside theory, argument, demonstration, all which seems to affect you with nausea, which of these two assertions has on its side the sanction of _universal practice?_ visit your fields, your workshops, your forges, your warehouses; look above, below, and around you; look at what takes place in your own houses; remark your own everyday acts; and say what is the principle which guides these labourers, artisans, and merchants; say what is your own personal _practice_. does the farmer make his own clothes? does the tailor produce the corn he consumes? does your housekeeper continue to have your bread made at home, after she finds she can buy it cheaper from the baker? do you resign the pen for the brush, to save your paying _tribute_ to the shoeblack? does the entire economy of society not rest upon the separation of employments, the division of labour--in a word, upon _exchange?_ and what is exchange, but a calculation which we make with a view to discontinuing direct production in every case in which we find that possible, and in which indirect acquisition enables us to effect a saving in time and in effort? it is not you, therefore, who are the men of _practice_, since you cannot point to a single human being who acts upon your principle. but you will say, we never intended to make our principle a rule for individual relations. we perfectly understand that this would be to break up the bond of society, and would force men to live like snails, each in his own shell. all that we contend for is, that our principle regulates _de facto_, the regulations which obtain between the different agglomerations of the human family. well, i affirm that this principle is still erroneous. the family, the commune, the canton, the department, the province, are so many agglomerations, which all, without any exception, reject _practically_ your principle, and have never dreamt of acting on it. all procure themselves, by means of exchange, those things which it would cost them dearer to procure by means of production. and nations would do the same, did you not hinder them _by force_. we, then, are the men of practice and of experience; for we oppose to the restriction which you have placed exceptionally on certain international exchanges, the practice and experience of all individuals, and of all agglomerations of individuals, whose acts are voluntary, and can consequently be adduced as evidence. but you begin by _constraining, by hindering_, and then you lay hold of acts which are _forced or prohibited_, as warranting you to exclaim, "we have practice and experience on our side!" you inveigh against our theory, and even against theories in general. but when you lay down a principle in opposition to ours, you perhaps imagine you are not proceeding on theory? clear your heads of that idea. you in fact form a theory, as we do; but between your theory and ours there is this difference: our theory consists merely in observing universal _facts_, universal opinions; calculations and ways of proceeding which universally prevail; and in classifying these, and rendering them co-ordinate, with a view to their being more easily understood. our theory is so little opposed to practice that it is nothing else but _practice explained_. we observe men acting as they are moved by the instinct of self-preservation and a desire for progress, and what they thus do freely and voluntarily we denominate political or social economy. we can never help repeating, that each individual man is _practically_ an excellent economist, producing or exchanging according as he finds it more to his interest to produce or to exchange. each, by experience, educates himself in this science; or rather the science itself is only this same experience accurately observed and methodically explained. but on your side, you construct a _theory_ in the worst sense of the word. you imagine, you invent, a course of proceeding which is not sanctioned by the practice of any living man under the canopy of heaven; and then you invoke the aid of constraint and prohibition. it is quite necessary that you should have recourse to _force_, for you desire that men should be made to produce those things which they find it _more advantageous_ to buy; you desire that they should renounce this _advantage_, and act upon a doctrine which implies a contradiction in terms. the doctrine which you acknowledge would be absurd in the relations of individuals; i defy you to extend it, even in speculation, to transaction between families, communities, or provinces. by your own admission, it is only applicable to international relations. this is the reason why you are forced to keep repeating: "there are no absolute principles, no inflexible rules. what is _good_ for an individual, a family, a province, is _bad_ for a nation. what is _good_ in detail--namely, to purchase rather than produce, when purchasing is more advantageous than producing--that same is _bad_ in the gross. the political economy of individuals is not that of nations;" and other nonsense _ejusdèm farino_. and to what does all this tend? look at it a little closer. the intention is to prove that we, the consumers, are your property! that we are yours body and soul! that you have an exclusive right over our stomachs and our limbs! that it belongs to you to feed and clothe us on your own terms, whatever be your ignorance, incapacity, or rapacity! no, you are not men of practice; you are men of abstraction--and of extortion. xiv. conflict of principles. there is one thing which confounds me; and it is this: sincere publicists, studying the economy of society from the producer's point of view, have laid down this double formula:-"governments should order the interests of consumers who are subject to their laws, in such a way as to be favourable to national industry. "they should bring distant consumers under subjection to their laws, for the purpose of ordering their interests in a way favourable to national industry." the first of these formulas gets the name of protection; the second we call _débouchés_, or the creating of markets, or vents, for our produce. both are founded on the _datum_ which we denominate the _balance of trade_. "a nation is impoverished when it imports; enriched when it exports." for if every purchase from a foreign country is a _tribute paid_ and a national loss, it follows, of course, that it is right to restrain, and even prohibit, importations. and if every sale to a foreign country is a _tribute received_, and a national profit, it is quite right and natural to create markets for our products even by force. the _system of protection_ and the _colonial system_ are, then, only two aspects of one and the same theory. to _hinder_ our fellow-citizens from buying from foreigners, and to _force_ foreigners to buy from our fellow-citizens, are only two consequences of one and the same principle. now, it is impossible not to admit that this doctrine, if true, makes general utility to repose on _monopoly_ or internal spoliation, and on _conquest_ or external spoliation. i enter a cottage on the french side of the pyrenees. the father of the family has received but slender wages. his half-naked children shiver in the icy north wind; the fire is extinguished, and there is nothing on the table. there are wool, firewood, and corn on the other side of the mountain; but these good things are forbidden to the poor day-labourer, for the other side of the mountain is not in france. foreign firewood is not allowed to warm the cottage hearth; and the shepherd's children can never know the taste of biscayan corn,* and the wool of navarre can never warm their benumbed limbs. general utility has so ordered it. be it so; but let us agree that all this is in direct opposition to the first principles of justice. to dispose legislatively of the interests of consumers, and postpone them to the supposed interests of national industry, is to encroach upon their liberty--it is to prohibit an act; namely, the act of exchange, which has in it nothing contrary to good morals; in a word, it is to do them an act of _injustice_. * the french word employed is _méture_, probably a spanish word gallicized--_mestûra_, meslin, mixed corn, as wheat and rye.---translator. and yet this is necessary, we are told, unless we wish to see national labour at a standstill, and public prosperity sustain a fatal shock. writers of the protectionist school, then, have arrived at the melancholy conclusion that there is a radical incompatibility between justice and utility. on the other hand, if it be the interest of each nation to _sell_, and not to _buy_, the natural state of their relations must consist in a violent action and reaction, for each will seek to impose its products on all, and all will endeavour to repel the products of each. a sale, in fact, implies a purchase, and since, according to this doctrine, to sell is beneficial, and to buy is the reverse, every international transaction would imply the amelioration of one people, and the deterioration of another. but if men are, on the one hand, irresistibly impelled towards what is for their profit, and if, on the other, they resist instinctively what is hurtful, we are forced to conclude that each nation carries in its bosom a natural force of expansion, and a not less natural force of resistance, which forces are equally injurious to all other nations; or, in other words, that antagonism and war are the _natural_ state of human society. thus the theory we are discussing may be summed up in these two axioms: utility is incompatible with justice at home. utility is incompatible with peace abroad. now, what astonishes and confounds me is, that a publicist, a statesman, who sincerely holds an economical doctrine which runs so violently counter to other principles which are incontestable, should be able to enjoy one moment of calm or peace of mind. for my own part, it seems to me, that if i had entered the precincts of the science by the same gate, if i had failed to perceive clearly that liberty, utility, justice, peace, are things not only compatible, but strictly allied with each other, and, so to speak, identical, i should have endeavoured to forget what i had learned, and i should have asked: "how god could have willed that men should attain prosperity only through injustice and war? how he could have willed that they should be unable to avoid injustice and war except by renouncing the possibility of attaining prosperity? "dare i adopt, as the basis of the legislation of a great nation, a science which thus misleads me by false lights, which has conducted me to this horrible blasphemy, and landed me in so dreadful an alternative? and when a long train of illustrious philosophers have been conducted by this science, to which they have devoted their lives, to more consoling results--when they affirm that liberty and utility are perfectly reconcilable with justice and peace--that all these great principles run in infinitely extended parallels, and will do so to all eternity, without running counter to each other,--i would ask, have they not in their favour that presumption which results from all that we know of the goodness and wisdom of god, as manifested in the sublime harmony of the material creation? in the face of such a presumption, and of so many reliable authorities, ought i to believe lightly that god has been pleased to implant antagonism and dissonance in the laws of the moral world? no; before i should venture to conclude that the principles of social order run counter to and neutralize each other, and are in eternal and irreconcilable opposition--before i should venture to impose on my fellow-citizens a system so impious as that to which my reasonings would appear to lead,--i should set myself to reexamine the whole chain of these reasonings, and assure myself that at this stage of the journey i had not missed my way." but if, after a candid and searching examination, twenty times repeated, i arrived always at this frightful conclusion, that we must choose between the bight and the good, discouraged, i should reject the science, and bury myself in voluntary ignorance; above all, i should decline all participation in public affairs, leaving to men of another temper and constitution the burden and responsibility of a choice so painful. xv. reciprocity again. m. de saint-cricq inquires, "whether it is certain that the foreigner will buy from us as much as he sells?" m. de dombasle asks, "what reason we have to believe that english producers will take from us, rather than from some other country of the world, the commodities they have need of, and an amount of commodities equivalent in value to that of their exports to france?" i wonder how so many men who call themselves _practical_ men should have all reasoned without reference to practice! in practice, does a single exchange take place, out of a hundred, out of a thousand, out of ten thousand perhaps, which represents the direct barter of commodity for commodity? never since the introduction of money has any agriculturist said: i want to buy shoes, hats, advice, lessons; but only from the shoemaker, the hat-maker, the lawyer, the professor, who will purchase from me corn to an exactly equivalent value. and why should nations bring each other under a yoke of this kind? practically how are such matters transacted? let us suppose a people shut out from external relations. a man, we shall suppose, produces wheat. he sends it to the _home_ market, and offers it for the highest price he can obtain. he receives in exchange--what? coins, which are just so many drafts or orders, varying very much in amount, by means of which he can draw, in his turn, from the national stores, when he judges it proper, and subject to due competition, everything which he may want or desire. ultimately, and at the end of the operation, he will have drawn from the mass the exact equivalent of what he has contributed to it, and, in value, _his consumption will exactly equal his production_. if the exchanges of the supposed nation with foreigners are left free, it is no longer to the _national_, but to the _general_, market that each sends his contributions, and, in turn, derives his supplies for consumption. he has no need to care whether what he sends into the market of the world is purchased by a fellow-countryman or by a foreigner; whether the drafts or orders he receives come from a frenchman or an englishman; whether the commodities for which he afterwards exchanges these drafts or orders are produced on this or on the other side of the rhine or the pyrenees. there is always in each individual case an exact balance between what is contributed and what is received, between what is poured into and what is drawn out of the great common reservoir; and if this is true of each individual, it is true of the nation at large. the only difference between the two cases is, that in the last each has to face a more extended market both as regards sales and purchases, and has consequently more chances of transacting both advantageously. this objection may perhaps be urged: if everybody enters into a league not to take from the general mass the commodities of a certain individual, that individual cannot, in his turn, obtain from the mass what he is in want of. it is the same of nations. the reply to this is, that if a nation cannot obtain what it has need of in the general market, it will no longer contribute anything to that market. it will work for itself. it will be forced in that case to submit to what you want to impose on it beforehand--_isolation_. and this will realize the ideal of the prohibitive _régime_. is it not amusing to think that you inflict upon the nation, now and beforehand, this very _régime_, from a fear that it might otherwise run the risk of arriving at it independently of your exertions? xvi. obstructed navigation pleading for the prohibitionists. some years ago i happened to be at madrid, and went to the cortes. the subject of debate was a proposed treaty with portugal for improving the navigation of the douro. one of the deputies rose and said: "if the navigation of the douro is improved in the way now proposed, the traffic will be carried on at less expense. the grain of portugal will, in consequence, be sold in the markets of castile at a lower price, and will become a formidable rival to our _national industry_. i oppose the project, unless, indeed, our ministers will undertake to raise the tariff of customs to the extent required to re-establish the equilibrium." the assembly found the argument unanswerable. three months afterwards i was at lisbon. the same question was discussed in the senate. a noble hidalgo made a speech: "mr president," he said, "this project is absurd. you place guards, at great expense, along the banks of the douro to prevent portugal being invaded by castilian grain; and at the same time you propose, also at great expense, to facilitate that invasion. this is a piece of inconsistency to which i cannot assent. let us leave the douro to our children, as it has come to us from our fathers." afterwards, when the subject of improving the navigation of the garonne was discussed, i remembered the arguments of the iberian orators, and i said to myself, if the toulouse deputies were as good economists as the spanish deputies, and the representatives of bordeaux as acute logicians as those of oporto, assuredly they would leave the garonne "dormir au bruit flatteur de son onde naissante;" for the canalisation of the garonne would favour the invasion of toulouse products, to the prejudice of bordeaux, and the inundation of bordeaux products would do the same thing to the detriment of toulouse. xvii. a negative railway. i have said that when, unfortunately, one has regard to the interest of the producer, and not to that of the consumer, it is impossible to avoid running counter to the general interest, because the demand of the producer, as such, is only for efforts, wants, and obstacles. i find a remarkable illustration of this in a bordeaux newspaper. m. simiot proposes this question:-should the proposed railway from paris to madrid offer a solution of continuity at bordeaux? he answers the question in the affirmative, and gives a multiplicity of reasons, which i shall not stop to examine, except this one: the railway from paris to bayonne should have a break at bordeaux, for if goods and passengers are forced to stop at that town, profits will accrue to bargemen, pedlars, commissionaires, hotel-keepers, etc. here we have clearly the interest of labour put before the interest of consumers. but if bordeaux has a right to profit by a gap in the line of railway, and if such profit is consistent with the public interest, then angoulème, poitiers, tours, orleans, nay, more, all the intermediate places, ruffec, châtellerault, etc., should also demand gaps, as being for the general interest, and, of course, for the interest of national industry; for the more these breaks in the line are multiplied, the greater will be the increase of consignments, commissions, transhipments, etc., along the whole extent of the railway. in this way, we shall succeed in having a line of railway composed of successive gaps, and which may be denominated a _negative railway_. let the protectionists say what they will, it is not the less certain that _the principle of restriction_ is the very same as the _principle of gaps_; the sacrifice of the consumer's interest to that of the producer,--in other words, the sacrifice of the end to the means. xviii. there are no absolute principles. we cannot wonder enough at the facility with which men resign themselves to continue ignorant of what it is most important that they should know; and we may be certain that such ignorance is incorrigible in those who venture to proclaim this axiom: there are no absolute principles. you enter the legislative precincts. the subject of debate is whether the law should prohibit international exchanges, or proclaim freedom. a deputy rises, and says: if you tolerate these exchanges, the foreigner will inundate you with his products: england with her textile fabrics, belgium with coals, spain with wools, italy with silks, switzerland with cattle, sweden with iron, prussia with corn; so that home industry will no longer be possible. another replies: if you prohibit international exchanges, the various bounties which nature has lavished on different climates will be for you as if they did not exist. you cannot participate in the mechanical skill of the english, in the wealth of the belgian mines, in the fertility of the polish soil, in the luxuriance of the swiss pastures, in the cheapness of spanish labour, in the warmth of the italian climate; and you must obtain from a refractory and misdirected production those commodities which, through exchange, would have been furnished to you by an easy production. assuredly, one of these deputies must be wrong. but which? we must take care to make no mistake on the subject; for this is not a matter of abstract opinion merely. you have to choose between two roads, and one of them leads necessarily to _poverty_. to get rid of the dilemma, we are told that there are no absolute principles. this axiom, which is so much in fashion nowadays, not only countenances indolence, but ministers to ambition. if the theory of prohibition comes to prevail, or if the doctrine of free trade comes to triumph, one brief enactment will constitute our whole economic code. in the first case, the law will proclaim that _all exchanges with foreign countries are prohibited_; in the second, that _all exchanges with foreign countries are free_; and many grand and distinguished personages will thereby lose their importance. but if exchange does not possess a character which is peculiar to it,--if it is not governed by any natural law,--if, capriciously, it be sometimes useful and sometimes detrimental,--if it does not find its motive force in the good which it accomplishes, its limit in the good which it ceases to accomplish,--if its consequences cannot be estimated by those who effect exchanges;--in a word, if there be no absolute principles, then we must proceed to weigh, balance, and regulate transactions, we must equalize the conditions of labour, and try to find out the average rate of profits--a colossal task, well deserving the large emoluments and powerful influence awarded to those who undertake it. on entering paris, which i had come to visit, i said to myself, here are a million of human beings, who would all die in a short time if provisions of every kind ceased to flow towards this great metropolis. imagination is baffled when it tries to appreciate the vast multiplicity of commodities which must enter to-morrow through the barriers in order to preserve the inhabitants from falling a prey to the convulsions of famine, rebellion, and pillage. and yet all sleep at this moment, and their peaceful slumbers are not disturbed for a single instant by the prospect of such a frightful catastrophe. on the other hand, eighty departments have been labouring to-day, without concert, without any mutual understanding, for the provisioning of paris. how does each succeeding day bring what is wanted, nothing more, nothing less, to so gigantic a market? what, then, is the ingenious and secret power which governs the astonishing regularity of movements so complicated, a regularity in which everybody has implicit faith, although happiness and life itself are at stake? that power is an _absolute principle_, the principle of freedom in transactions. we have faith in that inward light which providence has placed in the heart of all men, and to which he has confided the preservation and indefinite amelioration of our species, namely, a regard to personal _interest_--since we must give it its right name--a principle so active, so vigilant, so foreseeing, when it is free in its action. in what situation, i would ask, would the inhabitants of paris be, if a minister should take it into his head to substitute for this power the combinations of his own genius, however superior we might suppose them to be--if he thought to subject to his supreme direction this prodigious mechanism, to hold the springs of it in his hands, to decide by whom, or in what manner, or on what conditions, everything needed should be produced, transported, exchanged, and consumed? truly, there may be much suffering within the walls of paris--poverty, despair, perhaps starvation, causing more tears to flow than ardent charity is able to dry up; but i affirm that it is probable, nay, that it is certain, that the arbitrary intervention of government would multiply infinitely those sufferings, and spread over all our fellow-citizens those evils which at present affect only a small number of them. this faith, then, which we repose in a principle, when the question relates only to our home transactions, why should we not retain, when the same principle is applied to our international transactions, which are undoubtedly less numerous, less delicate, and less complicated? and if it is not necessary that the _préfecture_ should regulate our parisian industries, weigh our chances, balance our profits and losses, see that our circulating medium is not exhausted, and equalize the conditions of our home labour, why should it be necessary that the customhouse, departing from its fiscal duties, should pretend to exercise a protective action over our external commerce? xix. national independence. among the arguments which we hear adduced in favour of the restrictive _régime_, we must not forget that which is founded on _national independence_. "what should we do in case of war," it is said, "if we are placed at the mercy of england for iron and coal?" english monopolists do not fail to cry out in their turn: "what would become of great britain, in case of war, if she is dependent on france for provisions?" one thing is overlooked, which is this--that the kind of dependence which results from exchange, from commercial transactions, is a _reciprocal dependence_. we cannot be dependent on the foreigner without the foreigner being dependent on us. now, this is the very essence of society. to break up natural relations is not to place ourselves in a state of independence, but in a state of isolation. remark this: a nation isolates itself looking forward to the possibility of war; but is not this very act of isolating itself the beginning of war? it renders war more easy, less burdensome, and, it may be, less unpopular. let countries be permanent markets for each other's produce; let their reciprocal relations be such that they cannot be broken without inflicting on each other the double suffering of privation and a glut of commodities; and they will no longer stand in need of naval armaments, which ruin them, and overgrown armies, which crush them; the peace of the world will not then be compromised by the caprice of a thiers or of a palmerston; and war will disappear for want of what supports it, for want of resources, inducements, pretexts, and popular sympathy. i am quite aware that i shall be reproached (it is the fashion of the day) with basing the fraternity of nations on men's personal interest--vile, prosaic self-interest. better far, it may be thought, that it should have had its basis in charity, in love, even in a little self-abnegation, and that, interfering somewhat with men's material comforts, it should have had the merit of a generous sacrifice. when shall we be done with these puerile declamations? when will _tartuferie_ be finally banished from science? when shall we cease to exhibit this nauseous contradiction between our professions and our practice? we hoot at and execrate personal _interest_; in other words, we denounce what is useful and good (for to say that all men are interested in anything is to say that the thing is good in itself), as if personal interest were not the necessary, eternal, and indestructible mainspring to which providence has confided human perfectibility. are we not represented as being all angels of disinterestedness? and does the thought never occur to those who say so, that the public begins to see with disgust that this affected language disfigures the pages of those very writers who axe most successful in filling their own pockets at the public expense? oh! affectation! affectation! thou art verily the besetting sin of our times! what! because material prosperity and peace are things correlative, because it has pleased god to establish this beautiful harmony in the moral world, am i not to admire, am i not to adore his ordinances, am i not to accept with gratitude laws which make justice the condition of happiness? you desire peace only in as far as it runs counter to material prosperity; and liberty is rejected because it does not impose sacrifices. if abnegation has indeed so many charms for you, why do you fail to practise it in private life? society will be grateful to you, for some one, at least, will reap the fruit; but to desire to impose it upon mankind as a principle is the very height of absurdity, for the abnegation of all is the sacrifice of all, which is evil erected into a theory. but, thank heaven, one can write or read many of these declamations without the world ceasing on that account to obey the social motive force, which leads us to shun evil and seek after good, and which, whether they like it or not, we must denominate personal interest. after all, it is singular enough to see sentiments of the most sublime self-denial invoked in support of spoliation itself. see to what this boasted disinterestedness tends! these men who are so fantastically delicate as not to desire peace itself, if it is founded on the vile interest of mankind, put their hand into the pockets of others, and especially of the poor; for what article of the tariff protects the poor? be pleased, gentlemen, to dispose of what belongs to yourselves as you think proper, but leave us the disposal of the fruit of our own toil, to use it or exchange it as we see best. declaim on self-sacrifice as much as you choose, it is all very fine and very beautiful, but be at least consistent. xx. human labour, national labour. machine-breaking--prohibition of foreign commodities--are two acts founded on the same doctrine. we see men who clap their hands when a great invention is introduced, and who nevertheless adhere to the protectionist _régime_. such men are grossly inconsistent! with what do they reproach free trade? with encouraging the production by foreigners, more skilled or more favourably situated than we are, of commodities which, but for free trade, would be produced at home. in a word, they accuse free trade of being injurious to _national labour?_ for the same reason, should they not reproach machinery with accomplishing by natural agents what otherwise would have been done by manual labour, and so of being injurious to _human labour?_ the foreign workman, better and more favourably situated than the home workman for the production of certain commodities, is, with reference to the latter, a veritable _economic machine,_ crushing him by competition. in like manner, machinery, which executes a piece of work at a lower price than a certain number of men could do by manual labour, is, in relation to these manual labourers, a veritable _foreign competitor_, who paralyzes them by his rivalry. if, then, it is politic to protect _national labour_ against the competition of _foreign labour_, it is not less so to protect _human labour_ against the rivalry of _mechanical labour_. thus, every adherent of the _régime_ of protection, if he is logical, should not content himself with prohibiting foreign products; he should proscribe also the products of the shuttle and the plough. and this is the reason why i like better the logic of those men who, declaiming against the invasion of foreign merchandise, declaim likewise against the excess of production which is due to the inventive power of the human mind. such a man is m. de saint-chamans. "one of the strongest arguments against free trade," he says, "is the too extensive employment of machinery, for many workmen are deprived of employment, either by foreign competition, which lowers the price of our manufactured goods, or by instruments which take the place of men in our workshops."* * du système d'impôts, p. 438. m. de saint-chamans has seen clearly the analogy, or, we should rather say, the identity, which obtains between imports and machinery. for this reason, he proscribes both; and it is really agreeable to have to do with such intrepid reasoners, who, even when wrong, carry out their argument to its logical conclusion. but here is the mess in which they land themselves. if it be true, a priori, that the domain of invention and that of labour cannot be simultaneously extended but at each other's expense, it must be in those countries where machinery most abounds--in lancashire, for example--that we should expect to find the fewest workmen. and if, on the other hand, we establish the fact that mechanical power and manual labour coexist, and to a greater extent, among rich nations than among savages, the conclusion is inevitable, that these two powers do not exclude each other. i cannot convince myself how any thinking being can enjoy a moment's repose in presence of the following dilemma: either the inventions of man are not injurious to manual labour, as general facts attest, since there are more of both in england and france than among the hurons and cherokees, and that being so, i am on a wrong road, though i know neither where nor when i missed my way; at all events, i see i am wrong, and i should commit the crime of lese-humanity were i to introduce my error into the legislation of my country. or else, the discoveries of the human mind limit the amount of manual labour, as special facts appear to indicate; for i see every day some machine or other superseding twenty or a hundred workmen; and then i am forced to acknowledge a flagrant, eternal, and incurable antithesis between the intellectual and physical powers of man--between his progress and his present wellbeing; and in these circumstances i am forced to say that the creator of man might have endowed him with reason, or with physical strength, with moral force, or with brute force; but that he mocked him by conferring on him, at the same time, faculties which are destructive of each other. the difficulty is pressing and puzzling; but you contrive to find your way out of it by adopting the strange apophthegm: _in political economy, there are no absolute principles_. in plain language, this means: "i know not whether it be true or false; i am ignorant of what constitutes general good or evil. i give myself no trouble about that. the immediate effect of each measure upon my own personal interest is the only law which i can consent to recognise." there are no principles! you might as well say there are no facts; for principles are merely formulas which classify such facts as are well established. machinery, and the importation of foreign commodities, certainly produce effects. these effects may be good or bad; on that there may be difference of opinion. but whatever view we take of them, it is reduced to a formula, by one of these two principles: machinery is a good; or, machinery is an evil: importations of foreign produce are beneficial; or, such importations are hurtful. but to assert that there are no principles, certainly exhibits the lowest degree of abasement to which the human mind can descend; and i confess that i blush for my country when i hear such a monstrous heresy proclaimed in the french chambers, and with their assent; that is to say, in the face and with the assent of the _élite_ of our fellow-citizens; and this in order to justify their imposing laws upon us in total ignorance of the real state of the case. but then i am told to destroy the sophism, by proving that machinery is not hurtful to human labour, nor the importation of foreign products to national labour. a work like the present cannot well include very full or complete demonstrations. my design is rather to state difficulties than to resolve them; to excite reflection rather than to satisfy doubts. no conviction makes so lasting an impression on the mind as that which it works out for itself. but i shall endeavour nevertheless to put the reader on the right road. what misleads the adversaries of machinery and foreign importations is, that they judge of them by their immediate and transitory effects, instead of following them out to their general and definitive consequences. the immediate effect of the invention and employment of an ingenious machine is to render superfluous, for the attainment of a given result, a certain amount of manual labour. but its action does not stop there. for the very reason that the desired result is obtained with fewer efforts, the product is handed over to the public at a lower price; and the aggregate of savings thus realized by all purchasers, enables them to procure other satisfactions; that is to say, to encourage manual labour in general to exactly the extent of the manual labour which has been saved in the special branch of industry which has been recently improved. so that the level of labour has not fallen, while that of enjoyments has risen. let us render this evident by an example. suppose there are used annually in this country ten millions of hats at 15 shillings; this makes the sum which goes to the support of this branch of industry £7,500,000 sterling. a machine is invented which allows these hats to be manufactured and sold at 10 shillings. the sum now wanted for the support of this industry is reduced to £5,000,000, provided the demand is not augmented by the change. but the remaining sum of £2,500,000 is not by this change withdrawn from the support of _human labour_. that sum, economized by the purchasers of hats, will enable them to satisfy other wants, and, consequently, to that extent will go to remunerate the aggregate industry of the country. with the five shillings saved, john will purchase a pair of shoes, james a book, jerome a piece of furniture, etc. human labour, taken in the aggregate, will continue, then, to be supported and encouraged to the extent of £7,500,000; but this sum will yield the same number of hats, plus all the satisfactions and enjoyments corresponding to £2,500,000 that the employment of the machine has enabled the consumers of hats to save. these additional enjoyments constitute the clear profit which the country will have derived from the invention. this is a free gift, a tribute which human genius will have derived from nature. we do not at all dispute, that in the course of the transformation a certain amount of labour will have been _displaced_; but we cannot allow that it has been destroyed or diminished. the same thing holds of the importation of foreign commodities. let us revert to our former hypothesis. the country manufactures ten millions of hats, of which the cost price was 15 shillings. the foreigner sends similar hats to our market, and furnishes them at 10 shillings each. i maintain that the _national labour_ will not be thereby diminished. for it must produce to the extent of £5,000,000, to enable it to pay for 10 millions of hats at 10 shillings. and then there remains to each purchaser five shillings saved on each hat, or in all, £2,500,000, which will be spent on other enjoyments--that is to say, which will go to support labour in other departments of industry. then the aggregate labour of the country will remain what it was, and the additional enjoyments represented by £2,500,000 saved upon hats, will form the clear profit accruing from imports under the system of free trade. it is of no use to try to frighten us by a picture of the sufferings which, on this hypothesis, the displacement of labour will entail. for, if the prohibition had never been imposed, the labour would have found its natural place under the ordinary law of exchange, and no displacement would have taken place. if, on the other hand, prohibition has led to an artificial and unproductive employment of labour, it is prohibition, and not liberty, which is to blame for a displacement which is inevitable in the transition from what is detrimental to what is beneficial. at all events, let no one pretend that because an abuse cannot be done away with, without inconvenience to those who profit by it, what has been suffered to exist for a time should be allowed to exist for ever. xxi. raw materials. it is said that the most advantageous of all branches of trade is that which supplies manufactured commodities in exchange for raw materials. for these raw materials are the aliment and support of _national labour_. hence the conclusion is drawn: that the best law of customs is that which gives the greatest possible facility to the importation of raw materials, and which throws most obstacles in the way of importing finished goods. there is no sophism in political economy more widely disseminated than this. it is cherished not only by the protectionist school, but also, and above all, by the school which dubs itself liberal; and it is unfortunate that it should be so, for what can be more injurious to a good cause than that it should be at the same time vigorously attacked and feebly defended? commercial liberty is likely to have the fate of liberty in general; it will only find a place in the statute-book after it has taken possession of men's minds and convictions. but if it be true that a reform, in order to be solidly established, should be generally understood, it follows that nothing can so much retard reform as that which misleads public opinion; and what is more calculated to mislead public opinion than works which, in advocating freedom, invoke aid from the doctrines of monopoly? some years ago three of the great towns of france--lyons, bordeaux, and havre--united in a movement against the restrictive _régime_. all europe was stirred on seeing raised what they took for the banner of liberty. alas! it proved to be also the banner of monopoly--of a monopoly a little more niggardly and much more absurd than that of which they seemed to desire the overthrow. by the aid of the sophism which i have just endeavoured to expose, the petitioners did nothing more than reproduce the doctrine of protection to national industry, tacking to it an additional inconsistency. it was, in fact, nothing else than the _régime_ of prohibition. just listen to m. de saint-cricq:-"labour constitutes the wealth of a nation, because labour alone creates those material objects which our wants demand; and universal ease and comfort consist in the abundance of these things." so much for the principle. "but this abundance must be produced by _national labour_. if it were the result of foreign labour, national labour would be immediately brought to a stand." here lies the error. _(see the preceding sophism.)_ "what course should an agricultural and manufacturing country take under such circumstances? reserve its markets for the products of its own soil and of its own industry." such is the end and design. "and for that purpose, restrain by duties, and, if necessary, prohibit importation of the products of the soil and industry of other nations." such are the means. let us compare this system with that which the bordeaux petition advocates. commodities are there divided into three classes:-"the first includes provisions, and _raw materials upon which no human labour has been bestowed. in principle, a wise economy would demand that this class should be free of duties_. here we have no labour, no protection. "the second consists of products which have, _to some extent, been prepared_. this preparation warrants such products being _charged with a certain amount of duty_." here protection begins, because here, according to the petitioners, begins _national labour_. "the third comprises goods and products in their finished and perfect state. these contribute nothing to national labour, and we regard this class as the most taxable." here labour, and production along with it, reach their maximum. we thus see that the petitioners profess their belief in the doctrine, that foreign labour is injurious to national labour; and this is the _error_ of the prohibitive system. they demand that the home market should be reserved for home industry. that is the _design_ of the system of prohibition. they demand that foreign labour should be subjected to restrictions and taxes. these are the means employed by the system of prohibition. what difference, then, can we possibly discover between the bordeaux petitioners and the corypheus of restriction? one difference, and one only--the greater or less extension given to the word labour. m. de saint-cricq extends it to everything, and so he wishes to protect all. "labour constitutes all the wealth of a people," he says; "to protect agricultural industry, and all agricultural industry; to protect manufacturing industry, and all manufacturing industry, is the cry which should never cease to be heard in this chamber." the bordeaux petitioners take no labour into account but that of the manufacturers; and for that reason they would admit them to the benefits of protection. "raw materials are commodities upon which no human labour has been bestowed. in principle, we should not tax them. manufactured products can no longer serve the cause of national industry, and we regard them as the best subjects for taxation." it is not our business in this place to inquire whether protection to national industry is reasonable. m. de saint-cricq and the bordeaux gentlemen are at one upon this point, and, as we have shown in the preceding chapters, we on this subject differ from both. our present business is to discover whether it is by m. de saint-cricq, or by the bordeaux petitioners, that the word labour is used in a correct sense. now, in this view of the question, we think that m. de saint-cricq has very much the best of it; and to prove this, we may suppose them to hold some such dialogue as the following:-m. de saint-cricq: you grant that national labour should be protected. you grant that the products of no foreign labour can be introduced into our market without superseding a corresponding amount of our national labour. only, you contend that there are a multiplicity of products possessed of value (for they sell), but upon which no human labour has been bestowed [vierges de tout travail humain]. and you enumerate, among other things, com, flour, meat, cattle, tallow, salt, iron, copper, lead, coal, wools, hides, seeds, etc. if you will only prove to me that the value of these things is not due to labour, i will grant that it is useless to protect them. but, on the other hand, if i demonstrate to you that there is as much labour worked up in a 100 fr. worth of wool as in a 100 fr. worth of textile fabrics, you will allow that the one is as worthy of protection as the other. now, why is this sack of wool worth 100 fr.? is it not because that is its cost price? and what does its cost price represent, but the aggregate wages of all the labour, and profits of all the capital, which have contributed to the production of the commodity? the bordeaux petitioners: well, perhaps as regards wool you may be right. but take the case of a sack of corn, a bar of iron, a hundredweight of coals,--are these commodities produced by labour? are they not created by nature? m. de saint-cricq: undoubtedly nature creates the elements of all these things, but it is labour which produces the value. i was wrong myself in saying that labour created material objects, and that vicious form of expression has led me into other errors. it does not belong to man to create, to make anything out of nothing, be he agriculturist or manufacturer; and if by production is meant creation, all our labour must be marked down as unproductive, and yours, as merchants, more unproductive than all others, excepting perhaps my own. the agriculturist, then, cannot pretend to have created corn, but he has created value; i mean to say, he has, by his labour, and that of his servants, labourers, reapers, etc., transformed into corn substances which had no resemblance to it whatever. the miller who converts the corn into flour, the baker who converts the flour into bread, do the same thing. in order that man may be enabled to clothe himself, a multitude of operations are necessary. prior to all intervention of human labour, the true raw materials of cloth are the air, the water, the heat, the gases, the light, the salts, which enter into its composition. these are the raw materials upon which strictly speaking, no human labour has been employed. they are _vierges de tout travail humain_; and since they have no value, i should never dream of protecting them. but the first application of labour converts these substances into grass and provender, a second into wool, a third into yarn, a fourth into a woven fabric, a fifth into clothing. who can assert that the whole of these operations, from the first furrow laid open by the plough, to the last stitch of the tailor's needle, do not resolve themselves into labour? and it is because these operations are spread over several branches of industry, in order to accelerate and facilitate the accomplishment of the ultimate object, which is to furnish clothing to those who have need of it, that you desire, by an arbitrary distinction, to rank the importance of such works in the order in which they succeed each other, so that the first of the series shall not merit even the name of labour, and that the last, being labour _par excellence_, shall be worthy of the favours of protection? the petitioners: yes; we begin to see that corn, like wool, is not exactly a product of which it can be said that no human labour has been bestowed upon it; but the agriculturist has not, at least, like the manufacturer, done everything himself or by means of his workmen; nature has assisted him, and if there is labour worked up in corn, it is not the simple product of labour. m. de saint-cricq: but its value resolves itself exclusively into labour. i am happy that nature concurs in the material formation of grain. i could even wish that it were entirely her work; but you must allow that i have constrained this assistance of nature by my labour, and when i sell you my corn you will remark this, that it is not for the labour of nature that i ask you to pay, but for my own. but, as you state the case, manufactured commodities are no longer the exclusive products of labour. is the manufacturer not beholden to nature in his processes? does he not avail himself of the assistance of the steam-engine, of the pressure of the atmosphere, just as, with the assistance of the plough, i avail myself of its humidity? has he created the laws of gravitation, of the transmission of forces, of affinity? the petitioners: well, this is the case of the wool over again; but coal is assuredly the work, the exclusive work, of nature. it is indeed a product upon which no human labour has ever been bestowed. m. de saint-cricq: yes; nature has undoubtedly created the coal, but labour has imparted value to it. for the millions of years during which it was buried 100 fathoms under ground, unknown to everybody, it was destitute of value. it was necessary to search for it--that is labour; it was necessary to send it to market--that is additional labour. then the price you pay for it in the market is nothing else than the remuneration of the labour of mining and transport.* * i do not particularize the parts of the remuneration falling to the lessee, the capitalist, etc., for several reasons:--1st, because, on looking at the thing more closely, you will see that the remuneration always resolves itself into the reimbursement of advances or the payment of anterior labour. 2dly, because, under the term labour, i include not only the wages of the workmen, but the legitimate recompense of everything which co-operates in the work of production. 3dly (and above all), because the production of manufactured products is, like that of raw materials, burdened with auxiliary remunerations other than the mere expense of manual labour; and, moreover, this objection, frivolous in itself, would apply as much to the most delicate processes of manufacture, as to the rudest operations of agriculture. thus far we see that m. de saint-cricq has the best of the argument; that the value of raw materials, like that of manufactured commodities, represents the cost of production, that is to say, the labour worked up in them; that it is not possible to conceive of a product possessing value, which has had no human labour bestowed on it; that the distinction made by the petitioners is futile in theory; that, as the basis of an unequal distribution of favours, it would be iniquitous in practice, since the result would be that one-third of our countrymen, who happened to be engaged in manufactures, would obtain the advantages of monopoly, on the alleged ground that they produce by labour, whilst the other two-thirds--namely, the agricultural population--would be abandoned to competition under the pretext that they produce without labour. the rejoinder to this, i am quite sure, will be, that a nation derives more advantages from importing what are called raw materials, whether produced by labour or not, and exporting manufactured commodities. this will be repeated and insisted on, and it is an opinion very widely accredited. "the more abundant raw materials are," says the bordeaux petition, "the more are manufactures promoted and multiplied." "raw materials," says the same document in another place, "open up an unlimited field of work for the inhabitants of the countries into which they are imported." "raw materials," says the havre petition, "constituting as they do the elements of labour, must be submitted to a different treatment, and be gradually admitted at the lowest rate of duty." the same petition expresses a wish that manufactured products should be admitted, not gradually, but after an indefinite lapse of time, not at the lowest rate of duty, but at a duty of 20 per cent. "among other articles, the low price and abundance of which are a necessity," says the lyons petition, "manufacturers include all raw materials." all this is founded on an illusion. we have seen that all value represents labour. now, it is quite true that manufacturing labour increases tenfold, sometimes a hundredfold, the value of the raw material; that is to say, it yields ten times, a hundred times, more profit to the nation. hence men are led to reason thus: the production of a hundredweight of iron brings in a gain of only fifteen shillings to workmen of all classes. the conversion of this hundredweight of iron into the mainsprings of watches raises their earnings to £500; and will any one venture to say that a nation has not a greater interest to secure for its labour a gain of five hundred pounds than a gain of fifteen shillings? we do not exchange a hundredweight of unwrought iron for a hundredweight of watch-springs, nor a hundredweight of unwashed wool for a hundredweight of cashmere shawls; but we exchange a certain value of one of these materials for an equal value of another. now, to exchange equal value for equal value is to exchange equal labour for equal labour. it is not true, then, that a nation which sells five pounds' worth of wrought fabrics or watch-springs, gains more than a nation which sells five pounds' worth of wool or iron. in a country where no law can be voted, where no tax can be imposed, but with the consent of those whose dealings the law is to regulate, and whose pockets the tax is to affect, the public cannot be robbed without first being imposed on and misled. our ignorance is the raw material of every extortion from which we suffer, and we may be certain beforehand, that every sophism is the precursor of an act of plunder. my good friends i when you detect a sophism in a petition, button up your breeches-pocket, for you may be sure that this is the mark aimed at. let us see, then, what is the real object secretly aimed at by the shipowners of bordeaux and havre, and the manufacturers of lyons, and which is concealed under the distinction which they attempt to draw between agricultural and manufactured commodities. "it is principally this first class (that which comprises raw materials, upon which no human labour has been bestowed) which affords," say the bordeaux petitioners, "the principal support to our merchant shipping...." in principle, a wise economy would not tax this class.... the second (commodities partly wrought up) may be taxed to a certain extent. the third (commodities which call for no more exertion of labour) we regard as the fittest subjects of taxation. the havre petitioners "consider that it is indispensable to reduce gradually the duty on raw materials to the lowest rate, in order that our manufacturers may gradually find employment for the shipping interest, which furnishes them with the first and indispensable materials of labour." the manufacturers could not remain behindhand in politeness towards the shipowners. so the lyons petition asks for the free introduction of raw materials, "in order to prove," as they express it, "that the interests of the manufacturing are not always opposed to those of the maritime towns." no; but then the interests of both, understood as the petitioners understand them, are in direct opposition to the interests of agriculture and of consumers. well, gentlemen, we have come at length to see what you are aiming at, and the object of your subtle economical distinctions. you desire that the law should restrain the transport of finished goods across the ocean, in order that the more costly conveyance of raw and rough materials, bulky, and mixed up with refuse, should afford greater scope for your merchant shipping, and more largely employ your marine resources. this is what you call a wise economy. on the same principle, why do you not ask that the pines of russia should be brought to you with their branches, bark, and roots; the silver of mexico in its mineral state; the hides of buenos ayres sticking to the bones of the diseased carcases from which they have been torn? i expect that railway shareholders, the moment they are in a majority in the chambers, will proceed to make a law forbidding the manufacture of the brandy which is consumed in paris. and why not? would not a law enforcing the conveyance of ten casks of wine for every cask of brandy afford parisian industry the indispensable materials of its labour, and give employment to our locomotive resources? how long will men shut their eyes to this simple truth? manufactures, shipping, labour--all have for end the general, the public good; to create useless industries, to favour superfluous conveyances, to support a greater amount of labour than is necessary, not for the good of the public, but at the expense of the public--is to realize a true _petitio principii_. it is not labour which is desirable for its own sake; it is consumption. all labour without a commensurate result is a loss. you may as well pay sailors for pitching stones into the sea as pay them for transporting useless refuse. thus, we arrive at the result to which all economic sophisms, numerous as they are, conduct us, namely, confounding the means with the end, and developing the one at the expense of the other. xxii. metaphors. a sophism sometimes expands, and runs through the whole texture of a long and elaborate theory. more frequently, it shrinks and contracts, assumes the guise of a principle, and lurks in a word or a phrase. may god protect us from the devil and from metaphors! was the exclamation of paul-louis. and it is difficult to say which of them has done most mischief in this world of ours. the devil, you will say; for he has put the spirit of plunder into all our hearts. true, but he has left free the means of repressing abuses by the resistance of those who suffer from them. it is the sophism which paralyzes this resistance. the sword which malice puts into the hands of assailants would be powerless, did sophistry not break the buckler which should shield the party assailed. it was with reason, therefore, that malebranche inscribed on the title-page of his work this sentence: _l'erreur est la cause de la misère des hommes_. let us see in what way this takes place. ambitious men are often actuated by sinister and wicked intentions; their design, for example, may be to implant in the public mind the germ of international hatred. this fatal germ may develop itself, light up a general conflagration, arrest civilization, cause torrents of blood to be shed, and bring upon the country the most terrible of all scourges, invasion. at any rate, and apart from this, such sentiments of hatred lower us in the estimation of other nations, and force frenchmen who retain any sense of justice to blush for their country. these are undoubtedly most serious evils; and to guard the public against the underhand practices of those who would expose the country to such hazard, it is only necessary to see clearly into their designs. how do they manage to conceal them? by the use of metaphors. they twist, distort, and pervert the meaning of three or four words, and the thing is done. the word _invasion_ itself is a good illustration of this. a french ironmaster exclaims: preserve us from the invasion of english iron. an english landowner exclaims in return: preserve us from the invasion of french corn. and then they proceed to interpose barriers between the two countries. these barriers create isolation, isolation gives rise to hatred, hatred to war, war to invasion. what does it signify? cry the two sophists; is it not better to expose ourselves to an eventual invasion than accept an invasion which is certain? and the people believe them, and the barriers are kept up. and yet what analogy is there between an exchange and an invasion? what possible similarity can be imagined between a ship of war which comes to vomit fire and devastation on our towns, and a merchant ship which comes to offer a free voluntary exchange of commodities for commodities? the same thing holds of the use made of the word _inundation_. this word is ordinarily used in a bad sense, for we often see our fields injured, and our harvests carried away by floods. if, however, they leave on our soil something of greater value than what they carry away, like the inundations of the nile, we should be thankful for them, as the egyptians are. before we declaim, then, against the inundations of foreign products--before proceeding to restrain them by irksome and costly obstacles--we should inquire to what class they belong, and whether they ravage or fertilize. what should we think of mehemet ali, if, instead of raising, at great cost, bars across the nile, to extend wider its inundations, he were to spend his money in digging a deeper channel to prevent egypt being soiled by the foreign slime which descends upon her from the mountains of the moon? we display exactly the same degree of wisdom and sense, when we desire, at the cost of millions, to defend our country.... from what? from the benefits which nature has bestowed on other climates. among the metaphors which conceal a pernicious theory, there is no one more in use than that presented by the words _tribute and tributary_. these words have now become so common that they are used as synonymous with _purchase and purchaser_, and are employed indiscriminately. and yet a tribute is as different from a purchase as a theft is from an exchange; and i should like quite as well to hear it said, cartouche has broken into my strong-box and purchased a thousand pounds, as to hear one of our deputies repeat, we have paid germany tribute for a thousand horses which she has sold us. for what distinguishes the act of cartouche from a purchase is, that he has not put into my strong-box, and with my consent, a value equivalent to what he has taken out of it. and what distinguishes our remittance of £20,000 which we have made to germany from a tribute paid to her is this, that she has not received the money gratuitously, but has given us in exchange a thousand horses, which we have judged to be worth the £20,000. is it worth while exposing seriously such an abuse of language? yes; for these terms are used seriously both in newspapers and in books. do not let it be supposed that these are instances of a mere _lapsus linguo_ on the part of certain ignorant writers! for one writer who abstains from so using them, i will point you out ten who admit them, and amongst the rest, the d'argouts, the dupins, the villeles--peers, deputies, ministers of state,--men, in short, whose words are laws, and whose sophisms, even the most transparent, serve as a basis for the government of the country. a celebrated modern philosopher has added to the categories of aristotle the sophism which consists in employing a phrase which includes a _petitio pinncipii_. he gives many examples of it; and he should have added the word tributary to his list. the business, in fact, is to discover whether purchases made from foreigners are useful or hurtful. they are hurtful, you say. and why? because they render us tributaries to the foreigner. this is just to use a word which implies the very thing to be proved. it may be asked how this abuse of words first came to be introduced into the rhetoric of the monopolists? money leaves the country to satisfy the rapacity of a victorious enemy. money also leaves the country to pay for commodities. an analogy is established between the two cases by taking into account only the points in which they resemble each other, and keeping out of view the points in which they differ. yet this circumstance--that is to say, the non-reimbursement in the first case, and the reimbursement voluntarily agreed upon in the second--establishes betwixt them such a difference that it is really impossible to class them in the same category. to hand over a hundred pounds by force to a man who has caught you by the throat, or to hand them over voluntarily to a man who furnishes you with what you want, are things as different as light and darkness. you might as well assert that it is a matter of indifference whether you throw your bread into the river, or eat it, for in both cases the bread is destroyed. the vice of this reasoning, like that applied to the word tribute, consists in asserting an entire similitude between two cases, looking only at their points of resemblance, and keeping out of sight the points in which they differ. conclusion. all the sophisms which i have hitherto exposed have reference to a single question--the system of restriction. there are other tempting subjects, such as _vested interests, inopportuneness, draining away our money_, etc., etc., with which i shall not at present trouble the reader. nor does social economy confine herself to this limited circle. _fourierisme, saint-simonisme_, communism, mysticism, sentimentalism, false philanthropy, affected aspirations after a chimerical equality and fraternity; questions relating to luxury, to wages, to machinery, to the pretended tyranny of capital, to colonies, to markets and vents for produce, to conquests, to population, to association, emigration, taxes, and loans,--have encumbered the field of science with a multiplicity of parasitical arguments, of sophisms which afford work to the hoe and the grubber of the diligent economist. i am quite aware of the inconvenience attending this plan, or rather of this absence of plan. to attack one by one so many incoherent sophisms, which sometimes run foul of each other, and more frequently run into each other, is to enter into an irregular and capricious struggle, and involve ourselves in perpetual repetitions. how much i should prefer to explain simply the situation in which things are, without occupying myself with the thousand aspects under which ignorance sees them!... to explain the laws under which societies prosper or decay, is to demolish virtually all these sophisms at once. when laplace described all that was then known of the movements of the heavenly bodies, he dissipated, without even naming them, all the reveries of the egyptian, greek, and hindoo astrologers far more effectually than he could have done by refuting them directly in innumerable volumes. truth is one, and the work which explains it is an edifice at once durable and imposing: il brave les tyrans avides, plus hardi que les pyramides et plus durable que l'airain. error is multifarious and of an ephemeral nature; and the work which combats it does not carry in itself a principle of greatness and duration. but if the power, and perhaps the occasion, have been wanting to enable me to proceed in the manner of laplace and of say, i cannot help thinking that the form i have adopted has also its modest utility. it seems to me well suited to the wants of our day, and the occasional moments which are set aside for study. a treatise has no doubt unquestionable superiority, but on one condition--namely, that it is read and carefully pondered and thought over. it is addressed to a select class of readers. its mission is to fix first of all, and afterwards enlarge, the circle of our acquired knowledge. a refutation of vulgar errors and prejudices cannot occupy this high position. it aspires merely to clear the road before the march of truth, to prepare men's minds for its reception, to rectify public opinion, and disarm dangerous ignorance. it is, above all, in the department of social economy that this hand-to-hand struggle, that these constantly-recurring battles with popular errors, are of true practical utility. the sciences may be divided into two classes. one of these classes may be known only to _savans_. it includes those sciences the application of which constitutes the business of special professions. the vulgar reap the fruit, in spite of their ignorance. a man may find use for a watch, though ignorant of mechanics and astronomy, and he may be carried along by a locomotive or a steamer, trusting to the skill of the engineer and the pilot. we walk according to the laws of equilibrium, although unacquainted with these laws, just as m. jourdain had talked prose all his life without knowing it. but there are sciences which exercise on the public mind an influence which is only in proportion to public enlightenment, and derive all their efficacy, not from knowledge accumulated in some gifted minds, but from knowledge diffused over the general masses. among these we include morals, medicine, social economy, and, in countries where men are their own masters, politics. it is to such sciences that the saying of bentham specially applies, "to disseminate them is better than to advance them." what signifies it, that some great man, or even that god himself, should have promulgated the laws of morality, as long as men, imbued with false notions, mistake virtues for vices, and vices for virtues? what matters it that smith, say, and, according to m. de saint-chamans, economists of all schools, have proclaimed, in reference to commercial transactions, the superiority of liberty over constraint, if the men who make our laws, and for whom our laws are made, think differently? those sciences, which have been correctly named social, have also this peculiarity, that being of universal and daily application, no one will confess himself ignorant of them. when the business is to resolve a question in chemistry or geometry, no one pretends to have acquired these sciences by intuition, no one is ashamed to consult m. thénard, or makes any difficulty about referring to the works of legendre or bezout. but in the social sciences, authority is scarcely acknowledged. as each man daily takes charge of his morals, whether good or bad, of his health, of his purse, of his politics, whether sound or absurd, so each man believes himself qualified to discuss, comment, and pronounce judgment on social questions. are you ill? there is no old woman who will not at once tell you the cause of your ailment, and the remedy for it. "humours," she will say; "you must take physic." but what are humours? and is there any such disease? about this she gives herself no concern. i cannot help thinking of this old woman when i hear social maladies explained by these hackneyed phrases:--"the superabundance of products," "the tyranny of capital," "an industrial plethora," and other such commonplaces, of which we cannot even say, _verba et voces, protereaque nihil_, for they are so many pestilent errors. from what i have said, two things result--1st, that the social sciences must abound more in sophisms than others, because in them each man takes counsel of his own judgment and instincts; 2d, that it is in these sciences that sophisms are especially mischievous, because they mislead public opinion, and in a matter, too, with reference to which public opinion is force, is law. in these sciences, then, we have need of two sorts of books, those which explain them, and those which further and advance them--those which establish truth, and those which combat error. it seems to me that the inherent fault of this little work, repetition, is exactly what will make it useful. in the question i have treated, each sophism has undoubtedly its own formula, and its special bearing, but all may be traced to a common root, which is, _forgetting men's interests as consumers_. to point out that a thousand errors may be traced to this prolific sophism, is to teach the public to detect it, to estimate it at its true worth, and to distrust it, under all circumstances. after all, the design of my present work is not exactly to implant convictions, but rather to awaken doubts. i have no expectation that the reader, on laying down the book, will exclaim _i know_; i would much rather that he should say candidly, _i am ignorant!_ "i am ignorant, for i begin to fear that there is something illusory in the flattering promises of scarcity." (sophism i.) "i am not so much charmed with obstacles as i once was. (sophism ii.) "_effort without result_ no longer appears to me so desirable as _result without effort_." (sophism iii.) "it is very possible that the secret of trade does not consist, like the secret of arms (if we adopt the definition of the bully in the _bourgeois gentilhomme_), in giving and not receiving." (sophism vi.) "i can understand that a commodity is worth more in proportion as it has had more labour bestowed upon it; but in exchange, will two equal values cease to be equal values, because the one proceeds from the plough, and the other from the loom?" (sophism xxi.) "i confess that i begin to think it singular that the human race should be improved by shackles, and enriched by taxes; and, truth to say, i should be relieved of a troublesome weight, i should experience unmitigated satisfaction, were it proved to me, as the author of the _sophismes_ asserts, that there is no incompatibility between thriving circumstances and justice, between peace and liberty, between the extension of labour and the progress of intelligence." (sophisms xiv. and xx.) "then, without being quite convinced by his arguments, to which i know not whether to give the name of reasonings or of paradoxes, i shall apply myself to the acknowledged masters of the science." let us conclude this monography of sophism with a final and important observation. the world is not sufficiently alive to the influence exercised over it by sophisms. if i must speak my mind, when the _right of the strongest_ has been put aside, sophisms have set up in its place _the right of the most cunning_; and it is difficult to say which of these two tryants has been the more fatal to humanity. men have an immoderate love of enjoyment, of influence, of consideration, of power--in a word, of wealth. at the same time, they are urged on by a strong, an overpowering, inclination to procure the things they so much desire, at the expense of other people. but these other people--in plain language, the public--have an equally strong desire to keep what they have got, if they can, and if they know it. spoliation, which plays so great a part in this world's affairs, has, then, only two agents at command, _force and cunning_; and two limits, _courage and intelligence_. force employed to effect spoliation forms the groundwork of human annals. to trace back its history, would be to reproduce very nearly the history of all nations--assyrians, babylonians, medes, persians, egyptians, greeks, romans, goths, franks, huns, turks, arabs, monguls, tartars; not to speak of spaniards in america, englishmen in india, frenchmen in africa, russians in asia, etc. but civilized nations, at least, composed of men who produce wealth, have become sufficiently numerous, and sufficiently strong to defend themselves. does this mean that they are no longer plundered? not at all; they are plundered as much as ever, and, what is more, they plunder one another. only, the agent employed has been changed; it is no longer by _force, but by cunning_, that they seize upon the public wealth. to rob the public, we must first deceive it. the trick consists in persuading the public that the theft is for its advantage; and by this means inducing it to accept, in exchange for its property, services which are fictitious, and often worse. hence comes the sophism,--sophism theocratic, sophism economic, sophism political, sophism financial. since; then, force is held in check, the sophism is not only an evil, but the very genius of evil it must in its turn be held in check also. and for that end we must render the public more cunning than the cunning, as it has already become stronger than the strong. good public! it is under the influence of this conviction that i dedicate to you this first essay--although the preface is strangely transposed, and the dedication somewhat late. end of the first series. second series. i. physiology of spoliation. why should i go on tormenting myself with this dry and dreary science of _political economy?_ why? the question is reasonable. labour of every kind is in itself sufficiently repugnant to warrant one in asking to what result it leads? let us see, then, how it is. i do not address myself to those philosophers who profess to adore poverty, if not on their own account, at least on the part of the human race. i speak to those who deem wealth, of some importance. we understand by that word, not the opulence of some classes, but the ease, the material prosperity, the security, the independence, the instruction, the dignity of all. there are only two means of procuring the necessaries, conveniences, and enjoyments of life: production and spoliation. there are some people who represent spoliation as an accident, a local and transient abuse, branded by the moralist, denounced by the law, and unworthy of the economist's attention. in spite of benevolence, in spite of optimism, we are forced to acknowledge that spoilation plays too prominent a part in the world, and mingles too largely in important human affairs, to warrant the social sciences, especially political economy, in holding it as of no account. i go further. that which prevents the social order from attaining that perfection of which it is susceptible, is the constant effort of its members to live and enjoy themselves at the expense of each other. so that if spoliation did not exist, social science would be without object, for society would then be perfect. i go further still. when spoliation has once become the recognised means of existence of a body of men united and held together by social ties, they soon proceed to frame a law which sanctions it, and to adopt a system of morals which sanctities it. it is sufficient to enumerate some of the more glaring forms which spoliation assumes, in order to show the place which it occupies in human transactions. there is first of all war. among savages the conqueror puts to death the vanquished, in order to acquire a right, which, if not incontestable, is, at least, uncontested, to his enemy's hunting grounds. then comes slavery. when man comes to find that the land may be made fertile by means of labour, he says to his brother man, "thine be the labour, and mine the product." next we have priestcraft. "according as you give or refuse me a portion of your substance, i will open to you the gate of heaven or of hell." lastly comes monopoly. its distinguishing character is to leave in existence the great social law of service for service, but to bring force to bear upon the bargain, so as to impair the just proportion between the service received and the service rendered. spoliation bears always in its bosom that germ of death by which it is ultimately destroyed. it is rarely the many who despoil the few. were it so, the few would soon be reduced to such a state as to be no longer able to satisfy the cupidity of the many, and spoliation would die out for want of support. it is almost always the majority who are oppressed, but spoliation is not the less on this account subject to an inevitable check. for, if the agent be force, as in the cases of war and slavery, it is natural that force, in the long run, should pass to the side of the greatest number. and, if the agent be cunning, as in the case of priestcraft and monopoly, it is natural that the majority should become enlightened, otherwise intelligence would cease to be intelligence. another natural law deposits a second germ of death in the heart of spoliation, which is this: spoliation not only _displaces_ wealth, but always partially _destroys_ it. war annihilates many values. slavery paralyzes, to a great extent, men's faculties. priestcraft diverts men's efforts towards objects which are puerile or hurtful. monopoly transfers wealth from one pocket to another, but much is lost in the transference. this is an admirable law. without it, provided there existed an equilibrium between the forces of the oppressors and oppressed, spoliation would have no limits. in consequence of the operation of this law, the equilibrium tends always to be upset; either because the spoliators have the fear of such a loss of wealth, or because, in the absence of such fear, the evil constantly increases, and it is in the nature of anything which constantly gets worse and worse, ultimately to perish and be annihilated. there comes at last a time when, in its progressive acceleration, this loss of wealth is such that the spoliator finds himself poorer than he would have been had there been no spoliation. take, for example, a people to whom the expense of war costs more than the value of the booty. a master who pays dearer for slave labour than for free labour. a system of priestcraft, which, renders people so dull and stupid, and destroys their energy to such an extent, that there is no longer anything to be got from them. a monopoly which increases its efforts at absorption in proportion as there is less to absorb, just as one should endeavour to milk a cow more vigorously in proportion as there is less milk to be got. monopoly, it will be seen, is a species of the genus spoliation. there are many varieties; among others, sinecures, privileges, restrictions. among the forms which it assumes, there are some which are very simple and primitive. of this kind are feudal rights. under this _régime_ the masses are despoiled, and they know it. it implies an abuse of force, and goes down when force is wanting. others are very complicated. the masses are frequently despoiled without knowing it. they may even imagine that they owe all to spoliation--not only what is left to them, but what is taken from them, and what is lost in the process. nay more, i affirm that, in course of time, and owing to the ingenious mechanism to which they become accustomed, many men become spoliators without knowing that they are so, or desiring to be so. monopolies of this kind are engendered by artifice and nourished by error. they disappear only with advancing enlightenment. i have said enough to show that political economy has an evident practical utility. it is the torch which, by exposing craft and dissipating error, puts an end to this social disorder of spoliation. some one--i rather think a lady--has rightly described our science as "_la serrure de sûreté du pécule populaire_." commentary. were this little book destined to last for three or four thousand years, and, like a new koran, to be read, re-read, pondered over, and studied sentence by sentence, word by word, letter by letter; if it were destined to a place in all the libraries of the world, and to be explained by avalanches of annotations and paraphrases, i might abandon to their fate the preceding observations, though somewhat obscure from their conciseness; but since they require a gloss, i think it as well to be my own commentator. the true and equitable law of human transactions is the _exchange, freely bargained for, of service for service_. spoliation consists in banishing by force or artifice this liberty of bargaining, for the purpose of enabling a man or a class to receive a service without rendering an equivalent service. spoliation by force consists in waiting till a man has produced a commodity, and then depriving him of it by the strong hand. this kind of spoliation is formally forbidden by the decalogue--_thou shalt not steal_. when this takes place between individuals, it is called theft, and leads to the hulks; when it takes place between nations, it is called _conquest, and leads to glory_. whence this difference? it is proper to search out its caùse, for it will reveal to us the existence of an irresistible power, public opinion, which, like the atmosphere, surrounds and envelops us so thoroughly that we cease to perceive it. rousseau never said anything truer than this: _il faut beaucoup de philosophie pour observer les faits qui sont trop près de nous_---"you need much philosophy to observe accurately things which are under your nose." a thief for the very reason that he does his work secretly, has always public opinion against him. he frightens all who are within his reach. yet if he has associates, he takes pride in displaying before them his skill and prowess. here we begin to perceive the force of opinion; for the applause of his accomplices takes away the sense of guilt, and even prompts him to glory in his shame. the _warrior_ lives in a different medium. the public opinion which brands him is elsewhere, among the nations he has conquered, and he does not feel its pressure. the public opinion at home applauds and sustains him. he and his companions in arms feel sensibly the bond which imites them. the country which has created enemies, and brought danger upon herself, feels it necessary to extol the bravery of her sons. she decrees to the boldest, who have enlarged her frontiers, or brought her, in the greatest amount of booty, honours, renown, and glory. poets sing their exploits, and ladies twine wreaths and garlands for them. and such is the power of public opinion that it takes from spoliation all idea of injustice, and from the spoliator all sense of wrongdoing. the public opinion which reacts against military spoliation makes itself felt, not in the conquering, but in the conquered, country, and exercises little influence. and yet it is not altogether inoperative, and makes itself the more felt in proportion as nations have more frequent intercourse, and understand each other better. in consequence, we see that the study of languages, and a freer communication between nations, tends to bring about and render predominant a stronger feeling against this species of spoliation. unfortunately, it not unfrequently happens that the nations which surround an aggressive and warlike people are themselves given to spoliation when they can accomplish it, and thus become imbued with the same prejudices. in that case there is only one remedy--time; and nations must be taught by painful experience the enormous evils of mutual spoliation. we may note another check--a superior and growing morality. but the object of this is to multiply virtuous actions. how then can morality restrain acts of spoliation when public opinion places such acts in the rank of the most exalted virtue? what more powerful means of rendering a people moral than religion? and what religion more favourable to peace than christianity? yet what have we witnessed for eighteen hundred years? during all these ages we have seen men fight, not only in spite of their religion, but in name of religion itself. the wars waged by a conquering nation are not always offensive and aggressive wars. such a nation is sometimes so unfortunate as to be obliged to send its soldiers into the field to defend the domestic hearth, and to protect its families, its property, its independence, and its liberty. war then assumes a character of grandeur and sacredness. the national banner, blessed by the ministers of the god of peace, represents all that is most sacred in the land; it is followed as the living image of patriotism and of honour; and warlike virtues are extolled above all other virtues. but when the danger is past, public opinion still prevails; and by the natural reaction of a spirit of revenge, which is mistaken for patriotism, the banner is paraded from capital to capital. it is in this way that nature seems to prepare a punishment for the aggressor. it is the fear of this punishment, and not the progress of philosophy, which retains arms in the arsenals; for we cannot deny that nations the most advanced in civilization go to war, and think little of justice when they have no reprisals to fear, as the himalaya, the atlas, and the caucasus bear witness. if religion is powerless, and if philosophy is equally powerless, how then are wars to be put an end to? political economy demonstrates, that even as regards the nation which proves victorious; war is always made in the interest of the few, and at the expense of the masses. when the masses, then, shall see this clearly, the weight of public opinion, which is now divided, will come to be entirely on the side of peace. spoliation by force assumes still another form. no man will engage voluntarily in the business of production in order to be robbed of what he produces. man himself is therefore laid hold of, robbed of his freedom and personality, and forced to labour. the language held to him is not, "_if you do this for me, i will do that for you;" but this, "yours be the fatigue, and mine the enjoyment_." this is slavery, which always implies abuse of force. it is important to inquire whether it is not in the very nature of a force which is incontestably dominant to commit abuses. for my own part, i should be loath to trust it, and would as soon expect a stone pitched from a height to stop midway of its own accord, as absolute power to prescribe limits to itself. i should like, at least, to have pointed out to me a country and an epoch in which slavery has been abolished by the free, graceful, and voluntary act of the masters. slavery affords a second and striking example of the insufficiency of religious and philanthropical sentiments, when set in opposition to the powerful and energetic sentiment of self-interest. this may appear a melancholy view of the subject to certain modern schools who seek for the renovating principle of society in self-sacrifice. let them begin, then, by reforming human nature. in the west indies, ever since the introduction of slavery, the masters, from father to son, have professed the christian religion. many times a day they repeat these words, "all men are brethren: to love your neighbour is to fulfil the whole law." and they continue to have slaves. nothing appears to them more natural and legitimate. do modern reformers expect that their system of morals will ever be as universally accepted,' as popular, of as great authority, and be as much on men's lips, as the gospel? and if the gospel has not been able to penetrate from the lips to the heart, by piercing or surmounting the formidable barrier of self-interest, how can they expect that their system of morals is to work this miracle? what! is slavery then invulnerable? no; what has introduced it will destroy it, i mean self-interest; provided that, in favouring the special interests which have created this scourge, we do not run counter to the general interests from which we look for the remedy. it is one of the truths which political economy has demonstrated, that free labour is essentially progressive, and slave labour necessarily stationary. the triumph of the former, therefore, over the latter is inevitable. what has become of the culture of indigo by slave labour? free labour directed to the production of sugar will lower its price more and more, and slave property will become less and less valuable to the owners. slavery would long since have gone down of its own accord in america, if in europe our laws had not raised the price of sugar artificially. it is for this reason that we see the masters, their creditors, and their delegates working actively to maintain these laws, which are at present the pillars of the edifice. unfortunately, they still carry along with them the sympathies of those populations from among whom slavery has disappeared, and this again shows how powerful an agent public opinion is. if public opinion is sovereign, even in the region of force, it is very much more so in the region of craft [_ruse_], in truth, this is its true domain. cunning is the abuse of intelligence, and public opinion is the progress of intelligence. these two powers are at least of the same nature. imposture on the part of the spoliator implies credulity on the part of those despoiled, and the natural antidote to credulity is truth. hence it follows that to enlighten men's minds is to take away from this species of spoliation what supports and feeds it. i shall pass briefly in review some specimens of spoliation which are due to craft exercised on a very extensive scale. the first which presents itself is spoliation by priestcraft [_ruse thêocratique_]. what is the object in view? the object is to procure provisions, vestments, luxury, consideration, influence, power, by exchanging fictitious for real services. if i tell a man, "i am going to render you great and immediate services," i must keep my word, or this man will soon be in a situation to detect the imposture, and my artifice will be instantly unmasked. but if i say to him, "in exchange for your services i am going to render you immense service, not in this world, but in another; for after this life is ended, your being eternally happy or miserable depends upon me. i am an intermediate being between god and his creature, and i can, at my will, open the gates of heaven or of hell." if this man only believes me, i have him in my power. this species of imposture has been practised wholesale since the beginning of the world, and we know what plenitude of power was exercised by the egyptian priests. it is easy to discover how these impostors proceed. we have only to ask ourselves what we should do were we in their place. if i arrived among an ignorant tribe with views of this sort, and succeeded by some extraordinary and marvellous act to pass myself off for a supernatural being, i should give myself out for an envoy of god, and as possessing absolute control over the future destinies of man. then i should strictly forbid any inquiry into the validity of my titles and pretensions. i should do more. as reason would be my most dangerous antagonist, i should forbid the use of reason itself, unless applied to this formidable subject. in the language of the savages, i should _taboo_ this question and everything relating to it. to handle it, or even think of it, should be declared an unpardonable sin. it would be the very triumph of my art to guard with a _taboo_ barrier every intellectual avenue which could possibly lead to a discovery of my imposture; and what better security than to declare even doubt to be sacrilege? and still to this fundamental security i should add others. for example, effectually to prevent enlightenment ever reaching the masses, i should appropriate to myself and my accomplices the monopoly of all knowledge, which i would conceal under the veil of a dead language and hieroglyphic characters; and in order that i should never be exposed to any danger, i would take care to establish an institution which would enable me, day after day, to penetrate the secrets of all consciences. it would not be amiss that i should at the same time satisfy some of the real wants of my people, especially if, in doing so, i could increase my influence and authority. thus, as men have great need of instruction, and of being taught morals, i should constitute myself the dispenser of these. by this means i should direct as i saw best the minds and hearts of my people. i should establish an indissoluble connexion between morals and my authority. i should represent them as incapable of existing, except in this state of union; so that, if some bold man were to attempt to stir a tabooed question, society at large, which could not dispense with moral teaching, would feel the earth tremble under its feet, and would turn with rage against this frantic innovator. when things had come to this pass, it is obvious that the people would become my property in a stricter sense than if they were my slaves. the slave curses his chains--they would hug theirs; and i should thus succeed in imprinting the brand of servitude, not on their foreheads, but on their innermost consciences. public opinion alone can overturn such an edifice of iniquity; but where can it make a beginning, when every stone of the edifice is tabooed? it is obviously an affair of time and the printing-press. god forbid that i should desire to shake the consoling religious convictions which connect this life of trial with a life of felicity. but that our irresistible religious aspirations have been abused, is what no one, not even the head of the church himself, can deny. it appears to me that there is a sure test by which a people can discover whether they are duped or not. examine religion and the priest, in order to discover whether the priest is the instrument of religion, or whether religion is not rather the instrument of the priest. _if the priest is the instrument of religion_, if his sole care is to spread over the country morals and blessings, he will be gentle, tolerant, humble, charitable, full of zeal; his life will be a reflection of his divine model; he will preach liberty and equality among men, peace and fraternity between nations; he will repel the seductions of temporal power, desiring no alliance with what of all things in the world most requires to be kept in check; he will be a man of the people, a man of sound counsels, a man of consolation, a man of public opinion, a man of the gospel. if, on the contrary, _religion is the instrument of the priest_, he will treat it as we treat an instrument, which we alter, bend, and twist about in all directions, so as to make it available for the purpose we have in view. he will increase the number of questions which are tabooed; his morals will change with times, men, and circumstances. he will endeavour to impose upon people by gestures and studied attitudes; and will mumble a hundred times a day words, the meaning of which has evaporated, and which have come to be nothing better than a vain conventionalism. he will traffic in sacred things, but in such a way as not to shake men's faith in their sacredness; and he will take care, when he meets with acute, clear-sighted people, not to carry on this traffic so openly or actively as in other circumstances. he will mix himself up with worldly intrigues; and he will take the side of men in power, provided they embrace his side. in a word, in all his actions, we shall discover that his object is not to advance the cause of religion through the clergy, but the cause of the clergy through religion; and as so many efforts must have an object, and as this object, on our hypothesis, can be nothing else than wealth and power, the most incontestable sign of the people having been duped is that the priest has become rich and powerful. it is quite evident that a true religion may be abused as well as a false religion. the more respectable its authority is, the more is it to be feared that the proofs of that respectability will be pressed too far. but the results will be widely different. abuses have a tendency to excite the sound, enlightened, and independent portion of the population to rebellion. and it is a much more serious thing to shake public belief in a true than in a false religion. spoliation by such means, and the intelligence of a people, are always in an inverse ratio to each other; for it is of the nature of abuses to be carried as far only as safety permits. not that in the midst of the most ignorant people pure and devoted priests are never to be found; but the question is, how can we prevent a knave from assuming the cassock, and ambition from encircling his brow with a mitre? spoliators obey the malthusian law: they multiply as the means of existence increase; and a knave's means of existence is the credulity of his dupes. public opinion must be enlightened. there is no other remedy. another variety of spoliation by craft and artifice is to be found in what are called _commercial frauds_, an expression, as it appears to me, not sufficiently broad; for not only is the merchant who adulterates his commodities, or uses a false measure, guilty of fraud, but the physician who gets paid for bad advice, and the advocate who fans and encourages lawsuits. in an exchange between two services, one of them may be of bad quality; but here, the services received being stipulated for beforehand, spoliation must evidently recede before the advance of public enlightenment. next in order come abuses of _public services_--a vast field of spoliation, so vast that we can only glance at it. had man been created a solitary animal, each man would work for himself. individual wealth would, in that case, be in proportion to the services rendered by each man to himself. _but, man being a sociable animal, services are exchanged for other services_; a proposition which you may, if you choose, construe backwards [_à rebours_]. there exist in society wants so general, so universal, that its members provide for them by organizing public services. such, for example, is the need of security. we arrange, we club together, to remunerate by services of various kinds those who render us the service of watching over the general security. there is nothing which does not come within the domain of political economy. do this for me, and i will do that for you. the essence of the transaction is the same, the remunerative process alone is different; but this last is a circumstance of great importance. in ordinary transactions, each man is the judge, both of the service he receives and the service he renders. he can always refuse an exchange, or make it elsewhere; whence the necessity of bringing to market services which will be willingly accepted. it is not so in state matters, especially before the introduction of representative government. whether we have need of such services as the government furnishes or not, whether they are good or bad, we are forced always to accept them such as they are, and at the price at which the government estimates them. now it is the tendency of all men to see through the small end of the telescope the services which they render, and through the large end the services which they receive. in private transactions, then, we should be led a fine dance, if we were without the security afforded by _a price freely and openly bargained for_. now this guarantee we have either not at all or to a very limited extent in public transactions. and yet the government, composed of men (although at the present day they would persuade us that legislators are something more than men), obeys the universal tendency. the government desires to render us great service, to serve us more than we need, and to make us accept, as true services, services which are sometimes very far from being so, and to exact from us in return other services or contributions. in this way the state is also subject to the malthusian law. it tends to pass the level of its means of existence, it grows great in proportion to these means, and these means consist of the people's substance. woe, then, to those nations who are unable to set bounds to the action of the government! liberty, private enterprise, wealth, thrift, independence, all will be wanting in such circumstances. for there is one circumstance especially which it is very necessary to mark--it is this: among the services which we demand from the government, the principal one is security. to ensure this there is needed a force which is capable of overcoming all other forces, individual or collective, internal or external, which can be brought against it. combined with that unfortunate disposition, which we discover in men to live at other people's expense, there is here a danger which is self-evident. just consider on what an immense scale, as we learn from history, spoliation has been exercised through the abuse and excess of the powers of government. consider what services have been rendered to the people, and what services the public powers have exacted from them, among the assyrians, the babylonians, egyptians, romans, persians, turks, chinese, russians, english, spaniards, frenchmen. imagination is startled at the enormous disproportion. at length, representative government has been instituted, and we should have thought, _a priori_, that these disorders would have disappeared as if by enchantment. in fact, the principle of representative government is this: "the people themselves, by their representatives, are to decide on the nature and extent of the functions which they judge it right to regard as public services, and the amount of remuneration to be attached to such services." the tendency to appropriate the property of others, and the tendency to defend that property, being thus placed in opposite scales, we should have thought that the second would have outweighed the first. i am convinced that this is what must ultimately happen, but it has not happened hitherto. why? for two very simple reasons. governments have had too much, and the people too little, sagacity. governments are very skilful. they act with method and consistency, upon a plan well arranged, and constantly improved by tradition and experience. they study men, and their passions. if they discover, for example, that they are actuated by warlike impulses, they stimulate this fatal propensity, and add fuel to the flame. they surround the nation with dangers through the action of diplomacy, and then they very naturally demand more soldiers, more sailors, more arsenals and fortifications; sometimes they have not even to solicit these, but have them offered; and then they have rank, pensions, and places to distribute. to meet all this, large sums of money are needed, and taxes and loans are resorted to. if the nation is generous, government undertakes to cure all the ills of humanity; to revive trade, to make agriculture flourish, to develop manufactures, encourage arts and learning, extirpate poverty, etc., etc. all that requires to be done is to create offices, and pay functionaries. in short, the tactics consist in representing restraints as effective services; and the nation pays, not for services, but for disservices. governments, assuming gigantic proportions, end by eating up half the revenues they exact. and the people, wondering at being obliged to work so hard, after hearing of inventions which are to multiply products _ad infinitum_.... continue always the same overgrown children they were before. while the government displays so much skill and ability, the people display scarcely any. when called upon to elect those whose province it is to determine the sphere and remuneration of governmental action, whom do they choose? the agents of the government. thus, they confer on the executive the power of fixing the limits of its own operations and exactions. they act like the _bourgeois gentilhomme_, who, in place of himself deciding on the number and cut of his coats, referred the whole thing--to his tailor. and when matters have thus gone on from bad to worse, the people at length have their eyes opened, not to the remedy--(they have not got that length yet)--but to the evil. to govern is so agreeable a business, that every one aspires to it. the counsellors of the people never cease telling them: we see your sufferings, and deplore them. it would be very different if we governed you. in the meantime, and sometimes for a long period, there are rebellions and _émeutes_. when the people are vanquished, the expense of the war only adds to their burdens. when they are victorious, the _personnel_ of the government is changed, and the abuses remain unreformed. and this state of things will continue until the people shall learn to know and defend their true interests--so that we always come back to this, that there is no resource but in the progress of public intelligence. certain nations seem marvellously disposed to become the prey of government spoliation; those especially where the people, losing sight of their own dignity and their own energy, think themselves undone if they are not _governed and controlled_ in everything. without having travelled very much, i have seen countries where it is believed that agriculture can make no progress unless experimental farms are maintained by the government; that there would soon be no horses but for the state _haras_; and that fathers of families would either not educate their children, or have them taught immorality, if the state did not prescribe the course of education, etc., etc. in such a country, revolutions succeed each other, and the governing powers are changed in rapid succession. but the governed continue nevertheless to be governed on the principle of mercy and compassion (for the tendency which i am here exposing is the very food upon which governments live), until at length the people perceive that it is better to leave the greatest possible number of services in the category of those which the parties interested exchange at _a price fixed by free and open bargaining_. we have seen that an exchange of services constitutes society; and it must be an exchange of good and loyal services. but we have shown also that men have a strong interest, and consequently an irresistible bent, to exaggerate the relative value of the services which they render. and, in truth, i can perceive no other cure for this evil but the free acceptance or the free refusal of those to whom these services are offered. whence it happens that certain men have recourse to the law in order that it may control this freedom in certain branches of industry. this kind of spoliation is called privilege or monopoly. mark well its origin and character. everybody knows that the services which he brings to the general market are appreciated and remunerated in proportion to their rarity. the intervention of law is invoked to drive out of the market all those who come to offer analogous services; or, which comes to the same thing, if the assistance of an instrument or a machine is necessary to enable such services to be rendered, the law interposes to give exclusive possession of it. this variety of spoliation being the principal subject of the present volume, i shall not enlarge upon it in this place, but content myself with one remark. when monopoly is an isolated fact, it never fails to enrich the man who is invested with it. it may happen, then, that other classes of producers, in place of waiting for the downfall of this monopoly, demand for themselves similar monopolies. this species of spoliation, thus erected into a system, becomes the most ridiculous of mystifications for everybody; and the ultimate result is, that each man believes himself to be deriving greater profit from a market which is impoverished by all. it is unnecessary to add, that this strange _régime_ introduces a universal antagonism among all classes, all professions, and all nations; that it calls for the interposition (constant, but always uncertain) of government action; that it gives rise to all the abuses we have enumerated; that it places all branches of industry in a state of hopeless insecurity; and that it accustoms men to rely upon the law, and not upon themselves, for their means of subsistence. it would be difficult to imagine a more active cause of social perturbation. but it may be said, why make use of this ugly term, spoliation? it is coarse, it wounds, irritates, and turns against you all calm and moderate men--it envenoms the controversy. to speak plainly, i respect the persons, and i believe in the sincerity of nearly all the partisans of protection; i claim no right to call in question the personal probity, the delicacy, the philanthropy, of any one whatsoever. i again repeat that protection is the fruit, the fatal fruit, of a common error, of which everybody, or at least the majority of men, are at once the victims and the accomplices. but with all this i cannot prevent things being as they are. figure diogenes putting his head out of his tub, and saying, "athenians, you are served by slaves. has it never occurred to you, that you thereby exercise over your brethren the most iniquitous species of spoliation?" or, again, figure a tribune speaking thus in the forum: "romans, you derive all your means of existence from the pillage of all nations in succession." justification. in saying so, they would only speak undoubted truth. but are we to conclude from this that athens and rome were inhabited only by bad and dishonest people, and hold in contempt socrates and plato, cato and cincinnatus? who could entertain for a moment any such thought? but these great men lived in a social medium which took away all consciousness of injustice. we know that aristotle could not even realize the idea of any society existing without slavery. slavery in modern times has existed down to our own day without exciting many scruples in the minds of planters. armies serve as the instruments of great conquests, that is to say, of great spoliations. but that is not to say that they do not contain multitudes of soldiers and officers personally of as delicate feelings as are usually to be found in industrial careers, if not indeed more so; men who would blush at the very thought of anything dishonest, and would face a thousand deaths rather than stoop to any meanness. we must not blame individuals, but rather the general movement which carries them along, and blinds them to the real state of the case; a movement for which society at large is responsible. the same thing holds of monopoly. i blame the system, and not individuals--society at large, and not individual members of society. if the greatest philosophers have been unable to discover the iniquity of slavery, how much more easily may agriculturists and manufacturers have been led to take a wrong view of the nature and effects of a system of restriction! ii. two principles of morality. having reached, if he has reached, the end of the last chapter, i fancy i hear the reader exclaim: "well, are we wrong in reproaching economists with being dry and cold? what a picture of human nature! what! is spoliation, then, to be regarded as an inevitable, almost normal, force, assuming all forms, at work under all pretexts, by law and without law, jobbing and abusing things the most sacred, working on feebleness and credulity by turns, and making progress just in proportion as these are prevalent! is there in the world a more melancholy picture than this?" the question is not whether the picture be melancholy, but whether it is true. history will tell us. it is singular enough that those who decry political economy (or _economisme_, as they are pleased to call it), because that science studies man and the world as they are, are themselves much further advanced in pessimism, at least as regards the past and the present, than the economists whom they disparage. open their books and their journals; and what do you find? bitterness, hatred of society, carried to such a pitch that the very word civilization is in their eyes the synonym of injustice, dis-order, and anarchy. they go the length even of denouncing liberty, so little confidence have they in the development of the human race as the natural result of its organization. liberty! it is liberty, as they think, which is impelling us nearer and nearer to ruin. true, these writers are optimists in reference to the future. for if the human race, left to itself, has pursued a wrong road for six thousand years, a discoverer has appeared, who has pointed out the true way of safety; and however little the flock may regard the pastor's crook, they will be infallibly led towards the promised land, where happiness, without any effort on their part, awaits them, and where order, security, and harmony are the cheap reward of improvidence. the human race have only to consent to these reformers changing (to use rousseau's expression) _its physical and moral constitution_. it is not the business of political economy to inquire what society might have become had god made man otherwise than he has been pleased to make him. it may perhaps be a subject of regret that in the beginning, providence should have forgotten to call to its counsels some of our modern _organisateurs_. and as the celestial mechanism would have been very differently constructed had the creator consulted alphonsus the wise, in the same way had he only taken the advice of fourrier, the social order would have had no resemblance to that in which we are forced to breathe, live, and move. but since we are here--since _in eo vivimus, movemur, et minus_--all we have to do is to study and make ourselves acquainted with the laws of the social order in which we find ourselves, especially if its amelioration depends essentially on our knowledge of these laws. we cannot prevent the human heart from being the seat of insatiable desires. we cannot so order it that these desires should be satisfied without labour. we cannot so order it that man should not have as much repugnance to labour as desire for enjoyment. we cannot so order it that from this organization there should not result a perpetual effort on the part of certain men to increase their own share of enjoyments at the expense of others; throwing over upon them, by force or cunning, the labour and exertion which are the necessary condition of such enjoyments being obtained. it is not for us to go in the face of universal history, or stifle the voice of the past, which tells us that such has been the state of things from the beginning. we cannot deny that war, slavery, thraldom, priestcraft, government abuses, privileges, frauds of every kind, and monopolies, have been the incontestable and terrible manifestations of these two sentiments combined in the heart of man--_desire of enjoyments, and repugnance to fatigue_. _in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread_. yes, but every one desires to have the greatest possible quantity of bread, with the least possible amount of sweat. such is the testimony of history. but let us be thankful that history also shows us that the diffusion of enjoyments and of efforts has a tendency to become more and more equal among men. unless we shut our eyes to the light of the sun, we must admit that society has in this respect made progress. if this be so, there must be in society a natural and providential force, a law which repels more and more the principle of dishonesty, and realizes more and more the principle of justice. we maintain that this force exists in society, and that god has placed it there. if it did not exist, we should be reduced, like utopian dreamers, to seek for it in artificial arrangements, in arrangements which imply a previous alteration in the physical and moral constitution of man; or rather, we should conclude that the search was useless and vain, for the simple reason that we cannot understand the action of a lever without its fulcrum. let us try, then, to describe the beneficent force which tends gradually to surmount the mischievous and injurious force to which we have given the name of spoliation, and the presence of which is only too well explained by reasoning, and established by experience. every injurious or hurtful act has necessarily two terms: the point whence it comes, and the point to which it tends--the _terminus a quo, and the terminus ad quern_--the man who acts, and the man acted upon; or, in the language of the schoolmen, the _agent and the patient_. we may be protected, then, from an injurious act in two ways: by the voluntary abstention of the agent; or by the resistance of the patient. these two moral principles, far from running counter to each other, concur in their action, namely, the religious or philosophical moral principle, and the moral principle which i shall venture to term economic. the religious moral principle, in order to ensure the suppression of an injurious act, addresses its author, addresses man in his capacity of agent, and says to him: "amend your life; purify your conduct; cease to do evil; learn to do well; subdue your passions; sacrifice self-interest; oppress not your neighbour, whom it is your duty to love and assist; first of all, be just, and be charitable afterwards." this species of moral principle will always be esteemed the most beautiful and touching, that which best displays the human race in its native majesty, which will be most extolled by the eloquent, and call forth the greatest amount of admiration and sympathy. the economic moral principle aspires at attaining the same result; but addresses man more especially in the capacity of patient. it points out to him the effects of human actions, and by that simple explanation, stimulates him to react against those who injure him, and honour those who are useful to him. it strives to disseminate among the oppressed masses enough of good sense, information, and well-founded distrust, to render oppression more and more difficult and dangerous. we must remark, too, that the economic principle of morality does not fail to act likewise on the oppressor. an injurious act is productive of both good and evil; evil for the man who is subject to it, and good for the man who avails himself of it; without which indeed it would not have been thought of. but the good and the evil are far from compensating each other. the sum total of evil always and necessarily preponderates over the good; because the very fact that oppression is present entails a loss of power, creates dangers, provokes reprisals, and renders, costly precautions necessary. the simple explanation of these effects, then, not only provokes reaction on the part of the oppressed, but brings over to the side of justice all whose hearts are not perverted, and disturbs the security of the oppressors themselves. but it is easy to understand that this economic principle of morality, which is rather virtual than formal; which is only, after all, a scientific demonstration, which would lose its efficacy if it changed its character; which addresses itself not to the heart, but to the intellect; which aims at convincing rather than persuading; which does not give advice, but furnishes proofs; whose mission is not to touch the feelings, but enlighten the judgment, which obtains over vice no other victory than that of depriving it of support; it is easy, i say, to understand why this principle of morality should be accused of being dry and prosaic. the reproach is well founded in itself, without being just in its application. it just amounts to saying that political economy does not discuss everything, that it does not comprehend everything--that it is not, in short, universal science. but who ever claimed for it this character, or put forward on its behalf so exorbitant a pretension? the accusation would be well founded only if political economy presented its processes as exclusive, and had the presumption, if we may so speak, to deny to philosophy and religion their own proper and peculiar means of working for the cultivation and improvement of man. let us admit, then, the simultaneous action of morality, properly so called, and of political economy; the one branding the injurious act in its motive, and exposing its unseemliness, the other discrediting it in our judgment, by a picture of its effects. let us admit even that the triumph of the religious moralist, when achieved, is more beautiful, more consoling, more fundamental but we must at the same time acknowledge that the triumph of the economist is more easy and more certain. in a few lines, which are worth many large volumes, j. b. say has said that, to put an end to the disorder introduced into an honourable family by hypocrisy there are only two alternatives: to _reform tartuffe, or sharpen the wits of orgon_. molière, that great painter of the human heart, appears constantly to have regarded the second of these processes as the more efficacious. it is the same thing in real life, and on the stage of the world. tell me what cæsar did, and i will tell you what the character was of the romans of his time. tell me what modern diplomacy accomplishes, and i will tell you what is the moral condition of the nations among whom it is exercised. we should not be paying nearly two milliards [£80,000,000 sterling] of taxes, if we did not empower those who live upon them to vote them. we should not have been landed in all the difficulties and charges to which the african question has given rise, had we had our eyes open to the fact that _two and two make four, in political economy, as well as in arithmetic_. m. guizot would not have felt himself authorized to say that _france is rich enough to pay for her glory_, if france had never been smitten with the love of false glory. the same statesman would never have ventured to say that liberty is too precious a thing for france to stand higgling about its price, had france only reflected that a _heavy budget and liberty are incompatible_. it is not by monopolists, but by their victims, that monopolies are maintained. in the matter of elections, it is not because there are parties who offer bribes that there are parties open to receive them, but the contrary; and the proof of this is, that it is the parties who receive the bribes who, in the long run, defray the cost of corruption. is it not their business to put an end to the practice? let the religious principle of morality, if it can, touch the hearts of the tartuffes, the cæsars, the planters of colonies, the sinecurists, the monopolists, etc. the clear duty of political economy is to enlighten their dupes. of these two processes, which exercises the more efficacious influence on social progress? i feel it almost unnecessary to say, that i believe it is the second; and i fear we can never exempt mankind from the necessity of learning first of all _defensive morality_. after all i have heard and read and observed, i have never yet met with an instance of an abuse which had been in operation on a somewhat extensive scale, put an end to by the voluntary renunciation of those who profit by it. on the other hand, i have seen many abuses put down by the determined resistance of those who suffered from them. to expose the effects of abuses, then, is the surest means of putting an end to them. and this holds especially true of abuses like the policy of restriction, which, whilst inflicting real evils on the masses, are productive of nothing to those who imagine they profit by them but illusion and deception! after all, can the kind of morality we are advocating of itself enable us to realize all that social perfection which the sympathetic nature of the soul of man and its noble faculties authorize us to look forward to and hope for? i am far from saying so. assume the complete diffusion of defensive morality, it resolves itself simply into the conviction that men's interests, rightly understood, are always in accord with justice and general utility. such a society, although certainly well ordered, would not be very attractive. there would be fewer cheats simply because there would be fewer dupes. vice always lurking in the background, and starved, so to speak, for want of support, would revive the moment that support was restored to it. the prudence of each would be enforced by the vigilance of all; and reform, confining itself to the regulation of external acts, and never going deeper than the skin, would fail to penetrate men's hearts and consciences. such a society would remind us of one of those exact, rigorous, and just men, who are ready to resent the slightest invasion of their rights, and to defend themselves on all sides from attacks. you esteem them; you perhaps admire them; you would elect them as deputies; but you would never make them your friends. but the two principles of morality i have described, instead of running counter to each other, work in concert, attacking vice from opposite directions. whilst the economists are doing their part, sharpening the wits of the orgons, eradicating prejudices, exciting just and necessary distrust, studying and explaining the true nature of things and of actions, let the religious moralist accomplish on his side his more attractive, although more difficult, labours. let him attack dishonesty in a hand-to-hand fight; let him pursue it into the most secret recesses of the heart; let him paint in glowing colours the charms of beneficence, of self-sacrifice, of devotion; let him open up the fountains of virtue, where we can only dry up the fountains of vice. this is his duty, and a noble duty it is. but why should he contest the utility of the duty which has devolved upon us? in a society which, without being personally and individually virtuous, would nevertheless be well ordered through the action of the economic principle of morality (which means a knowledge of the economy of the social body), would not an opening be made for the work of the religious moralist? habit, it is said, is a second nature. a country might still be unhappy, although for a long time each man may have been unused to injustice through the continued resistance of an enlightened public. but such a country, it seems to me, would be well prepared to receive a system of teaching more pure and elevated. we get a considerable way on the road to good, when we become unused to evil. men can never remain stationary. diverted from the path of vice, feeling that it leads only to infamy, they would feel so much the more sensibly the attractions of virtue. society must perhaps pass through this prosaic state of transition, in which men practise virtue from motives of prudence, in order to rise afterwards to that fairer and more poetic region where such calculating motives are no longer wanted. iii. the two hatchets. _petition of jacques bonhomme, carpenter, to m. cunin-gridaine, minister of commerce_. monsieur le fabricant-ministre, i am a carpenter to trade, as was st joseph of old; and i handle the hatchet and adze, for your benefit. now, while engaged in hewing and chopping from morning to night upon the lands of our lord the king, the idea has struck me that my labour may be regarded as _national_, as well as yours. and, in these circumstances, i cannot see why protection should not visit my woodyard as well as your workshop. for, sooth to say, if you make cloths i make roofs; and both, in their own way, shelter our customers from cold and from rain. and yet i run after customers; and customers run after you. you have found out the way of securing them by hindering them from supplying themselves elsewhere, while mine apply to whomsoever they think proper. what is astonishing in all this? monsieur cunin, the minister of state, has not forgotten m. cunin, the manufacturer--all quite natural. but, alas! my humble trade has not given a minister to france, although practised, in scripture times, by far more august personages. and in the immortal code which i find embodied in scripture, i cannot discover the slightest expression which could be quoted by carpenters, as authorizing them to enrich themselves at the expense of other people. you see, then, how i am situated. i earn fifteen pence a day, when it is not sunday or holiday. i offer you my services at the same time as a flemish carpenter offers you his, and, because he abates a halfpenny, you give him the preference. but i desire to clothe myself; and if a belgian weaver presents his cloth alongside of yours, you drive him and his cloth out of the country. so that, being forced to frequent your shop, although the dearest, my poor fifteen pence go no further in reality than fourteen. nay, they are not worth more than thirteen! for in place of expelling the belgian weaver at your own cost (which was the least you could do), you, for your own ends, make me pay for the people you set at his heels. and as a great number of your co-legislators, with whom you are on a marvellously good footing, take each a halfpenny or a penny, under pretext of protecting iron, or coal, or oil, or corn, i find, when everything is taken into account, that of my fifteen pence, i have only been able to save seven pence or eight pence from pillage. you will no doubt tell me that these small halfpence, which pass in this way from my pocket to yours, maintain workpeople who reside around your castle, and enable you to live in a style of magnificence. to which i will only reply, that if the pence had been left with me, the person who earned them, they would have maintained workpeople in my neighbourhood. be this as it may, monsieur le ministre-fabricant, knowing that i should be but ill received by you, i have not come to require you, as i had good right to do, to withdraw the restriction which you impose on your customers. i prefer following the ordinary course, and i approach you to solicit a little bit of protection for myself. here, of course, you will interpose a difficulty. "my good friend," you will say, "i would protect you and your fellow-workmen with all my heart; but how can i confer customhouse favours on carpenter-work? what use would it be to prohibit the importation of houses by sea or by land?" that would be a good joke, to be sure; but, by dint of thinking, i have discovered another mode of favouring the children of st joseph; which you will welcome the more willingly, i hope, as it differs in nothing from that which constitutes the privilege which you vote year after year in your own favour. the means of favouring us, which i have thus marvellously discovered, is to prohibit the use of sharp axes in this country. i maintain that such a restriction would not be in the least more illogical or more arbitrary than the one to which you subject us in the case of your cloth. why do you drive away the belgians? because they sell cheaper than you. and why do they sell cheaper than you? because they have a certain degree of superiority over you as manufacturers. between you and a belgian, therefore, there is exactly the same difference as in my trade there would be between a blunt and a sharp axe. and you force me, as a tradesman, to purchase from you the product of the blunt hatchet? regard the country at large as a workman who desires, by his labour, to procure all things he has want of, and, among others, cloth. there are two means of effecting this. the first is to spin and weave the wool. the second is to produce other articles, as, for example, french clocks, paper-hangings, or wines, and exchange them with the belgians for the cloth wanted. of these two processes, the one which gives the best result may be represented by the sharp axe, and the other by the blunt one. you do not deny that at present, in france, we obtain a piece of stuff by the work of our own looms (that is the blunt axe) _with more labour_ than by producing and exchanging wines (that is the sharp axe). so far are you from denying this, that it is precisely because of this _excess of labour_ (in which you make wealth to consist) that you recommend, nay, that you _compel_ the employment of the worse of the two hatchets. now, only be consistent, be impartial, and if you mean to be just, treat the poor carpenters as you treat yourselves. pass a law to this effect: "_no one shall henceforth be permitted to employ any beams or rafters, but such as are produced and fashioned by blunt hatchets_." and see what will immediately happen. whereas at present we give a hundred blows of the axe, we shall then give three hundred. the work which we now do in an hour will then require three hours. what a powerful encouragement will thus be given to labour! masters, journeymen, apprentices! our sufferings are now at an end. we shall be in demand; and, therefore, well paid. whoever shall henceforth desire to have a roof to cover him must comply with our exactions, just as at present whoever desires clothes to his back must comply with yours. and should the theoretical advocates of free trade ever dare to call in question the utility of the measure, we know well where to seek for reasons to confute them your inquiry of 1834 is still to be had. with that weapon, we shall conquer; for you have there admirably pleaded the cause of restriction, and of blunt axes, which are in reality the same thing. iv. lower council of labour. "what! you have the face to demand for all citizens a right to sell, buy, barter, and exchange; to render and receive service for service, and to judge for themselves, on the single condition that they do all honestly, and comply with the demands of the public treasury? then you simply desire to deprive our workmen of employment, of wages, and of bread?" this is what is said to us. i know very well what to think of it; but what i wish to know is, what the workmen themselves think of it. i have at hand an excellent instrument of inquiry. not those upper councils of industry, where extensive proprietors who call themselves labourers, rich shipowners who call themselves sailors, and wealthy shareholders who pass themselves off for workmen, turn their philanthropy to account in a way which we all know. no; it is with workmen, who are workmen in reality, that we have to do--joiners, carpenters, masons, tailors, shoemakers, dyers, blacksmiths, innkeepers, grocers, etc., etc.,--and who, in my village, have founded a friendly society. i have transformed this friendly society, at my own hand, into a lower council of labour, and instituted an inquiry which will be found of great importance, although it is not crammed with figures, or inflated to the bulk of a quarto volume, printed at the expense of the state. my object was to interrogate these plain, simple people as to the manner in which they are, or believe themselves to be, affected by the policy of protection. the president pointed out that this would be infringing to some extent on the fundamental conditions of the association. for in france, this land of liberty, people who associate give up their right to talk politics--in other words, their right to discuss their common interests. however, after some hesitation, he agreed to include the question in the order of the day. they divided the assembly into as many committees as there were groups of distinct trades, and delivered to each committee a schedule to be filled up after fifteen days' deliberation. on the day fixed, the worthy president (we adopt the official style) took the chair, and there were laid upon the table (still the official style) fifteen reports, which he read in succession. the first which was taken into consideration was that of the tailors. here is an exact and literal copy of it:-effects of protection.--report of the tailors. inconveniences. 1st, in consequence of the policy of protection, we pay dearer for bread, meat, sugar, firewood, thread, needles, etc., which is equivalent in our case to a considerable reduction of wages. 2d, in consequence of the policy of 'protection, our customers also pay dearer for everything, and this leaves them less to spend upon clothing; whence it follows that we have less employment, and, consequently, smaller returns. 3d, in consequence of the policy of protection, the stuffs which we make up are dear, and people on that account wear their clothes longer, or dispense with part of them. this, again, is equivalent to a diminution of employment, and forces us to offer our services at a lower rate of remuneration. advantages. none. note.--after all our inquiries, deliberations, and discussions, we have been quite unable to discover that in any respect whatever the policy of protection has been of advantage to our trade. here is another report:-effects of protection.--report of the blacksmiths. inconveniences. 1st, the policy of protection imposes a tax upon us every time we eat, drink, or warm or clothe ourselves, and this tax does not go to the treasury. 2d, it imposes a like tax upon all our fellow-citizens who are not of our trade, and they, being so much the poorer, have recourse to cheap substitutes for our work, which deprives us of the employment we should otherwise have had. none. 3d, it keeps up iron at so high a price, that it is not employed in the country for ploughs, grates, gates, balconies, etc.; and our trade, which might furnish employment to so many other people who are in want of it, no longer furnishes employment to ourselves. 4th, the revenue which the treasury fails to obtain from commodities which are not imported is levied upon the salt we use, postages, etc. all the other reports (with which it is unnecessary to trouble the reader) are to the same tune. gardeners, carpenters, shoemakers, clogmakers, boatmen, millers, all give vent to the same complaints. i regret that there are no agricultural labourers in our association. their report would assuredly have been very instructive. but, alas! in our country of the landes, the poor labourers, protected though they be, have not the means of joining an association, and, having insured their cattle, they find they cannot themselves become members of a friendly society. the boon of protection does not hinder them from being the parias of our social order. what shall i say of the vine-dressers? what i remark, especially, is the good sense displayed by our villagers in perceiving not only the direct injury which the policy of protection does them, but the indirect injury, which, although in the first instance affecting their customers, falls back, _par ricochet_, upon themselves. this is what the economists of the _moniteur industriel_ do not appear to understand. and perhaps those men whose eyes a dash of protection has fascinated, especially our agriculturists, would be willing to give it up, if they were enabled to see this side of the question. in that case they might perhaps say to themselves, "better far to be self-supported in the midst of a set of customers in easy circumstances, than to be protected in the midst of an impoverished clientèle." for to desire to enrich by turns each separate branch of industry by creating a void round each in succession, is as vain an attempt as it would be for a man to try to leap over his own shadow. v. dearness-cheapness. i think it necessary to submit to the reader some theoretical remarks on the illusions to which the words dearness and cheapness give rise. at first sight, these remarks may, i feel, be regarded as subtle, but the question is not whether they are subtle or the reverse, but whether they are true. now, i not only believe them to be perfectly true, but to be well fitted to suggest matter of reflection to men (of whom there are not a few) who have sincere faith in the efficacy of a protectionist policy. the advocates of liberty and the defenders of restriction are both obliged to employ the expressions, dearness, cheapness. the former declare themselves in favour of cheapness with a view to the interest of the consumer; the latter pronounce in favour of dearness, having regard especially to the interest of the producer. others content themselves with saying, the producer and consumer are one and the same person; which leaves undecided the question whether the law should promote cheapness or dearness. in the midst of this conflict, it would seem that the law has only one course to follow, and that is to allow prices to settle and adjust themselves naturally. but then we are attacked by the bitter enemies of _laissez faire_. at all hazards they want the law to interfere, without knowing or caring in what direction. and yet it lies with those who desire to create by legal intervention an artificial dearness or an unnatural cheapness, to explain the grounds of their preference. the _onus probandi_ rests upon them exclusively. liberty is always esteemed good, till the contrary is proved; and to allow prices to settle and adjust themselves naturally, is liberty. but the parties to this dispute have changed positions. the advocates of dearness have secured the triumph of their system, and it lies with the defenders of natural prices to prove the goodness of their cause. on both sides, the argument turns on two words; and it is therefore very essential to ascertain what these two words really mean. but we must first of all notice a series of facts which are fitted to disconcert the champions of both camps. to engender dearness, the restrictionists have obtained protective duties, and a cheapness, which is to them inexplicable, has come to deceive their hopes. to create cheapness, the free-traders have occasionally succeeded in securing liberty, and, to their astonishment, an elevation of prices has been the consequence. for example, in france, in order to favour agriculture, a duty of 22 per cent has been imposed on foreign wool, and it has turned out that french wool has been sold at a lower price after the measure than before it. in england, to satisfy the consumer, they lowered, and ultimately removed, the duty on foreign wool; and it has come to pass that in that country the price of wool is higher than ever. and these are not isolated facts; for the price of wool is governed by precisely the same laws which govern the price of everything else. the same result is produced in all analogous cases. contrary to expectation, protection has, to some extent, brought about a fall, and competition, to some extent, a rise of prices. when the confusion of ideas thence arising had reached its height, the protectionists began saying to their adversaries, "it is our system which brings about the cheapness of which you boast so much." to which the reply was, "it is liberty which has induced the dearness which you find so useful."* at this rate, would it not be amusing to see cheapness become the watch-word of the rue hauteville, and dearness the watchword of the rue choiseul? evidently there is in all this a misconception, an illusion, which it is necessary to clear up; and this is what i shall now endeavour to do. put the case of two isolated nations, each composed of a million of inhabitants. grant that, _coteris paribus_, the one possesses double the quantity of everything,--corn, meat, iron, furniture, fuel, books, clothing, etc.,--which the other possesses. it will be granted that the one is twice as rich as the other. and yet there is no reason to affirm that a difference in _actual money prices_** exists in the two countries. nominal prices may perhaps be higher in the richer country. it may be that in the united states everything is nominally dearer than in poland, and that the population of the former country should, nevertheless, be better provided with all that they need; whence we infer that it is not the nominal price of products, but their comparative abundance, which constitutes wealth. when, then, we desire to pronounce an opinion on the comparative merits of restriction and free-trade, we should not inquire which of the two systems engenders dearness or cheapness, but which of the two brings abundance or scarcity. * recently, m. duchâtel, who had formerly advocated free trade, with a view to low prices, said to the chamber: it would not be difficult for me to prove that protection leads to cheapness. **the expression, _prix absolus_ (absolute prices), which the author employs here and in chap. xi. of the first series (ante), is not, i think, used by english economists, and from the context in both instances i take it to mean _actual money prices;_ or what adam smith terms _nominal prices_,- translator. for, observe this, that products being exchanged for each other, a relative scarcity of all, and a relative abundance of all, leave the nominal prices of commodities in general at the same point; but this cannot be affirmed of the relative condition of the inhabitants of the two countries. let us dip a little deeper still into this subject. when we see an increase and a reduction of duties produce effects so different from what we had expected, depreciation often following taxation, and enhancement following free trade, it becomes the imperative duty of political economy to seek an explanation of phenomena so much opposed to received ideas; for it is needless to say that a science, if it is worthy of the name, is nothing else than a faithful statement and a sound explanation of facts. now the phenomenon we are here examining is explained very satisfactorily by a circumstance of which we must never lose sight. dearness is due to two causes, and not to one only. the same thing holds of cheapness. it is one of the least disputed points in political economy that price is determined by the relative state of supply and demand. there are then two terms which affect price--supply and demand. these terms are essentially variable. they may be combined in the same direction, in contrary directions, and in infinitely varied proportions. hence the combinations of which price is the result are inexhaustible. high price may be the result, either of diminished supply, or of increased demand. low price may be the result of increased supply, or of diminished demand. hence there are two kinds of dearness, and two kinds of cheapness. there is a _dearness_ of an injurious kind, that which proceeds from a diminution of supply, for that implies scarcity, privation (such as has been felt this year* from the scarcity of corn); and there is a dearness of a beneficial kind, that which results from an increase of demand, for the latter presupposes the development of general wealth. * this was written in 1847.--translator. in the same way, there is a _cheapness_ which is desirable, that which has its source in abundance; and an injurious cheapness, that has for its cause the failure of demand, and the impoverishment of consumers. now, be pleased to remark this; that restriction tends to induce, at the same time, both the injurious cause of dearness, and the injurious cause of cheapness: injurious dearness, by diminishing the supply, for this is the avowed object of restriction; and injurious cheapness, by diminishing also the demand; seeing that it gives a false direction to labour and capital, and fetters consumers with taxes and trammels. so that, as regards price, these two tendencies neutralize each other; and this is the reason why the restrictive system, restraining, as it does, demand and supply at one and the same time, does not in the long run realize even that dearness which is its object. but, as regards the condition of the population, these causes do not at all neutralize each other; on the contrary, they concur in making it worse. the effect of freedom of trade is exactly the opposite. in its general result, it may be that it does not realize the cheapness it promises; for it has two tendencies, one towards desirable cheapness through the extension of supply, or abundance; the other towards appreciable dearness by the development of demand, or general wealth. these two tendencies neutralize each other in what concerns nominal price, but they concur in what regards the material prosperity of the population. in short, under the restrictive system, in as far as it is operative, men recede towards a state of things, in which both demand and supply are enfeebled. under a system of freedom, they progress towards a state of things in which both are developed simultaneously, and without necessarily affecting nominal prices. such prices form no good criterion of wealth. they may remain the same whilst society is falling into a state of the most abject poverty, or whilst it is advancing towards a state of the greatest prosperity. we shall now, in a few words, show the practical application of this doctrine. a cultivator of the south of france believes himself to be very rich, because he is protected by duties from external competition. he may be as poor as job; but he nevertheless imagines that sooner or later he will get rich by protection. in these circumstances, if we ask him the question which was put by the odier committee in these words,-"do you desire--yes or no--to be subject to foreign competition?" his first impulse is to answer "no," and the odier committee proudly welcome his response. however, we must go a little deeper into the matter. unquestionably, foreign competition--nay, competition in general--is always troublesome; and if one branch of trade alone could get quit of it, that branch of trade would for some time profit largely. but protection is not an isolated favour; it is a system. if, to the profit of the agriculturist, protection tends to create a scarcity of corn and of meat, it tends likewise to create, to the profit of other industries, a scarcity of iron, of cloth, of fuel, tools, etc.,--a scarcity, in short, of everything. now, if a scarcity of corn tends to enhance its price through a diminution of supply, the scarcity of all other commodities for which corn is exchanged tends to reduce the price of corn by a diminution of demand, so that it is not at all certain that ultimately corn will be a penny dearer than it would have been under a system of free trade. there is nothing certain in the whole process but this--that as there is upon the whole less of every commodity in the country, each man will be less plentifully provided with everything he has occasion to buy. the agriculturist should ask himself whether it would not be more for his interest that a certain quantity of corn and cattle should be imported from abroad, and that he should at the same time find himself surrounded by a population in easy circumstances, able and willing to consume and pay for all sorts of agricultural produce. suppose a department in which the people are clothed in rags, fed upon chesnuts, and lodged in hovels. how can agriculture flourish in such a locality? what can the soil be made to produce with a well-founded expectation of fair remuneration? meat? the people do not eat it. milk? they must content themselves with water. butter? it is regarded as a luxury. wool? the use of it is dispensed with as much as possible. does any one imagine that all the ordinary objects of consumption can thus be put beyond the reach of the masses, without tending to lower prices as much as protection is tending to raise them? what has been said of the agriculturist holds equally true of the manufacturer. our manufacturers of cloth assure us that external competition will lower prices by increasing the supply. granted; but will not these prices be again raised by an increased demand? is the consumption of cloth a fixed and invariable quantity? has every man as much of it as he would wish to have? and if general wealth is advanced and developed by the abolition of all these taxes and restrictions, will the first use to which this emancipation is turned by the population not be to dress better? the question,--the constantly-recurring question,--then, is not to find out whether protection is favourable to any one special branch of industry, but whether, when everything is weighed, balanced, and taken into account, restriction is, in its own nature, more productive than liberty. now, no one will venture to maintain this. on the contrary, we are perpetually met with the admission, "you are right in principle." if it be so, if restriction confers no benefit on individual branches of industry without doing a greater amount of injury to general wealth, we are forced to conclude that actual money prices, considered by themselves, only express a relation between each special branch of industry and industry in general, between supply and demand; and that, on this account, a remunerative price, which is the professed object of protection, is rather injured than favoured by the system. supplement.* * what follows appeared in the _libre échange_ of 1st august 1847.--editor. the article which we have published under the title of dearness, cheapness, has brought us several letters. we give them, along with our replies:-mr editor,--you upset all our ideas. i endeavoured to aid the cause of free trade, and found it necessary to urge the consideration of cheapness. i went about everywhere, saying, "when freedom of trade is accorded, bread, meat, cloth, linen, iron, fuel, will go on falling in price." this displeased those who sell, but gave great pleasure to those who buy these commodities. and now you throw out doubts as to whether free trade will bring us cheapness or not. what, then, is to be gained by it? what gain will it be to the people if foreign competition, which may damage their sales, does not benefit them in their purchases? mr free-trader,--allow us to tell you that you must have read only half the article which has called forth your letter. we said that free trade acts exactly in the same way as roads, canals, railways, and everything else which facilitates communication by removing obstacles. its first tendency is to increase the supply of the commodity freed from duty, and consequently to lower its price. but by augmenting at the same time the supply of all other commodities for which this article is exchanged, it increases the demand, and the price by this means rises again. you ask what gain this would be to the people? suppose a balance with several scales, in each of which is deposited a certain quantity of the articles you have enumerated. if you add to the corn in one scale it will tend to fall; but if you add a little cloth, a little iron, a little fuel, to what the other scales contained, you will redress the equilibrium. if you look only at the beam, you will find nothing changed. but if you look at the people for whose use these articles are produced, you will find them better fed, clothed, and warmed. mr editor,--i am a manufacturer of cloth, and a protectionist. i confess that your article on dearness and cheapness has made me reflect. it contains something specious which would require to be well established before we declare ourselves converted. mr protectionist,--we say that your restrictive measures have an iniquitous object in view, namely, artificial dearness. but we do not affirm that they always realize the hopes of those who promote them. it is certain that they inflict on the consumer all the injurious consequences of scarcity. it is not certain that they always confer a corresponding advantage on the producer. why? because if they diminish the supply, they diminish also the demand. this proves that there is in the economic arrangement of this world a moral force, a _vis medieatrix_, which causes unjust ambition in the long run to fall a prey to self-deception. would you have the goodness, sir, to remark that one of the elements of the prosperity of each individual branch of industry is the general wealth of the community. the value of a house is not always in proportion to what it has cost, but likewise in proportion to the number and fortune of the tenants. are two houses exactly similar necessarily of the same value? by no means, if the one is situated in paris and the other in lower brittany. never speak of price without taking into account collateral circumstances, and let it be remembered that no attempt is so bootless as to endeavour to found the prosperity of parts on the ruin of the whole. and yet this is what the policy of restriction pretends to do. consider what would have happened at paris, for example, if this strife of interests had been attended with success. suppose that the first shoemaker who established himself in that city had succeeded in ejecting all others; that the first tailor, the first mason, the first printer, the first watchmaker, the first physician, the first baker, had been equally successful. paris would at this moment have been still a village of 1200 or 1500 inhabitants. it has turned out very differently. the market of paris has been open to all (excepting those whom you still keep out), and it is this freedom which has enlarged and aggrandized it. the struggles of competition have been bitter and long continued, and this is what has made paris a city of a million of inhabitants. the general wealth has increased, no doubt; but has the individual wealth of the shoemakers and tailors been diminished? this is the question you have to ask. you may say that according as the number of competitors increased, the price of their products would go on falling. has it done so? no; for if the supply has been augmented, the demand has been enlarged. the same thing will hold good of your commodity, cloth; let it enter freely. you will have more competitors in the trade, it is true; but you will have more customers, and, above all, richer customers. is it possible you can never have thought of this, when you see nine-tenths of your fellow-citizens underclothed in winter, for want of the commodity which you manufacture? if you wish to prosper, allow your customers to thrive. this is a lesson which you have* been very long in learning. when it is thoroughly learnt, each man will seek his own interest in the general good; and then jealousies between man and man, town and town, province and province, nation and nation, will no longer trouble the world. vi. to artisans and workmen. many journals have attacked me in your presence and hearing. perhaps you will not object to read my defence? i am not suspicious. when a man writes or speaks, i take for granted that he believes what he says. and yet, after reading and re-reading the journals to which i now reply, i seem unable to discover any other than melancholy tendencies. our present business is to inquire which is more favourable to your interests,--liberty or restriction. i believe that it is liberty,--they believe that it is restriction. it is for each party to prove his own thesis. was it necessary to insinuate that we free-traders are the agents of england, of the south of france, of the government? on this point, you see how easy recrimination would be. we are the agents of england, they say, because some of us employ the words meeting and free-trader! and do they not make use of the words drawback and budget? we, it would seem, imitate cobden and the english democracy! and do they not parody lord george bentinck and the british aristocracy? we borrow from perfidious albion the doctrine of liberty! and do they not borrow from the same source the quibbles of protection? we follow the lead of bordeaux and the south! and do they not avail themselves of the cupidity of lille and the north? we favour the secret designs of the ministry, whose object is to divert public attention from their real policy! and do they not act in the interest of the civil list, which profits most of all from the policy of protection? you see, then, very clearly, that if we did not despise this war of disparagement, arms would not be wanting to carry it on. but this is beside the question. the question, and we must never lose sight of it, is this: _whether is it better for the working classes to be free, or not to be free to purchase foreign commodities?_ workmen! they tell you that "if you are free to purchase from the foreigner those things which you now produce yourselves, you will cease to produce them; you will be without employment, without wages, and without bread; it is therefore for your own good to restrain your liberty." this objection returns upon us under two forms:--they say, for example, "if we clothe ourselves with english cloth; if we make our ploughs of english iron; if we cut our bread with english knives; if we wipe our hands with english towels,--what will become of french workmen, what will become of national labour?" tell me, workmen! if a man should stand on the quay at boulogne, and say to every englishman who landed, "if you will give me these english boots, i will give you this french hat;" or, "if you will give me that english horse, i will give you this french tilbury;" or ask him, "will you exchange that machine made at birmingham, for this clock made at paris?" or, again, "can you arrange to barter this newcastle coal against this champagne wine?" tell me whether, assuming this man to make his proposals with discernment, any one would be justified in saying that our national labour, taken in the aggregate, would suffer in consequence? nor would it make the slightest difference in this respect were we to suppose twenty such offers to be made in place of one, or a million such barters to be effected in place of four; nor would it in any respect alter the case were we to assume the intervention of merchants and money, whereby such transactions would be greatly facilitated and multiplied. now, when one country buys from another wholesale, to sell again in retail, or buys in retail, to sell again in the lump, if we trace the transaction to its ultimate results, we shall always find that _commerce resolves itself into barter, products for products, services for services. if, then, barter does no injury to national labour, since it implies as much national labour given as foreign labour received, it follows that a hundred thousand millions of such acts of barter would do as little injury as one_. but who would profit? you will ask. the profit consists in turning to most account the resources of each country, so that the same amount of labour shall yield everywhere a greater amount of satisfactions and enjoyments. there are some who in your case have recourse to a singular system of tactics. they begin by admitting the superiority of the free to the prohibitive system, in order, doubtless, not to have the battle to fight on this ground. then they remark that the transition from one system to another is always attended with some displacement of labour. lastly, they enlarge on the sufferings, which, in their opinion, such displacements must always entail. they exaggerate these sufferings, they multiply them, they make them the principal subject of discussion, they present them as the exclusive and definitive result of reform, and in this way they endeavour to enlist you under the banners of monopoly. this is just the system of tactics which has been employed to defend every system of abuse; and one thing i must plainly avow, that it is this system of tactics which constantly embarrasses those who advocate reforms, even those most useful to the people. you will soon see the reason of this. when an abuse has once taken root, everything is arranged on the assumption of its continuance. some men depend upon it for subsistence, others depend upon them, and so on, till a formidable edifice is erected. would you venture to pull it down? all cry out, and remark this--the men who bawl out appear always at first sight to be in the right, because it is far easier to show the derangements which must accompany a reform than the arrangements which must follow it. the supporters of abuses cite particular instances of sufferings; they point out particular employers who, with their workmen, and the people who supply them with materials, are about to be injured; and the poor reformer can only refer to the general good which must gradually diffuse itself over the masses. that by no means produces the same sensation. thus, when the question turns on the abolition of slavery. "poor men!" is the language addressed to the negroes, "who is henceforth to support you. the manager handles the lash, but he likewise distributes the cassava." the slaves regret to part with their chains, for they ask themselves, "whence will come the cassava?" they fail to see that it is not the manager who feeds them, but their own labour--which feeds both them and the manager. when they set about reforming the convents in spain, they asked the beggars, "where will you now find food and clothing? the prior is your best friend. is it not very convenient to be in a situation to address yourselves to him?" and the mendicants replied, "true; if the prior goes away, we see very clearly that we shall be losers, and we do not see at all so clearly who is to come in his place." they did not take into account that if the convents bestowed alms, they lived upon them; so that the nation had more to give away than to receive. in the same way, workmen! monopoly, quite imperceptibly, saddles you with taxes, and then, with the produce of these taxes, finds you employment. and your sham friends exclaim, "but for monopolies, where would you find employment?" and you, like the spanish beggars, reply, "true, true; the employment which the monopolists find us is certain. the promises of liberty are of uncertain fulfilment." for you do not see that they take from you in the first instance the money with part of which they afterwards afford you employment. you ask, who is to find you employment? and the answer is, that you will give employment to one another! with the money of which he is no longer deprived by taxation, the shoemaker will dress better, and give employment to the tailor. the tailor will more frequently renew his _chaussure_, and afford employment to the shoemaker; and the same thing will take place in all other departments of trade. it has been said that under a system of free trade we should have fewer workmen in our mines and spinning-mills. i do not think so. but if this happened, we should necessarily have a greater number of people working freely and independently, either in their own houses or at out-door employment. for if our mines and spinning-factories are not capable of supporting themselves, as is asserted, without the aid of taxes levied from the _public at large_, the moment these taxes are repealed _everybody_ will be by so much in better circumstances; and it is this improvement in the general circumstances of the community which lends support to individual branches of industry. pardon my dwelling a little longer on this view of the subject; for my great anxiety is to see you all ranged on the side of liberty. suppose that the capital employed in manufactures yields 5 per cent, profit. but mondor has an establishment in which he employs £100,000, at a loss, instead of a profit, of 5 per cent. between the loss and the gain supposed there is a difference of £10,000. what takes place? a small tax of £10,000 is coolly levied from the public, and handed over to mondor. you don't see it, for the thing is skilfully disguised. it is not the tax-gatherer who waits upon you to demand your share of this burden; but you pay it to mondor, the ironmaster, every time that you purchase your trowels, hatchets, and planes. then they tell you that unless you pay this tax, mondor will not be able to give employment; and his workmen, james and john, must go without work. and yet, if they gave up the tax, it would enable you to find employment for one another, independently of mondor. and then, with a little patience, after this smooth pillow of protection has been taken from under his head, mondor, you may depend upon it, will set his wits to work, and contrive to convert his loss into a profit, and james and john will not be sent away, in which case there will be profit for everybody. you may still rejoin, "we allow that, after the reform, there will be more employment, upon the whole, than before; in the meantime, james and john are starving." to which i reply: 1st, that when labour is only displaced, to be augmented, a man who has a head and hands is seldom left long in a state of destitution. 2d, there is nothing to hinder the state's reserving a fund to meet, during the transition, any temporary want of employment, in which, however, for my own part, i do not believe. 3d, if i do not misunderstand the workmen, they are quite prepared to encounter any temporary suffering necessarily attendant on a transfer of labour from one department to another, by which the community are more likely to be benefited and have justice done them. i only wish i could say the same thing of their employers! what! will it be said that because you are workmen you are for that reason unintelligent and immoral? your pretended friends seem to think so. is it not surprising that in your hearing they should discuss such a question, talking exclusively of wages and profits without ever once allowing the word justice to pass their lips? and yet they know that restriction is unjust. why have they not the courage to admit it, and say to you, "workmen! an iniquity prevails in this country, but it is profitable to you, and we must maintain it." why? because they know you would disclaim it. it is not true that this injustice is profitable to you. give me your attention for a few moments longer, and then judge for yourselves. what is it that we protect in france? things which are produced on a great scale by rich capitalists and in large establishments, as iron, coal, cloth, and textile fabrics; and they tell you that this is done, not in the interest of employers, but in yours, and in order to secure you employment. and yet whenever _foreign labour_ presents itself in our markets, in such a shape that it may be injurious to you, but advantageous for your employers, it is allowed to enter without any restriction being imposed. are there not in paris thirty thousand germans who make clothes and shoes? why are they permitted to establish themselves alongside of you while the importation of cloth is restricted? because cloth is manufactured in grand establishments which belong to manufacturing legislators. but clothes are made by workmen in their own houses. in converting wool into cloth, these gentlemen desire to have no competition, because that is their trade; but in converting cloth into coats, they allow it, because that is your trade. in making our railways, an embargo was laid on english rails, but english workmen were brought over. why was this? simply because english rails came into competition with the iron produced in our great establishments, while the english labourers were only your rivals. we have no wish that german tailors and english navvies should be kept out of france. what we ask is, that the entry of cloth and rails should be left free. we simply demand justice and equality before the law, for all. it is a mockery to tell us that customs restrictions are imposed for your benefit. tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, shopkeepers, grocers, watchmakers, butchers, bakers, dressmakers! i defy you all to point out a single way in which restriction is profitable to you, and i shall point out, whenever you desire it, four ways in which it is hurtful to you. and, after all, see how little foundation your journalists have for attributing self-abnegation to the monopolists. i may venture to denominate the rate of wages which settles and establishes itself naturally under a regime of freedom, the _natural rate of wages_. when you affirm, therefore, that restriction is profitable to you, it is tantamount to affirming that it adds an _overplus to your natural_ wages. now, a surplus of wages beyond the natural rate must come from some quarter or other; it does not fall from the skies, but comes from those who pay it. you are landed, then, in this conclusion by your pretended friends, that the policy of protection has been introduced in order that the interests of capitalists should be sacrificed to those of the workmen. do you think this probable? where is your place, then, in the chamber of peers? when did you take your seat in the palais bourbon? who has consulted you? and where did this idea of establishing a policy of protection take its rise? i think i hear you answer, "it is not we who have established it. alas! we are neither peers, nor deputies, nor councillors of state. the capitalists have done it all." verily, they must have been in a good humour that day! what! these capitalists have made the law; they have established a policy of prohibition for the express purpose of enabling you to profit at their expense! but here is something stranger still. how does it come to pass that your pretended friends, who hold forth to you on the goodness, the generosity, and the self-abnegation of capitalists, never cease condoling with you on your being deprived of your political rights? from their point of view, i would ask what you could make of such rights if you had them? the capitalists have a monopoly of legislation;--granted. by means of this monopoly, they have adjudged themselves a monopoly of iron, of cloth, of textile fabrics, of coal, of wood, of meat,--granted likewise. but here are your pretended friends, who tell you that in acting thus, capitalists have impoverished themselves, without being under any obligation to do so, in order to enrich you who have no right to be enriched! assuredly, if you were electors and deputies tomorrow, you could not manage your affairs better than they are managed for you; you could not manage them so well. if the industrial legislation under which you live is intended for your profit, it is an act of perfidy to demand for you political rights; for these new-fashioned democrats never can get quit of this dilemma--the law made by the bourgeoisie either gives you more, or it gives you less than your natural wages. if that law gives you less, they deceive you, in soliciting you to maintain it. if it gives you more, they still deceive you, by inviting you to demand political rights at the very time when the bourgeoisie are making sacrifices for you, which, in common honesty, you could not by your votes exact, even if you had the power. workmen! i should be sorry indeed if this address should excite in your minds feelings of irritation against the rich. if self-interest, ill understood, or too apt to be alarmed, still maintains monopoly, let us not forget that monopoly has its root in errors which are common to both capitalists and labourers. instead of exciting the one class against the other, let us try to bring them together. and for that end what ought we to do? if it be true that the natural social tendencies concur in levelling inequalities among men, we have only to allow these tendencies to act, remove artificial obstructions which retard their operation, and allow the relations of the various classes of society to be established on principles of justice--principles always mixed up, in my mind at least, with the principle of liberty. vii. a chinese story. we hear a great outcry against the cupidity and the egotism of the age! for my own part, i see the world, paris especially, peopled with deciuses. open the thousand volumes, the thousand newspapers of all sorts and sizes, which the parisian press vomits forth every day on the country--are they not all the work of minor saints? how vividly they depict the vices of the times! how touching the tenderness they display for the masses! how liberally they invite the rich to share with the poor, if not the poor to share with the rich! how many plans of social reforms, social ameliorations, and social organizations! what shallow writer fails to devote himself to the wellbeing of the working classes? we have only to contribute a few shillings to procure them leisure to deliver themselves up to their humane lucubrations. and then they declare against the egotism and individualism of our age! there is nothing which they do not pretend to enlist in the service of the working classes--there is positively no exception, not even the customhouse. you fancy, perhaps, that the customhouse is merely an instrument of taxation, like the _octroi_ or the toll-bar? nothing of the kind. it is essentially an institution for promoting the march of civilization, fraternity, and equality. what would you be at? it is the fashion to introduce, or affect to introduce, sentiment and sentimentalism everywhere, even into the toll-gatherer's booth. the customhouse, we must allow, has a very singular machinery for realizing philanthropical aspirations. it includes an army of directors, sub-directors, inspectors, sub-inspectors, comptrollers, examiners, heads of departments, clerks, supernumeraries, aspirant-supernumeraries, not to speak of the officers of the active service; and the object of all this complicated machinery is to exercise over the industry of the people a negative action, which is summed up in the word obstruct. observe, i do not say that the object is to tax, but to obstruct. to prevent, not acts which are repugnant to good morals or public order, but transactions which are in themselves not only harmless, but fitted to maintain peace and union among nations. and yet the human race is so flexible and elastic that it always surmounts these obstructions. and then we hear of the labour market being glutted. if you hinder a people from obtaining its subsistence from abroad, it will produce it at home. the labour is greater and more painful, but subsistence must be had. if you hinder a man from traversing the valley, he must cross the hills. the road is longer and more difficult, but he must get to his journey's end. this is lamentable, but we come now to what is ludicrous. when the law has thus created obstacles, and when, in order to overcome them, society has diverted a corresponding amount of labour from other employments, you are no longer permitted to demand a reform. if you point to the obstacle, you are told of the amount of labour to which it has given employment. and if you rejoin that this labour is not created, but displaced, you are answered, in the words of the _esprit public_, "the impoverishment alone is certain and immediate; as to our enrichment, it is more than problematical." this reminds me of a chinese story, which i shall relate to you. there were in china two large towns, called _tchin_ and _tchan_. a magnificent canal united them. the emperor thought fit to order enormous blocks of stone to be thrown into it, for the purpose of rendering it useless. on seeing this, kouang, his first mandarin, said to him: "son of heaven! this is a mistake." to which the emperor replied: "kouang! you talk nonsense." i give you only the substance of their conversation. at the end of three months, the celestial emperor sent again for the mandarin, and said to him: "kouang, behold!" and kouang opened his eyes, and looked. and he saw at some distance from the canal a multitude of men at work. some were excavating, others were filling up hollows, levelling, and paving; and the mandarin, who was very knowing, said to himself, they are making a highway. when other three months had elapsed, the emperor again sent for kouang, and said to him: "look!" and kouang looked. and he saw the road completed, and from one end of it to the other he saw here and there inns for travellers erected. crowds of pedestrians, carts, palanquins, came and went, and innumerable chinese, overcome with fatigue, carried backwards and forwards heavy burdens from tchin to tchan, and from tchan to tchin; and kouang said to himself, it is the destruction of the canal which gives employment to these poor people. but the idea never struck him that their labour was simply _diverted from other employments_. three months more passed, and the emperor said to kouang: "look!" and kouang looked. and he saw that the hostelries were full of travellers, and that to supply their wants there were grouped around them butchers' and bakers' stalls, shops for the sale of edible birds' nests, etc. he also saw that, the artisans having need of clothing, there had settled among them tailors, shoemakers, and those who sold parasols and fans; and as they could not sleep in the open air, even in the celestial empire, there were also masons, carpenters, and slaters. then there were officers of police, judges, fakirs; in a word, a town with its faubourgs had risen round each hostelry. and the emperor asked kouang what he thought of all this. and kouang said that he never could have imagined that the destruction of a canal could have provided employment for so many people; for the thought never struck him that this was not employment created, but _labour diverted_ from other employments, and that men would have eaten and drank in passing along the canal as well as in passing along the highroad. however, to the astonishment of the chinese, the son of heaven at length died and was buried. his successor sent for kouang, and ordered him to have the canal cleared out and restored. and kouang said to the new emperor: "son of heaven! you commit a blunder." and the emperor replied: "kouang, you talk nonsense." but kouang persisted, and said: "sire, what is your object?" "my object is to facilitate the transit of goods and passengers between tchin and tchan, to render carriage less expensive, in order that the people may have tea and clothing cheaper." but kouang was ready with his answer. he had received the night before several numbers of the moniteur industriel, a chinese newspaper. knowing his lesson well, he asked and obtained permission to reply, and after having prostrated himself nine times, he said: "sire, your object is, by increased facility of transit, to reduce the price of articles of consumption, and bring them within reach of the people; and to effect that, you begin by taking away from them all the employment to which the destruction of the canal had given rise. sire, in political economy, nominal cheapness-" _the emperor_: "i believe you are repeating by rote." _kouang_: "true, sire; and it will be better to read what i have to say." so, producing the _esprit public_, he read as follows: "in political economy, the nominal cheapness of articles of consumption is only a secondary question. the problem is to establish an equilibrium between the price of labour and that of the means of subsistence. the abundance of labour constitutes the wealth of nations; and the best economic system is that which supplies the people with the greatest amount of employment. the question is not whether it is better to pay four or eight cash for a cup of tea, or five or ten tales for a shirt. these are puerilities unworthy of a thinking mind. nobody disputes your proposition. the question is whether it is better to pay dearer for a commodity you want to buy, and have, through the abundance of employment and the higher price of labour, the means of acquiring it; or whether, it is better to limit the sources of employment, and with them the mass of the national production--to transport, by improved means of transit, the objects of consumption, cheaper, it is true, but taking away at the same time from classes of our population the means of purchasing these objects even at their reduced price." seeing the emperor still unconvinced, kouang added, "sire, deign to give me your attention. i have still another quotation from the _moniteur industriel_ to bring under your notice." but the emperor said: "i don't require your chinese journals to enable me to find out that to create _obstacles_ is to divert and misapply labour. but that is not my mission. go and clear out the canal; and we shall reform the customhouse afterwards." and kouang went away tearing his beard, and appealing to his god, "o fo! take pity on thy people; for we have now got an emperor of the english school, and i see clearly that in a short time we shall be in want of everything, for we shall no longer require to do anything." viii. post hoc, ergo propter hoc. this is the greatest and most common fallacy in reasoning. real sufferings, for example, have manifested themselves in england.* * this was written in january 1848.--translator. these sufferings come in the train of two other phenomena: 1st, the reformed tariff; 2d, two bad harvests in succession. to which of these two last circumstances are we to attribute the first? the protectionists exclaim: it is this accursed free-trade which does all the harm. it promised us wonderful things; we accepted it; and here are our manufactures at a standstill, and the people suffering: _cum hoc, ergo propter hoc_. free-trade distributes in the most uniform and equitable manner the fruits which providence accords to human labour. if we are deprived of part of these fruits by natural causes, such as a succession of bad seasons, free-trade does not fail to distribute in the same manner what remains. men are, no doubt, not so well provided with what they want; but are we to impute this to free-trade, or to the bad harvests? liberty acts on the same principle as insurances. when an accident, like a fire, happens, insurance spreads over a great number of men, and a great number of years, losses which, in the absence of insurance, would have fallen all at once upon one individual. but will any one undertake to affirm that fire has become a greater evil since the introduction of insurance? in 1842, 1843, and 1844, the reduction of taxes began in england. at the same time the harvests were very abundant; and we are led to conclude that these two circumstances concurred in producing the unparalleled prosperity which england enjoyed during that period. in 1845, the harvest was bad; and in 1846, worse still. provisions rose in price; and the people were forced to expend their resources on first necessaries, and to limit their consumption of other commodities. clothing was less in demand, manufactories had less work, and wages tended to fall. fortunately, in that same year, the barriers of restriction were still more effectually removed, and an enormous quantity of provisions reached the english market. had this not been so, it is nearly certain that a formidable revolution would have taken place. and yet free-trade is blamed for disasters which it tended to prevent, and in part, at least, to repair! a poor leper lived in solitude. whatever he happened to touch, no one else would touch. obliged to pine in solitude, he led a miserable existence. an eminent physician cured him, and now our poor hermit was admitted to all the benefits of _free-trade, and had full liberty to effect exchanges_. what brilliant prospects were opened to him! he delighted in calculating the advantages which, through his restored intercourse with his fellow-men, he was able to derive from his own vigorous exertions. he happened to break both his arms, and was landed in poverty and misery. the journalists who were witnesses of that misery said, "see to what this liberty of making exchanges has reduced him! verily, he was less to be pitied when he lived alone." "what!" said the physician, "do you make no allowance for his broken arms? has that accident nothing to do with his present unhappy state? his misfortune arises from his having lost the use of his hands, and not from his having been cured of his leprosy. he would have been a fitter subject for your compassion had he been lame, and leprous into the bargain." _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_. beware of that sophism. ix. the premium theft. this little book of sophisms is found to be too theoretical, scientific, and metaphysical. be it so. let us try the effect of a more trivial and hackneyed, or, if you will, a ruder style. convinced that the public is duped in this matter of protection, i have endeavoured to prove it. but if outcry is preferred to argument, let us vociferate, "king midas has a snout, and asses' ears."* * "_auriculas asini mida rex habet_."--persius, sat. i. the line as given in the text is from dryden's translation.- translator. a burst of plain speaking has more effect frequently than the most polished circumlocution. you remember oronte, and the difficulty which the _misanthrope_ had in convincing him of his folly.* alceste. on s'expose à jouer un mauvais personnage. oronte. est-ce que vous voulez me declarer par là que j'ai tort de vouloir.... alceste. je ne dis pas cela. mais.... oronte. est-ce que j'écris mal? alceste. je ne dis pas cela. mais enfin.... oronte. mais ne puis-je savoir ce que dans mon sonnet?... alceste. franchement, il est bon à mettre au cabinet. to speak plainly, good public! _you are robbed_. this is speaking bluntly, but the thing is very evident. (_c'est cru, mais c'est clair_). the words _theft, to steal, robbery_, may appear ugly words to many people. i ask such people, as harpagon asks elise,** "is it the word or the thing which frightens you?" * see molière's play of the misanthrope.--translator. ** see molière's play of oevare.--translator. "whoever has possessed himself fraudulently of a thing which does not belong to him is guilty of theft." (c. pen., art. 379.) to steal: to take by stealth or by force. (_dictionnaire de l'academie_.) thief: he who exacts more than is due to him. (75.) now, does the monopolist, who, by a law of his own making, obliges me to pay him 20 francs for what i could get elsewhere for 15, not take from me fraudulently 5 francs which belonged to me? does he not take them by stealth or by force? does he not exact more than is due to him? he takes, purloins, exacts, it may be said; but not by stealth or by force, which are the characteristics of theft. when our bulletins de contributions have included in them 5 francs for the premium which the monopolist takes, exacts, or abstracts, what can be more stealthy for the unsuspecting? and for those who are not dupes, and who do suspect, what savours more of force, seeing that on the first refusal the tax-gather's bailiff is at the door? but let monopolists take courage. premium thefts, tariff thefts, if they violate equity as much as theft à l'américaine, do not violate the law; on the contrary, they are perpetrated according to law; and if they are worse than common thefts, they do not come under the cognizance of _la correctionnelle_. besides, right or wrong, we are all robbed or robbers in this business. the author of this volume might very well cry "stop thief!" when he buys; and with equal reason he might have that cry addressed to him when he sells;* and if he is in a situation different from that of many of his countrymen, the difference consists in this, that he knows that he loses more than he gains by the game, and they don't know it. if they knew it, the game would soon be given up. * possessing some landed property, on which he lives, he belongs to the protected class. this circumstance should disarm criticism. it shows that if he uses hard words, they are directed against the thing itself, and not against men's intentions or motives. nor do i boast of being the first to give the thing its right name. adam smith said, sixty years ago, that "when manufacturers hold meetings, we may be sure a plot is hatching against the pockets of the public." can we be surprised at this, when the public winks at it? well, then, suppose a meeting of manufacturers deliberating formally, under the title of _conseils généraux_. what takes place, and what is resolved upon? here is an abridged report of one of their meetings:-"shipowner: our merchant shipping is at the lowest ebb. (dissent) that is not to be wondered at. i cannot construct ships without iron. i can buy it in the market of the world at 10 francs; but by law the french ironmaster forces me to pay him 15 francs, which takes 5 francs out of my pocket. i demand liberty to purchase iron wherever i see proper. "ironmaster: in the market of the world i find freights at 20 francs. by law i am obliged to pay the french shipowner 30; he takes 10 francs out of my pocket. he robs me, and i rob him; all quite right. "statesman: the shipowner has arrived at a hasty conclusion. let us cultivate union as regards that which constitutes our strength. if we give up a single point of the theory of protection, the whole theory falls to the ground. "shipowner: for us shipowners protection has been a failure. i repeat that the merchant marine is at its lowest ebb. "shipmaster: well, let us raise the _surtaxe_, and let the shipowner who now exacts 30 francs from the public for his freight, charge 40. "a minister: the government will make all the use they can of the beautiful mechanism of the _surtaxe_; but i fear that will not be sufficient. "a government functionary: you are all very easily frightened. does the tariff alone protect you? and do you lay taxation out of account? if the consumer is kind and benevolent, the taxpayer is not less so. let us heap taxes upon him, and the shipowner will be satisfied. i propose a premium of five francs to be levied from the public taxpayers, to be handed over to the shipbuilder for each ton of iron he shall employ. "confused voices: agreed! agreed! an agriculturist: three francs premium upon the hectolitre of corn for me! a manufacturer: two francs premium on the yard of cloth for me! etc., etc. "the president: this then is what we have agreed upon. our session has instituted a system of _premiums_, and it will be to our eternal honour. what branch of industry can possibly henceforth be a loser, since we have two means, and both so very simple, of converting our losses into gains--the tariff and the premium? the sitting is adjourned." i really think some supernatural vision must have foreshadowed to me in a dream the near approach of the premium (who knows but i may have first suggested the idea to m. dupin?) when six months ago i wrote these words:-"it appears evident to me that protection, without changing its nature or the effects which it produces, might take the form of a direct tax, levied by the state, and distributed in premiums of indemnification among privileged branches of industry." and after comparing a protective duty to a premium, i added, "i confess candidly my preference for the last system. it seems to me juster, more economical, and more fair. juster, because if society desires to make presents to some of its members, all ought to bear the expense; more economical, because it would save a great deal in the cost of collection, and do away with many of the trammels with which trade is hampered; more fair, because the public would see clearly the nature of the operation, and act accordingly."* * _sophismes economiques_, first series, ch. v. _ante_. since the occasion presents itself to us so opportunely, let us study this system of _plunder by premium_; for all we say of it applies equally to the system of plunder by tariff; and as the latter is a little better concealed, the direct may help us to detect and expose the indirect system of cheating. the mind will thus be led from what is simple to what is more complicated. but it may be asked, is there not a species of theft which is more simple still? undoubtedly; there is _highway robbery_, which wants only to be legalized, and made a monopoly of, or, in the language of the present day, _organized_. i have been reading what follows in a book of travels:-"when we reached the kingdom of a., all branches of industry declared themselves in a state of suffering. agriculture groaned, manufactures complained, trade murmured, the shipping interest grumbled, and the government were at a loss what to do. first of all, the idea was to lay a pretty smart tax on all the malcontents, and afterwards to divide the proceeds among them after retaining its own quota; this would have been on the principle of the spanish lottery. there are a thousand of you, and the state takes a piastre from each; then by sleight of hand, it conveys away 250 piastres, and divides the remaining 750 in larger and smaller proportions among the ticket-holders. the gallant hidalgo who gets three-fourths of a piastre, forgetting that he had contributed a whole piastre, cannot conceal his delight, and rushes off to spend his fifteen reals at the alehouse. this is very much the same thing as we see taking place in france. but the government had overrated the stupidity of the population when it endeavoured to make them accept such a species of protection, and at length it lighted upon the following expedient. "the country was covered with a network of highroads. the government had these roads accurately measured; and then it announced to the agriculturist, 'all that you can steal from travellers between these two points is yours; let that serve as a _premium_ for your protection and encouragement.' afterwards it assigned to each manufacturer, to each shipowner, a certain portion of road, to be made available for their profit, according to this formula:- dono tibi et concedo virtutem et puissantiam yolandi, pillandi, derobandi, filoutandi, et escroqtîïindi, impunè per totam istam viam." now it has come to pass that the natives of the kingdom of a. have become so habituated to this system, that they take into account only what they are enabled to steal, not what is stolen from them, being so determined to regard pillage only from the standpoint of the thief, that they look upon the sum total of individual thefts as a national gain, and refuse to abandon a system of protection, without which they say no branch of industry could support itself. you demur to this. it is not possible, you exclaim, that a whole people should be led to ascribe a redundancy of wealth to mutual robbery. and why not? we see that this conviction pervades france, and that we are constantly organizing and improving the system of _reciprocal robbery_ under the respectable names of premiums and protective tariffs. we must not, however, be guilty of exaggeration. as regards the mode of levying, and other collateral circumstances, the system adopted in the kingdom of a. may be worse than ours; but we must at the same time admit that, as regards the principle and its necessary consequences, there is not an atom of difference between these two species of theft; which are both organized by law for the purpose of supplementing the profits of particular branches of industry. remark also, that if _highway robbery_ presents some inconveniences in its actual perpetration, it has likewise some advantages which we do not find in _robbery by tariff_. for example, it is possible to make an equitable division among all the producers. it is not so in the case of customs duties. the latter are incapable of protecting certain classes of society, such as artisans, shopkeepers, men of letters, lawyers, soldiers, labourers, etc. it is true that the robbery by premium assumes an infinite number of shapes, and in this respect is not inferior to highway robbery; but, on the other hand, it leads frequently to results so whimsical and awkward that the natives of the kingdom of a. may well laugh at us. what the victim of a highway robbery loses, the thief gains, and the articles stolen remain in the country. but under the system of robbery by premium, what the tax exacts from the frenchman is conferred frequently on the chinese, on the hottentots, on the caffres, etc., and here is the way in which this takes place: a piece of cloth, we shall suppose, is worth 100 francs at bordeaux. it cannot be sold below that price without a loss. it is impossible to sell it above that price because the competition of merchants prevents the price rising. in these circumstances, if a frenchman desires to have the cloth, he must pay 100 francs, or want it. but if it is an englishman who wants the cloth, the government steps in, and says to the merchant, "sell your cloth, and we will get you 20 francs from the taxpayers." the merchant who could not get more than 100 francs for his cloth, sells it to the englishman for 80. this sum, added to the 20 francs produced by the premium theft, makes all square. this is exactly the same case as if the taxpayers had given 20 francs to the englishmen, upon condition of his buying french cloth at 20 francs discount, at 20 francs below the cost of production, at 20 francs below what it has cost ourselves. the robbery by premium, then, has this peculiarity, that the people robbed are resident in the country which tolerates it, while the people who profit by the robbery are scattered over the world. verily, it is marvellous that people should persist in maintaining that _all which an individual steals from the masses is a general gain_. perpetual motion, the philosopher's stone, the quadrature of the circle, are antiquated problems; but the theory of _progress by plunder_ is still held in honour. _a priori_, we should have thought that, of all imaginable puerilities, it was the least likely to survive. some people will say, you are partisans, then, of the _laissez passer?_--economists of the school of smith and say? you do not desire the organization of labour. yes, gentlemen, organize labour as much as you choose, but have the goodness not to organize theft. another, and a more numerous, set keep repeating, premiums, tariffs, all that has been exaggerated. we should use them without abusing them. a judicious liberty, combined with a moderate protection, that is what discreet and practical men desire. let us steer clear of fixed principles and inflexible rules. this is precisely what the traveller tells us takes place in the kingdom of a. "highway robbery," say the sages, "is neither good nor bad in itself; that depends upon circumstances. all we are concerned with is to weigh things, and see our functionaries well paid for the work of weighing. it may be that we have given too great latitude to pillage; perhaps we have not given enough. let us examine and balance the accounts of each man employed in the work of pillage. to those who do not earn enough, let us assign a larger portion of the road. to those who gain too much, we must limit the days or months of pillage." those who talk in this way gain a great reputation for moderation, prudence, and good sense. they never aspire to the highest offices in the state. those who say, repress all injustice, whether on a greater or a smaller scale, suffer no dishonesty, to however small an extent, are marked down for _idéologues_, idle dreamers, who keep repeating over and over again the same thing. the people, moreover, find their arguments too clear, and why should they be expected to believe what is so easily understood? x. the taxgatherer. jacques bonhomme, a vinedresser. m. lasouche, taxgatherer. l.: you have secured twenty tuns of wine? j.: yes; by dint of my own skill and labour. l.: have the goodness to deliver up to me six of the best. j.: six tuns out of twenty! good heaven! you are going to ruin me. and, please, sir, for what purpose do you intend them? l.: the first will be handed over to the creditors of the state. when people have debts, the least thing they can do is to pay interest upon them. j.: and what becomes of the capital? l.: that is too long a story to tell you at present. one part used to be converted into cartridges, which emitted the most beautiful smoke in the world. another went to pay the men who had got crippled in foreign wars. then, when this expenditure brought invasion upon us, our polite friend, the enemy, was unwilling to take leave of us without carrying away some of our money as a _soutenir_, and this money had to be borrowed. j.: and what benefit do i derive from this now? l.: the satisfaction of saying- que je suis fier d'être français quand je regarde la colonne! j.: and the humiliation of leaving to my heirs an estate burdened with a perpetual rent-charge. still, it is necessary to pay one's debts, whatever foolish use is made of the proceeds. so much for the disposal of one tun; but what about the five others? l.: one goes to support the public service, the civil list, the judges who protect your property when your neighbour wishes wrongfully to appropriate it, the gendarmes who protect you from robbers when you are asleep, the cantonnier who maintains the highways, the curé who baptizes your children, the schoolmaster who educates them, and, lastly, your humble servant, who cannot be expected to work exactly for nothing. j.: all right; service for service is quite fair, and i have nothing to say against it. i should like quite as well, no doubt, to deal directly with the rector and the schoolmaster on my own account; but i don't stand upon that. this accounts for the second tun--but we have still other four to account for. l.: would you consider two tuns as more than your fair contribution to the expense of the army and navy? j.: alas! that is a small affair, compared with what the two services have cost me already, for they have deprived me of two sons whom i dearly loved. l.: it is necessary to maintain the balance of power. j.: and would that balance not be quite as well maintained if the european powers were to reduce their forces by one-half or three -fourths? we should preserve our children and our money. all that is requisite is to come to a common understanding. l.: yes; but they don't understand one another. j.: it is that which fills me with astonishment, for they suffer from it in common. l.: it is partly your own doing, jacques bonhomme. j.: you are joking, mr taxgatherer. have i any voice in the matter? l.: whom did you vote for as deputy? j.: a brave general officer, who will soon be a marshal, if god spares him. l.: and upon what does the gallant general live? j.: upon my six tuns, i should think. l.: what would happen to him if he voted a reduction of the army, and of your contingent? j.: instead of being made a marshal, he would be forced to retire. l.: do you understand now that you have yourself.... j.: let us pass on to the fifth tun, if you please. l.: that goes to algeria. j.: to algeria! and yet they tell us that all the mussulmans are wine-haters, barbarians as they are! i have often inquired whether it is their ignorance of claret which has made them infidels, or their infidelity which has made them ignorant of claret. and then, what service do they render me in return for this nectar which has cost me so much toil? l.: none at all; nor is the wine destined for the mussulman, but for good christians who spend their lives in barbary. j.: and what service do they render me? l.: they make _razzias_, and suffer from them in their turn; they kill and are killed; they are seized with dysentery and sent to the hospital; they make harbours and roads, build villages, and people them with maltese, italians, spaniards, and swiss, who live upon your wine; for another supply of which, i can tell you, i will soon come back to you. j.: good gracious! that is too much. i shall give you a flat refusal a vinedresser who could be guilty of such folly would be sent to bicétre. to make roads over mount atlas--good heavens! when i can scarcely leave my house for want of roads! to form harbours in barbary, when the garonne is silted up! to carry off my children whom i love, and send them to torment the kabyles! to make me pay for houses, seed, and cattle, to be handed over to greeks and maltese, when we have so many poor people to provide for at home! l.: the poor! just so; they rid the country of the _trop plein_, and prevent a redundant population. j.: and we are to send after them to algeria the capital on which they could live at home! l.: but then you are laying the foundations of a great empire, you carry civilization into africa, thus crowning your country with immortal glory. j.: you are a poet, mr taxgatherer. i am a plain vinedresser, and i refuse your demand. l.: but think, that in the course of some thousands of years, your present advances will be recouped and repaid a hundredfold to your descendants. the men who direct the enterprise assure us that it will be so. j.: in the meantime, in order to defray the expense, they ask me first of all for one cask of wine, then for two, then for three, and now i am taxed by the tun! i persist in my refusal. l.: your refusal comes too late. your _representative_ has stipulated for the whole quantity i demand. j.: too true. cursed weakness on my part! surely, in making him my proxy, i was guilty of a piece of folly; for what is there in common between a general officer and a poor vinedresser? l.: oh, yes; there is something in common, namely, the wine, which he has voted to himself in your name. j.: you may well laugh at me, mr taxgatherer, for i richly deserve it. but be reasonable. leave me at least the sixth tun. you have already secured payment of the interest of the debt, and provided for the civil list and the public service, besides perpetuating the war in africa. what more would you have? l.: it is needless to higgle with me. communicate your views to monsieur le general, your representative. for the present, he has voted away your vintage. j.: confound the fellow! but tell me what you intend to make of this last cask, the best of my whole stock? stay, taste this wine. how ripe, mellow, and full-bodied it is! l.: excellent! delicious! it will suit mons. d., the cloth-manufacturer, admirably. j.: mons. d., the cloth-manufacturer? what do you mean? l.: that he will reap the benefit. j.: how? what? i'll be hanged if i understand you! l.: don't you know that mons. d. has set on foot a grand undertaking, which will prove most useful to the country, but which, when everything is taken into account, causes each year a considerable pecuniary loss? j.: i am sorry to hear it, but what can i do? l.: the chamber has come to the conclusion that, if this state of things continues, mons. d. will be under the necessity of either working more profitably, or of shutting up his manufacturing establishment altogether. j.: but what have these losing speculations of mons. d. to do with my wine? l.: the chamber has found out that, by making over to mons. d. some wine taken from your cellar, some corn taken from your neighbour's granaries, some money kept off the workmen's wages, the losses of that enterprising patriot may be converted into profits. j.: the recipe is as infallible as it is ingenious. but, zounds! it is awfully iniquitous. mons. d., forsooth, is to make up his losses by laying hold of my wine? l.: not exactly of the wine, but of its price. this is what we denominate _premiums of encouragement_, or bounties. don't you see the great service you are rendering to the country? j.: you mean to mons. d.? l.: to the country. mons. d. assures us that his manufacture prospers in consequence of this arrangement, and in this way he considers the country is enriched. he said so the other day in the chamber, of which he is a member. j.: this is a wretched quibble! a speculator enters into a losing trade, and dissipates his capital; and then he extorts from me and from my neighbours wine and corn of sufficient value, not only to repair his losses, but afford him a profit, and this is represented as a gain to the country at large. l.: your representative having come to this conclusion, you have nothing more to do but to deliver up to me the six tuns of wine which i demand, and sell the remaining fourteen tuns to the best advantage. j.: that is my business. l.: it will be unfortunate if you do not realize a large price j.: i will think of it. l.: the higher price will enable you to procure more of other things. j.: i am aware of that, sir. l.: in the first place, if you purchase iron to renew your ploughs and your spades, the law decrees that you must pay the ironmaster double what the commodity is worth. j.: yes, this is very consolatory. l.: then you have need of coal, of butchers' meat, of cloth, of oil, of wool, of sugar; and for each of these commodities the law makes you pay double. j.: it is horrible, frightful, abominable! l.: why should you indulge in complaints? you yourself, through your representative... j.: say nothing more of my representative. i am singularly represented, it is true. but they will not impose upon me a second time. i shall be represented by a good and honest peasant. l.: bah! you will re-elect the gallant general. j.: shall i re-elect him, to divide my wine among africans and manufacturers? l.: i tell you, you will re-elect him. j,: this is too much. i am free to re-elect him or not, as i choose. l.: but you will so choose. j.: let him come forward again, and he will find whom he has to deal with. l.: well, we shall see. farewell. i carry away your six tuns of wine, to be distributed as your friend, the general, has determined. xi. the utopian free-trader. "if i were but one of his majesty's ministers!... "well, what would you do?" "i should begin by--by--faith, by being very much at a loss. for it is clear i could only be a minister in consequence of having the majority in my favour; i could only have the majority in my favour by securing the popular suffrage; and i could attain that end, honestly at least, only by governing in accordance with public opinion. if i should attempt to carry out my own opinions, i should no longer have the majority; and if i lost the favour of the majority, i should be no longer one of his majesty's ministers." "but suppose yourself already a minister, and that you experience no opposition from the majority, what would you do?" "i should inquire on what side _justice_ lay." "and then?" "i should inquire on what side _utility_ lay." "and then?" "i should inquire whether justice and utility were in harmony, or ran counter to one another." "and if you found they were not in harmony?" "je dirais au roi philippe: reprenez votre portefeuille. la rime n'est pas riche et le style en est vieux; mais ne voyez-vous pas que cela vaut bien mieux, que ces transactions dont le bon sens murmure, et que l'honnêteté parle là toute pure." "but if you found that the just and the useful were one and the same thing?" "then i should go straight forward." "true; but to realize utility by means of justice, a third thing is needed." "what?" "possibility." "you granted me that." "when?" "just now." "how?" "in assuming that i had the majority on my side." "a most dangerous concession, i fear; for it implies that the majority see clearly what is just, see clearly what is useful, and see clearly that both are in perfect harmony." "and if they see clearly all this, good results will work themselves out, so to speak, of their own accord." "you always bring me back to this, that no reform is possible apart from the progress of general intelligence." "assuming this progress, every needed reform will infallibly follow." "true; but this presupposed progress is a work of time. suppose it accomplished, what would you do? i am anxious to see you actually and practically at work." "i should begin by reducing the rate of postage to a penny." "i have heard you speak of a halfpenny."* * see chap. xii. of _sophismes_, second series, _post_. "yes, but as i have other reforms in view, i should proceed prudently, in the first instance, to avoid any risk of a deficit." "fine prudence, to be sure! you have already landed yourself in a deficit of 30 millions of francs." "then i should reduce the salt-tax to 10 francs." "good. then you land yourself in a deficit of other thirty millions. you have doubtless invented a new tax?" "heaven forbid! and besides, i do not flatter myself with possessing an inventive genius." "it will be very necessary, however.... ah! i see. what was i thinking of? you intend simply to reduce the expenditure. i did not think of that." "you are not singular. i shall come to that; but for the present, that is not the resource on which i depend." "what! you are to diminish the revenue without reducing the expenditure, and withal avoid a deficit!" "yes; by diminishing other taxes at the same time." (here the interlocutor, raising the forefinger of the right hand to his forehead, tossed his head, as if beating about for ideas.) "by my faith! a most ingenious process. i pay over 100 francs to the treasury; you relieve me to the extent of 5 francs upon salt, and 5 francs upon postages; and in order that the treasury may still receive 100 francs, you relieve me to the extent of 10 francs on some other tax." "exactly; i see you understand what i mean." "the thing seems so strange that i am not quite sure that i even heard you distinctly." "i repeat, i balance one _dégrèvement_ by another." "well, i happen to have a few minutes to spare, and i should like much to hear you explain this paradox." "here is the whole mystery. i know a tax which costs the taxpayer 20 francs, and of which not one farthing ever reaches the treasury. i relieve you of one-half, and i see that the other half finds its way to the _hôtel des finances_." "truly you are an unrivalled financier. and what tax, pray, do i pay which does not reach the treasury?" "how much does this coat cost you?" "100 francs." "and if you procured the cloth from verviers, how much would it cost you?" "80 francs." "why, then, did you not order it from verviers?" "because that is forbidden." "and why is it forbidden?" "in order that the coat may cost 100 instead of 80 francs." "this prohibition, then, costs you 20 francs." "undoubtedly." "and where do these 20 francs go to?" "where should they go to, but into the pocket of the cloth-manufacturer?" "well, then, give me 10 francs for the treasury, i will abrogate the prohibition, and you will still be a gainer of 10 francs." "oh! i begin to follow you. the account with the treasury will then stand thus: the revenue loses 5 francs upon salt, and 5 upon postages, and gains 10 francs upon cloth. the one balances the other." "and your own account stands thus: you gain 5 francs upon salt, 5 francs upon postages, and 10 francs upon cloth." "total, 20 francs. i like your plan; but what comes of the poor cloth-manufacturer?" "oh! i have not lost sight of him. i manage to give him compensation likewise by means of _dégrèvements_ which are profitable to the revenue; and what i have done for you as regards cloth, i do for him as regards wool, coals, machinery, etc., so that he is enabled to reduce his price without being a loser." "but are you sure that the one will balance the other?" "the balance will be in his favour. the 20 francs which i enable you to gain upon cloth, will be augmented by the amount i enable you to save upon corn, meat, fuel, etc. this will amount to a large sum; and a similar saving will be realized by each of your 35 millions of fellow-countrymen. in this way, you will find the means of consuming all the cloth produced at verviers and elbeuf. the nation will be better clothed; that is all." "i shall think over it; for all this, i confess, confuses my head somewhat." "after all, as regards clothing, the main consideration is to be clothed. your limbs are your own, and not the property of the manufacturer. to protect them from the cold is your business and not his! if the law takes his part against you, the law is unjust; and we have been reasoning hitherto on the hypothesis that what is unjust is injurious." "perhaps i make too free with you; but i beg you to complete the explanation of your financial plan." "i shall have a new law of customs." "in two volumes folio?" "no, in two articles." "for once, then, we may dispense with repeating the famous axiom, 'no one is supposed to be ignorant of the law'--_nul n'est cerné ignorer la loi_; which is a fiction. let us see, then, your proposed tariff." "here it is: "'art. 1st.--all imported merchandise shall pay a duty of 5 per cent. _ad valorem_.'" "even raw materials?" "except those which are destitute of value." "but they are all possessed of value, less or more." "in that case they must pay duty, less or more." "how do you suppose that our manufacturers can compete with foreign manufacturers who have their raw materials free?" "the expenditure of the state being given, if we shut up this source of revenue, we must open another. that will not do away with the relative inferiority of our manufactures, and we shall have an additional staff of officials to create and to pay for." "true. i reason as if the problem were to do away with taxation, and not to substitute one tax for another. i shall think over it. what is your second article?" "'art. 2d.--all merchandise exported shall pay a duty of 5 per cent, _ad valorem_.'" "good gracious! monsieur l'utopiste. you are going to get yourself pelted, and, if necessary, i myself will cast the first stone." "we have taken for granted that the majority are enlightened." "enlightened! can you maintain that export duties will not be onerous?" "all taxes are onerous; but this will be less so than others." "the carnival justifies many eccentricities. please to render plausible, if that be possible, this new paradox." "how much do you pay for this wine?" "one franc the litre." "how much would you have paid for it outside the barrier?" "half a franc." "what is the reason of this difference?" "ask the octroi, which has imposed a tax of half a franc upon it." "and who established the octroi?" "the commune of paris, to enable them to pave and light the streets." "it resolves itself, then, into an import duty. but if the neighbouring communes had erected the octroi for their profit, what would have been the consequence?" "i should not the less have paid one franc for wine worth half a franc, and the other half franc would have gone to pave and light montmartre and the batignoles." "so that, in effect, it is the consumer who pays the tax." "that is beyond all doubt." "then, in imposing an export duty, you make the foreigner contribute to your expenditure." "pardon me, that is _unjust_." "why? before any commodity can be produced in a country, we must presuppose as existing in that country education, security, roads, which are all things that cost money. why then should not the foreigner bear the charges necessary to the production of the commodity of which ultimately he is the consumer?" "that is contrary to received ideas." "not in the least. the last buyer must bear the whole cost of production, direct and indirect." "it is in vain that you argue on this subject. it is self-evident that such a measure would paralyze trade, and shut all markets against us." "this is a mistake. if you paid this tax over and above all others, you might be right. but if the 100 millions levied by this means relieved the taxpayer to a corresponding extent of other burdens, you would reappear in the foreign market with all your advantages, and even with greater advantages, if this tax shall have given rise to less complication and expense." "i shall think over it. and now that we have put salt, postages, and customs duties on a new footing, does this end your projected reform?" "on the contrary, we are only beginning." "pray give me some account of your other utopian schemes." "we have already given up 60 millions of francs on salt and postages. the customhouse affords compensation, but it gives also something far more precious." "and what is that, if you please?" "international relations founded on justice, and a probability of peace nearly equal to a certainty. i disband the army." "the whole army?" "excepting the special arms, which will be recruited voluntarily like all other professions. you thus see the conscription abolished." "be pleased, sir, to use the word recruitment." "ah! i had forgotten; how easy it is in some countries to perpetuate and hand down the most unpopular things by changing their names!" "thus, _droits réunis_ have become _contributions indirectes_." "and _gendarmes_ have taken the name of _gardes municipaux_." "in short, you would disarm the country on the faith of a utopian theory." "i said that i should disband the army--not that i would disarm the country. on the contrary, i intend to give it invincible force." "and how can you give consistency to this mass of contradictions?" "i should call upon all citizens to take part in the service." "it would be well worth while to dispense with the services of some of them, in order to enrol all." "you surely have not made me a minister in order to leave things as they are. on my accession to power, i should say, like richelieu, 'state maxims are changed.' and my first maxim, the one i should employ as the basis of my administration, would be this: every citizen must prepare for two things--to provide for his own subsistence, and to defend his country." "it appears to me, at first sight, that there is some show of common sense in what you say." "consequently, i should base the law of national defence on these two enactments: "'art. 1st.--every able-bodied citizen shall remain _sous les drapeaux_ for four years--namely, from 21 to 25--for the purpose of receiving military instruction.'" "a fine economy, truly! you disband four hundred thousand soldiers to create ten millions." "listen to my second article: "'art. 2d.--unless it is proved that at 21 years of age he knows perfectly the platoon drill.'" "nor do i stop here. it is certain that in order to get quit of four years' service, there would be a terrible emulation among our youth to learn the _par le flanc droit and the charge en douze temps_. the idea is whimsical." "it is better than that. for without bringing families to grief, without encroaching on equality, would it not secure to the country, in a simple and inexpensive manner, 10 millions of defenders capable of setting at defiance all the standing armies of the world?" "really, if i were not on my guard, i should end with taking a serious interest in your conceits." _utopian free-trader getting excited_. "thank heaven! here is my budget relieved of 200 millions. i suppress the octroi. i remodel indirect contributions. i..." "oh! monsieur l'utopiste!" _utopian free-trader getting more and more excited_. "i should proclaim freedom of worship, freedom of teaching, and new resources. i would buy up the railways, pay off the public debtr and starve out stockjobbers." "monsieur l'utopiste!" "set free from a multiplicity of cares, i should concentrate all the powers of government in the repression of fraud, and in the administration of prompt and cheap justice; i.... "monsieur l'utopiste, you undertake too many things; the nation will not support you!" "you have granted me a majority." "i withdraw it." "be it so. then i am no longer a minister, and my projects will continue to be what they were--_utopias_." xii. the salt-tax, rates of postage, and customhouse duties. we expected some time ago to see our representative machinery produce an article quite new, the manufacture of which had not as yet been attempted--namely, _the relief of the taxpayer_. all was expectation. the experiment was interesting, as well as new. the motion of the machine disturbed nobody. in this respect, its performance was admirable, no matter at what time, in what place, or under what circumstances it was set agoing. but as regarded those reforms which were to simplify, equalize, and lighten the public burdens, no one has yet been able to find out what has been accomplished. it was said: you shall soon see; wait a little; this popular result involves the labours of four sessions. the year 1842 gave us railways; 1846 is to give us the reduction of the salt-tax and of the rates of postage; in 1850 we are to have a reformation of the tariff and of indirect taxation. the fourth session is to be the jubilee of the taxpayer. men were full of hope, for everything seemed to favour the experiment. the _moniteur_ had announced that the revenue would go on increasing every quarter, and what better use could be made of these unlooked-for returns than to give the villager a little more salt to his _eau tiede_, and an additional letter now and then from the battle-field, where his son was risking his life? but what has happened? like the two preparations of sugar which are said to hinder each other from crystallizing, or the kilkenny cats, which fought so desperately that nothing remained of them but their tails, the two promised reforms have swallowed up each other. nothing remains of them but the tails; that is to say, we have _projets de lois, exposés des motifs_, reports, statistical returns, and schedules, in which we have the comfort of seeing our sufferings philanthropically appreciated and homeopathically reckoned up. but as to the reforms themselves, they have not crystallized. nothing has come out of the crucible, and the experiment has been a failure. the chemists will by-and-by come before the jury and explain the causes of the breakdown. one will say, "i proposed a postal reform; but the chamber wished first of all to rid us of the salt-tax, and i gave it up." another will say, "i voted for doing away with the salt-tax, but the minister had proposed a postal reform, and my vote went for nothing." and the jury, finding these reasons satisfactory, will begin the experiment of new on the same data, and remit the work to the same chemists. this proves that it would be well for us, notwithstanding the sources from which it is derived, to adopt the practice introduced half a century ago on the other side of the channel, of prosecuting only one reform at a time. it is slow, it is wearisome; but it leads to some result. here we have a dozen reforms on the anvil at the same time. they hustle one another, like the ghosts at the gate of oblivion, where no one enters. "ohimè! che lasso î una a la volta, per carità." here is what jacques bonhomme said, in a dialogue with john bull, and it is worth being reported:-jacques bonhomme, john bull. jacques bonhomme: oh! who will deliver me from this hurricane of reforms? my head is in a whirl. a new one seems to be invented every day: university reform, financial reform, sanitary reform, parliamentary reform, electoral reform, commercial reform, social reform, and, last of all, comes postal reform! john bull: as regards the last, it is so easy and so useful, as we have found by experience, that i venture to give you some advice upon the subject. jacques: we are told that postal reform has turned out ill in england, and that the exchequer has lost half a million. john: and has benefited the public by ten times that sum. jacques: no doubt of that. john: we have every sign by which the public satisfaction can be testified. the nation, following the lead of sir robert peel and lord john russell, have given rowland hill, in true british fashion, substantial marks of the public gratitude. even the poorer classes testify their satisfaction by sealing their letters with wafers bearing this inscription: "public gratitude for postal reform." the leaders of the anti-corn-law league have proclaimed aloud in their place in parliament that without cheap postage thirty years would have been required to accomplish their great undertaking, which had for object the removal of duties on the food of the poor. the officers of the board of trade have declared it unfortunate that the english coin does not admit of a still greater reduction! what more proofs would you have? jacques: but the treasury? john: do not the treasury and the public sail in the same boat? jacques: not quite. and then, is it quite clear that our postal system has need to be reformed? john: that is the question. let us see how matters now stand. what is done with the letters that are put into the post-office? jacques: the routine is very simple. the postmaster opens the letter-box at a certain hour, and takes out of it, say, a hundred letters. john: and then? jacques: then he inspects them one by one. with a geographical table before him, and a letter-weigher in his hand, he assigns each letter to its proper category, according to weight and distance. there are only eleven postal zones or districts, and as many degrees of weight. john: that constitutes simply 121 combinations for each letter. jacques: yes; and we must double that number, because the letter may, or may not, belong to the _service rural_. john: there are, then, 24,200 things to be inquired into with reference to every hundred letters. and how does the postmaster then proceed? jacques: he marks the weight on one corner of the letter, and the postage in the middle of the address, by a hieroglyphic agreed upon at headquarters. john: and then? jacques: he stamps the letters, and arranges them in ten parcels corresponding with the other post-offices with which he is in communication. he adds up the total postages of the ten parcels. john: and then? jacques: then he enters the ten sums in a register, with counterfoils. john: and then? jacques: then he writes a letter to each of his ten correspondent postmasters, telling them with what sums he debits them. john: and if the letters are prepaid? jacques: then, i grant you, the service becomes somewhat complicated. he must in that case receive the letter, weigh it, and consign it to its proper category as before, receive payment and give change, select the appropriate stamp among thirty others, mark on the letter its number, weight, and postage; transcribe the full address, first in one register, then in a second, then in a third, then on a detached slip; wrap up the letter in the slip; send the whole, well secured by a string, to the correspondent postmaster; and enter each of these details in a dozen columns, selected from fifty other columns, which indicate the letter-bag in which prepaid letters are put. john: and all this for forty centimes (4d.)! jacques: yes, on an average. john: i see now that the despatch of letters is simple enough. let us see now what takes place on their arrival. jacques: the postmaster opens the post-bag. john: and then? jacques: he reads the ten invoices of his correspondents. john: and after that? jacques: he compares the totals of the invoices with the totals brought out by each of the ten parcels of letters. john: and after that? jacques: he brings the whole to a grand total to find out with what sum, _en bloc_, he is to debit each letter-carrier. john: and after that? jacques: after that, with a table of distances and letter-weigher in hand, he verifies or rectifies the postage of each letter. john: and after that? jacques: he enters in register after register, and in column after column, the greater or less results he has found. john: and after that? jacques: he puts himself in communication with the ten postmasters, his correspondents, to advise them of errors of 10 or 20 centimes (a penny or twopence). john: and then? jacques: he collects and arranges all the letters he has received, to hand them to the postman. john: and after that? jacques: he states the total postages that each postman is charged with. john: and after that? jacques: the postman verifies, or discusses, the signification of the hieroglyphics. the postman finally advances the amount, and sets out. john: go on. jacques: the postman goes to the party to whom a letter is addressed, and knocks at the door. a servant opens. there are six letters for that address. the postages are added up, separately at first, then altogether. they amount to 2 francs 70 centimes (2s. 3d.). john: go on. jacques: the servant goes in search of his master. the latter proceeds to verify the hieroglyphics. he mistakes the threes for twos and the nines for fours. he has doubts about the weights and distances. in short, he has to ask the postman to walk upstairs, and on the way he tries to find out the signatures of the letters, thinking it may be prudent to refuse some of them. john: go on. jacques: the postman when he has got upstairs pleads the cause of the post-office. they argue, they examine, they weigh, they calculate distances--at length the party agrees to receive five of the letters, and refuses one. john: go on. jacques: what remains is to pay the postage. the servant is sent to the grocer for change. after a delay of twenty minutes he returns, and the postman is at length set free, and rushes from door to door, to go through the same ceremony at each. john: go on. jacques: he returns to the post-office. he counts and recounts with the postmaster. he returns the letters refused, and gets repayment of his advances for these. he reports the objections of the parties with reference to weight and distance. john: go on. jacques: the postmaster has to refer to the registers, letter-bags, and special slips, in order to make up an account of the letters which have been refused. john: go on, if you please. jacques: i am thankful i am not a postmaster. we now come to accounts in dozens and scores at the end of the month; to contrivances invented not only to establish, but to check and control a minute responsibility, involving a total of 50 millions of francs, made up of postages amounting on an average to 43 centimes each (less than 4d.), and of 116 millions of letters, each of which may belong to one or other of 242 categories. john: a very complicated simplicity truly! the man who has resolved this problem must have a hundred times more genius than your mons. piron or our rowland hill. jacques: well, you seem to laugh at our system. would you explain yours to me? john: in england, the government causes to be sold all over the country, wherever it is judged useful, stamps, envelopes, and covers at a penny apiece. jacques: and after that? john: you write your letter, fold it, put it in the envelope, and throw it into the post-office. jacques: and after that? john: "after that"--why, that is the whole affair. we have nothing to do with distances, bulletins, registers, control, or accounting; we have no money to give or to receive, and no concern with hieroglyphics, discussions, interpretations, etc., etc. jacques: truly this is very simple. but is it not too much so? an infant might understand it. but such reforms as you describe stifle the genius of great administrators. for my own part, i stick to the french mode of going to work. and then your _uniform rate_ has the greatest of all faults. it is unjust. john: how so? jacques: because it is unjust to charge as much for a letter addressed to the immediate neighbourhood, as for one which you carry three hundred miles. john: at all events you will allow that the injustice goes no further than to the extent of a penny. jacques: no matter--it is still injustice. john: besides, the injustice, which at the outside cannot extend beyond a penny in any particular case, disappears when you take into account the entire correspondence of any individual citizen who sends his letters sometimes to a great distance and sometimes to places in the immediate vicinity. jacques: i adhere to my opinion. the injustice is lessened--infinitely lessened, if you will; it is inappreciable, infinitesimal, homoeopathic; but it exists. john: does your government make you pay dearer for an ounce of tobacco which you buy in the rue de clichy than for the same quantity retailed on the quai d'orsay? jacques: what connexion is there between the two subjects of comparison? john: in the one case as in the other, the cost of transport must be taken into account. mathematically, it would be just that each pinch of snuff should be dearer in the rue de clichy than on the quai d'orsay by the millionth part of a farthing. jacques: true; i don't dispute that it may be so. john: let me add, that your postal system is just only in appearance. two houses stand side by side, but one of them happens to be within, and the other just outside, the zone or postal district. the one pays a penny more than the other, just equal to the entire postage in england. you see, then, that with you injustice is committed on a much greater scale than with us. jacques: that is so. my objection does not amount to much; but the loss of revenue still remains to be taken into account. here i ceased to listen to the two interlocutors. it turned out, however, that jacques bonhomme was entirely converted; for some days afterwards, the report of m. vuitry having made its appearance, jacques wrote the following letter to that honourable legislator:-"j. bonhomme to m. de vuitry, deputy, reporter of the commission charged to examine the _projet de loi_ relative to the postage of letters. "monsieur,--although i am not ignorant of the extreme discredit into which one falls by making oneself the advocate of an absolute theory, i think it my duty not to abandon the cause of a uniform rate of postage, reduced to simple remuneration for the service actually rendered. "my addressing myself to you will no doubt be regarded as a good joke. on the one side appears a heated brain, a closet-reformer, who talks of overturning an entire system all at once and without any gradual transition; a dreamer, who has never, perhaps, cast his eye on that mass of laws, ordinances, tables, schedules, and statistical details which accompany your report,--in a word, a theorist. on the other appears a grave, prudent, moderate-minded legislator, who has weighed, compared, and shown due respect for the various interests involved, who has rejected all systems, or, which comes to the same thing, has constructed a system of his own, borrowed from all the others. the issue of such a struggle cannot be doubtful. "nevertheless, as long as the question is pending, every one has a right to state his opinions. i know that mine are sufficiently decided to expose me to ridicule. all i can expect from the reader of this letter is not to throw ridicule away (if, indeed, there be room for ridicule), before, in place of after, having heard my reasons. "for i, too, can appeal to experience. a great people has made the experiment. what has been the result? we cannot deny that that people is knowing in such matters, and that its opinion is entitled to weight. "very well, there is not a man in england whose voice is not in favour of postal reform. witness the subscription which has been opened for a testimonial to mr rowland hill. witness the manner in which john bull testifies his gratitude. witness the oft-repeated declaration of the anti-corn-law league: 'without the penny postage we should never have had developed that public opinion which has overturned the system of protection." all this is confirmed by what we read in a work emanating from an official source:-"' the rates of postage should be regulated, not with a view to revenue, but for the sole purpose of covering the expense.' "to which mr macgregor adds:-"'it is true that the rate having come down to our smallest coin, we cannot lower it further, although it does yield some revenue. but this source of revenue, which will go on constantly increasing, must be employed to improve the service, and to develop our system of mail steamers all over the world.' "this brings me to examine the leading idea of the commission, which is, on the other hand, that the rate of postage should be a source of revenue to government. "this idea runs through your entire report, and i allow that, under the influence of this prejudice, you could arrive at nothing great or comprehensive, and you are fortunate if, in trying to reconcile the two systems, you have not fallen into the errors and drawbacks of both. "the first question we have to consider is this: is the correspondence which passes between individual citizens a proper subject of taxation? "i shall not fall back on abstract principles, or remind you that the very essence of society being the communication of ideas, the object of every government, should be to facilitate and not impede this communication. "let us look to actual facts. "the total length of our highways and departmental and country roads extends to a million of kilomètres (625,000 miles). supposing that each has cost 100,000 francs (£4000), this makes a capital of 100 milliards (£4,000,000,000) expended by the state to facilitate the transport of passengers and goods. "now, put the question, if one of your honourable colleagues asked leave of the chamber to bring in a bill thus conceived: "'from and after 1st january next, the government will levy upon all travellers a tax sufficient not only to cover the expense of maintaining the highways, but to bring back to the exchequer four or five times the amount of that expense.... "would you not feel such a proposal to be anti-social and monstrous? "how is it that this consideration of profits, nay, of simple remuneration, never presents itself to our minds when the question regards the circulation of commodities, and yet appears so natural when the question regards the circulation of ideas? "perhaps it is the result of habit. if we had a postal system to create, it would most assuredly appear monstrous to establish it on a principle of revenue. "and yet remark that oppression is more glaring in this case than in the other. "when government has opened a new road it forces no one to make use of it (it would do so undoubtedly if the use of the road were taxed.) but while the post-office regulations continue to be enforced, no one can send a letter through any other channel, were it to his own mother. "the rate of postage, then, in principle, ought to be remunerative, and, for the same reason, uniform. "if we set out with this idea, what marvellous beauty, facility, and simplicity does not the reform i am advocating present! "here is the whole thing nearly put into the form of a law. "'article 1. from and after 1st january next there will be exposed to sale, in every place where the government judges it expedient, stamped envelopes and covers, at the price of a halfpenny or a penny. "'2. every letter put into one of these envelopes, and not exceeding the weight of half an ounce, every newspaper or print put into one of these covers, and not exceeding the weight of... will be transmitted, and delivered without cost at its address. "'3. all post-office accounting is entirely suppressed. "'4. all pains and penalties with reference to the conveyance of letters are abolished.' "that is very simple, i admit--much too simple; and i anticipate a host of objections. "that the system i propose may be attended with drawbacks is not the question; but whether yours is not attended with more. "in sober earnest, can the two (except as regards revenue) be put in comparison for a moment? "examine both. compare them as regards facility, convenience, despatch, simplicity, order, economy, justice, equality, multiplication of transactions, public satisfaction, moral and intellectual development, civilizing tendency; and tell me honestly if it is possible to hesitate a moment. "i shall not stop to enlarge on each of these considerations--i give you the headings of twelve chapters, which i leave blank, persuaded that no one can fill them up better than yourself. "but since there is one objection--namely, revenue--i must say a word on that head. "you have constructed a table in order to show that even at twopence the revenue would suffer a loss of £880,000. "at a penny, the loss would be £1,120,000, and at a halfpenny, of £1,320,000; hypotheses so frightful that you do not even formulate them in detail. "but allow me to say that the figures in your report dance about with a little too much freedom. in all your tables, in all your calculations, you have the tacit reservation of _coteris paribus_. you assume that the cost will be the same under a simple as under a complicated system of administration--the same number of letters with the present average postage of 4 1/2d. as with the uniform rate of twopence. you confine yourself to this rule of three: if 87 millions of letters at 4d. yield so much, then at 2d. the same number will yield so much; admitting, nevertheless, certain distinctions when they militate against our proposed reform. "in order to estimate the real sacrifice of revenue, we must, first of all, calculate the economy in the service which will be effected; then in what proportion the amount of correspondence will be augmented. we take this last datum solely into account, because we cannot suppose that the saving of cost which will be realized will not be met by an increased personnel rendered necessary by a more extended service. "undoubtedly, it is impossible to fix the exact amount of increase in the circulation of letters which the reduction of postage would cause, but in such matters a reasonable analogy has always been admitted. "you yourself admit that in england a reduction of seven-eighths in the rate has caused an increase of correspondence to the extent of 360 per cent. "here, the lowering to 5 centimes (a halfpenny) of the rate which is at present at an average of something less than 4 1/2d., would constitute likewise a reduction of seven-eighths. we may therefore be allowed to expect the same result--that is to say, 417 millions of letters, in place of 116 millions. "but let us count on 300 millions. "is there any exaggeration in assuming that with a rate of postage one half less, we shall reach an average of 8 letters to each inhabitant when in england they have reached 13. now 300 millions of letters, at 5 centimes, give, 15 100 millions of journals and prints, at 5 centimes, give 5 the present expense (which may diminish) is. 31 deducting for mail steamers,....5 there remains for despatches, travellers, and money parcels,....26 net product,......2 at present the net product is.....19 "now i ask whether the government, which makes a positive sacrifice of 800 millions (£32,000,000) per annum in order to facilitate the gratuitous transport of passengers, should not make a negative sacrifice of 17 millions, in order not to make a gain upon the transmission and circulation of ideas? "but the treasury, i am aware, has its own habits, and with whatever complacence it sees its receipts increase, it feels proportional disappointment in seeing them diminished by a single farthing. it seems to be provided with those admirable valves which in the human frame allow the blood to flow in one direction, but prevent its return. be it so. the treasury is perhaps a little too old for us to quicken its pace. we have no hope, therefore, that it will give in to us. but what will be said if i, jacques bonhomme, show it a way which is simple, easy, convenient, and essentially practical, of doing a great service to the country without its costing a single farthing? "the post-office yields a gross return to the treasury of.....50 millions total yield of these three services, 280 millions. "now, bring down postages to the uniform rate of 5 centimes (a halfpenny). "lower the salt-tax to 10 francs (8s.) the hundredweight, as the chamber has already voted. "give me power to modify the customs tariff in such a way that i shall be peremptorily prohibited from increasing any duty, but that i may lower duties at pleasure. "and i, jacques bonhomme, guarantee you a revenue, not of 280 millions, but of 300 millions. two hundred french bankers will be my sureties, and all i ask for my reward is as much as these three taxes will produce over and above 300 millions. "is it necessary for me to enumerate the advantages of my proposal? "1. the people will receive all the advantage resulting from cheapness in the price of an article of the first necessity--salt. "2. fathers will be able to write to their sons, and mothers to their daughters. nor will men's affections and sentiments, and the endearments of love and friendship, be stemmed and driven back into their hearts, as at present, by the hand of the tax-gatherer. "3. to carry a letter from one friend to another will no longer be inscribed in our code as a crime. "4. trade will revive with liberty, and our merchant shipping will recover from its humiliation. "5. the treasury will gain at first twenty millions, afterwards it will gain all that shall accrue to the revenue from other sources through the saving realized by each citizen on salt, postages, and other things, the duties on which have been lowered. "if my proposal is rejected, what am i to conclude? provided the bankers i represent offer sufficient security, under what pretext can my proposal be refused acceptance? it is impossible to invoke the equilibrium of budgets. it would indeed be upset, but upset in such a way that the receipts should exceed the expenses. this is no affair of theory, of system, of statistics, of probability, of conjecture; it is an offer, an offer like that of a company which solicits the concession of a line of railway. the treasury tells me what it derives from postages, salt-tax, and customs. i offer to give it more. the objection, then, cannot come from the treasury. i offer to reduce the tariff of salt, postages, and customs; i engage not to raise it; the objection, then, cannot come from the taxpayers. from whom does it come, then? from monopolists? it remains to be seen whether their voice shall be permitted in france to drown the voice of the government and the people. to assure us of this, i beg you to transmit my proposal to the council of ministers. jacques bonhomme. "p.s.--here is the text of my offer:-"i, jacques bonhomme, representing a company of bankers and capitalists, ready to give all guarantees and deposit whatever security may be necessary. "having learnt that the government derives only 280 millions of francs from customs duties, postages, and salt-tax, by means of the duties at present fixed; "i offer to give the government 300 millions from the gross produce of these three sources of revenue; "and this while reducing the salt-tax from 30fr. to l0fr.; "reducing the rate of postage from 42 1/2 centimes, at an average, to a uniform rate of from 5 to 10 centimes, "on the single condition that i am permitted not to raise (which will be formally prohibited), but to lower as much as i please the duties of customs. jacques bonhomme." "you are a fool," said i to jacques bonhomme, when he read me his letter. "you can do nothing with moderation. the other day you cried out against the hurricane of reforms, and here i find you demanding three, making one of them the condition of the other two. you will ruin yourself." "be quiet," said he, "i have made all my calculations; i only wish they may be accepted. but they will not be accepted." upon this we parted, our heads full, his of figures, mine of reflections which i forbear to inflict upon the reader. xiii. protection; or, the three city magistrates. demonstration in four tableaux. scene i.--house of master peter.--window looking out on a fine park.--three gentlemen seated near a good fire. peter: bravo! nothing like a good fire after a good dinner. it does feel so comfortable. but, alas! how many honest folks, like the boi d'yvetot, "soufflent, faute de bois, dans leurs doigts." miserable creatures! a charitable thought has just come into my head. you see these fine trees; i am about to fell them, and distribute the timber among the poor. paul and john: what! gratis? peter: not exactly. my good works would soon have an end were i to dissipate my fortune. i estimate my park as worth £1000. by cutting down the trees i shall pocket a good sum. paul: wrong. your wood as it stands is worth more than that of the neighbouring forests, for it renders you services which they cannot render. when cut down it will be only good for firewood, like any other, and will not bring a penny more the load. peter: oh! oh! mr theorist, you forget that i am a practical man. my reputation as a speculator is sufficiently well established, i believe, to prevent me from being taken for a noodle. do you imagine i am going to amuse myself by selling my timber at the price of float-wood? paul: it would seem so. peter: simpleton! and what if i can hinder float-wood from being brought into paris? paul: that alters the case. but how can you manage it? peter: here is the whole secret. you know that float-wood, on entering the city, pays 5d. the load. to-morrow, i induce the commune to raise the duty to £4, £8, £12,--in short, sufficiently high to prevent the entry of a single log. now, do you follow me? if the good people are not to die of cold, they have no alternative but to come to my woodyard. they will bid against each other for my wood, and i will sell it for a high price; and this act of charity, successfully carried out, will put me in a situation to do other acts of charity. paul: a fine invention, truly! it suggests to me another of the same kind. john: and what is that? is philanthropy to be again brought into play? paul: how do you like this normandy butter? john: excellent. paul: hitherto i have thought it passable. but do you not find that it takes you by the throat? i could make better butter in paris. i shall have four or five hundred cows, and distribute milk, butter, and cheese among the poor. peter and john: what! in charity? paul: bah! let us put charity always in the foreground. it is so fine a figure that its very mask is a good passport. i shall give my butter to the people, and they will give me their money. is that what is called selling? john: no; not according to the bourgeois gentilhomme. but, call it what you please, you will ruin yourself. how can paris ever compete with normandy in dairy produce? paul: i shall be able to save the cost of carriage. john: be it so. still, while paying that cost, the normans can beat the parisians. paul: to give a man something at a lower price--is that what you call beating him? john: it is the usual phrase; and you will always find yourself beaten. paul: yes; as don quixote was beaten. the blows will fall upon sancho. john, my friend, you forget the octroi. john: the octroi! what has that to do with your butter? paul: to-morrow, i shall demand _protection_, and induce the commune to prohibit butter being brought into paris from normandy and brittany. the people must then either dispense with it, or purchase mine, and at my own price, too. john: upon my honour, gentlemen, your philanthropy has quite made a convert of me. "on apprend à hurler, dit l'autre, avec les loups." my mind is made up. i shall not be thought unworthy of my colleagues. peter, this sparkling fire has inflamed your soul. paul, this butter has lubricated the springs of your intelligence. i, too, feel stimulated by this piece of powdered pork; and tomorrow i shall vote, and cause to be voted, the exclusion of swine, dead and alive. that done, i shall construct superb sheds in the heart of paris, "pour l'animal immonde aux hébreux défendu." i shall become a pig-driver and pork-butcher. let us see how the good people of paris can avoid coming to provide themselves at my shop. peter: softly, my good friends; if you enhance the price of butter and salt meat to such an extent, you cut down beforehand the profit i expect from my wood. paul: and my speculation will be no longer so wondrously profitable, if i am overcharged for my firewood and bacon. john: and i, what shall i gain by overcharging you for my sausages, if you overcharge me for my faggots and bread and butter? peter: very well, don't let us quarrel let us rather put our heads together and make reciprocal concessions. moreover, it is not good to consult one's self-interest exclusively--we must exercise humanity, and see that the people do not want fuel. paul: very right; and it is proper that the people should have butter to their bread. john: undoubtedly; and a bit of bacon for the pot. all: three cheers for charity; three cheers for philanthropy; and to-morrow we take the octroi by assault. peter: ah! i forgot. one word more; it is essential. my good friends, in this age of egotism the world is distrustful, and the purest intentions are often misunderstood. paul, you take the part of pleading for the wood; john will do the same for the butter; and i shall devote myself to the home-bred pig. it is necessary to prevent malignant suspicions. paul and john (leaving): upon my word, that is a clever fellow. scene ii.--council chamber. paul: _mes chers collègues_, every day there are brought to paris great masses of firewood, which drain away large sums of money. at this rate, we shall all be ruined in three years, and what will become of the poorer classes? (cheers) we must prohibit foreign timber. i don't speak for myself, for all the wood i possess would not make a tooth-pick. in what i mean to say, then, i am entirely free from any personal interest or bias. (hear, hear) but here is my friend peter, who possesses a park, and he will guarantee an adequate supply of fuel to our fellow-citizens, who will no longer be dependent on the charcoal-burners of the yonne. have you ever turned your attention to the risk which we run of dying of cold, if the proprietors of forests abroad should take it into their heads to send no more firewood to paris? let us put a prohibition, then, on bringing in wood. by this means we shall put a stop to the draining away of our money, create an independent interest charged with supplying the city with firewood, and open up to workmen a new source of employment and remuneration. (cheers) john: i support the proposal of my honourable friend, the preceding speaker, which is at once so philanthropic, and, as he himself has explained, so entirely disinterested. it is indeed high time that we should put an end to this insolent _laissez passer_, which has brought immoderate competition into our markets, and to such an extent that there is no province which possesses any special facility for providing us with a product, be it what it may, which does not immediately inundate us, undersell us, and bring ruin on the parisian workman. it is the duty of government to equalize the conditions of production by duties wisely adapted to each case, so as not to allow to enter from without anything which is not dearer than in paris, and so relieve us from an unequal struggle. how, for example, can we possibly produce milk and butter in paris, with brittany and normandy at our door? remember, gentlemen, that the agriculturists of brittany have cheaper land, a more abundant supply of hay, and manual labour on more advantageous terms. does not common sense tell us that we must equalize the conditions by a protective octroi tariff? i demand that the duty on milk and butter should be raised by 1000 per cent., and still higher if necessary. the workman's breakfast will cost a little more, but see to what extent his wages will be raised! we shall see rising around us cow-houses, dairies, and barrel chums, and the foundations laid of new sources of industry. not that i have any interest in this proposition. i am not a cowfeeder, nor have i any wish to be so. the sole motive which actuates me is a wish to be useful to the working classes. (applause.) peter: i am delighted to see in this assembly statesmen so pure, so enlightened, and so devoted to the best interests of the people. (cheers) i admire their disinterestedness, and i cannot do better than imitate the noble example which has been set me. i give their motions my support, and i shall only add another, for prohibiting the entry into paris of the pigs of poitou. i have no desire, i assure you, to become a pig-driver or a pork-butcher. in that case i should have made it a matter of conscience to be silent. but is it not shameful, gentlemen, that we should be the tributaries of the peasants of poitou, who have the audacity to come into our own market and take possession of a branch of industry which we ourselves have no means of carrying on? and who, after having inundated us with their hams and sausages, take perhaps nothing from us in return? at all events, who will tell us that the balance of trade is not in their favour, and that we are not obliged to pay them a tribute in hard cash? is it not evident that if the industry of poitou were transplanted to paris, it would open up a steady demand for parisian labour? and then, gentlemen, is it not very possible, as m. lestiboudois has so well remarked, that we may be buying the salt pork of poitou, not with our incomes, but with our capital? where will that land us? let us not suffer, then, that rivals who are at once avaricious, greedy, and perfidious, should come here to undersell us, and put it out of our power to provide ourselves with the same commodities. gentlemen, paris has reposed in you her confidence; it is for you to justify that confidence. the people are without employment; it is for you to create employment for them; and if salt pork shall cost them a somewhat higher price, we have, at least, the consciousness of having sacrificed our own interests to those of the masses, as every good magistrate ought to do. (loud and long-continued cheers.) a voice: i have heard much talk of the poor; but under pretext of affording them employment, you begin by depriving them of what is more valuable than employment itself, namely, butter, firewood, and meat. peter, paul, and john: vote, vote! down with utopian dreamers, theorists, generalizers! vote, vote! (_the three motions are carried._) scene iii.--twenty years afterwards. son: father, make up your mind; we must leave paris. nobody can any longer live there--no work, and everything dear. father: you don't know, my son, how much it costs one to leave the place where he was born. son: the worst thing of all is to perish from want. father: go you, then, and search for a more hospitable country. for myself, i will not leave the place where are the graves of your mother, and of your brothers and sisters. i long to obtain with them that repose which has been denied me in this city of desolation. son: courage, father; we shall find employment somewhere else--in poitou, or normandy, or brittany. it is said that all the manufactures of paris are being removed by degrees to these distant provinces. father: and naturally so. not being able to sell firewood and provisions, the people of these provinces have ceased to produce them beyond what their own wants call for. the time and capital at their disposal are devoted to making for themselves those articles with which we were in use to furnish them. son: just as at paris they have given up the manufacture of elegant dress and furniture, and betaken themselves to the planting of trees, and the rearing of pigs and cows. although still young, i have lived to see vast warehouses, sumptuous quarters of the city, and quays once teeming with life and animation on the banks of the seine, turned into meadows and copses. father: while towns are spread over the provinces, paris is turned into green fields. what a deplorable revolution! and this terrible calamity has been brought upon us by three magistrates, backed by public ignorance. son: pray relate to me the history of this change. father: it is short and simple. under pretext of planting in paris three new branches of industry, and by this means giving employment to the working classes, these men got the commune to prohibit the entry into paris of firewood, butter, and meat. they claimed for themselves the right of providing for their fellow-citizens. these commodities rose at first to exorbitant prices. no one earned enough to procure them, and the limited number of those who could procure them spent all their income on them, and had no longer the means of buying anything else. a check was thus given to all other branches of industry and production, and all the more quickly that the provinces no longer afforded a market. poverty, death, and emigration then began to depopulate paris. son: and when is this to stop? father: when paris has become a forest and a prairie. son: the three magistrates must have made a large fortune? father: at first they realized enormous profits, but at length they fell into the common poverty. son: how did that happen? father: look at that ruin. that was a magnificent man-sion-house surrounded with a beautiful park. if paris had continued to progress, master peter would have realized more interest than his entire capital now amounts to. son: how can that be, seeing he has got rid of competition? father: competition in selling has disappeared, but competition in buying has disappeared also, and will continue every day to disappear more and more until paris becomes a bare field, and until the copses of master peter have no more value than the copses of an equal extent of land in the forest of bondy. it is thus that monopoly, like every other system of injustice, carries in itself its own punishment. son: that appears to me not very clear, but the decadence of paris is an incontestable fact. is there no means, then, of counteracting this singular measure that peter and his colleagues got adopted twenty years ago? father: i am going to tell you a secret. i remain in paris on purpose. i shall call in the people to my assistance. it rests with them to replace the octroi on its ancient basis, and get quit of that fatal principle which was engrafted on it, and which still vegetates there like a parasitical fungus. son: you must succeed in this at once. father: on the contrary, the work will be difficult and laborious. peter, paul, and john understand one another marvellously. they will do anything rather than allow firewood, butter, and butchers' meat to enter paris. they have on their side the people, who see clearly the employment which these three protected branches of industry afford. they know well to what extent the cowfeeders and wood-merchants give employment to labour; but they have by no means the same exact idea of the labour which would be developed in the open air of liberty. son: if that is all, you will soon enlighten them. father: at your age, my son, no doubts arise. if i write, the people will not read; for, to support their miserable existence, they have not much time at their disposal. if i speak, the magistrates will shut my mouth. the people, therefore, will long remain under their fatal mistake. political parties, whose hopes are founded on popular passions, will set themselves, not to dissipate their prejudices, but to make merchandise of them. i shall have to combat at one and the same time the great men of the day, the people, and their leaders. in truth, i see a frightful storm ready to burst over the head of the bold man who shall venture to protest against an iniquity so deeply rooted in this country. son: you will have truth and justice on your side. father: and they will have force and calumny on theirs. were i but young again! but age and suffering have exhausted my strength. son: very well, father; what strength remains to you, devote to the service of the country. begin this work of enfranchisement, and leave to me the care of finishing it. scene iv.--the agitation. jacques bonhomme: parisians, let us insist upon a reform of the octroi duties; let us demand that they be instantly brought down to the former rate. let every citizen be free to buy his firewood, butter, and butchers' meat where he sees fit. the people: vive, vive la liberté! peter: parisians, don't allow yourselves to be seduced by that word, liberty. what good can result from liberty to purchase if you want the means--in other words, if you are out of employment? can paris produce firewood as cheaply as the forest of bondy? meat as cheaply as poitou? butter as cheaply as normandy? if you open your gates freely to these rival products, what will become of the cowfeeders, woodcutters, and pork-butchers? they cannot dispense with protection. the people: vive, vive la protection! jacques bonhomme: protection! but who protects you workmen? do you not compete with one another? let the wood-merchants, then, be subject to competition in their turn. they ought not to have right by law to raise the price of firewood, unless the rate of wages is also raised by law. are you no longer in love with equality? the people: vive, vive l'egalité! peter: don't listen to these agitators. we have, it is true, raised the price of firewood, butchers' meat, and butter; but we have done so for the express purpose of being enabled to give good wages to the workmen. we are actuated by motives of charity. the people: vive, vive la charité! jacques bonhomme. cause the rate of wages to be raised by the octroi, if you can, or cease by the same means to raise the prices of commodities. we parisians ask for no charity--we demand justice. the people: vive, vive la justice! peter: it is precisely the high price of commodities which will lead, _par ricochet_, to a rise of wages. the people: vive, vive la cherté! jacques bonhomme: if butter is dear, it is not because you pay high wages to the workmen, it is not even because you make exorbitant profits; it is solely because paris is ill-adapted for that branch of industry; it is because you wish to make in the town what should be made in the country, and in the country what should be made in the town. the people have not more employment--only they have employment of a different kind. they have no higher wages; while they can no longer buy commodities as cheaply as formerly. the people: vive, vive le bon marché! peter: this man seduces you with fine words. let us place the question before you in all its simplicity. is it, or is it not, true, that if we admit firewood, meat, and butter freely or at a lower duty, our markets will be inundated? believe me there is no other means of preserving ourselves from this new species of invasion but to keep the door shut, and so maintain the prices of commodities by rendering them artificially rare. some voices in the crowd: vive, vive la rareté! jacques bonhomme: let us bring the question to the simple test of truth. you cannot divide among the people of paris commodities which are not in paris. if there be less meat, less firewood, less butter, the share falling to each will be smaller. now there must be less if we prohibit what should be allowed to enter the city. parisians, abundance for each of you can be secured only by general abundance. the people: vive, vive l'abondance! peter: it is in vain that this man tries to persuade you that it is your interest to be subjected to unbridled competition. the people: a bas, à bas la concurrence! jacques bonhomme: it is in vain that this man tries to make you fall in love with restriction. the people: a bas, à bas la restriction! peter: i declare, for my own part, if you deprive the poor cowfeeders and pig-drivers of their daily bread, i can no longer be answerable for public order. workmen, distrust that man. he is the agent of perfidious normandy, and derives his inspiration from the provinces. he is a traitor; down with him! (the people preserve silence.) jacques bonhomme: parisians, what i have told you to-day, i told you twenty years ago, when peter set himself to work the octroi for his own profit and to your detriment. i am not, then, the agent of normandy. hang me up, if you will, but that will not make oppression anything else than oppression. friends, it is not jacques or peter that you must put an end to, but liberty if you fear it, or restriction if it does you harm. the people: hang nobody, and set everybody free. xiv. something else. "what is restriction?" "it is partial prohibition." "what is prohibition?" "absolute restriction." "so that what holds true of the one, holds true of the other?" "yes; the difference is only one of degree. there is between them the same relation as there is between a circle and the arc of a circle." "then, if prohibition is bad, restriction cannot be good?" "no more than the arc can be correct if the circle is irregular." "what is the name which is common to restriction and prohibition?" "protection." "what is the definitive effect of protection?" "to exact from men _a greater amount of labour for the same result_." "why are men attached to the system of protection?" "because as liberty enables us to obtain the same result with less labour, this apparent diminution of employment frightens them." "why do you say apparent?" "because _all labour saved can be applied to something else_." "to what?" "that i cannot specify, nor is there any need to specify it." "why?" "because if the sum of satisfactions which the country at present enjoys could be obtained with one-tenth less labour, no one can enumerate the new enjoyments which men would desire to obtain from the labour left disposable. one man would desire to be better clothed, another better fed, another better educated, another better amused." "explain to me the mechanism and the effects of protection." "that is not an easy matter. before entering on consideration of the more complicated cases, we must study it in a very simple one." "take as simple a case as you choose." "you remember how robinson crusoe managed to make a plank when he had no saw." "yes; he felled a tree, and then, cutting the trunk right and left with his hatchet, he reduced it to the thickness of a board." "and that cost him much labour?" "fifteen whole days' work." "and what did he live on during that time?" "he had provisions." "what happened to the hatchet?" "it was blunted by the work." "yes; but you perhaps do not know this: that at the moment when robinson was beginning the work he perceived a plank thrown by the tide upon the seashore." "happy accident! he of course ran to appropriate it?" "that was his first impulse; but he stopped short, and began to reason thus with himself:-"'if i appropriate this plank, it will cost me only the trouble of carrying it, and the time needed to descend and remount the cliff. "'but if i form a plank with my hatchet, first of all, it will procure me fifteen days' employment; then my hatchet will get blunt, which will furnish me with the additional employment of sharpening it; then i shall consume my stock of provisions, which will be a third source of employment in replacing them. now, _labour is wealth_. it is clear that i should ruin myself by appropriating the shipwrecked plank. i must protect my _personal labour_; and, now that i think of it, i can even increase that labour by throwing back the other plank into the sea.'" "but this reasoning was absurd." "no doubt. it is nevertheless the reasoning of every nation which protects itself by prohibition. it throws back the plank which is offered it in exchange for a small amount of labour in order to exert a greater amount of labour. it is not in the labour of the customhouse officials that it discovers a gain. that gain is represented by the pains which robinson takes to render back to the waves the gift which they had offered him. consider the nation as a collective being, and you will not find between its reasoning and that of robinson an atom of difference." "did robinson not see that he could devote the time saved to _something else?_" "what else?" "as long as a man has wants to satisfy and time at his disposal, there is always something to be done. i am not bound to specify the kind of labour he would in such a case undertake." "i see clearly what labour he could have escaped." "and i maintain that robinson, with incredible blindness, confounded the labour with its result, the end with the means, and i am going to prove to you..." "there is no need. here we have the system of restriction or prohibition in its simplest form. if it appear to you absurd when so put, it is because the two capacities of producer and consumer are in this case mixed up in the same individual." "let us pass on, therefore, to a more complicated example." "with all my heart. some time afterwards, robinson having met with friday, they united their labour in a common work. in the morning they hunted for six hours, and brought home four baskets of game. in the evening they worked in the garden for six hours, and obtained four baskets of vegetables. "one day a canoe touched at the island. a good-looking foreigner landed, and was admitted to the table of our two recluses. he tasted and commended very much the produce of the garden, and before taking leave of his entertainers, spoke as follows:-"'generous islanders, i inhabit a country where game is much more plentiful than here, but where horticulture is quite unknown. it would be an easy matter to bring you every evening four baskets of game, if you would give me in exchange two baskets of vegetables.' "at these words robinson and friday retired to consult, and the argument that passed is too interesting not to be reported _in extenso_. "friday: what do you think of it? "robinson: if we close with the proposal, we are ruined. "f.: are you sure of that? let us consider. "r.: the case is clear. crushed by competition, our hunting as a branch of industry is annihilated. "f.: what matters it, if we have the game? "r.: theory! it will no longer be the product of our labour. "f.: i beg your pardon, sir; for in order to have game we must part with vegetables. "r.: then, what shall we gain? "f.:. the four baskets of game cost us six hours' work. the foreigner gives us them in exchange for two baskets of vegetables, which cost us only three hours' work. this places three hours at our disposal. "r.: say, rather, which are substracted from our exertions. in this will consist our loss. _labour is wealth_, and if we lose a fourth part of our time, we shall be less rich by a fourth. "f.: you are greatly mistaken, my good friend. we shall have as much game, and the same quantity of vegetables, and three hours at our disposal into the bargain. this is progress, or there is no such thing in-the world. "r.: you lose yourself in generalities! what should we make of these three hours? "f.: we would do _something else_. "r.: ah! i understand you. you cannot come to particulars. something else, something else--this is easily said. "f.: we can fish, we can ornament our cottage, we can read the bible. "r.: utopia! is there any certainty that we should do either the one or the other? "f.: very well, if we have no wants to satisfy we can rest. is repose nothing? "r.: but while we repose we may die of hunger. "f.: my dear friend, you have got into a vicious circle. i speak of a repose which will subtract nothing from our supply of game and vegetables. you always forget that by means of our _foreign trade_ nine hours' labour will give us the same quantity of provisions that we obtain at present with twelve. "r: it is very evident, friday, that you have not been educated in europe, and that you have never read the _moniteur industriel_. if you had, it would have taught you this: that all time saved is sheer loss. the important thing is not to eat or consume, but to work. all that we consume, if it is not the direct produce of our labour, goes for nothing. do you want to know whether you are rich? never consider the satisfactions you enjoy, but the labour you undergo. this is what the _moniteur industriel_ would teach you. for myself, who have no pretensions to be a theorist, the only thing i look at is the loss of our hunting. "f.: what a strange conglomeration of ideas! but... "r.: i will have no buts. moreover, there are political reasons for rejecting the interested offers of the perfidious foreigner. "f.: political reasons! "r.: yes, he only makes us these offers because they are advantageous to him. "f.: so much the better, since they are for our advantage likewise. "r.: then by this traffic we should place ourselves in a situation of dependence upon him. "f.: and he would place himself in dependence on us. we should have need of his game, and he of our vegetables, and we should live on terms of friendship. "r.: system! do you want me to shut your mouth? "f.: we shall see about that. i have as yet heard no good reason. "r.: suppose the foreigner learns to cultivate a garden, and that his island should prove more fertile than ours. do you see the consequence? "f.: yes; our relations with the foreigner would cease. he would send us no more vegetables, since he could have them at home with less labour. he would take no more game from us, since we should have nothing to give him in exchange, and we should then be in precisely the situation that you wish us in now. "r.: improvident savage! you don't see that after having annihilated our hunting by inundating us with game, he would annihilate our gardening by inundating us with vegetables. "f.: but this would only last till we were in a situation to give him _something else_; that is to say, until we found something else which we could produce with economy of labour for ourselves. "r. something else, something else! you always come back to that. you are at sea, my good friend friday; there is nothing practical in your views." "the debate was long prolonged, and, as often happens, each remained wedded to his own opinion. but robinson possessing a great ascendant over friday, his opinion prevailed, and when the foreigner arrived to demand a reply, robinson said to him-"' stranger, in order to induce us to accept your proposal, we must be assured of two things: "' the first is, that your island is no better stocked with game than ours, for we want to fight only with _equal weapons_. "' the second is, that you will lose by the bargain. for, as in every exchange there is necessarily a gaining and a losing party, we should be dupes, if you were not the loser. what have you got to say?' "' nothing,' replied the foreigner; and, bursting out a-laugh-ing, he regained his canoe." "the story would not be amiss, if robinson were not made to argue so very absurdly." "he does not argue more absurdly than the committee of the rue hauteville." "oh! the case is very different. sometimes you suppose one man, and sometimes (which comes to the same thing) two men working in company. that does not tally with the actual state of things. the division of labour and the intervention of merchants and money change the state of the question very much." "that may complicate transactions, but does not change their nature." "what! you want to compare modern commerce with a system of barter." "trade is nothing but a multiplicity of barters. barter is in its own nature identical with commerce, just as labour on a small scale is identical with labour on a great scale, or as the law of gravitation which moves an atom is identical with that same law of gravitation which moves a world." "so, according to you, these arguments, which are so untenable in the mouth of robinson, are equally untenable when urged by our protectionists." "yes; only the error is better concealed under a complication of circumstances." "then, pray, let us have an example taken from the present order of things." "with pleasure. in france, owing to the exigencies of climate and habits, cloth is a useful thing. is the essential thing to _make it_, or to _get it?_" "a very sensible question, truly! in order to have it, you must make it." "not necessarily. to have it, some one must make it, that is certain; but it is not at all necessary that the same person or the same country which consumes it should also produce it. you have not made that stuff which clothes you so well. france does not produce the coffee on which our citizens breakfast." "but i buy my cloth, and france her coffee." "exactly so; and with what?" "with money." "but neither you nor france produce the material of money." "we buy it." "with what?" "with our products, which are sent to peru." "it is then, in fact, your labour which you exchange for cloth, and french labour which is exchanged for coffee." "undoubtedly." "it is not absolutely necessary, therefore, to manufacture what you consume." "no; if we manufacture something else which we give in exchange." "in other words, france has two means of procuring a given quantity of cloth. the first is to make it; the second is to make something else, and to exchange this something else with the foreigner for cloth. of these two means, which is the best?" "i don't very well know." "is it not that which, _for a determinate amount of labour, obtains the greater quantity of cloth?_" "it seems so." "and which is best for a nation, to have the choice between these two means, or that the law should prohibit one of them, on the chance of stumbling on the better of the two?" "it appears to me that it is better for the nation to have the choice, inasmuch as in such matters it invariably chooses right." "the law, which prohibits the importation of foreign cloth, decides, then, that if france wishes to have cloth, she must make it in kind, and that she is prohibited from making the something else with which she could purchase foreign cloth." "true." "and as the law obliges us to make the cloth, and forbids our making the something else, precisely because that something else would exact less labour (but for which reason the law would not interfere with it) the law virtually decrees that for a determinate amount of labour, france shall only have one yard of cloth, when for the same amount of labour she might have two yards, by applying that labour to something else!" "but the question recurs, 'what else?" "and my question recurs, 'what does it signify?' having the choice, she will only make the something else to such an extent as there may be a demand for it." "that is possible; but i cannot divest myself of the idea that the foreigner will send us his cloth, and not take from us the something else, in which case we would be entrapped. at all events, this is the objection even from your own point of view. you allow that france could make this something else to exchange for cloth, with a less expenditure of labour than if she had made the cloth itself?" "undoubtedly." "there would, then, be a certain amount of her labour rendered inert?" "yes; but without her being less well provided with clothes, a little circumstance which makes all the difference. robinson lost sight of this, and our protectionists either do not see it, or pretend not to see it. the shipwrecked plank rendered fifteen days of robinson's labour inert, in as far as that labour was applied to making a plank, but it did not deprive him of it. discriminate, then, between these two kinds of diminished labour--the diminution which has for effect privation, and that which has for its cause satisfaction. these two things are very different, and if you mix them up, you reason as robinson did. in the most complicated, as in the most simple cases, the sophism consists in this: _judging of the utility of labour by its duration and intensity, and not by its results_; which gives rise to this economic policy: _to reduce the results of labour for the purpose of augmenting its duration and intensity_." * * see ch. ii. and iii. of _sophimes_, first series; and _harmonies économiques_, ch. vi. xv. the little arsenal of the free-trader. if any one tells you that there are no absolute principles, no inflexible rules; that prohibition may be bad and yet that restriction may be good, reply: "restriction prohibits all that it hinders from being imported.": if any one says that agriculture is the nursing-mother of the country, reply: "what nourishes the country is not exactly agriculture, but corn." if any one tells you that the basis of the food of the people is agriculture, reply: "the basis of the people's food is corn. this is the reason why a law which gives us, by agricultural labour, two quarters of corn, when we could have obtained four quarters without such labour, and by means of labour applied to manufactures, is a law not for feeding, but for starving the people." if any one remarks that restriction upon the importation of foreign corn gives rise to a more extensive culture, and consequently to increased home production, reply: "it induces men to sow grain on comparatively barren and ungrateful soils. to milk a cow and go on milking her, puts a little more into the pail, for it is difficult to say when you will come to the last drop. but that drop costs dear." if any one tells you that when bread is dear, the agriculturist, having become rich, enriches the manufacturer, reply: "bread is dear when it is scarce, and then men are poor, or, if you like it better, they become rich _starvelings_." if you are further told that when bread gets dearer, wages rise, reply by pointing out that, in april 1847, five-sixths of our workmen were receiving charity, if you are told that the wages of labour should rise with the increased price of provisions, reply: "this is as much as to say that in a ship without provisions, everybody will have as much biscuit as if the vessel were fully victualled." if you are told that it is necessary to secure a good price to the man who sells corn, reply: "that in that case it is also necessary to secure good wages to the man who buys it." if it is said that the proprietors, who make the laws, have raised the price of bread, without taking thought about wages, because they know that when bread rises, wages naturally rise, reply: "upon the same principle, when the workmen come to make the laws, don't blame them if they fix a high rate of wages without busying themselves about protecting corn, because they know that when wages rise, provisions naturally rise also." if you are asked what, then, is to be done? reply: "be just to everybody." if you are told that it is essential that every great country should produce iron, reply: "what is essential is, that every great country should have iron." if you are told that it is indispensable that every great country should produce cloth, reply: "the indispensable thing is, that the citizens of every great country should have cloth." if it be said that labour is wealth, reply: "this is not true." and, by way of improvement, add: "phlebotomy is not health, and the proof of it is that bleeding is resorted to for the purpose of restoring health." if it is said: "to force men to cultivate rocks, and extract an ounce of iron from a hundredweight of ore, is to increase their labour and consequently their wealth," reply: "to force men to dig wells by prohibiting them from taking water from the brook, is to increase their _useless labour_, but not their wealth." if you are told that the sun gives you his heat and light without remuneration, reply: "so much the better for me, for it costs me nothing to see clearly." and if you are answered that industry in general loses what would have been paid for artificial light, rejoin; "no; for having paid nothing to the sun, what he saves me enables me to buy clothes, furniture, and candles." in the same way, if you are told that these rascally english possess capital which is dormant, reply: "so much the better for us; they will not make us pay interest for it." if it is said: "these perfidious english find coal and iron in the same pit," reply: "so much the better for us; they will charge us nothing for bringing them together." if you are told that the swiss have rich pasturages, which cost little: reply: "the advantage is ours, for they will demand a smaller amount of our labour in return for giving an impetus to our agriculture, and supplying us with provisions." if they tell you that the lands of the crimea have no value, and pay no taxes, reply: "the profit is ours, who buy corn free from such charges." if they tell you that the serfs of poland work without wages, reply: "the misfortune is theirs and the profit is ours, since their labour does not enter into the price of the corn which their masters sell us." finally, if they tell you that other nations have many advantages over us, reply: "by means of exchange, they are forced to allow us to participate in these advantages." if they tell you that under free-trade we are about to be inundated with bread, _bouf à la mode_, coal, and winter clothing, reply: "in that case we shall be neither hungry nor thirsty." if they ask how we are to pay for these things? reply: "don't let that disquiet you. if we are inundated, it is a sign we have the means of paying for the inundation; and if we have not the means of paying, we shall not be inundated." if any one says: i should approve of free-trade, if the foreigner, in sending us his products, would take our products in exchange; but he carries off our money, reply: "neither money nor coffee grows in the fields of beauce, nor are they turned out by the workshops of elbeuf. so far as we are concerned, to pay the foreigner with money is the same thing as paying him with coffee." if they bid you eat butcher's meat, reply: "allow it to be imported." if they say to you, in the words of the _presse_, "when one has not the means to buy bread, he is forced to buy beef," reply: "this is advice quite as judicious as that given by m. vautour to his tenant: "'quand on n'a pas de quoi payer son terme, il faut avoir une maison à soi.'" if, again, they say to you, in the words of _la presse_, "the government should teach the people how and why they must eat beef," reply: "the government has only to allow the beef to be imported, and the most civilized people in the world will know how to use it without being taught by a master." if they tell you that the government should know everything, and foresee everything, in order to direct the people, and that the people have simply to allow themselves to be led, reply by asking: "is there a state apart from the people? is there a human foresight apart from humanity? archimedes might repeat every day of his life, 'with a fulcrum and lever i can move the world;' but he never did move it, for want of a fulcrum and lever. the lever of the state is the nation; and nothing can be more foolish than to found so many hopes upon the state, which is simply to take for granted the existence of collective science and foresight, after having set out with the assumption of individual imbecility and improvidence." if any one says, "i ask no favour, but only such a duty on bread and meat as shall compensate the heavy taxes to which i am subjected; only a small duty equal to what the taxes add to the cost price of my corn," reply: "a thousand pardons; but i also pay taxes. if, then, the protection which you vote in your own favour has the effect of burdening me as a purchaser of corn with exactly your share of the taxes, your modest demand amounts to nothing less than establishing this arrangement as formulated by you: seeing that the public charges are heavy, i, as a seller of corn, am to pay nothing, and you my neighbour, as a buyer of corn, are to pay double, viz., your own share and mine into the bargain.' mr corn-merchant, my good friend, you may have force at your command, but assuredly you have not reason on your side." if any one says to you, "it is, however, exceedingly hard upon me, who pay taxes, to have to compete in my own market with the foreigner, who pays none, reply: "1st, in the first place, it is not your market, but our market. i who live upon corn and pay for it, should surely be taken into account. "2d, few foreigners at the present day are exempt from taxes. "3d, if the taxes you vote yield you in roads, canals, security, etc., more than they cost you, you are not justified in repelling, at my expense, the competition of foreigners, who, if they do not pay taxes, have not the advantages you enjoy in roads, canals, and security. you might as well say, 'i demand a compensating duty because i have finer clothes, stronger horses, and better ploughs than the hard-working peasant of russia.' "4th, if the tax does not repay you for what it costs, don't vote it. "5th, in short, after having voted the tax, do you wish to get free from it? try to frame a law which will throw it on the foreigner. but your tariff makes your share of it fall upon me, who have already my own burden to bear." if any one says, "for the russians free-trade is necessary to enable them to exchange their products with advantage," (opinion de m. thiers dans les bureaux, april 1847), reply: "liberty is necessary everywhere, and for the same reason." if you are told, "each country has its wants, and we must be guided by that in what we do." (m. thiers), reply: "each country acts thus of its own accord, if you don't throw obstacles in the way." if they tell you, "we have no sheet-iron, and we must allow it to be imported," (m. thiers), reply: "many thanks." if you are told, "we have no freights for our merchant shipping. the want of return cargoes prevents our shipping from competing with foreigners," (m. thiers), reply: "when a country wishes to have everything produced at home, there can be no freights either for exports or imports. it is just as absurd to desire to have a mercantile marine under a system of prohibition, as it would be to have carts when there is nothing to carry." if you are told that assuming protection to be unjust, everything has been arranged on that footing; capital has been embarked; rights have been acquired; and the system cannot be changed without suffering to individuals and classes, reply: "all injustice is profitable to somebody (except, perhaps, restriction, which in the long run benefits no one). to argue from the derangement which the cessation of injustice may occasion to the man who profits by it, is as much as to say that a system of injustice, for no other reason than that it has had a temporary existence, ought to exist for ever." xvi. the right hand and the left. report addressed to the king. sire, when we observe these free-trade advocates boldly-disseminating their doctrines, and maintaining that the right of buying and selling is implied in the right of property (as has been urged by m. billault in the true style of a special pleader), we may be permitted to feel serious alarm as to the fate of our national labour; for what would frenchmen make of their heads and their hands were they left to their own resources? the administration which you have honoured with your confidence has turned its attention to this grave state of things, and has sought in its wisdom to discover a species of _protection_ which may be substituted for that which appears to be getting out of repute. they propose a _law to prohibit your faithful subjects from using their right hands_. sire, we beseech you not to do us the injustice of supposing that we have adopted lightly and without due deliberation a measure which at first sight may appear somewhat whimsical. a profound study of the system of protection has taught us this syllogism, upon which the whole doctrine reposes: the more men work, the richer they become; the more difficulties there are to be overcome, the more work; ergo, the more difficulties there are to be overcome, the richer they become. in fact, what is protection, if it is not an ingenious application of this reasoning--reasoning so close and conclusive as to balk the subtlety of m. billault himself? let us personify the country, and regard it as a collective being with thirty millions of mouths, and, as a natural consequence, with sixty millions of hands. here is a man who makes a french clock, which he can exchange in belgium for ten hundredweights of iron. but we tell him to make the iron himself. he replies, "i cannot, it would occupy too much of my time; i should produce only five hundredweights of iron during the time i am occupied in making a clock." utopian dreamer, we reply, that is the very reason why we forbid you to make the clock, and order you to make the iron. don't you see we are providing employment for you? sire, it cannot have escaped your sagacity that this is exactly the same thing in effect as if we were to say to the country, "work with your left hand, and not with the right." to create obstacles in order to furnish labour with an opportunity of developing itself, was the principle of the old system of restriction, and it is the principle likewise of the new system which is now being inaugurated. sire, to regulate industry in this way is not to innovate, but to persevere. as regards the efficiency of the measure, it is incontestable. it is difficult, much more difficult than one would suppose, to do with the left hand what we have been accustomed to do with the right. you will be convinced of this, sire, if you will condescend to make trial of our system in a process which must be familiar to you; as, for example, in shuffling a pack of cards. for this reason, we flatter ourselves that we are opening to labour an unlimited career. when workmen in all departments of industry are thus confined to the use of the left hand, we may figure to ourselves, sire, the immense number of people that will be wanted to supply the present consumption, assuming it to continue invariable, as we always do when we compare two different systems of production with one another. so prodigious a demand for manual labour cannot fail to induce a great rise of wages, and pauperism will disappear as if by enchantment. sire, your paternal heart will rejoice to think that this new law of ours will extend its benefits to that interesting part of the community whose destinies engage all your solicitude. what is the present destiny of women in france? the bolder and more hardy sex drives them insensibly out of every department of industry. formerly, they had the resource of the lottery offices. these offices have been shut up by a pitiless philanthropy, and on what pretext? "to save the money of the poor." alas! the poor man never obtained for a piece of money enjoyments as sweet and innocent as those afforded by the mysterious urn of fortune. deprived of all the enjoyments of life, when he, fortnight after fortnight, put a day's wages on the _quaterne_, how many delicious hours did he afford his family! hope was always present at his fireside. the garret was peopled with illusions. the wife hoped to rival her neighbours in her style of living; the son saw himself the drum-major of a regiment; and the daughter fancied herself led to the altar by her betrothed. "c'est quelque chose encor que de faire un beau rêve!" the lottery was the poetry of the poor, and we have lost it. the lottery gone, what means have we of providing for our _protégées?_ tobacco-shops and the post-office. tobacco, all right; its use progresses, thanks to the _distinguées_ habits, which august examples have skilfully introduced among our fashionable youth. the post-office!... we shall say nothing of it, as we mean to make it the subject of a special report. except, then, the sale of tobacco, what employment remains for your female subjects? embroidery, network, and sewing,--melancholy resources, which the barbarous science of mechanics goes on limiting more and more. but the moment your new law comes into operation, the moment right hands are amputated or tied up, the face of everything will be changed. twenty times, thirty times, a greater number of embroiderers, polishers, laundresses, seamstresses, milliners, shirtmakers, will not be sufficient to supply the wants of the kingdom, always assuming, as before, the consumption to be the same. this assumption may very likely be disputed by some cold theorists, for dress and everything else will then be dearer. the same thing may be said of the iron which we extract from our own mines, compared with the iron we could obtain in exchange for our wines. this argument, therefore, does not tell more against gaucherie than against protection, for this very dearness is the effect and the sign of an excess of work and exertion, which is precisely the basis upon which, in both cases, we contend that the prosperity of the working classes is founded. yes, we shall be favoured soon with a touching picture of the prosperity of the millinery business. what movement! what activity! what life! every dress will occupy a hundred fingers, instead of ten. no young woman will be idle, and we have no need, sire, to indicate to your perspicacity the moral consequences of this great revolution. not only will there be more young women employed, but each of them will earn more, for they will be unable to supply the demand; and if competition shall again show itself, it will not be among the seamstresses who make the dresses, but among the fine ladies who wear them. you must see then, sire, that our proposal is not only in strict conformity with the economic traditions of the government, but is in itself essentially moral and popular. to appreciate its effects, let us suppose the law passed and in operation,--let us transport ourselves in imagination into the future,--and assume the new system to have been in operation for twenty years. idleness is banished from the country; ease and concord, contentment and morality, have, with employment, been introduced into every family--no more poverty, no more vice. the left hand being very visible in all work, employment will be abundant, and the remuneration adequate. everything is arranged on this footing, and the workshops in consequence are full. if, in such circumstances, sire, utopian dreamers were all at once to agitate for the right hand being again set free, would they not throw the whole country into alarm? would such a pretended reform not overturn the whole existing state of things? then our system must be good, since it could not be put an end to without universal suffering. and yet we confess we have the melancholy presentiment (so great is human perversity) that some day there will be formed an association for right-hand freedom. we think that already we hear the free dexterities, assembled in the salle montesquieu, holding this language:-"good people, you think yourselves richer because the use of one of your hands has been denied you; you take account only of the additional employment which that brings you. but consider also the high prices which result from it, and the forced diminution of consumption. that measure has not made capital more abundant, and capital is the fund from which wages are paid. the streams which flow from that great reservoir are directed towards other channels; but their volume is not enlarged; and the ultimate effect, as far as the nation at large is concerned, is the loss of all that wealth which millions of right hands could produce, compared with what is now produced by an equal number of left hands. at the risk of some inevitable derangements, then, let us form an association, and enforce our right to work with both hands." fortunately, sire, an association has been formed in defence of left-hand labour, and the sinistristes will have no difficulty in demolishing all these generalities, suppositions, abstractions, reveries, and utopias. they have only to exhume the moniteur industriel for 1846, and they will find ready-made arguments against freedom of trade, which refute so admirably all that has been urged in favour of right-hand liberty that it is only necessary to substitute the one word for the other. "the parisian free-trade league has no doubt of securing the concurrence of the workmen. but the workmen are no longer men who can be led by the nose. they have their eyes open, and they know political economy better than our professors. free trade, they say, will deprive us of employment, and labour is our wealth. with employment, with abundant employment, the price of commodities never places them beyond our reach. without employment, were bread at a halfpenny a pound, the workman would die of hunger. now your doctrines, instead of increasing the present amount of employment, would diminish it, that is to say, would reduce us to poverty. "when there are too many commodities in the market, their price falls, no doubt. but as wages always fall when commodities are cheap, the result is that, instead of being in a situation to purchase more, we are no longer able to buy anything. it is when commodities are cheap that the workman is worst off." it will not be amiss for the sinistristes to intermingle some menaces with their theories. here is a model for them:--"what! you desire to substitute right-hand for left-hand labour, and thus force down, or perhaps annihilate wages, the sole resource of the great bulk of the nation! "and, at a time when a deficient harvest is imposing painful privations on the workman, you wish to disquiet him as to his future, and render him more accessible to bad advice, and more ready to abandon that wise line of conduct which has hitherto distinguished him." after such conclusive reasoning as this, we entertain a confident hope, sire, that if the battle is once begun, the left hand will come off victorious. perhaps an association may be formed for the purpose of inquiring whether the right hand and the left are not both wrong, and whether a third hand cannot be found to conciliate everybody. after having depicted the dexteristes as seduced by the apparent liberality of a principle, the soundness of which experience has not yet verified and the sinistristes as maintaining the position they have gained, they go on to say:-"we deny that there is any third position which it is possible to take up in the midst of the battle! is it not evident that the workmen have to defend themselves at one and the same time against those who desire to change nothing in the present situation, because they find their account in it, and against those who dream of an economic revolution of which they have calculated neither the direction nor the extent?" we cannot, however, conceal from your majesty that our project has a vulnerable side; for it may be said that twenty years hence left hands will be as skilful as right hands are at present, and that then you could no longer trust to gaucherie for an increase of national employment. to that we reply, that according to the most learned physicians the left side of the body has a natural feebleness, which is quite reassuring as regards the labour of the future. should your majesty consent to pass the measure now proposed, a great principle will be established: all wealth proceeds from the intensity of labour. it will be easy for us to extend and vary the applications of this principle. we may decree, for example, that it shall no longer be permissible to work but with the foot; for this is no more impossible (as we have seen) than to extract iron from the mud of the seine. you see then, sire, that the means of increasing national labour can never fail. and after all has been tried, we have still the practically ex-haustless resource of amputation. to conclude, sire, if this report were not intended for publicity, we should take the liberty of soliciting your attention to the great influence which measures of this kind are calculated to confer on men in power. but that is a matter which we must reserve for a private audience. xvii. domination by labour. "in the same way that in time of war we attain the mastery by superiority in arms, do we not, in time of peace, arrive at domination by superiority in labour?" this is a question of the highest interest at a time when no doubt seems to be entertained that in the field of industry, as in the field of battle, the stronger crushes the weaker. to arrive at this conclusion, we must have discovered between the labour which is applied to commodities and the violence exercised upon men, a melancholy and discouraging analogy; for why should these two kinds of operations be thought identical in their effects, if they are essentially different in their own nature? and if it be true that in industry, as in war, predominance is the necessary result of superiority, what have we to do with progress or with social economy, seeing that we inhabit a world where everything has been so arranged by providence that one and the same effect--namely, oppression--proceeds necessarily from two opposite principles? with reference to england's new policy of commercial freedom, many persons make this objection, which has, i am convinced, taken possession of the most candid minds among us: "is england doing anything else than pursuing the same end by different means. does she not always aspire at universal supremacy? assured of her superiority in capital and labour, does she not invite free competition in order to stifle continental industry, and so put herself in a situation to reign as a sovereign, having conquered the privilege of feeding and clothing the population she has ruined?" it would not be difficult to demonstrate that these alarms are chimerical; that our alleged inferiority is much exaggerated; that our great branches of industry not only maintain their ground, but are actually developed under the action of external competition, and that the infallible effect of such competition is to bring about an increase of general consumption, capable of absorbing both home and foreign products. at present, i desire to make a direct answer to the objection, leaving it all the advantage of the ground chosen by the objectors. keeping out of view for the present the special case of england and france, i shall inquire in a general way whether, when, by its superiority in one branch of industry, a nation comes to outrival and put down a similar branch of industry existing among another people, the former has advanced one step towards domination, or the latter towards dependence; in' other words, whether both nations do not gain by the operation, and whether it is not the nation which is outrivalled that gains the most. if we saw in a product nothing more than an opportunity of bestowing labour, the alarms of the protectionists would undoubtedly be well-founded. were we to consider iron, for example, only in its relations with ironmasters, we might be led to fear that the competition of a country where it is the gratuitous gift of nature would extinguish the furnaces of another country where both ore and fuel are scarce. but is this a complete view of the subject? has iron relations only with those who make it? has it no relations with those who use it? is its sole and ultimate destination to be produced? and if it is useful, not on account of the labour to which it gives employment, but on account of the qualities it possesses, of the numerous purposes to which its durability and malleability adapt it, does it not follow that the foreigner cannot reduce its price, even so far as to render its production at home unprofitable, without doing us more good in this last respect, than harm in the other? pray consider how many things there are which foreigners, by reason of the natural advantages by which they are surrounded, prevent our producing directly, and with reference to which we are placed in reality in the hypothetical position we have been examining with reference to iron. we produce at home neither tea, coffee, gold, nor silver. is our industry _en masse_ diminished in consequence? no; only in order to create the counter-value of these imported commodities, in order to acquire them by means of exchange, we detach from our national labour a portion less great than would be required to produce these things ourselves. more labour thus remains to be devoted to the procuring of other enjoyments. we are so much the richer and so much the stronger. all that external competition can do, even in cases where it puts an end absolutely to a determinate branch of industry, is to economize labour, and increase our productive power. is this, in the case of the foreigner, the road to domination! if we should find in france a gold mine, it does not follow that it would be for our interest to work it. nay, it is certain that the enterprise would be neglected if each ounce of gold absorbed more of our labour than an ounce of gold purchased abroad with cloth. in this case we should do better to find our mines in our workshops. and what is true of gold is true of iron. the illusion proceeds from our failure to see one thing, which is, that foreign superiority never puts a stop to national industry, except under a determinate form, and under that form only renders it superfluous by placing at our disposal the result of the very labour thus superseded. if men lived in diving-bells under water, and had to provide themselves with air by means of a pump, this would be a great source of employment. to throw obstacles in the way of such employment, as long as men were left in this condition would be to inflict upon them a frightful injury. but if the labour ceases because the necessity for its exertion no longer exists, because men are placed in a medium where air is introduced into their lungs without effort, then the loss of that labour is not to be regretted, except in the eyes of men who obstinately persist in seeing in labour nothing but labour in the abstract. it is exactly this kind of labour which machinery, commercial freedom, progress of every kind, gradually supersedes; not useful labour, but labour become superfluous, without object, and without result. on the contrary, protection sets that sort of useless labour to work; it places us again under water, to bring the air-pump into play; it forces us to apply for gold to the inaccessible national mine, rather than to the national workshops. all the effect is expressed by the words, depredation of forces. it will be understood that i am speaking here of general effects, not of the temporary inconvenience which is always caused by the transition from a bad system to a good one. a momentary derangement accompanies necessarily all progress. this may be a reason for making the transition gently and gradually. it is no reason for putting a stop systematically to all progress, still less for misunderstanding it. industry is often represented as a struggle. that is not a true representation of it, or only true when we confine ourselves to the consideration of each branch of industry in its effects upon similar branches, regarding them both in thought apart from the interests of the rest of mankind. but there is always something else to be considered, namely, the effects upon consumption, and upon general prosperity. it is an error to apply to trade, as is but too often done, phrases which are applicable to war. in war the stronger overcomes the weaker. in industry the stronger imparts force to the weaker. this entirely does away with the analogy. let the english be as powerful and skilful as they are represented, let them be possessed of as large an amount of capital, and have as great a command of the two great agents of production, iron and fuel, as they are supposed to have; all this simply means cheapness. and who gains by the cheapness of products? the man who buys them. it is not in their power to annihilate any part whatever of our national labour. all they can do is to render it superfluous in the production of what is acquired by exchange, to furnish us with air without the aid of the pump, to enlarge in this way our disposable forces, and so render their alleged domination as much more impossible as their superiority becomes more incontestable. thus, by a rigorous and consoling demonstration, we arrive at this conclusion, that labour and violence, which are so opposite in their nature, are not less so in their effects. all we are called upon to do is to distinguish between labour annihilated, and labour economized. to have less iron because we work less, and to have less iron although we work less, are things not only different, but opposed to each other. the protectionists confound them; we do not. that is all. we may be very certain of one thing, that if the english employ a large amount of activity, labour, capital, intelligence, and natural forces, it is not done for show. it is done in order to procure a multitude of enjoyments in exchange for their products. they most certainly expect to receive at least as much as they give. _what they produce at home is destined to pay for what they purchase abroad_. if they inundate us with their products, it is because they expect to be inundated with ours in return. that being so, the best means of having much for ourselves is to be free to choose between these two modes of acquisition, immediate production, and mediate production. british machiavelism cannot force us to make a wrong choice. let us give up, then, the puerility of applying to industrial competition phrases applicable to war,--a way of speaking which is only specious when applied to competition between two rival trades. the moment we come to take into account the effect produced on the general prosperity, the analogy disappears. in a battle, every one who is killed diminishes by so much the strength of the army. in industry, a workshop is shut up only when what it produced is obtained by the public from another source and in greater abundance. figure a state of things where for one man killed on the spot two should rise up full of life and vigour. were such a state of things possible, war would no longer merit its name. this, however, is the distinctive character of what is so absurdly called industrial war. let the belgians and the english lower the price of their iron ever so much; let them, if they will, send it to us for nothing; this might extinguish some of our blast-furnaces; but immediately, and as a necessary consequence of this very cheapness, there would rise up a thousand other branches of industry more profitable than the one which had been superseded. we arrive, then, at the conclusion that domination by labour is impossible, and a contradiction in terms, seeing that all superiority which manifests itself among a people means cheapness, and tends only to impart force to all other nations. let us banish, then, from political economy all terms borrowed from the military vocabulary: to fight with equal weapons, to conquer, to crush, to stifle, to be beaten, invasion, tribute, etc. what do such phrases mean? squeeze them, and you obtain nothing... yes, you do obtain something; for from such words proceed absurd errors, and fatal and pestilent prejudices. such phrases tend to arrest the fusion of nations, are inimical to their peaceful, universal, and indissoluble alliance, and retard the progress of the human race. the end. sophisms of the protectionists. by the late m. frederic bastiat, _member of the institute of france_. * * * * * part i. sophisms of protection--first series. part ii. sophisms of protection--second series. part iii. spoliation and law. part iv. capital and interest. translated from the paris edition of 1863. new-york: american free trade league. 1870. entered according to act of congress in the year 1869, by the western news company, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the northern district of illinois. preface. a previous edition of this work has been published under the title of "essays on political economy, by the late m. frederic bastiat." when it became necessary to issue a second edition, the free-trade league offered to buy the stereotype plates and the copyright, with a view to the publication of the book on a large scale and at a very low price. the primary object of the league is to educate public opinion; to convince the people of the united states of the folly and wrongfulness of the protective system. the methods adopted by the league for the purpose have been the holding of public meetings and the publication of books, pamphlets, and tracts, some of which are for sale at the cost of publication, and others given away gratuitously. in publishing this book the league feels that it is offering the most effective and most popular work on political economy that has as yet been written. m. bastiat not only enlivens a dull subject with his wit, but also reduces the propositions of the protectionists to absurdities. free-traders can do no better service in the cause of truth, justice, and humanity, than by circulating this little book among their friends. it is offered you at what it costs to print it. will not every free-trader put a copy of the book into the hands of his protectionist friends? it would not be proper to close this short preface without an expression on the part of the league of its obligation to the able translator of the work from the french, mr. horace white, of chicago. office of the american free-trade league, 9 nassau street, new-york, june, 1870. preface to first edition. this compilation, from the works of the late m. bastiat, is given to the public in the belief that the time has now come when the people, relieved from the absorbing anxieties of the war, and the subsequent strife on reconstruction, are prepared to give a more earnest and thoughtful attention to economical questions than was possible during the previous ten years. that we have retrograded in economical science during this period, while making great strides in moral and political advancement by the abolition of slavery and the enfranchisement of the freedmen, seems to me incontestable. professor perry has described very concisely the steps taken by the manufacturers in 1861, after the southern members had left their seats in congress, to reverse the policy of the government in reference to foreign trade.[1] he has noticed but has not laid so much stress as he might on the fact that while there was no considerable public opinion to favor them, there was none at all to oppose them. not only was the attention of the people diverted from the tariff by the dangers then impending, but the republican party, which then came into power, had, in its national convention, offered a bribe to the state of pennsylvania for its vote in the presidential election, which bribe was set forth in the following words: "_resolved_, that while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence."--_chicago convention platform_, 1860. [footnote 1: elements of political economy, p. 461] it is true that this resolution did not commit anybody to the doctrine that the industrial interests of the whole country are promoted by taxes levied upon imported property, however "adjusted," but it was understood, by the pennsylvanians at least, to be a promise that if the republican party were successful in the coming election, the doctrine of protection, which had been overthrown in 1846, and had been in an extremely languishing state ever since, should be put upon its legs again. i am far from asserting that this overture was needed to secure the vote of pennsylvania for mr. lincoln in 1860, or that that state was governed by less worthy motives in her political action than other states. i only remark that her delegates in the convention thought such a resolution would be extremely useful, and such was the anxiety to secure her vote in the election that a much stronger resolution might have been conceded if it had been required. i affirm, however, that there was no agitation on the tariff question in any other quarter. new england had united in passing the tariff of 1857, which lowered the duties imposed by the act of 1846 about fifty per cent., i.e., one-half of the previously existing scale. the western states had not petitioned congress or the convention to disturb the tariff; nor had new york done so, although mr. greeley, then as now, was invoking, more or less frequently, the shade of henry clay to help re-establish what is deftly styled the "american system." the protective policy was restored, after its fifteen years' sleep, under the auspices of mr. morrill, a representative (now a senator) from vermont. latterly i have noticed in the speeches and votes of this gentleman (who is, i think, one of the most conscientious, as he is one of the most amiable, men in public life), a reluctance to follow to their logical conclusion the principles embodied in the "morrill tariff" of 1861. his remarks upon the copper bill, during the recent session of congress, indicate that, in his opinion, those branches of american industry which are engaged in producing articles sent abroad in exchange for the products of foreign nations, are entitled to some consideration. this is an important admission, but not so important as another, which he made in his speech on the national finances, january 24, 1867, in which, referring to the bank note circulation existing in the year 1860, he said: "_and that was a year of as large production and as much general prosperity as any, perhaps, in our history_."[2] if the year immediately preceding the enactment of the morrill tariff was a year of as large production and as much general prosperity as any in our history, of what use has the morrill tariff been? we have seen that it was not demanded by any public agitation. we now see that it has been of no public utility. [footnote 2: congressional globe, second session thirty-ninth congress, p. 724.] in combating, by arguments and illustrations adapted to the comprehension of the mass of mankind, the errors and sophisms with which protectionists deceive themselves and others, m. bastiat is the most lucid and pointed of all writers on economical science with whose works i have any acquaintance. it is not necessary to accord to him a place among the architects of the science of political economy, although some of his admirers rank him among the highest.[3] it is enough to count him among the greatest of its expounders and demonstrators. his death, which occurred at pisa, italy, on the 24th december, 1850, at the age of 49, was a serious loss to france and to the world. his works, though for the most part fragmentary, and given to the public from time to time through the columns of the _journal des economistes_, the _journal des debats_, and the _libre echange_, remain a monument of a noble intellect guided by a noble soul. they have been collected and published (including the _harmonies economiques_, which the author left in manuscript) by guillaumin & co., the proprietors of the _journal des economistes_, in two editions of six volumes each, 8vo. and 12mo. when we reflect that these six volumes were produced between april, 1844, and december, 1850, by a young man of feeble constitution, who commenced life as a clerk in a mercantile establishment, and who spent much of his time during these six years in delivering public lectures, and laboring in the national assembly, to which he was chosen in 1848, our admiration for such industry is only modified by the thought that if he had been more saving of his strength, he might have rendered even greater services to his country and to mankind. [footnote 3: mr. macleod (_dictionary of political economy_, vol. i, p. 246) speaks of bastiat's definition of value as "the greatest revolution that has been effected in any science since the days of galileo." see also professor perry's pamphlet, _recent phases of thought in political economy_, read before the american social science association, october, 1868, in which, it appears to me, that bastiat's theory of rent, in announcing which he was anticipated by mr. carey, is too highly praised.] the _sophismes economiques_, which fill the larger portion of this volume, were not expected by their author to outlast the fallacies which they sought to overthrow. but these fallacies have lived longer and have spread over more of the earth's surface than any one _a priori_ could have believed possible. it is sometimes useful, in opposing doctrines which people have been taught to believe are peculiar to their own country and time, to show that the same doctrines have been maintained in other countries and times, and have been exploded in other languages. by what misuse of words the doctrine of protection came to be denominated the "american system," i could never understand. it prevailed in england nearly two hundred years before our separation from the mother country. adam smith directed the first formidable attack against it in the very year that our independence was declared. it held its ground in england until it had starved and ruined almost every branch of industry--agriculture, manufactures, and commerce alike.[4] it was not wholly overthrown until 1846, the same year that witnessed its discomfiture in the united states, as already shown. it still exists in a subdued and declining way in france, despite the powerful and brilliant attacks of say, bastiat, and chevalier, but its end cannot be far distant in that country. the cobden-chevalier treaty with england has been attended by consequences so totally at variance with the theories and prophecies of the protectionists that it must soon succumb. [footnote 4: it is so often affirmed by protectionists that the superiority of great britain in manufactures was attained by means of protection, that it is worth while to dispel that illusion. the facts are precisely the reverse. protection had brought great britain in the year 1842 to the last stages of penury and decay, and it wanted but a year or two more of the same regimen to have precipitated the country into a bloody revolution. i quote a paragraph from miss martineau's "history of england from 1816 to 1854," book vi, chapter 5: "serious as was the task of the minister (sir r. peel) in every view, the most immediate sympathy was felt for him on account of the fearful state of the people. the distress had now so deepened in the manufacturing districts as to render it clearly inevitable that many must die, and a multitude be lowered to a state of sickness and irritability from want of food; while there seemed no chance of any member of the manufacturing classes coming out of the struggle at last with a vestige of property wherewith to begin the world again. the pressure had long extended beyond the interests first affected, and when the new ministry came into power, there seemed to be no class that was not threatened with ruin. in carlisle, the committee of inquiry reported that a fourth of the population was in a state bordering on starvation--actually certain to die of famine, unless relieved by extraordinary exertions. in the woollen districts of wiltshire, the allowance to the independent laborer was not two-thirds of the minimum in the workhouse, and the large existing population consumed only a fourth of the bread and meat required by the much smaller population of 1820. in stockport, more than half the master spinners had failed before the close of 1842; dwelling houses to the number of 3,000, were shut up; and the occupiers of many hundreds more were unable to pay rates at all. five thousand persons were walking the streets in compulsory idleness, and the burnley guardians wrote to the secretary of state that the distress was far beyond their management; so that a government commissioner and government funds were sent down without delay. at a meeting in manchester, where humble shopkeepers were the speakers, anecdotes were related which told more than declamation. rent collectors were afraid to meet their principals, as no money could be collected. provision dealers were subject to incursions from a wolfish man prowling for food for his children, or from a half frantic woman, with her dying baby at her breast; or from parties of ten or a dozen desperate wretches who were levying contributions along the street. the linen draper told how new clothes had become out of the question with his customers, and they bought only remnants and patches, to mend the old ones. the baker was more and more surprised at the number of people who bought half-pennyworths of bread. a provision dealer used to throw away outside scraps; but now respectable customers of twenty years' standing bought them in pennyworths to moisten their potatoes. these shopkeepers contemplated nothing but ruin from the impoverished condition of their customers. while poor-rates were increasing beyond all precedent, their trade was only one-half, or one-third, or even one-tenth what it had been three years before. in that neighborhood, a gentleman, who had retired from business in 1833, leaving a property worth £60,000 to his sons, and who had, early in the distress, become security for them, was showing the works for the benefit of the creditors, at a salary of £1 a week. in families where the father had hitherto earned £2 per week, and laid by a portion weekly, and where all was now gone but the sacks of shavings they slept on, exertions were made to get 'blue milk' for children to moisten their oatmeal with; but soon they could have it only on alternate days; and soon water must do. at leeds the pauper stone-heap amounted to 150,000 tons; and the guardians offered the paupers 6s. per week for doing nothing, rather than 7s. 6d. per week for stone-breaking. the millwrights and other trades were offering a premium on emigration, to induce their hands to go away. at hinckley, one-third of the inhabitants were paupers; more than a fifth of the houses stood empty; and there was not work enough in the place to employ properly one-third of the weavers. in dorsetshire a man and his wife had for wages 2s. 6d. per week, and three loaves; and the ablest laborer had 6s. or 7s. in wiltshire, the poor peasants held open-air meetings after work--which was necessarily after dark. there, by the light of one or two flaring tallow candles, the man or the woman who had a story to tell stood on a chair, and related how their children were fed and clothed in old times--poorly enough, but so as to keep body and soul together; and now, how they could nohow manage to do it. the bare details of the ages of their children, and what the little things could do, and the prices of bacon and bread, and calico and coals, had more pathos in them than any oratory heard elsewhere." "but all this came from the corn laws," is the ready reply of the american protectionist. the corn laws were the doctrine of protection applied to breadstuffs, farm products, "raw materials." but it was not only protection for corn that vexed england in 1842, but protection for every thing and every body, from the landlord and the mill-owner to the kelp gatherer. every species of manufacturing industry had asked and obtained protection. the nation had put in force, logically and thoroughly, the principle of denying themselves any share in the advantages which nature or art had conferred upon other climates and peoples, (which is the principle of protection), and with the results so pathetically described by miss martineau. the prosperity of british manufactures dates from the year 1846. that they maintained any kind of existence prior to that time is a most striking proof of the vitality of human industry under the persecution of bad laws.] as these pages are going through the press, a telegram announces that the french government has abolished the discriminating duties levied upon goods imported in foreign bottoms, and has asked our government to abolish the like discrimination which our laws have created. commercial freedom is making rapid progress in prussia, austria, italy, and even in spain. the united states alone, among civilized nations, hold to the opposite principle. our anomalous position in this respect is due, as i think, to our anomalous condition during the past eight or nine years, already adverted to--a condition in which the protected classes have been restrained by no public opinion--public opinion being too intensely preoccupied with the means of preserving the national existence to notice what was doing with the tariff. but evidences of a reawakening are not wanting. there is scarcely an argument current among the protectionists of the united states that was not current in france at the time bastiat wrote the _sophismes economiques_. nor was there one current in his time that is not performing its bad office among us. hence his demonstrations of their absurdity and falsity are equally applicable to our time and country as to his. they may have even greater force among us if they thoroughly dispel the notion that protection is an "american system." surely they cannot do less than this. there are one or two arguments current among the protectionists of the united states that were not rife in france when bastiat wrote his _sophismes_. it is said, for instance, that protection has failed to achieve all the good results expected from it, because the policy of the government has been variable. if we could have a steady course of protection for a sufficient period of time (nobody being bold enough to say what time would be sufficient), and could be _assured_ of having it, we should see wonderful progress. but, inasmuch as the policy of the government is uncertain, protection has never yet had a fair trial. this is like saying, "if the stone which i threw in the air had staid there, my head would not have been broken by its fall." it would not stay there. the law of gravitation is committed against its staying there. its only resting-place is on the earth. they begin by violating natural laws and natural rights--the right to exchange services for services--and then complain because these natural laws war against them and finally overcome them. but it is not true that protection has not had a fair trial in the united states. the protection has been greater at some times than at others, that is all. prior to the late war, all our revenue was raised from customs; and while the tariffs of 1846 and 1857 were designated "free trade tariffs," to distinguish them from those existing before and since, they were necessarily protective to a certain extent. again, it is said that there is need of diversifying our industry--as though industry would not diversify itself sufficiently through the diverse tastes and predilections of individuals--as though it were necessary to supplement the work of the creator in this behalf, by human enactments founded upon reciprocal rapine. the only rational object of diversifying industry is to make people better and happier. do men and women become better and happier by being huddled together in mills and factories, in a stifling atmosphere, on scanty wages, ten hours each day and 313 days each year, than when cultivating our free and fertile lands? do they have equal opportunities for mental and moral improvement? the trades-unions tell us, no. whatever may be the experience of other countries where the land is either owned by absentee lords, who take all the product except what is necessary to give the tenant a bare subsistence, or where it is cut up in parcels not larger than an american garden patch, it is an undeniable fact that no other class of american workingmen are so independent, so intelligent, so well provided with comforts and leisure, or so rapidly advancing in prosperity, as our agriculturists; and this notwithstanding they are enormously overtaxed to maintain other branches of industry, which, according to the protective theory, cannot support themselves. the natural tendency of our people to flock to the cities, where their eyes and ears are gratified at the expense of their other senses, physical and moral, is sufficiently marked not to need the influence of legislation to stimulate it. it is not the purpose of this preface to anticipate the admirable arguments of m. bastiat; but there is another theory in vogue which deserves a moment's consideration. mr. h.c. carey tells us, that a country which exports its food, in reality exports its soil, the foreign consumers not giving back to the land the fertilizing elements abstracted from it. mr. mill has answered this argument, upon philosophical principles, at some length, showing that whenever it ceases to be advantageous to america to export breadstuffs, she will cease to do so; also, that when it becomes necessary to manure her lands, she will either import manure or make it at home.[5] a shorter answer is, that the lands are no better manured by having the bread consumed in lowell, or pittsburgh, or even in chicago, than in birmingham or lyons. but it seems to me that mr. carey does not take into account the fact that the total amount of breadstuffs exported from any country must be an exceedingly small fraction of the whole amount taken from the soil, and scarcely appreciable as a source of manure, even if it were practically utilized in that way. thus, our exportation of flour and meal, wheat and indian corn, for the year 1860, as compared with the total crop produced, was as follows: total crop.[6] flour and meal, bbls. wheat, bu. corn, bu. 55,217,800 173,104,924 838,792,740 _exportation._ flour and meal, bbls. wheat, bu. corn, bu. 2,845,305 4,155,153 1,314,155 _percentage of exportation to total crop._ 5.15 2.40 .39 this was the result for the year preceding the enactment of the morrill tariff. it is true that our exports of wheat and indian corn rose in the three years following the enactment of the morrill tariff, from an average of eight million bushels to an average of forty-six million bushels, but this is contrary to the theory that high tariffs tend to keep breadstuffs at home, and low ones to send them abroad. there is need of great caution in making generalizations as to the influence of tariffs on the movement of breadstuffs. good or bad harvests in various countries exercise an uncontrollable influence upon their movement, far beyond the reach of any legislation short of prohibition. the market for breadstuffs in the world is as the number of consumers; that is, of population. it is sometimes said in the way of reproach, (and it is a curious travesty of mr. carey's manure argument,) that foreign nations _will not_ take our breadstuffs. it is not true; but if it were, that would not be a good reason for our passing laws to prevent them from doing so; that is, to deprive them of the means to pay for them. every country must pay for its imports with its exports. it must pay for the services which it receives with the services which it renders. if foreign nations are not allowed to render services to us, how shall we render them the service of bread? [footnote 5: principles of political economy (people's ed.), london, 1865, page 557.] [footnote 6: these figures are taken from the census report for the year 1860. in this report the total production of flour and meal is given, not in barrels, but in value. the quantity is ascertained by dividing the total value by the average price per barrel in new york during the year, the fluctuations then being very slight. flour being a manufactured article, is it not a little curious that we exported under the "free trade tariff" twice as large a percentage of breadstuffs in that form as we did of the "raw material," wheat?] the first series of bastiat's _sophismes_ were published in 1845, and the second series in 1848. the first series were translated in 1848, by mrs. d.j. mccord, and published the same year by g.p. putnam, new york. mrs. mccord's excellent translation has been followed (by permission of her publisher, who holds the copyright,) in this volume, having been first compared with the original, in the paris edition of 1863. a very few verbal alterations have been made, which, however, have no bearing on the accuracy and faithfulness of her work. the translation of the essay on "capital and interest" is from a duodecimo volume published in london a year or two ago, the name of the translator being unknown to me. the second series of the _sophismes_, and the essay entitled "spoliation and law," are, i believe, presented in english for the first time in these pages. h.w. chicago, august 1, 1869. part i. sophisms of protection. first series. introduction. my object in this little volume has been to refute some of the arguments usually advanced against free trade. i am not seeking a combat with the protectionists. i merely advance a principle which i am anxious to present clearly to the minds of sincere men, who hesitate because they doubt. i am not of the number of those who maintain that protection is supported by interests. i believe that it is founded upon errors, or, if you will, upon _incomplete truths_. too many fear free trade, for this apprehension to be other than sincere. my aspirations are perhaps high; but i confess that it would give me pleasure to hope that this little work might become, as it were, a _manual_ for such men as may be called upon to decide between the two principles. when one has not made oneself perfectly familiar with the doctrines of free trade, the sophisms of protection perpetually return to the mind under one form or another; and, on each occasion, in order to counteract their effect, it is necessary to enter into a long and laborious analysis. few, and least of all legislators, have leisure for this labor, which i would, on this account, wish to present clearly drawn up to their hand. but it may be said, are then the benefits of free trade so hidden as to be perceptible only to economists by profession? yes; we confess it; our adversaries in the discussion have a signal advantage over us. they can, in a few words, present an incomplete truth; which, for us to show that it is incomplete, renders necessary long and uninteresting dissertations. this results from the fact that protection accumulates upon a single point the good which it effects, while the evil inflicted is infused throughout the mass. the one strikes the eye at a first glance, while the other becomes perceptible only to close investigation. with regard to free trade, precisely the reverse is the case. it is thus with almost all questions of political economy. if you say, for instance: there is a machine which has turned out of employment thirty workmen; or again: there is a spendthrift who encourages every kind of industry; or: the conquest of algiers has doubled the commerce of marseilles; or, once more: the public taxes support one hundred thousand families; you are understood at once; your propositions are clear, simple, and true in themselves. if you deduce from them the principle that machines are an evil; that sumptuous extravagance, conquest, and heavy imposts are blessings; your theory will have the more success, because you will be able to base it upon indisputable facts. but we, for our part, cannot stop at a cause and its immediate effect; for we know that this effect may in its turn become itself a cause. to judge of a measure, it is necessary that we should follow it from step to step, from result to result, until through the successive links of the chain of events we arrive at the final effect. we must, in short, _reason_. but here we are assailed by clamorous exclamations: you are theorists, metaphysicians, ideologists, utopians, men of maxims! and immediately all the prejudices of the public are against us. what then shall we do? we must invoke the patience and candor of the reader, giving to our deductions, if we are capable of it, sufficient clearness to throw forward at once, without disguise or palliation, the true and the false, in order, once for all, to determine whether the victory should be for restriction or free trade. i wish here to make a remark of some importance. some extracts from this volume have appeared in the "_journal des economistes_." in an article otherwise quite complimentary published by the viscount de romanet (see _moniteur industriel_ of the 15th and 18th of may, 1845), he intimates that i ask for the _suppression of custom houses_. mr. de romanet is mistaken. i ask for the suppression of the _protective policy_. we do not dispute the right of _government_ to impose taxes, but would, if possible, dissuade _producers_ from taxing one another. it was said by napoleon that duties should never be a fiscal instrument, but a means of protecting industry. we plead the contrary, and say, that duties should never be made an instrument of reciprocal rapine; but that they may be employed as a useful fiscal machine. i am so far from asking for the suppression of duties, that i look upon them as the anchor on which the future salvation of our finances will depend. i believe that they may bring immense receipts into the treasury, and, to give my entire and undisguised opinion, i am inclined, from the slow progress of healthy, economical doctrines, and from the magnitude of our budget, to hope more for the cause of commercial reform from the necessities of the treasury than from the force of an enlightened public opinion. i. abundance--scarcity. which is the best for man or for society, abundance or scarcity? how, it may be exclaimed, can such a question be asked? has it ever been pretended, is it possible to maintain, that scarcity can be the basis of a man's happiness? yes; this has been maintained, this is daily maintained; and i do not hesitate to say that the _scarcity theory_ is by far the most popular of the day. it furnishes the subject of discussions, in conversations, journals, books, courts of justice; and extraordinary as it may appear, it is certain that political economy will have fulfilled its task and its practical mission, when it shall have rendered common and irrefutable the simple proposition that "in abundance consist man's riches." do we not hear it said every day, "foreign nations are inundating us with their productions"? then we fear abundance. has not mr. de saint cricq said, "production is superabundant"? then he fears abundance. do we not see workmen destroying and breaking machinery? they are frightened by the excess of production; in other words, they fear abundance. has not mr. bugeaud said, "let bread be dear and the agriculturist will be rich"? now bread can only be dear because it is scarce. then mr. bugeaud lauded scarcity. has not mr. d'argout produced the fruitfulness of the sugar culture as an argument against it? has he not said, "the beet cannot have a permanent and extended cultivation, because a few acres given up to it in each department, would furnish sufficient for the consumption of all france"? then, in his opinion, good consists in sterility and scarcity, evil in fertility and abundance. "_la presse_," "_le commerce_," and the majority of our journals, are, every day, publishing articles whose aim is to prove to the chambers and to government that a wise policy should seek to raise prices by tariffs; and do we not daily see these powers obeying these injunctions of the press? now, tariffs can only raise prices by diminishing the quantity of goods offered for sale. then, here we see newspapers, the legislature, the ministry, all guided by the scarcity theory, and i was correct in my statement that this theory is by far the most popular. how then has it happened, that in the eyes at once of laborers, editors and statesmen, abundance should appear alarming, and scarcity advantageous? it is my intention to endeavor to show the origin of this delusion. a man becomes rich, in proportion to the profitableness of his labor; that is to say, _in proportion as he sells his productions at a high price_. the price of his productions is high in proportion to their scarcity. it is plain then, that, as far as regards him at least, scarcity enriches him. applying successively this mode of reasoning to each class of laborers individually, the _scarcity theory_ is deduced from it. to put this theory into practice, and in order to favor each class of labor, an artificial scarcity is forced in every kind of production, by prohibition, restriction, suppression of machinery, and other analogous measures. in the same manner it is observed that when an article is abundant it brings a small price. the gains of the producer are, of course, less. if this is the case with all produce, all producers are then poor. abundance then ruins society. and as any strong conviction will always seek to force itself into practice, we see, in many countries, the laws aiming to prevent abundance. this sophism, stated in a general form, would produce but a slight impression. but when applied to any particular order of facts, to any particular article of industry, to any one class of labor, it is extremely specious, because it is a syllogism which is not _false_, but _incomplete_. and what is true in a syllogism always necessarily presents itself to the mind, while the _incomplete_, which is a negative quality, an unknown value, is easily forgotten in the calculation. man produces in order to consume. he is at once producer and consumer. the argument given above, considers him only under the first point of view. let us look at him in the second character and the conclusion will be different. we may say, the consumer is rich in proportion as he _buys_ at a low price. he buys at a low price in proportion to the abundance of the article in demand; abundance then enriches him. this reasoning extended to all consumers must lead to the _theory of abundance_! it is the imperfectly understood notion of exchange of produce which leads to these fallacies. if we consult our individual interest, we perceive immediately that it is double. as _sellers_ we are interested in high prices, consequently in scarcity. as _buyers_ our advantage is in cheapness, or what is the same thing, abundance. it is impossible then to found a proper system of reasoning upon either the one or the other of these separate interests before determining which of the two coincides and identifies itself with the general and permanent interests of mankind. if man were a solitary animal, working exclusively for himself, consuming the fruit of his own personal labor; if, in a word, he did not exchange his produce, the theory of scarcity could never have introduced itself into the world. it would be too strikingly evident, that abundance, whencesoever derived, is advantageous to him, whether this abundance might be the result of his own labor, of ingenious tools, or of powerful machinery; whether due to the fertility of the soil, to the liberality of nature, or to an _inundation_ of foreign goods, such as the sea bringing from distant regions might cast upon his shores. never would the solitary man have dreamed, in order to encourage his own labor, of destroying his instruments for facilitating his work, of neutralizing the fertility of the soil, or of casting back into the sea the produce of its bounty. he would understand that his labor was a _means_ not an _end_, and that it would be absurd to reject the object, in order to encourage the means. he would understand that if he has required two hours per day to supply his necessities, any thing which spares him an hour of this labor, leaving the result the same, gives him this hour to dispose of as he pleases in adding to his comforts. in a word, he would understand that every step in the _saving of labor_, is a step in the improvement of his condition. but traffic clouds our vision in the contemplation of this simple truth. in a state of society with the division of labor to which it leads, the production and consumption of an article no longer belong to the same individual. each now looks upon his labor not as a means, but as an end. the exchange of produce creates with regard to each object two separate interests, that of the producer and that of the consumer; and these two interests are always directly opposed to each other. it is essential to analyze and study the nature of each. let us then suppose a producer of whatever kind; what is his immediate interest? it consists in two things: 1st, that the smallest possible number of individuals should devote themselves to the business which he follows; and 2dly, that the greatest possible number should seek the articles of his produce. in the more succinct terms of political economy, the supply should be small, the demand large; or yet in other words: limited competition, unlimited consumption. what on the other side is the immediate interest of the consumer? that the supply should be large, the demand small. as these two interests are immediately opposed to each other, it follows that if one coincides with the general interest of society the other must be adverse to it. which then, if either, should legislation favor as contributing most to the good of the community? to determine this question, it suffices to inquire in which the secret desires of the majority of men would be accomplished. inasmuch as we are producers, it must be confessed that we have each of us anti-social desires. are we vine-growers? it would not distress _us_ were the frost to nip all the vines in the world except our own: _this is the scarcity theory_. are we iron-workers? we would desire (whatever might be the public need) that the market should offer no iron but our own; and precisely for the reason that this need, painfully felt and imperfectly supplied, causes us to receive a high price for _our_ iron: _again here is the theory of scarcity_. are we agriculturists? we say with mr. bugeaud, let bread be dear, that is to say scarce, and our business goes well: _again the theory of scarcity_. are we physicians? we cannot but see that certain physical ameliorations, such as the improved climate of the country, the development of certain moral virtues, the progress of knowledge pushed to the extent of enabling each individual to take care of his own health, the discovery of certain simple remedies easily applied, would be so many fatal blows to our profession. as physicians, then, our secret desires are anti-social. i must not be understood to imply that physicians allow themselves to form such desires. i am happy to believe that they would hail with joy a universal panacea. but in such a sentiment it is the man, the christian, who manifests himself, and who by a praiseworthy abnegation of self, takes that point of view of the question, which belongs to the consumer. as a physician exercising his profession, and gaining from this profession his standing in society, his comforts, even the means of existence of his family, it is impossible but that his desires, or if you please so to word it, his interests, should be anti-social. are we manufacturers of cotton goods? we desire to sell them at the price most advantageous to _ourselves_. we would willingly consent to the suppression of all rival manufactories. and if we dare not publicly express this desire, or pursue the complete realization of it with some success, we do so, at least to a certain extent, by indirect means; as for example, the exclusion of foreign goods, in order to diminish the _quantity offered_, and to produce thus by forcible means, and for our own profits, a _scarcity_ of clothing. we might thus pass in review every business and every profession, and should always find that the producers, _in their character of producers_, have invariably anti-social interests. "the shop-keeper (says montaigne) succeeds in his business through the extravagance of youth; the laborer by the high price of grain; the architect by the decay of houses; officers of justice by lawsuits and quarrels. the standing and occupation even of ministers of religion are drawn from our death and our vices. no physician takes pleasure in the health even of his friends; no soldier in the peace of his country; and so on with all." if then the secret desires of each producer were realized, the world would rapidly retrograde towards barbarism. the sail would proscribe steam; the oar would proscribe the sail, only in its turn to give way to wagons, the wagon to the mule, and the mule to the foot-peddler. wool would exclude cotton; cotton would exclude wool; and thus on, until the scarcity and want of every thing would cause man himself to disappear from the face of the globe. if we now go on to consider the immediate interest of the _consumer_, we shall find it in perfect harmony with the public interest, and with the well-being of humanity. when the buyer presents himself in the market, he desires to find it abundantly furnished. he sees with pleasure propitious seasons for harvesting; wonderful inventions putting within his reach the largest possible quantity of produce; time and labor saved; distances effaced; the spirit of peace and justice diminishing the weight of taxes; every barrier to improvement cast down; and in all this his interest runs parallel with an enlightened public interest. he may push his secret desires to an absurd and chimerical height, but never can they cease to be humanizing in their tendency. he may desire that food and clothing, house and hearth, instruction and morality, security and peace, strength and health, should come to us without limit and without labor or effort on our part, as the water of the stream, the air which we breathe, and the sunbeams in which we bask, but never could the realization of his most extravagant wishes run counter to the good of society. it may be said, perhaps, that were these desires granted, the labor of the producer constantly checked would end by being entirely arrested for want of support. but why? because in this extreme supposition every imaginable need and desire would be completely satisfied. man, like the all-powerful, would create by the single act of his will. how in such an hypothesis could laborious production be regretted? imagine a legislative assembly composed of producers, of whom each member should cause to pass into a law his secret desire as a _producer_; the code which would emanate from such an assembly could be nothing but systematized monopoly; the scarcity theory put into practice. in the same manner, an assembly in which each member should consult only his immediate interest of _consumer_ would aim at the systematizing of free trade; the suppression of every restrictive measure; the destruction of artificial barriers; in a word, would realize the theory of abundance. it follows then, that to consult exclusively the immediate interest of the producer, is to consult an anti-social interest. to take exclusively for basis the interest of the consumer, is to take for basis the general interest. * * * * * let me be permitted to insist once more upon this point of view, though at the risk of repetition. a radical antagonism exists between the seller and the buyer. the former wishes the article offered to be _scarce_, supply small, and at a high price. the latter wishes it _abundant_, supply large, and at a low price. the laws, which should at least remain neutral, take part for the seller against the buyer; for the producer against the consumer; for high against low prices; for scarcity against abundance. they act, if not intentionally at least logically, upon the principle that _a nation is rich in proportion as it is in want of every thing_. for, say they, it is necessary to favor the producer by securing him a profitable disposal of his goods. to effect this, their price must be raised; to raise the price the supply must be diminished; and to diminish the supply is to create scarcity. let us suppose that at this moment, with these laws in full action, a complete inventory should be made, not by value, but by weight, measure and quantity, of all articles now in france calculated to supply the necessities and pleasures of its inhabitants; as grain, meat, woollen and cotton goods, fuel, etc. let us suppose again that to-morrow every barrier to the introduction of foreign goods should be removed. then, to judge of the effect of such a reform, let a new inventory be made three months hence. is it not certain that at the time of the second inventory, the quantity of grain, cattle, goods, iron, coal, sugar, etc., will be greater than at the first? so true is this, that the sole object of our protective tariffs is to prevent such articles from reaching us, to diminish the supply, to prevent low prices, or which is the same thing, the abundance of goods. now i ask, are the people under the action of these laws better fed because there is _less_ bread, _less_ meat, and _less_ sugar in the country? are they better dressed because there are _fewer_ goods? better warmed because there is _less_ coal? or do they prosper better in their labor because iron, copper, tools and machinery are scarce? but, it is answered, if we are inundated with foreign goods and produce, our coin will leave the country. well, and what matters that? man is not fed with coin. he does not dress in gold, nor warm himself with silver. what difference does it make whether there be more or less coin in the country, provided there be more bread in the cupboard, more meat in the larder, more clothing in the press, and more wood in the cellar? * * * * * to restrictive laws, i offer this dilemma: either you allow that you produce scarcity, or you do not allow it. if you allow it, you confess at once that your end is to injure the people as much as possible. if you do not allow it, then you deny your power to diminish the supply, to raise the price, and consequently you deny having favored the producer. you are either injurious or inefficient. you can never be useful. ii. obstacle--cause. the obstacle mistaken for the cause--scarcity mistaken for abundance. the sophism is the same. it is well to study it under every aspect. man naturally is in a state of entire destitution. between this state and the satisfying of his wants, there exists a multitude of _obstacles_ which it is the object of labor to surmount. it is interesting to seek how and why he could have been led to look even upon these obstacles to his happiness as the cause of it. i wish to take a journey of some hundred miles. but, between the point of my departure and my destination, there are interposed, mountains, rivers, swamps, forests, robbers--in a word, _obstacles_; and to conquer these obstacles, it is necessary that i should bestow much labor and great efforts in opposing them;--or, what is the same thing, if others do it for me, i must pay them the value of their exertions. it is evident that i should have been better off had these obstacles never existed. through the journey of life, in the long series of days from the cradle to the tomb, man has many difficulties to oppose him in his progress. hunger, thirst, sickness, heat, cold, are so many obstacles scattered along his road. in a state of isolation, he would be obliged to combat them all by hunting, fishing, agriculture, spinning, weaving, architecture, etc., and it is very evident that it would be better for him that these difficulties should exist to a less degree, or even not at all. in a state of society he is not obliged, personally, to struggle with each of these obstacles, but others do it for him; and he, in return, must remove some one of them for the benefit of his fellow-men. again it is evident, that, considering mankind as a whole, it would be better for society that these obstacles should be as weak and as few as possible. but if we examine closely and in detail the phenomena of society, and the private interests of men as modified by exchange of produce, we perceive, without difficulty, how it has happened that wants have been confounded with riches, and the obstacle with the cause. the separation of occupations, which results from the habits of exchange, causes each man, instead of struggling against all surrounding obstacles to combat only _one_; the effort being made not for himself alone, but for the benefit of his fellows, who, in their turn, render a similar service to him. now, it hence results, that this man looks upon the obstacle which he has made it his profession to combat for the benefit of others, as the immediate cause of his riches. the greater, the more serious, the more stringent may be this obstacle, the more he is remunerated for the conquering of it, by those who are relieved by his labors. a physician, for instance, does not busy himself in baking his bread, or in manufacturing his clothing and his instruments; others do it for him, and he, in return, combats the maladies with which his patients are afflicted. the more dangerous and frequent these maladies are, the more others are willing, the more, even, are they forced, to work in his service. disease, then, which is an obstacle to the happiness of mankind, becomes to him the source of his comforts. the reasoning of all producers is, in what concerns themselves, the same. as the doctor draws his profits from disease, so does the ship owner from the obstacle called _distance_; the agriculturist from that named _hunger_; the cloth manufacturer from _cold_; the schoolmaster lives upon _ignorance_, the jeweler upon _vanity_, the lawyer upon _quarrels_, the notary upon _breach of faith_. each profession has then an immediate interest in the continuation, even in the extension, of the particular obstacle to which its attention has been directed. theorists hence go on to found a system upon these individual interests, and say: wants are riches: labor is riches: the obstacle to well-being is well-being: to multiply obstacles is to give food to industry. then comes the statesman;--and as the developing and propagating of obstacles is the developing and propagating of riches, what more natural than that he should bend his efforts to that point? he says, for instance: if we prevent a large importation of iron, we create a difficulty in procuring it. this obstacle severely felt, obliges individuals to pay, in order to relieve themselves from it. a certain number of our citizens, giving themselves up to the combating of this obstacle, will thereby make their fortunes. in proportion, too, as the obstacle is great, and the mineral scarce, inaccessible, and of difficult and distant transportation, in the same proportion will be the number of laborers maintained by the various branches of this industry. the same reasoning will lead to the suppression of machinery. here are men who are at a loss how to dispose of their wine-harvest. this is an obstacle which other men set about removing for them by the manufacture of casks. it is fortunate, say our statesmen, that this obstacle exists, since it occupies a portion of the labor of the nation, and enriches a certain number of our citizens. but here is presented to us an ingenious machine, which cuts down the oak, squares it, makes it into staves, and, gathering these together, forms them into casks. the obstacle is thus diminished, and with it the profits of the coopers. we must prevent this. let us proscribe the machine! to sift thoroughly this sophism, it is sufficient to remember that human labor is not an _end_, but a _means_. _it is never without employment._ if one obstacle is removed, it seizes another, and mankind is delivered from two obstacles by the same effort which was at first necessary for one. if the labor of coopers becomes useless, it must take another direction. but with what, it may be asked, will they be remunerated? precisely with what they are at present remunerated. for if a certain quantity of labor becomes free from its original occupation, to be otherwise disposed of, a corresponding quantity of wages must thus also become free. to maintain that human labor can end by wanting employment, it would be necessary to prove that mankind will cease to encounter obstacles. in such a case, labor would be not only impossible, it would be superfluous. we should have nothing to do, because we should be all-powerful, and our _fiat_ alone would satisfy at once our wants and our desires. iii. effort--result. we have seen that between our wants and their gratification many obstacles are interposed. we conquer or weaken these by the employment of our faculties. it may be said, in general terms, that industry is an effort followed by a result. but by what do we measure our well-being? by the _result_ of our effort, or by the _effort itself_? there exists always a proportion between the effort employed and the result obtained. does progress consist in the relative increase of the second or of the first term of this proportion? both propositions have been sustained, and in political economy opinions are divided between them. according to the first system, riches are the result of labor. they increase in the same ratio as _the result does to the effort_. absolute perfection, of which _god_ is the type, consists in the infinite distance between these two terms in this relation, viz., effort none, result infinite. the second system maintains that it is the effort itself which forms the measure of, and constitutes, our riches. progression is the increase of the _proportion of the effort to the result_. its ideal extreme may be represented by the eternal and fruitless efforts of sisyphus.[7] [footnote 7: we will therefore beg the reader to allow us in future, for the sake of conciseness, to designate this system under the term of _sisyphism_.] the first system tends naturally to the encouragement of every thing which diminishes difficulties, and augments production,--as powerful machinery, which adds to the strength of man; the exchange of produce, which allows us to profit by the various natural agents distributed in different degrees over the surface of our globe; the intellect which discovers, experience which proves, and emulation which excites. the second as logically inclines to every thing which can augment the difficulty and diminish the product; as privileges, monopolies, restrictions, prohibitions, suppression of machinery, sterility, etc. it is well to remark here that the universal practice of men is always guided by the principle of the first system. every _workman_, whether agriculturist, manufacturer, merchant, soldier, writer or philosopher, devotes the strength of his intellect to do better, to do more quickly, more economically,--in a word, _to do more with less_. the opposite doctrine is in use with legislators, editors, statesmen, men whose business is to make experiments upon society. and even of these we may observe, that in what personally concerns _themselves_, they act, like every body else, upon the principle of obtaining from their labor the greatest possible quantity of useful results. it may be supposed that i exaggerate, and that there are no true _sisyphists_. i grant that in practice the principle is not pushed to its extremest consequences. and this must always be the case when one starts upon a wrong principle, because the absurd and injurious results to which it leads, cannot but check it in its progress. for this reason, practical industry never can admit of _sisyphism_. the error is too quickly followed by its punishment to remain concealed. but in the speculative industry of theorists and statesmen, a false principle may be for a long time followed up, before the complication of its consequences, only half understood, can prove its falsity; and even when all is revealed, the opposite principle is acted upon, self is contradicted, and justification sought, in the incomparably absurd modern axiom, that in political economy there is no principle universally true. let us see then, if the two opposite principles i have laid down do not predominate, each in its turn;--the one in practical industry, the other in industrial legislation. i have already quoted some words of mr. bugeaud; but we must look on mr. bugeaud in two separate characters, the agriculturist and the legislator. as agriculturist, mr. bugeaud makes every effort to attain the double object of sparing labor, and obtaining bread cheap. when he prefers a good plough to a bad one, when he improves the quality of his manures; when, to loosen his soil, he substitutes as much as possible the action of the atmosphere for that of the hoe or the harrow; when he calls to his aid every improvement that science and experience have revealed, he has, and can have, but one object, viz., _to diminish the proportion of the effort to the result_. we have indeed no other means of judging of the success of an agriculturist, or of the merits of his system, but by observing how far he has succeeded in lessening the one, while he increases the other; and as all the farmers in the world act upon this principle, we may say that all mankind are seeking, no doubt for their own advantage, to obtain at the lowest price, bread, or whatever other article of produce they may need, always diminishing the effort necessary for obtaining any given quantity thereof. this incontestable tendency of human nature, once proved, would, one might suppose, be sufficient to point out the true principle to the legislator, and to show him how he ought to assist industry (if indeed it is any part of his business to assist it at all), for it would be absurd to say that the laws of men should operate in an inverse ratio from those of providence. yet we have heard mr. bugeaud in his character of legislator, exclaim, "i do not understand this theory of cheapness; i would rather see bread dear, and work more abundant." and consequently the deputy from dordogne votes in favor of legislative measures whose effect is to shackle and impede commerce, precisely because by so doing we are prevented from procuring by exchange, and at low price, what direct production can only furnish more expensively. now it is very evident that the system of mr. bugeaud the deputy, is directly opposed to that of mr. bugeaud the agriculturist. were he consistent with himself, he would as legislator vote against all restriction; or else as farmer, he would practice in his fields the same principle which he proclaims in the public councils. we should then see him sowing his grain in his most sterile fields, because he would thus succeed in _laboring much_, to _obtain little_. we should see him forbidding the use of the plough, because he could, by scratching up the soil with his nails, fully gratify his double wish of "_dear bread_ and _abundant labor_." restriction has for its avowed object, and acknowledged effect, the augmentation of labor. and again, equally avowed and acknowledged, its object and effect are, the increase of prices;--a synonymous term for scarcity of produce. pushed then to its greatest extreme, it is pure _sisyphism_ as we have defined it: _labor infinite; result nothing_. baron charles dupin, who is looked upon as the oracle of the peerage in the science of political economy, accuses railroads of _injuring shipping_, and it is certainly true that the most perfect means of attaining an object must always limit the use of a less perfect means. but railways can only injure shipping by drawing from it articles of transportation; this they can only do by transporting more cheaply; and they can only transport more cheaply, by _diminishing the proportion of the effort employed to the result obtained_; for it is in this that cheapness consists. when, therefore, baron dupin laments the suppression of labor in attaining a given result, he maintains the doctrine of _sisyphism_. logically, if he prefers the vessel to the railway, he should also prefer the wagon to the vessel, the pack-saddle to the wagon, and the wallet to the pack-saddle; for this is, of all known means of transportation, the one which requires the greatest amount of labor, in proportion to the result obtained. "labor constitutes the riches of the people," said mr. de saint cricq, a minister who has laid not a few shackles upon our commerce. this was no elliptical expression, meaning that the "results of labor constitute the riches of the people." no,--this statesman intended to say, that it is the _intensity_ of labor, which measures riches; and the proof of this is, that from step to step, from restriction to restriction, he forced on france (and in so doing believed that he was doing well) to give to the procuring, of, for instance, a certain quantity of iron, double the necessary labor. in england, iron was then at eight francs; in france it cost sixteen. supposing the day's work to be worth one franc, it is evident that france could, by barter, procure a quintal of iron by eight days' labor taken from the labor of the nation. thanks to the restrictive measures of mr. de saint cricq, sixteen days' work were necessary to procure it, by direct production. here then we have double labor for an identical result; therefore double riches; and riches, measured not by the result, but by the intensity of labor. is not this pure and unadulterated _sisyphism_? that there may be nothing equivocal, the minister carries his idea still farther, and on the same principle that we have heard him call the intensity of labor _riches_, we will find him calling the abundant results of labor, and the plenty of every thing proper to the satisfying of our wants, _poverty_. "every where," he remarks, "machinery has pushed aside manual labor; every where production is superabundant; every where the equilibrium is destroyed between the power of production and that of consumption." here then we see that, according to mr. de saint cricq, if france was in a critical situation, it was because her productions were too abundant; there was too much intelligence, too much efficiency in her national labor. we were too well fed, too well clothed, too well supplied with every thing; the rapid production was more than sufficient for our wants. it was necessary to put an end to this calamity, and therefore it became needful to force us, by restrictions, to work more, in order to produce less. i also touched upon an opinion expressed by another minister of commerce, mr. d'argout, which is worthy of being a little more closely looked into. wishing to give a death blow to the beet, he said: "the culture of the beet is undoubtedly useful, _but this usefulness is limited_. it is not capable of the prodigious developments which have been predicted of it. to be convinced of this it is enough to remark that the cultivation of it must necessarily be confined within the limits of consumption. double, treble if you will, the present consumption of france, and _you will still find that a very small portion of her soil will suffice for this consumption_. (truly a most singular cause of complaint!) do you wish the proof of this? how many hectares were planted in beets in the year 1828? 3,130, which is 1-10540th of our cultivable soil. how many are there at this time, when our domestic sugar supplies one-third of the consumption of the country? 16,700 hectares, or 1-1978th of the cultivable soil, or 45 centiares for each commune. suppose that our domestic sugar should monopolize the supply of the whole consumption, we still would have but 48,000 hectares or 1-689th of our cultivable soil in beets."[8] [footnote 8: in justice to mr. d'argout we should say that this singular language is given by him as the argument of the enemies of the beet. but he made it his own, and sanctioned it by the law in justification of which he adduced it.] there are two things to consider in this quotation. the facts and the doctrine. the facts go to prove that very little soil, capital, and labor would be necessary for the production of a large quantity of sugar; and that each commune of france would be abundantly provided with it by giving up one hectare to its cultivation. the peculiarity of the doctrine consists in the looking upon this facility of production as an unfortunate circumstance, and the regarding the very fruitfulness of this new branch of industry as a _limitation to its usefulness_. it is not my purpose here to constitute myself the defender of the beet, or the judge of the singular facts stated by mr. d'argout, but it is worth the trouble of examining into the doctrines of a statesman, to whose judgment france, for a long time, confided the fate of her agriculture and her commerce. i began by saying that a variable proportion exists in all industrial pursuits, between the effort and the result. absolute imperfection consists in an infinite effort, without any result; absolute perfection in an unlimited result, without any effort; and perfectibility, in the progressive diminution of the effort, compared with the result. but mr. d'argout tells us, that where we looked for life, we shall find only death. the importance of any object of industry is, according to him, in direct proportion to its feebleness. what, for instance, can we expect from the beet? do you not see that 48,000 hectares of land, with capital and labor in proportion, will suffice to furnish sugar to all france? it is then an object of _limited usefulness_; limited, be it understood, in the _work_ which it calls for; and this is the sole measure, according to our minister, of the usefulness of any pursuit. this usefulness would be much more limited still, if, thanks to the fertility of the soil, or the richness of the beet, 24,000 hectares would serve instead of 48,000. if there were only needed twenty times, a hundred times more soil, more capital, more labor, to _attain the same result_--oh! then some hopes might be founded upon this article of industry; it would be worthy of the protection of the state, for it would open a vast field to national labor. but to produce much with little is a bad example, and the laws ought to set things to rights. what is true with regard to sugar, cannot be false with regard to bread. if therefore the usefulness of an object of industry is to be calculated, not by the comforts which it can furnish with a certain quantum of labor, but, on the contrary, by the increase of labor which it requires in order to furnish a certain quantity of comforts, it is evident that we ought to desire, that each acre of land should produce little corn, and that each grain of corn should furnish little nutriment; in other words, that our territory should be sterile enough to require a considerably larger proportion of soil, capital, and labor to nourish its population. the demand for human labor could not fail to be in direct proportion to this sterility, and then truly would the wishes of messrs. bugeaud, saint cricq, dupin, and d'argout be satisfied; bread would be dear, work abundant, and france would be rich--rich according to the understanding of these gentlemen. all that we could have further to hope for, would be, that human intellect might sink and become extinct; for, while intellect exists, it can but seek continually to increase the _proportion of the end to the means; of the product to the labor_. indeed it is in this continuous effort, and in this alone, that intellect consists. _sisyphism_ has then been the doctrine of all those who have been intrusted with the regulation of the industry of our country. it would not be just to reproach them with this; for this principle becomes that of our ministry, only because it prevails in the chambers; it prevails in the chambers, only because it is sent there by the electoral body; and the electoral body is imbued with it, only because public opinion is filled with it to repletion. let me repeat here, that i do not accuse such men as messrs. bugeaud, dupin, saint cricq, and d'argout, of being absolutely and always _sisyphists_. very certainly they are not such in their personal transactions; very certainly each one of them will procure for himself _by barter_, what by _direct production_ would be attainable only at a higher price. but i maintain that they are _sisyphists_ when they prevent the country from acting upon the same principle. iv. equalizing of the facilities of production. it is said ... but, for fear of being accused of manufacturing sophisms for the mouths of the protectionists, i will allow one of their most able reasoners to speak for himself. "it is our belief that protection should correspond to, should be the representation of, the difference which exists between the price of an article of home production and a similar article of foreign production.... a protecting duty calculated upon such a basis does nothing more than secure free competition; ... free competition can only exist where there is an equality in the facilities of production. in a horse-race the load which each horse carries is weighed and all advantages equalized; otherwise there could be no competition. in commerce, if one producer can undersell all others, he ceases to be a competitor and becomes a monopolist.... suppress the protection which represents the difference of price according to each, and foreign productions must immediately inundate and obtain the monopoly of our market."[9] [footnote 9: m. le vicomte de romanet.] "every one ought to wish, for his own sake and for that of the community, that the productions of the country should be protected against foreign competition, _whenever the latter may be able to undersell the former_."[10] [footnote 10: mathieu de dombasle.] this argument is constantly recurring in all writings of the protectionist school. it is my intention to make a careful investigation of its merits, and i must begin by soliciting the attention and the patience of the reader. i will first examine into the inequalities which depend upon natural causes, and afterwards into those which are caused by diversity of taxes. here, as elsewhere, we find the theorists who favor protection, taking part with the producer. let us consider the case of the unfortunate consumer, who seems to have entirely escaped their attention. they compare the field of production to the _turf_. but on the turf, the race is at once a _means and an end_. the public has no interest in the struggle, independent of the struggle itself. when your horses are started in the course with the single object of determining which is the best runner, nothing is more natural than that their burdens should be equalized. but if your object were to send an important and critical piece of intelligence, could you without incongruity place obstacles to the speed of that one whose fleetness would secure the best means of attaining your end? and yet this is your course in relation to industry. you forget the end aimed at, which is the _well-being_ of the community. but we cannot lead our opponents to look at things from our point of view, let us now take theirs; let us examine the question as producers. i will seek to prove 1. that equalizing the facilities of production is to attack the foundations of all trade. 2. that it is not true that the labor of one country can be crushed by the competition of more favored climates. 3. that, even were this the case, protective duties cannot equalize the facilities of production. 4. that freedom of trade equalizes these conditions as much as possible; and 5. that the countries which are the least favored by nature are those which profit most by freedom of trade. i. the equalizing of the facilities of production, is not only the shackling of certain articles of commerce, but it is the attacking of the system of mutual exchange in its very foundation principle. for this system is based precisely upon the very diversities, or, if the expression be preferred, upon the inequalities of fertility, climate, temperature, capabilities, which the protectionists seek to render null. if guyenne sends its wines to brittany, and brittany sends corn to guyenne, it is because these two provinces are, from different circumstances, induced to turn their attention to the production of different articles. is there any other rule for international exchanges? again, to bring against such exchanges the very inequalities of condition which excite and explain them, is to attack them in their very cause of being. the protective system, closely followed up, would bring men to live like snails, in a state of complete isolation. in short, there is not one of its sophisms, which if carried through by vigorous deductions, would not end in destruction and annihilation. ii. it is not true that the unequal facility of production, in two similar branches of industry, should necessarily cause the destruction of the one which is the least fortunate. on the turf, if one horse gains the prize, the other loses it; but when two horses work to produce any useful article, each produces in proportion to his strength; and because the stronger is the more useful, it does not follow that the weaker is good for nothing. wheat is cultivated in every department of france, although there are great differences in the degree of fertility existing among them. if it happens that there be one which does not cultivate it, it is because, even to itself, such cultivation is not useful. analogy will show us, that under the influence of an unshackled trade, notwithstanding similar differences, wheat would be produced in every kingdom of europe; and if any one were induced to abandon entirely the cultivation of it, this would only be, because it would _be her interest_ to employ otherwise her lands, her capital, and her labor. and why does not the fertility of one department paralyze the agriculture of a neighboring and less favored one? because the phenomena of political economy have a suppleness, an elasticity, and, so to speak, _a self-leveling power_, which seems to escape the attention of the school of protectionists. they accuse us of being theorists, but it is themselves who are theorists to a supreme degree, if being theoretic consists in building up systems upon the experience of a single fact, instead of profiting by the experience of a series of facts. in the above example, it is the difference in the value of lands, which compensates for the difference in their fertility. your field produces three times as much as mine. yes. but it has cost you three times as much, and therefore i can still compete with you: this is the sole mystery. and observe how the advantage on one point leads to disadvantage on the other. precisely because your soil is more fruitful, it is more dear. it is not _accidentally_ but _necessarily_ that the equilibrium is established, or at least inclines to establish itself; and can it be denied that perfect freedom in exchanges is, of all the systems, the one which favors this tendency? i have cited an agricultural example; i might as easily have taken one from any trade. there are tailors at quimper, but that does not prevent tailors from being in paris also, although the latter have to pay a much higher rent, as well as higher price for furniture, workmen, and food. but their customers are sufficiently numerous not only to re-establish the balance, but also to make it lean on their side. when therefore the question is about equalizing the advantages of labor, it would be well to consider whether the natural freedom of exchange is not the best umpire. this self-leveling faculty of political phenomena is so important, and at the same time so well calculated to cause us to admire the providential wisdom which presides over the equalizing government of society, that i must ask permission a little longer, to turn to it the attention of the reader. the protectionists say, such a nation has the advantage over us, in being able to procure cheaply, coal, iron, machinery, capital; it is impossible for us to compete with it. we must examine the proposition under other aspects. for the present, i stop at the question, whether, when an advantage and a disadvantage are placed in juxtaposition, they do not bear in themselves, the former a descending, the latter an ascending power, which must end by placing them in a just equilibrium. let us suppose the countries a and b. a has every advantage over b; you thence conclude that labor will be concentrated upon a, while b must be abandoned. a, you say, sells much more than it buys; b buys more than it sells. i might dispute this, but i will meet you upon your own ground. in the hypothesis, labor, being in great demand in a, soon rises in value; while labor, iron, coal, lands, food, capital, all being little sought after in b, soon fall in price. again: a being always selling and b always buying, cash passes from b to a. it is abundant in a--very scarce in b. but where there is abundance of cash, it follows that in all purchases a large proportion of it will be needed. then in a, _real dearness_, which proceeds from a very active demand, is added to _nominal dearness_, the consequence of a superabundance of the precious metals. scarcity of money implies that little is necessary for each purchase. then in b, a _nominal cheapness_ is combined with _real cheapness_. under these circumstances, industry will have the strongest possible motives for deserting a, to establish itself in b. now, to return to what would be the true course of things. as the progress of such events is always gradual, industry from its nature being opposed to sudden transits, let us suppose that, without waiting the extreme point, it will have gradually divided itself between a and b, according to the laws of supply and demand; that is to say, according to the laws of justice and usefulness. i do not advance an empty hypothesis when i say, that were it possible that industry should concentrate itself upon a single point, there must, from its nature, arise spontaneously, and in its midst, an irresistible power of decentralization. we will quote the words of a manufacturer to the chamber of commerce at manchester (the figures brought into his demonstration are suppressed): "formerly we exported goods; this exportation gave way to that of thread for the manufacture of goods; later, instead of thread, we exported machinery for the making of thread; then capital for the construction of machinery; and lastly, workmen and talent, which are the source of capital. all these elements of labor have, one after the other, transferred themselves to other points, where their profits were increased, and where the means of subsistence being less difficult to obtain, life is maintained at a less cost. there are at present to be seen in prussia, austria, saxony, switzerland, and italy, immense manufacturing establishments, founded entirely by english capital, worked by english labor, and directed by english talent." we may here perceive, that nature, or rather providence, with more wisdom and foresight than the narrow rigid system of the protectionists can suppose, does not permit the concentration of labor, the monopoly of advantages, from which they draw their arguments as from an absolute and irremediable fact. it has, by means as simple as they are infallible, provided for dispersion, diffusion, mutual dependence, and simultaneous progress; all of which, your restrictive laws paralyze as much as is in their power, by their tendency towards the isolation of nations. by this means they render much more decided the differences existing in the conditions of production; they check the self-leveling power of industry, prevent fusion of interests, and fence in each nation within its own peculiar advantages and disadvantages. iii. to say that by a protective law the conditions of production are equalized, is to disguise an error under false terms. it is not true that an import duty equalizes the conditions of production. these remain after the imposition of the duty just as they were before. the most that the law can do is to equalize the _conditions of sale_. if it should be said that i am playing upon words, i retort the accusation upon my adversaries. it is for them to prove that _production_ and _sale_ are synonymous terms, which if they cannot do, i have a right to accuse them, if not of playing upon words, at least of confounding them. let me be permitted to exemplify my idea. suppose that several parisian speculators should determine to devote themselves to the production of oranges. they know that the oranges of portugal can be sold in paris at ten centimes, whilst on account of the boxes, hot-houses, etc., which are necessary to ward against the severity of our climate, it is impossible to raise them at less than a franc apiece. they accordingly demand a duty of ninety centimes upon portugal oranges. with the help of this duty, say they, the _conditions of production_ will be equalized. the legislative body, yielding as usual to this argument, imposes a duty of ninety centimes on each foreign orange. now i say that the _relative conditions of production_ are in no wise changed. the law can take nothing from the heat of the sun in lisbon, nor from the severity of the frosts in paris. oranges continuing to mature themselves _naturally_ on the banks of the tagus, and artificially upon those of the seine, must continue to require for their production much more labor on the latter than the former. the law can only equalize the _conditions of sale_. it is evident that while the portuguese sell their oranges at a franc apiece, the ninety centimes which go to pay the tax are taken from the french consumer. now look at the whimsicality of the result. upon each portuguese orange, the country loses nothing; for the ninety centimes which the consumer pays to satisfy the tax, enter into the treasury. there is improper distribution, but no loss. upon each french orange consumed, there will be about ninety centimes lost; for while the buyer very certainly loses them, the seller just as certainly does not gain them, for even according to the hypothesis, he will receive only the price of production. i will leave it to the protectionists to draw their conclusion. iv. i have laid some stress upon this distinction between the conditions of production and those of sale, which perhaps the prohibitionists may consider as paradoxical, because it leads me on to what they will consider as a still stranger paradox. this is: if you really wish to equalize the facilities of production, leave trade free. this may surprise the protectionists; but let me entreat them to listen, if it be only through curiosity, to the end of my argument. it shall not be long. i will now take it up where we left off. if we suppose for the moment, that the common and daily profits of each frenchman amount to one franc, it will indisputably follow that to produce an orange by _direct_ labor in france, one day's work, or its equivalent, will be requisite; whilst to produce the cost of a portuguese orange, only one-tenth of this day's labor is required; which means simply this, that the sun does at lisbon what labor does at paris. now is it not evident, that if i can produce an orange, or, what is the same thing, the means of buying it, with one-tenth of a day's labor, i am placed exactly in the same condition as the portuguese producer himself, excepting the expense of the transportation? it is then certain that freedom of commerce equalizes the conditions of production direct or indirect, as much as it is possible to equalize them; for it leaves but the one inevitable difference, that of transportation. i will add that free trade equalizes also the facilities for attaining enjoyments, comforts, and general consumption; the last an object which is, it would seem, quite forgotten, and which is nevertheless all important; since consumption is the main object of all our industrial efforts. thanks to freedom of trade, we would enjoy here the results of the portuguese sun, as well as portugal itself; and the inhabitants of havre, would have in their reach, as well as those of london, and with the same facilities, the advantages which nature has in a mineralogical point of view conferred upon newcastle. the protectionists may suppose me in a paradoxical humor, for i go farther still. i say, and i sincerely believe, that if any two countries are placed in unequal circumstances as to advantages of production, _that one of the two which is the least favored by nature, will gain most by freedom of commerce_. to prove this, i shall be obliged to turn somewhat aside from the form of reasoning which belongs to this work. i will do so, however; first, because the question in discussion turns upon this point; and again, because it will give me the opportunity of exhibiting a law of political economy of the highest importance, and which, well understood, seems to me to be destined to lead back to this science all those sects which, in our days, are seeking in the land of chimeras that social harmony which they have been unable to discover in nature. i speak of the law of consumption, which the majority of political economists may well be reproached with having too much neglected. consumption is the _end_, the final cause, of all the phenomena of political economy, and, consequently, in it is found their final solution. no effect, whether favorable or unfavorable, can be arrested permanently upon the producer. the advantages and the disadvantages, which, from his relations to nature and to society, are his, both equally pass gradually from him, with an almost insensible tendency to be absorbed and fused into the community at large; the community considered as consumers. this is an admirable law, alike in its cause and its effects, and he who shall succeed in making it well understood, will have a right to say, "i have not, in my passage through the world, forgotten to pay my tribute to society." every circumstance which favors the work of production is of course hailed with joy by the producer, for its _immediate effect_ is to enable him to render greater services to the community, and to exact from it a greater remuneration. every circumstance which injures production, must equally be the source of uneasiness to him; for its _immediate effect_ is to diminish his services, and consequently his remuneration. this is a fortunate and necessary law of nature. the immediate good or evil of favorable or unfavorable circumstances must fall upon the producer, in order to influence him invincibly to seek the one and to avoid the other. again, when a workman succeeds in his labor, the _immediate_ benefit of this success is received by him. this again is necessary, to determine him to devote his attention to it. it is also just; because it is just that an effort crowned with success should bring its own reward. but these effects, good and bad, although permanent in themselves, are not so as regards the producer. if they had been so, a principle of progressive and consequently infinite _inequality_ would have been introduced among men. this good, and this evil, both therefore pass on, to become absorbed in the general destinies of humanity. how does this come about? i will try to make it understood by some examples. let us go back to the thirteenth century. men who gave themselves up to the business of copying, received for this service _a remuneration regulated by the general rate of profits_. among them is found one, who seeks and finds the means of multiplying rapidly copies of the same work. he invents printing. the first effect of this is, that the individual is enriched, while many more are impoverished. at the first view, wonderful as the discovery is, one hesitates in deciding whether it is not more injurious than useful. it seems to have introduced into the world, as i said above, an element of infinite inequality. guttenberg makes large profits by this invention, and perfects the invention by the profits, until all other copyists are ruined. as for the public,--the consumer,--it gains but little, for guttenberg takes care to lower the price of books only just so much as is necessary to undersell all rivals. but the great mind which put harmony into the movements of celestial bodies, could also give it to the internal mechanism of society. we will see the advantages of this invention escaping from the individual, to become forever the common patrimony of mankind. the process finally becomes known. guttenberg is no longer alone in his art; others imitate him. their profits are at first considerable. they are recompensed for being the first who make the effort to imitate the processes of the newly invented art. this again was necessary, in order that they might be induced to the effort, and thus forward the great and final result to which we approach. they gain much; but they gain less than the inventor, for _competition_ has commenced its work. the price of books now continually decreases. the gains of the imitators diminish in proportion as the invention becomes older; and in the same proportion imitation becomes less meritorious. soon the new object of industry attains its normal condition; in other words, the remuneration of printers is no longer an exception to the general rules of remuneration, and, like that of copyists formerly, it is only regulated _by the general rate of profits_. here then the producer, as such, holds only the old position. the discovery, however, has been made; the saving of time, labor, effort, for a fixed result, for a certain number of volumes, is realized. but in what is this manifested? in the cheap price of books. for the good of whom? for the good of the consumer,--of society,--of humanity. printers, having no longer any peculiar merit, receive no longer a peculiar remuneration. as men,--as consumers,--they no doubt participate in the advantages which the invention confers upon the community; but that is all. as printers, as producers, they are placed upon the ordinary footing of all other producers. society pays them for their labor, and not for the usefulness of the invention. _that_ has become a gratuitous benefit, a common heritage to mankind. what has been said of printing can be extended to every agent for the advancement of labor; from the nail and the mallet, up to the locomotive and the electric telegraph. society enjoys all, by the abundance of its use, its consumption; and it _enjoys all gratuitously_. for as their effect is to diminish prices, it is evident that just so much of the price as is taken off by their intervention, renders the production in so far _gratuitous_. there only remains the actual labor of man to be paid for; and the remainder, which is the result of the invention, is subtracted; at least after the invention has run through the cycle which i have just described as its destined course. i send for a workman; he brings a saw with him; i pay him two francs for his day's labor, and he saws me twenty-five boards. if the saw had not been invented, he would perhaps not have been able to make one board, and i would have paid him the same for his day's labor. the _usefulness_ then of the saw, is for me a gratuitous gift of nature, or rather it is a portion of the inheritance which, _in common_ with my brother men, i have received from the genius of my ancestors. i have two workmen in my field; the one directs the handle of a plough, the other that of a spade. the result of their day's labor is very different, but the price is the same, because the remuneration is proportioned, not to the usefulness of the result, but to the effort, the labor given to attain it. i invoke the patience of the reader, and beg him to believe, that i have not lost sight of free trade: i entreat him only to remember the conclusion at which i have arrived: _remuneration is not proportioned to the usefulness of the articles brought by the producer into the market, but to the labor_.[11] [footnote 11: it is true that labor does not receive a uniform remuneration; because labor is more or less intense, dangerous, skillful, etc. competition establishes for each category a price current; and it is of this variable price that i speak.] i have so far taken my examples from human inventions, but will now go on to speak of natural advantages. in every article of production, nature and man must concur. but the portion of nature is always gratuitous. only so much of the usefulness of an article as is the result of human labor becomes the object of mutual exchange, and consequently of remuneration. the remuneration varies much, no doubt, in proportion to the intensity of the labor, of the skill which it requires, of its being _à propos_ to the demand of the day, of the need which exists for it, of the momentary absence of competition, etc. but it is not the less true in principle, that the assistance received from natural laws, which belongs to all, counts for nothing in the price. we do not pay for the air we breathe, although so useful to us, that we could not live two minutes without it. we do not pay for it, because nature furnishes it without the intervention of man's labor. but if we wish to separate one of the gases which compose it, for instance, to fill a balloon, we must take some trouble and labor; or if another takes it for us, we must give him an equivalent in something which will have cost us the trouble of production. from which we see that the exchange is between troubles, efforts, labors. it is certainly not for hydrogen gas that i pay, for this is every where at my disposal, but for the work that it has been necessary to accomplish in order to disengage it; work which i have been spared, and which i must refund. if i am told that there are other things to pay for; as expense, materials, apparatus; i answer, that still in these things it is the work that i pay for. the price of the coal employed is only the representation of the labor necessary to dig and transport it. we do not pay for the light of the sun, because nature alone gives it to us. but we pay for the light of gas, tallow, oil, wax, because here is labor to be remunerated;--and remark, that it is so entirely labor and not utility to which remuneration is proportioned, that it may well happen that one of these means of lighting, while it may be much more effective than another, may still cost less. to cause this, it is only necessary that less human labor should be required to furnish it. when the water-carrier comes to supply my house, were i to pay him in proportion to the _absolute utility_ of the water, my whole fortune would not be sufficient. but i pay him only for the trouble he has taken. if he requires more, i can get others to furnish it, or finally go and get it myself. the water itself is not the subject of our bargain; but the labor taken to get the water. this point of view is so important, and the consequences that i am going to draw from it so clear, as regards the freedom of international exchanges, that i will still elucidate my idea by a few more examples. the alimentary substance contained in potatoes does not cost us very dear, because a great deal of it is attainable with little work. we pay more for wheat, because, to produce it nature requires more labor from man. it is evident that if nature did for the latter what she does for the former, their prices would tend to the same level. it is impossible that the producer of wheat should permanently gain more than the producer of potatoes. the law of competition cannot allow it. if by a happy miracle the fertility of all arable lands were to be increased, it would not be the agriculturist, but the consumer, who would profit by this phenomenon; for the result of it would be, abundance and cheapness. there would be less labor incorporated into an acre of grain, and the agriculturist would be therefore obliged to exchange it for a less labor incorporated into some other article. if, on the contrary, the fertility of the soil were suddenly to deteriorate, the share of nature in production would be less, that of labor greater, and the result would be higher prices. i am right then in saying that it is in consumption, in mankind, that at length all political phenomena find their solution. as long as we fail to follow their effects to this point, and look only at _immediate_ effects, which act but upon individual men or classes of men _as producers_, we know nothing more of political economy than the quack does of medicine, when, instead of following the effects of a prescription in its action upon the whole system, he satisfies himself with knowing how it affects the palate and the throat. the tropical regions are very favorable to the production of sugar and coffee; that is to say, nature does most of the business and leaves but little for labor to accomplish. but who reaps the advantage of this liberality of nature? not these regions, for they are forced by competition to receive simply remuneration for their labor. it is mankind who is the gainer; for the result of this liberality is _cheapness_, and cheapness belongs to the world. here in the temperate zone, we find coal and iron ore, on the surface of the soil; we have but to stoop and take them. at first, i grant, the immediate inhabitants profit by this fortunate circumstance. but soon comes competition, and the price of coal and iron falls, until this gift of nature becomes gratuitous to all, and human labor is only paid according to the general rate of profits. thus natural advantages, like improvements in the process of production, are, or have a constant tendency to become, under the law of competition, the common and _gratuitous_ patrimony of consumers, of society, of mankind. countries therefore which do not enjoy these advantages, must gain by commerce with those which do; because the exchanges of commerce are between _labor and labor_; subtraction being made of all the natural advantages which are combined with these labors; and it is evidently the most favored countries which can incorporate into a given labor the largest proportion of these _natural advantages_. their produce representing less labor, receives less recompense; in other words, is _cheaper_. if then all the liberality of nature results in cheapness, it is evidently not the producing, but the consuming country, which profits by her benefits. hence we may see the enormous absurdity of the consuming country, which rejects produce precisely because it is cheap. it is as though we should say: "we will have nothing of that which nature gives you. you ask of us an effort equal to two, in order to furnish ourselves with articles only attainable at home by an effort equal to four. you can do it because with you nature does half the work. but we will have nothing to do with it; we will wait till your climate, becoming more inclement, forces you to ask of us a labor equal to four, and then we can treat with you _upon an equal footing_." a is a favored country; b is maltreated by nature. mutual traffic then is advantageous to both, but principally to b, because the exchange is not between _utility_ and _utility_, but between _value_ and _value_. now a furnishes a greater _utility in a similar value_, because the _utility_ of any article includes at once what nature and what labor have done; whereas the _value_ of it only corresponds to the portion accomplished by labor. b then makes an entirely advantageous bargain; for by simply paying the producer from a for his labor, it receives in return not only the results of that labor, but in addition there is thrown in whatever may have accrued from the superior bounty of nature. we will lay down the general rule. traffic is an exchange of _values_; and as value is reduced by competition to the simple representation of labor, traffic is the exchange of equal labors. whatever nature has done towards the production of the articles exchanged, is given on both sides _gratuitously_; from whence it necessarily follows, that the most advantageous commerce is transacted with those countries which are the most favored by nature. * * * * * the theory of which i have attempted, in this chapter, to trace the outlines, would require great developments. but perhaps the attentive reader will have perceived in it the fruitful seed which is destined in its future growth to smother protection, at once with fourierism, saint simonism, commonism, and the various other schools whose object is to exclude the law of competition from the government of the world. competition, no doubt, considering man as producer, must often interfere with his individual and _immediate_ interests. but if we consider the great object of all labor, the universal good, in a word, _consumption_, we cannot fail to find that competition is to the moral world what the law of equilibrium is to the material one. it is the foundation of true commonism, of true socialism, of the equality of comforts and condition, so much sought after in our day; and if so many sincere reformers, so many earnest friends to the public rights, seek to reach their end by commercial _legislation_, it is only because they do not yet understand _commercial freedom_. v. our productions are overloaded with taxes. this is but a new wording of the last sophism. the demand made is, that the foreign article should be taxed, in order to neutralize the effects of the tax, which weighs down national produce. it is still then but the question of equalizing the facilities of production. we have but to say that the tax is an artificial obstacle, which has exactly the same effect as a natural obstacle, i.e. the increasing of the price. if this increase is so great that there is more loss in producing the article in question than in attracting it from foreign parts by the production of an equivalent value, let it alone. individual interest will soon learn to choose the lesser of two evils. i might refer the reader to the preceding demonstration for an answer to this sophism; but it is one which recurs so often in the complaints and the petitions, i had almost said the demands, of the protectionist school, that it deserves a special discussion. if the tax in question should be one of a special kind, directed against fixed articles of production, i agree that it is perfectly reasonable that foreign produce should be subjected to it. for instance, it would be absurd to free foreign salt from impost duty; not that in an economical point of view france would lose any thing by it; on the contrary, whatever may be said, principles are invariable, and france would gain by it, as she must always gain by avoiding an obstacle whether natural or artificial. but here the obstacle has been raised with a fiscal object. it is necessary that this end should be attained; and if foreign salt were to be sold in our market free from duty, the treasury would not receive its revenue, and would be obliged to seek it from some thing else. there would be evident inconsistency in creating an obstacle with a given object, and then avoiding the attainment of that object. it would have been better at once to seek what was needed in the other impost without taxing french salt. such are the circumstances under which i would allow upon any foreign article a duty, _not protecting_ but fiscal. but the supposition that a nation, because it is subjected to heavier imposts than those of another neighboring nation, should protect itself by tariffs against the competition of its rival, is a sophism, which it is now my purpose to attack. i have said more than once, that i am opposing only the theory of the protectionists, with the hope of discovering the source of their errors. were i disposed to enter into controversy with them, i would say: why direct your tariffs principally against england and belgium, both countries more overloaded with taxes than any in the world? have i not a right to look upon your argument as a mere pretext? but i am not of the number of those who believe that prohibitionists are guided by interest, and not by conviction. the doctrine of protection is too popular not to be sincere. if the majority could believe in freedom, we would be free. without doubt it is individual interest which weighs us down with tariffs; but it acts upon conviction. the state may make either a good or a bad use of taxes; it makes a good use of them when it renders to the public services equivalent to the value received from them; it makes a bad use of them when it expends this value, giving nothing in return. to say in the first case that they place the country which pays them in more disadvantageous conditions for production, than the country which is free from them, is a sophism. we pay, it is true, twenty millions for the administration of justice, and the maintenance of the police, but we have justice and the police; we have the security which they give, the time which they save for us; and it is most probable that production is neither more easy nor more active among nations, where (if there be such) each individual takes the administration of justice into his own hands. we pay, i grant, many hundred millions for roads, bridges, ports, railways; but we have these railways, these ports, bridges and roads, and unless we maintain that it is a losing business to establish them, we cannot say that they place us in a position inferior to that of nations who have, it is true, no taxes for public works, but who likewise have no public works. and here we see why (even while we accuse internal taxes of being a cause of industrial inferiority) we direct our tariffs precisely against those nations which are the most taxed. it is because these taxes, well used, far from injuring, have ameliorated the _conditions of production_ to these nations. thus we again arrive at the conclusion that the protectionist sophisms not only wander from, but are the contrary--the very antithesis of truth. as to unproductive imposts, suppress them if you can; but surely it is a most singular idea to suppose, that their evil effect is to be neutralized by the addition of individual taxes to public taxes. many thanks for the compensation! the state, you say, has taxed us too much; surely this is no reason why we should tax each other! a protective duty is a tax directed against foreign produce, but which returns, let us keep in mind, upon the national consumer. is it not then a singular argument to say to him, "because the taxes are heavy, we will raise prices higher for you; and because the state takes a part of your revenue, we will give another portion of it to benefit a monopoly?" but let us examine more closely this sophism so accredited among our legislators; although, strange to say, it is precisely those who keep up the unproductive imposts (according to our present hypothesis) who attribute to them afterwards our supposed inferiority, and seek to re-establish the equilibrium by further imposts and new clogs. it appears to me to be evident that protection, without any change in its nature and effects, might have taken the form of a direct tax, raised by the state, and distributed as a premium to privileged industry. let us admit that foreign iron could be sold in our market at eight francs, but not lower; and french iron at not lower than twelve francs. in this hypothesis there are two ways in which the state can secure the national market to the home producer. the first, is to put upon foreign iron a duty of five francs. this, it is evident, would exclude it, because it could no longer be sold at less than thirteen francs; eight francs for the cost price, five for the tax; and at this price it must be driven from the market by french iron, which we have supposed to cost twelve francs. in this case the buyer, the consumer, will have paid all the expenses of the protection given. the second means would be to lay upon the public a tax of five francs, and to give it as a premium to the iron manufacturer. the effect would in either case be equally a protective measure. foreign iron would, according to both systems, be alike excluded; for our iron manufacturer could sell at seven francs, what, with the five francs premium, would thus bring him in twelve. while the price of sale being seven francs, foreign iron could not obtain a market at eight. in these two systems the principle is the same; the effect is the same. there is but this single difference; in the first case the expense of protection is paid by a part, in the second by the whole of the community. i frankly confess my preference for the second system, which i regard as more just, more economical and more legal. more just, because, if society wishes to give bounties to some of its members, the whole community ought to contribute; more economical, because it would banish many difficulties, and save the expenses of collection; more legal, lastly, because the public would see clearly into the operation, and know what was required of it. but if the protective system had taken this form, would it not have been laughable enough to hear it said, "we pay heavy taxes for the army, the navy, the judiciary, the public works, the schools, the public debt, etc. these amount to more than a thousand million. it would therefore be desirable that the state should take another thousand million, to relieve the poor iron manufacturers; or the suffering stockholders of coal mines; or those unfortunate lumber dealers, or the useful codfishery." this, it must be perceived, by an attentive investigation, is the result of the sophism in question. in vain, gentlemen, are all your efforts; you cannot _give money_ to one without taking it from another. if you are absolutely determined to exhaust the funds of the taxable community, well; but, at least, do not mock them; do not tell them, "we take from you again, in order to compensate you for what we have already taken." it would be a too tedious undertaking to endeavor to point out all the fallacies of this sophism. i will therefore limit myself to the consideration of it in three points. you argue that france is overburthened with taxes, and deduce thence the conclusion that it is necessary to protect such and such an article of produce. but protection does not relieve us from the payment of these taxes. if, then, individuals devoting themselves to any one object of industry, should advance this demand: "we, from our participation in the payment of taxes, have our expenses of production increased, and therefore ask for a protective duty which shall raise our price of sale;" what is this but a demand on their part to be allowed to free themselves from the burthen of the tax, by laying it on the rest of the community? their object is to balance, by the increased price of their produce, the amount which _they_ pay in taxes. now, as the whole amount of these taxes must enter into the treasury, and the increase of price must be paid by society, it follows that (where this protective duty is imposed) society has to bear, not only the general tax, but also that for the protection of the article in question. but it is answered, let _every thing_ be protected. firstly, this is impossible; and, again, were it possible, how could such a system give relief? _i_ will pay for you, _you_ will pay for me; but not the less, still there remains the tax to be paid. thus you are the dupes of an illusion. you determine to raise taxes for the support of an army, a navy, the church, university, judges, roads, etc. afterwards you seek to disburthen from its portion of the tax, first one article of industry, then another, then a third; always adding to the burthen of the mass of society. you thus only create interminable complications. if you can prove that the increase of price resulting from protection, falls upon the foreign producer, i grant something specious in your argument. but if it be true that the french people paid the tax before the passing of the protective duty, and afterwards that it has paid not only the tax, but the protective duty also, truly i do not perceive wherein it has profited. but i go much further, and maintain that the more oppressive our taxes are, the more anxiously ought we to open our ports and frontiers to foreign nations, less burthened than ourselves. and why? in order that we may share with them, as much as possible, the burthen which we bear. is it not an incontestable maxim in political economy, that taxes must, in the end, fall upon the consumer? the greater then our commerce, the greater the portion which will be reimbursed to us, of taxes incorporated in the produce, which we will have sold to foreign consumers; whilst we, on our part, will have made to them only a lesser reimbursement, because (according to our hypothesis) their produce is less taxed than ours. again, finally, has it ever occurred to you to ask yourself, whether these heavy taxes which you adduce as a reason for keeping up the prohibitive system, may not be the result of this very system itself? to what purpose would be our great standing armies, and our powerful navies, if commerce were free? vi. balance of trade. our adversaries have adopted a system of tactics, which embarrasses us not a little. do we prove our doctrine? they admit the truth of it in the most respectful manner. do we attack their principles? they abandon them with the best possible grace. they only ask that our doctrine, which they acknowledge to be true, should be confined to books; and that their principles, which they allow to be false, should be established in practice. if we will give up to them the regulation of our tariffs, they will leave us triumphant in the domain of theory. "assuredly," said mr. gauthier de roumilly, lately, "assuredly no one wishes to call up from their graves the defunct theories of the balance of trade." and yet mr. gauthier, after giving this passing blow to error, goes on immediately afterwards, and for two hours consecutively, to reason as though this error were a truth. give me mr. lestiboudois. here we have a consistent reasoner! a logical arguer! there is nothing in his conclusions which cannot be found in his premises. he asks nothing in practice which he does not justify in theory. his principles may perchance be false, and this is the point in question. but he has a principle. he believes, he proclaims aloud, that if france gives ten to receive fifteen, she loses five; and surely, with such a belief, nothing is more natural than that he should make laws consistent with it. he says: "what it is important to remark, is, that constantly the amount of importation is augmenting, and surpassing that of exportation. every year france buys more foreign produce, and sells less of its own produce. this can be proved by figures. in 1842, we see the importation exceed the exportation by two hundred millions. this appears to me to prove, in the clearest manner, that national labor _is not sufficiently protected_, that we are provided by foreign labor, and that the competition of our rivals _oppresses_ our industry. the law in question, appears to me to be a consecration of the fact, that our political economists have assumed a false position in declaring, that in proportion to produce bought, there is always a corresponding quantity sold. it is evident that purchases may be made, not with the habitual productions of a country, not with its revenue, not with the results of actual labor, but with its capital, with the accumulated savings which should serve for reproduction. a country may spend, dissipate its profits and savings, may impoverish itself, and by the consumption of its national capital, progress gradually to its ruin. _this is precisely what we are doing. we give, every year, two hundred millions to foreign nations_." well! here, at least, is a man whom we can understand. there is no hypocrisy in this language. the balance of trade is here clearly maintained and defended. france imports two hundred millions more than she exports. then france loses two hundred millions yearly. and the remedy? it is to check importation. the conclusion is perfectly consistent. it is, then, with mr. lestiboudois that we will argue, for how is it possible to do so with mr. gauthier? if you say to the latter, the balance of trade is a mistake, he will answer, so i have declared it in my exordium. if you exclaim, but it is a truth, he will say, thus i have classed it in my conclusions. political economists may blame me for arguing with mr. lestiboudois. to combat the balance of trade, is, they say, neither more nor less than to fight against a windmill. but let us be on our guard. the balance of trade is neither so old, nor so sick, nor so dead, as mr. gauthier is pleased to imagine; for all the legislature, mr. gauthier himself included, are associated by their votes with the theory of mr. lestiboudois. however, not to fatigue the reader, i will not seek to investigate too closely this theory, but will content myself with subjecting it to the experience of facts. it is constantly alleged in opposition to our principles, that they are good only in theory. but, gentlemen, do you believe that merchants' books are good in practice? it does appear to me that if there is any thing which can have a practical authority, when the object is to prove profit and loss, that this must be commercial accounts. we cannot suppose that all the merchants of the world, for centuries back, should have so little understood their own affairs, as to have kept their books in such a manner as to represent gains as losses, and losses as gains. truly it would be easier to believe that mr. lestiboudois is a bad political economist. a merchant, one of my friends, having had two business transactions, with very different results, i have been curious to compare on this subject the accounts of the counter with those of the custom-house, interpreted by mr. lestiboudois with the sanction of our six hundred legislators. mr. t... despatched from havre a vessel, freighted, for the united states, with french merchandise, principally parisian articles, valued at 200,000 francs. such was the amount entered at the custom-house. the cargo, on its arrival at new orleans, had paid ten per cent. expenses, and was liable to thirty per cent. duties; which raised its value to 280,000 francs. it was sold at twenty per cent. profit on its original value, which being 40,000 francs, the price of sale was 320,000 francs, which the assignee converted into cotton. this cotton, again, had to pay for expenses of transportation, insurance, commissions, etc., ten per cent.: so that when the return cargo arrived at havre, its value had risen to 352,000 francs, and it was thus entered at the custom-house. finally, mr. t... realized again on this return cargo twenty per cent. profits; amounting to 70,400 francs. the cotton thus sold for the sum of 422,400 francs. if mr. lestiboudois requires it, i will send him an extract from the books of mr. t... he will there see, _credited_ to the account of _profit and loss_, that is to say, set down as gained, two sums; the one of 40,000, the other of 70,000 francs, and mr. t ... feels perfectly certain that as regards these, there is no mistake in his accounts. now what conclusion does mr. lestiboudois draw from the sums entered into the custom-house, in this operation? he thence learns that france has exported 200,000 francs, and imported 352,000; from whence the honorable deputy concludes "_that she has spent, dissipated the profits of her previous savings; that she is impoverishing herself and progressing to her ruin; and that she has squandered on a foreign nation_ 152,000 _francs of her capital_." some time after this transaction, mr. t... despatched another vessel, again freighted with domestic produce, to the amount of 200,000 francs. but the vessel foundered after leaving the port, and mr. t ... had only farther to inscribe on his books two little items, thus worded: "_sundries due to x_, 200,000 francs, for purchase of divers articles despatched by vessel n. "_profit and loss due to sundries, 200,000 francs, for final and total loss of cargo._" in the meantime the custom-house inscribed 200,000 francs upon its list of _exportations_, and as there can of course be nothing to balance this entry on the list of _importations_, it hence follows that mr. lestiboudois and the chamber must see in this wreck _a clear profit_ to france of 200,000 francs. we may draw hence yet another conclusion, viz.: that according to the balance of trade theory, france has an exceedingly simple manner of constantly doubling her capital. it is only necessary, to accomplish this, that she should, after entering into the custom-house her articles for exportation, cause them to be thrown into the sea. by this course, her exportations can speedily be made to equal her capital; importations will be nothing, and our gain will be, all which the ocean will have swallowed up. you are joking, the protectionists will reply. you know that it is impossible that we should utter such absurdities. nevertheless, i answer, you do utter them, and what is more, you give them life, you exercise them practically upon your fellow citizens, as much, at least, as is in your power to do. the truth is, that the theory of the balance of trade should be precisely _reversed_. the profits accruing to the nation from any foreign commerce should be calculated by the overplus of the importation above the exportation. this overplus, after the deduction of expenses, is the real gain. here we have the true theory, and it is one which leads directly to freedom in trade. i now, gentlemen, abandon you this theory, as i have done all those of the preceding chapters. do with it as you please, exaggerate it as you will; it has nothing to fear. push it to the farthest extreme; imagine, if it so please you, that foreign nations should inundate us with useful produce of every description, and ask nothing in return; that our importations should be _infinite_, and our exportations _nothing_. imagine all this, and still i defy you to prove that we will be the poorer in consequence. vii. petition from the manufacturers of candles, wax-lights, lamps, chandeliers, reflectors, snuffers, extinguishers; and from the producers of tallow, oil, resin, alcohol, and generally of every thing used for lights. _to the honorable the members of the chamber of deputies:_ "gentlemen,--you are in the right way: you reject abstract theories; abundance, cheapness, concerns you little. you are entirely occupied with the interest of the producer, whom you are anxious to free from foreign competition. in a word, you wish to secure the _national market_ to _national labor_. "we come now to offer you an admirable opportunity for the application of your----what shall we say? your theory? no, nothing is more deceiving than theory;--your doctrine? your system? your principle? but you do not like doctrines; you hold systems in horror; and, as for principles, you declare that there are no such things in political economy. we will say then, your practice; your practice without theory, and without principle. "we are subjected to the intolerable competition of a foreign rival, who enjoys, it would seem, such superior facilities for the production of light, that he is enabled to _inundate_ our _national market_ at so exceedingly reduced a price, that, the moment he makes his appearance, he draws off all custom from us; and thus an important branch of french industry, with all its innumerable ramifications, is suddenly reduced to a state of complete stagnation. this rival, who is no other than the sun, carries on so bitter a war against us, that we have every reason to believe that he has been excited to this course by our perfidious neighbor england. (good diplomacy this, for the present time!) in this belief we are confirmed by the fact that in all his transactions with this proud island, he is much more moderate and careful than with us. "our petition is, that it would please your honorable body to pass a law whereby shall be directed the shutting up of all windows, dormers, sky-lights, shutters, curtains, vasistas, oeil-de-boeufs, in a word, all openings, holes, chinks and fissures through which the light of the sun is used to penetrate into our dwellings, to the prejudice of the profitable manufactures which we flatter ourselves we have been enabled to bestow upon the country; which country cannot, therefore, without ingratitude, leave us now to struggle unprotected through so unequal a contest. "we pray your honorable body not to mistake our petition for a satire, nor to repulse us without at least hearing the reasons which we have to advance in its favor. "and first, if, by shutting out as much as possible all access to natural light, you thus create the necessity for artificial light, is there in france an industrial pursuit which will not, through some connection with this important object, be benefited by it? "if more tallow be consumed, there will arise a necessity for an increase of cattle and sheep. thus artificial meadows must be in greater demand; and meat, wool, leather, and above all, manure, this basis of agricultural riches, must become more abundant. "if more oil be consumed, it will cause an increase in the cultivation of the olive-tree. this plant, luxuriant and exhausting to the soil, will come in good time to profit by the increased fertility which the raising of cattle will have communicated to our fields. "our heaths will become covered with resinous trees. numerous swarms of bees will gather upon our mountains the perfumed treasures, which are now cast upon the winds, useless as the blossoms from which they emanate. there is, in short, no branch of agriculture which would not be greatly developed by the granting of our petition. "navigation would equally profit. thousands of vessels would soon be employed in the whale fisheries, and thence would arise a navy capable of sustaining the honor of france, and of responding to the patriotic sentiments of the undersigned petitioners, candle merchants, etc. "but what words can express the magnificence which _paris_ will then exhibit! cast an eye upon the future and behold the gildings, the bronzes, the magnificent crystal chandeliers, lamps, reflectors and candelabras, which will glitter in the spacious stores, compared with which the splendor of the present day will appear trifling and insignificant. "there is none, not even the poor manufacturer of resin in the midst of his pine forests, nor the miserable miner in his dark dwelling, but who would enjoy an increase of salary and of comforts. "gentlemen, if you will be pleased to reflect, you cannot fail to be convinced that there is perhaps not one frenchman, from the opulent stockholder of anzin down to the poorest vendor of matches, who is not interested in the success of our petition. "we foresee your objections, gentlemen; but there is not one that you can oppose to us which you will not be obliged to gather from the works of the partisans of free trade. we dare challenge you to pronounce one word against our petition, which is not equally opposed to your own practice and the principle which guides your policy. "do you tell us, that if we gain by this protection, france will not gain, because the consumer must pay the price of it? "we answer you: "you have no longer any right to cite the interest of the consumer. for whenever this has been found to compete with that of the producer, you have invariably sacrificed the first. you have done this to _encourage labor_, to _increase the demand for labor_. the same reason should now induce you to act in the same manner. "you have yourselves already answered the objection. when you were told: the consumer is interested in the free introduction of iron, coal, corn, wheat, cloths, etc., your answer was: yes, but the producer is interested in their exclusion. thus, also, if the consumer is interested in the admission of light, we, the producers, pray for its interdiction. "you have also said, the producer and the consumer are one. if the manufacturer gains by protection, he will cause the agriculturist to gain also; if agriculture prospers, it opens a market for manufactured goods. thus we, if you confer upon us the monopoly of furnishing light during the day, will as a first consequence buy large quantities of tallow, coals, oil, resin, wax, alcohol, silver, iron, bronze, crystal, for the supply of our business; and then we and our numerous contractors having become rich, our consumption will be great, and will become a means of contributing to the comfort and competency of the workers in every branch of national labor. "will you say that the light of the sun is a gratuitous gift, and that to repulse gratuitous gifts, is to repulse riches under pretence of encouraging the means of obtaining them? "take care,--you carry the death-blow to your own policy. remember that hitherto you have always repulsed foreign produce, _because_ it was an approach to a gratuitous gift, and _the more in proportion_ as this approach was more close. you have, in obeying the wishes of other monopolists, acted only from a _half-motive_; to grant our petition there is a much _fuller inducement_. to repulse us, precisely for the reason that our case is a more complete one than any which have preceded it, would be to lay down the following equation: + × + =-; in other words, it would be to accumulate absurdity upon absurdity. "labor and nature concur in different proportions, according to country and climate, in every article of production. the portion of nature is always gratuitous; that of labor alone regulates the price. "if a lisbon orange can be sold at half the price of a parisian one, it is because a natural and gratuitous heat does for the one, what the other only obtains from an artificial and consequently expensive one. "when, therefore, we purchase a portuguese orange, we may say that we obtain it half gratuitously and half by the right of labor; in other words, at _half price_ compared to those of paris. "now it is precisely on account of this _demi-gratuity_ (excuse the word) that you argue in favor of exclusion. how, you say, could national labor sustain the competition of foreign labor, when the first has every thing to do, and the last is rid of half the trouble, the sun taking the rest of the business upon himself? if then the _demi-gratuity_ can determine you to check competition, on what principle can the _entire gratuity_ be alleged as a reason for admitting it? you are no logicians if, refusing the demi-gratuity as hurtful to human labor, you do not _à fortiori_, and with double zeal, reject the full gratuity. "again, when any article, as coal, iron, cheese, or cloth, comes to us from foreign countries with less labor than if we produced it ourselves, the difference in price is a _gratuitous gift_ conferred upon us; and the gift is more or less considerable, according as the difference is greater or less. it is the quarter, the half, or the three-quarters of the value of the produce, in proportion as the foreign merchant requires the three-quarters, the half, or the quarter of the price. it is as complete as possible when the producer offers, as the sun does with light, the whole in free gift. the question is, and we put it formally, whether you wish for france the benefit of gratuitous consumption, or the supposed advantages of laborious production. choose, but be consistent. and does it not argue the greatest inconsistency to check as you do the importation of coal, iron, cheese, and goods of foreign manufacture, merely because and even in proportion as their price approaches _zero_, while at the same time you freely admit, and without limitation, the light of the sun, whose price is during the whole day at _zero_?" viii. discriminating duties. a poor laborer of gironde had raised, with the greatest possible care and attention, a nursery of vines, from which, after much labor, he at last succeeded in producing a pipe of wine, and forgot, in the joy of his success, that each drop of this precious nectar had cost a drop of sweat to his brow. i will sell it, said he to his wife, and with the proceeds i will buy thread, which will serve you to make a _trousseau_ for our daughter. the honest countryman, arriving in the city, there met an englishman and a belgian. the belgian said to him, give me your wine, and i in exchange, will give you fifteen bundles of thread. the englishman said, give it to me, and i will give you twenty bundles, for we english can spin cheaper than the belgians. but a custom-house officer standing by, said to the laborer, my good fellow, make your exchange, if you choose, with the belgian, but it is my duty to prevent your doing so with the englishman. what! exclaimed the countryman, you wish me to take fifteen bundles of brussels thread, when i can have twenty from manchester? certainly; do you not see that france would be a loser, if you were to receive twenty bundles instead of fifteen? i can scarcely understand this, said the laborer. nor can i explain it, said the custom-house officer, but there is no doubt of the fact; for deputies, ministers, and editors, all agree that a people is impoverished in proportion as it receives a large compensation for any given quantity of its produce. the countryman was obliged to conclude his bargain with the belgian. his daughter received but three-fourths of her _trousseau_; and these good folks are still puzzling themselves to discover how it can happen that people are ruined by receiving four instead of three; and why they are richer with three dozen towels instead of four. ix. wonderful discovery! at this moment, when all minds are occupied in endeavoring to discover the most economical means of transportation; when, to put these means into practice, we are leveling roads, improving rivers, perfecting steamboats, establishing railroads, and attempting various systems of traction, atmospheric, hydraulic, pneumatic, electric, etc.,--at this moment when, i believe, every one is seeking in sincerity and with ardor the solution of this problem-"_to bring the price of things in their place of consumption, as near as possible to their price in that of production_"-i would believe myself acting a culpable part towards my country, towards the age in which i live, and towards myself, if i were longer to keep secret the wonderful discovery which i have just made. i am well aware that the self-illusions of inventors have become proverbial, but i have, nevertheless, the most complete certainty of having discovered an infallible means of bringing the produce of the entire world into france, and reciprocally to transport ours, with a very important reduction of price. infallible! and yet this is but a single one of the advantages of my astonishing invention, which requires neither plans nor devices, neither preparatory studies, nor engineers, nor machinists, nor capital, nor stockholders, nor governmental assistance! there is no danger of shipwrecks, of explosions, of shocks, of fire, nor of displacement of rails! it can be put into practice without preparation from one day to another! finally, and this will, no doubt, recommend it to the public, it will not increase taxes one cent; but the contrary. it will not augment the number of government functionaries, nor the exigencies of government officers; but the contrary. it will put in hazard the liberty of no one; but the contrary. i have been led to this discovery not from accident, but observation, and i will tell you how. i had this question to determine: "why does any article made, for instance, at brussels, bear an increased price on its arrival at paris?" it was immediately evident to me that this was the result of _obstacles_ of various kinds existing between brussels and paris. first, there is _distance_, which cannot be overcome without trouble and loss of time; and either we must submit to these in our own person, or pay another for bearing them for us. then come rivers, swamps, accidents, heavy and muddy roads; these are so many _difficulties_ to be overcome; in order to do which, causeways are constructed, bridges built, roads cut and paved, railroads established, etc. but all this is costly, and the article transported must bear its portion of the expense. there are robbers, too, on the roads, and this necessitates guards, a police, etc. now, among these _obstacles_, there is one which we ourselves have placed, and that at no little expense, between brussels and paris. this consists of men planted along the frontier, armed to the teeth, whose business it is to place _difficulties_ in the way of the transportation of goods from one country to another. these men are called custom-house officers, and their effect is precisely similar to that of steep and boggy roads. they retard and put obstacles in the way of transportation, thus contributing to the difference which we have remarked between the price of production and that of consumption; to diminish which difference as much as possible, is the problem which we are seeking to resolve. here, then, we have found its solution. _let our tariff be diminished._ we will thus have constructed a northern railroad which will cost us nothing. nay, more, we will be saved great expenses, and will begin from the first day to save capital. really, i cannot but ask myself, in surprise, how our brains could have admitted so whimsical a piece of folly, as to induce us to pay many millions to destroy the _natural obstacles_ interposed between france and other nations, only at the same time to pay so many millions more in order to replace them by _artificial obstacles_, which have exactly the same effect; so that the obstacle removed, and the obstacle created, neutralize each other; things go on as before, and the only result of our trouble, is, a double expense. an article of belgian production is worth at brussels twenty francs, and, from the expenses of transportation, thirty francs at paris. a similar article of parisian manufacture costs forty francs. what is our course under these circumstances? first, we impose a duty of at least ten francs on the belgian article, so as to raise its price to a level with that of the parisian; the government withal, paying numerous officials to attend to the levying of this duty. the article thus pays ten francs for transportation, ten for the tax. this done, we say to ourselves: transportation between brussels and paris is very dear; let us spend two or three millions in railways, and we will reduce it one-half. evidently the result of such a course will be to get the belgian article at paris for thirty-five francs, viz: 20 francs--price at brussels. 10 " duty. 5 " transportation by railroad. - 35 francs--total, or market price at paris. could we not have attained the same end by lowering the tariff to five francs? we would then have- 20 francs--price at brussels. 5 " duty. 10 " transportation on the common road. - 35 francs--total, or market price at paris. and this arrangement would have saved us the 200,000,000 spent upon the railroad, besides the expense saved in custom-house surveillance, which would of course diminish in proportion as the temptation to smuggling would become less. but it is answered, the duty is necessary to protect parisian industry. so be it; but do not then destroy the effect of it by your railroad. for if you persist in your determination to keep the belgian article on a par with the parisian at forty francs, you must raise the duty to fifteen francs, in order to have:- 20 francs--price at brussels. 15 " protective duty. 5 " transportation by railroad. - 40 francs--total, at equalized prices. and i now ask, of what benefit, under these circumstances, is the railroad? frankly, is it not humiliating to the nineteenth century, that it should be destined to transmit to future ages the example of such puerilities seriously and gravely practiced? to be the dupe of another, is bad enough; but to employ all the forms and ceremonies of legislation in order to cheat one's self,--to doubly cheat one's self, and that too in a mere mathematical account,--truly this is calculated to lower a little the pride of this _enlightened age_. x. reciprocity. we have just seen that all which renders transportation difficult, acts in the same manner as protection; or, if the expression be preferred, that protection tends towards the same result as obstacles to transportation. a tariff may then be truly spoken of, as a swamp, a rut, a steep hill; in a word, an _obstacle_, whose effect is to augment the difference between the price of consumption and that of production. it is equally incontestable that a swamp, a bog, etc., are veritable protective tariffs. there are people (few in number, it is true, but such there are) who begin to understand that obstacles are not the less obstacles, because they are artificially created, and that our well-being is more advanced by freedom of trade than by protection; precisely as a canal is more desirable than a sandy, hilly, and difficult road. but they still say, this liberty ought to be reciprocal. if we take off our taxes in favor of spain, while spain does not do the same towards us, it is evident that we are duped. let us then make _treaties of commerce_ upon the basis of a just reciprocity; let us yield where we are yielded to; let us make the _sacrifice_ of buying that we may obtain the advantage of selling. persons who reason thus, are (i am sorry to say), whether they know it or not, governed by the protectionist principle. they are only a little more inconsistent than the pure protectionists, as these are more inconsistent than the absolute prohibitionists. i will illustrate this by a fable. stulta and puera (fool-town and boy-town). there were, it matters not where, two towns, _stulta_ and _puera_, which at great expense had a road built which connected them with each other. some time after this was done, the inhabitants of _stulta_ became uneasy, and said: _puera_ is overwhelming us with its productions; this must be attended to. they established therefore a corps of _obstructors_, so called because their business was to place obstacles in the way of the wagon trains which arrived from _puera_. soon after, _puera_ also established a corps of obstructors. after some centuries, people having become more enlightened, the inhabitants of _puera_ began to discover that these reciprocal obstacles might possibly be reciprocal injuries. they sent therefore an ambassador to _stulta_, who (passing over the official phraseology) spoke much to this effect: "we have built a road, and now we put obstacles in the way of this road. this is absurd. it would have been far better to have left things in their original position, for then we would not have been put to the expense of building our road, and afterwards of creating difficulties. in the name of _puera_, i come to propose to you, not to renounce at once our system of mutual obstacles, for this would be acting according to a theory, and we despise theories as much as you do; but to lighten somewhat these obstacles, weighing at the same time carefully our respective _sacrifices_." the ambassador having thus spoken, the town of _stulta_ asked time to reflect; manufacturers, agriculturists were consulted; and at last, after some years' deliberation, it was declared that the negotiations were broken off. at this news, the inhabitants of _puera_ held a council. an old man (who it has always been supposed had been secretly bribed by _stulta_) rose and said: "the obstacles raised by _stulta_ are injurious to our sales; this is a misfortune. those which we ourselves create, injure our purchases; this is a second misfortune. we have no power over the first, but the second is entirely dependent upon ourselves. let us then at least get rid of one, since we cannot be delivered from both. let us suppress our corps of _obstructors_, without waiting for _stulta_ to do the same. some day or other she will learn to understand better her own interests." a second counselor, a man of practice and of facts, uncontrolled by theories and wise in ancestral experience, replied: "we must not listen to this dreamer, this theorist, this innovator, this utopian, this political economist, this friend to _stulta_. we would be entirely ruined if the embarrassments of the road were not carefully weighed and exactly equalized, between _stulta_ and _peura_. there would be more difficulty in going than in coming; in exportation than in importation. we would be, with regard to _stulta_, in the inferior condition in which havre, nantes, bordeaux, lisbon, london, hamburg, and new orleans, are, in relation to cities placed higher up the rivers seine, loire, garonne, tagus, thames, the elbe, and the mississippi; for the difficulties of ascending must always be greater than those of descending rivers. (a voice exclaims: 'but the cities near the mouths of rivers have always prospered more than those higher up the stream.') this is not possible. (the same voice: 'but it is a fact.') well, they have then prospered _contrary to rule_." such conclusive reasoning staggered the assembly. the orator went on to convince them thoroughly and conclusively by speaking of national independence, national honor, national dignity, national labor, overwhelming importation, tributes, ruinous competition. in short, he succeeded in determining the assembly to continue their system of obstacles, and i can now point out a certain country where you may see road-builders and _obstructors_ working with the best possible understanding, by the decree of the same legislative assembly, paid by the same citizens; the first to improve the road, the last to embarrass it. xi. absolute prices. if we wish to judge between freedom of trade and protection, to calculate the probable effect of any political phenomenon, we should notice how far its influence tends to the production of _abundance or scarcity_, and not simply of _cheapness or dearness_ of price. we must beware of trusting to _absolute prices_, it would lead to inextricable confusion. mr. mathieu de dombasle, after having established the fact that protection raises prices, adds: "the augmentation of price increases the expenses of life, and consequently the price of labor, and every one finds in the increase of the price of his produce the same proportion as in the increase of his expenses. thus, if every body pays as consumer, every body receives also as producer." it is evident that it would be easy to reverse the argument and say: if every body receives as producer, every body must pay as consumer. now, what does this prove? nothing whatever, unless it be that protection _transfers_ riches, uselessly and unjustly. robbery does the same. again, to prove that the complicated arrangements of this system give even simple compensation, it is necessary to adhere to the "_consequently_" of mr. de dombasle, and to convince one's self that the price of labor rises with that of the articles protected. this is a question of fact, which i refer to mr. moreau de jonnès, begging him to examine whether the rate of wages was found to increase with the stock of the mines of anzin. for my own part i do not believe in it, because i think that the price of labor, like every thing else, is governed by the proportion existing between the supply and the demand. now i can perfectly well understand that _restriction_ will diminish the supply of coal, and consequently raise its price; but i do not as clearly see that it increases the demand for labor, thereby raising the rate of wages. this is the less conceivable to me, because the sum of labor required depends upon the quantity of disposable capital; and protection, while it may change the direction of capital, and transfer it from one business to another, cannot increase it one penny. this question, which is of the highest interest, we will examine elsewhere. i return to the discussion of _absolute prices_, and declare that there is no absurdity which cannot be rendered specious by such reasoning as that of mr. de dombasle. imagine an isolated nation possessing a given quantity of cash, and every year wantonly burning the half of its produce. i will undertake to prove by the theory of mr. de dombasle that this nation will not be the less rich in consequence of such a procedure. for, the result of the conflagration must be, that every thing would double in price. an inventory made before this event would offer exactly the same nominal value, as one made after it. who then would be the loser? if john buys his cloth dearer, he also sells his corn at a higher price; and if peter makes a loss on the purchase of his corn, he gains it back by the sale of his cloth. thus "every one finds in the increase of the price of his produce, the same proportion as in the increase of his expenses; and thus if every body pays as consumer, every body also receives as producer." all this is nonsense. the simple truth is: that whether men destroy their corn and cloth by fire or by use, the effect is the same _as regards price_, but not _as regards riches_, for it is precisely in the enjoyment of the use, that riches--in other words, comfort, well-being--exist. protection may, in the same way, while it lessens the abundance of things, raise their prices, so as to leave each individual as rich, _numerically speaking_, as when unembarrassed by it. but because we put down in an inventory three hectolitres of corn at 20 francs, or four hectolitres at 15 francs, and sum up the nominal value of each at 60 francs, does it thence follow that they are equally capable of contributing to the necessities of the community? to this view of consumption, it will be my continual endeavor to lead the protectionists; for in this is the end of all my efforts, the solution of every problem. i must continually repeat to them that restriction, by impeding commerce, by limiting the division of labor, by forcing it to combat difficulties of situation and temperature, must in its results diminish the quantity produced by any fixed quantum of labor. and what can it benefit us that the smaller quantity produced under the protective system bears the same _nominal value_ as the greater quantity produced under the free trade system? man does not live on _nominal values_, but on real articles of produce; and the more abundant these articles are, no matter what price they may bear, the richer is he. xii. does protection raise the rate of wages? workmen, your situation is singular! you are robbed, as i will presently prove to you.... but no; i retract the word; we must avoid an expression which is violent; perhaps indeed incorrect; inasmuch as this spoliation, wrapped in the sophisms which disguise it, is practiced, we must believe, without the intention of the spoiler, and with the consent of the spoiled. but it is nevertheless true that you are deprived of the just compensation of your labor, while no one thinks of causing _justice_ to be rendered to you. if you could be consoled by noisy appeals to philanthropy, to powerless charity, to degrading alms-giving, or if high-sounding words would relieve you, these indeed you can have in abundance. but _justice_, simple _justice_--nobody thinks of rendering you this. for would it not be _just_ that after a long day's labor, when you have received your little wages, you should be permitted to exchange them for the largest possible sum of comforts that you can obtain voluntarily from any man whatsoever upon the face of the earth? let us examine if _injustice_ is not done to you, by the legislative limitation of the persons from whom you are allowed to buy those things which you need; as bread, meat, cotton and woolen cloths, etc.; thus fixing (so to express myself) the artificial price which these articles must bear. is it true that protection, which avowedly raises prices, and thus injures you, raises proportionably the rate of wages? on what does the rate of wages depend? one of your own class has energetically said: "when two workmen run after a master, wages fall; when two masters run after a workman, wages rise." allow me, in more laconic phrase, to employ a more scientific, though perhaps a less striking expression: "the rate of wages depends upon the proportion which the supply of labor bears to the demand." on what depends the _demand_ for labor? on the quantity of disposable national capital. and the law which says, "such or such an article shall be limited to home production and no longer imported from foreign countries," can it in any degree increase this capital? not in the least. this law may withdraw it from one course, and transfer it to another; but cannot increase it one penny. then it cannot increase the demand for labor. while we point with pride to some prosperous manufacture, can we answer, from whence comes the capital with which it is founded and maintained? has it fallen from the moon? or rather is it not drawn either from agriculture, or navigation, or other industry? we here see why, since the reign of protective tariffs, if we see more workmen in our mines and our manufacturing towns, we find also fewer sailors in our ports, and fewer laborers and vine-growers in our fields and upon our hillsides. i could speak at great length upon this subject, but prefer illustrating my thought by an example. a countryman had twenty acres of land, with a capital of 10,000 francs. he divided his land into four parts, and adopted for it the following changes of crops: 1st, maize; 2d, wheat; 3d, clover; and 4th, rye. as he needed for himself and family but a small portion of the grain, meat, and dairy-produce of the farm, he sold the surplus and bought oil, flax, wine, etc. the whole of his capital was yearly distributed in wages and payments of accounts to the workmen of the neighborhood. this capital was, from his sales, again returned to him, and even increased from year to year. our countryman, being fully convinced that idle capital produces nothing, caused to circulate among the working classes this annual increase, which he devoted to the inclosing and clearing of lands, or to improvements in his farming utensils and his buildings. he deposited some sums in reserve in the hands of a neighboring banker, who on his part did not leave these idle in his strong box, but lent them to various tradesmen, so that the whole came to be usefully employed in the payment of wages. the countryman died, and his son, become master of the inheritance, said to himself: "it must be confessed that my father has, all his life, allowed himself to be duped. he bought oil, and thus paid _tribute_ to province, while our own land could, by an effort, be made to produce olives. he bought wine, flax, and oranges, thus paying _tribute_ to brittany, medoc, and the hiera islands very unnecessarily, for wine, flax and oranges may be forced to grow upon our own lands. he paid tribute to the miller and the weaver; our own servants could very well weave our linen, and crush our wheat between two stones. he did all he could to ruin himself, and gave to strangers what ought to have been kept for the benefit of his own household." full of this reasoning, our headstrong fellow determined to change the routine of his crops. he divided his farm into twenty parts. on one he cultivated the olive; on another the mulberry; on a third flax; he devoted the fourth to vines, the fifth to wheat, etc., etc. thus he succeeded in rendering himself _independent_, and furnished all his family supplies from his own farm. he no longer received any thing from the general circulation; neither, it is true, did he cast any thing into it. was he the richer for this course? no, for his land did not suit the cultivation of the vine; nor was the climate favorable to the olive. in short, the family supply of all these articles was very inferior to what it had been during the time when the father had obtained them all by exchange of produce. with regard to the demand for labor, it certainly was no greater than formerly. there were, to be sure, five times as many fields to cultivate, but they were five times smaller. if oil was raised, there was less wheat; and because there was no more flax bought, neither was there any more rye sold. besides, the farmer could not spend in wages more than his capital, and his capital, instead of increasing, was now constantly diminishing. a great part of it was necessarily devoted to numerous buildings and utensils, indispensable to a person who determines to undertake every thing. in short, the supply of labor continued the same, but the means of paying becoming less, there was, necessarily, a reduction of wages. the result is precisely similar, when a nation isolates itself by the prohibitive system. its number of industrial pursuits is certainly multiplied, but their importance is diminished. in proportion to their number, they become less productive, for the same capital and the same skill are obliged to meet a greater number of difficulties. the fixed capital absorbs a greater part of the circulating capital; that is to say, a greater part of the funds destined to the payment of wages. what remains, ramifies itself in vain, the quantity cannot be augmented. it is like the water of a pond, which, distributed in a multitude of reservoirs, appears to be more abundant, because it covers a greater quantity of soil, and presents a larger surface to the sun, while we hardly perceive that, precisely on this account, it absorbs, evaporates, and loses itself the quicker. capital and labor being given, the result is, a sum of production, always the less great, in proportion as obstacles are numerous. there can be no doubt that protective tariffs, by forcing capital and labor to struggle against greater difficulties of soil and climate, must cause the general production to be less, or, in other words, diminish the portion of comforts which would thence result to mankind. if, then, there be a general diminution of comforts, how, workmen, can it be possible that _your_ portion should be increased? under such a supposition, it would be necessary to believe that the rich, those who made the law, have so arranged matters, that not only they subject themselves to their own proportion of the general loss, but taking the whole of it upon themselves, that they submit also to a further loss, in order to increase your gains. is this credible? is this possible? it is, indeed, a most suspicious act of generosity, and if you act wisely, you will reject it. xiii. theory--practice. partisans of free trade, we are accused of being theorists, and not relying sufficiently upon practice. what a powerful argument against mr. say (says mr. ferrier,) is the long succession of distinguished ministers, the imposing league of writers who have all differed from him; and mr. say is himself conscious of this, for he says: "it has been said, in support of old errors, that there must necessarily be some foundation for ideas so generally adopted by all nations. ought we not, it is asked, to distrust observations and reasoning which run counter to every thing which has been looked upon as certain up to this day, and which has been regarded as undoubted by so many who were to be confided in, alike on account of their learning and of their philanthropic intentions? this argument is, i confess, calculated to make a profound impression, and might cast a doubt upon the most incontestable facts, if the world had not seen so many opinions, now universally recognized as false, as universally maintain, during a long series of ages, their dominion over the human mind. the day is not long passed since all nations, from the most ignorant to the most enlightened, and all men, the wisest as well as the most uninformed, admitted only four elements. nobody dreamed of disputing this doctrine, which is, nevertheless, false, and to-day universally decried." upon this passage mr. ferrier makes the following remarks: "mr. say is strangely mistaken, if he believes that he has thus answered the very strong objections which he has himself advanced. it is natural enough that, for ages, men otherwise well informed, might mistake upon a question of natural history; this proves nothing. water, air, earth, and fire, elements or not, were not the less useful to man.... such errors as this are of no importance. they do not lead to revolutions, nor do they cause mental uneasiness; above all, they clash with no interests, and might, therefore, without inconvenience, last for millions of years. the physical world progresses as though they did not exist. but can it be thus with errors which affect the moral world? can it be conceived that a system of government absolutely false, consequently injurious, could be followed for many centuries, and among many nations, with the general consent of well-informed men? can it be explained how such a system could be connected with the constantly increasing prosperity of these nations? mr. say confesses that the argument which he combats is calculated to make a profound impression. most certainly it is; and this impression remains; for mr. say has rather increased than diminished it." let us hear mr. de saint chamans. "it has been only towards the middle of the last, the eighteenth century, when every subject and every principle have without exception been given up to the discussion of book-makers, that these furnishers of _speculative_ ideas, applied to every thing and applicable to nothing, have begun to write upon the subject of political economy. there existed previously a system of political economy, not written, but _practiced_ by governments. colbert was, it is said, the inventor of it; and colbert gave the law to every state of europe. strange to say, he does so still, in spite of contempt and anathemas, in spite too of the discoveries of the modern school. this system, which has been called by our writers the _mercantile system_, consisted in ... checking by prohibition or import duties such foreign productions as were calculated to ruin our manufactures by competition.... this system has been declared, by all writers on political economy, of every school,[12] to be weak, absurd, and calculated to impoverish the countries where it prevails. banished from books, it has taken refuge in _the practice_ of all nations, greatly to the surprise of those who cannot conceive that in what concerns the wealth of nations, governments should, rather than be guided by the wisdom of authors, prefer the _long experience_ of a system, etc.... it is above all inconceivable to them that the french government ... should obstinately resist the new lights of political economy, and maintain in its _practice_ the old errors, pointed out by all our writers.... but i am devoting too much time to this mercantile system, which, unsustained by writers, _has only facts_ in its favor!" [footnote 12: might we not say: it is a powerful argument against messrs. ferrier and de saint chamans, that all writers on political economy, of _every school_, that is to say, all men who have studied the question, come to this conclusion: after all, freedom is better than restriction, and the laws of god wiser than those of mr. colbert.] would it not be supposed from this language that political economists, in claiming for each individual the _free disposition of his own property_, have, like the fourierists, stumbled upon some new, strange, and chimerical system of social government, some wild theory, without precedent in the annals of human nature? it does appear to me, that, if in all this there is any thing doubtful, and of fanciful or theoretic origin, it is not free trade, but protection; not the operating of exchanges, but the custom-house, the duties, imposed to overturn artificially the natural order of things. the question, however, is not here to compare and judge of the merits of the two systems, but simply to know which of the two is sanctioned by experience. you, messrs. monopolists, maintain that _facts_ are for you, and that we on our side have only _theory_. you even flatter yourselves that this long series of public acts, this old experience of europe which you invoke, appeared imposing to mr. say; and i confess that he has not refuted you, with his habitual sagacity. i, for my part, cannot consent to give up to you the domain of _facts_; for while on your side you can advance only limited and special facts, _we_ can oppose to them universal facts, the free and voluntary acts of all men. what do _we_ maintain? and what do _you_ maintain? we maintain that "it is best to buy from others what we ourselves can produce only at a higher price." you maintain that "it is best to make for ourselves, even though it should cost us more than to buy from others." now gentlemen, putting aside theory, demonstration, reasoning, (things which seem to nauseate you,) which of these assertions is sanctioned by _universal practice_? visit our fields, workshops, forges, stores; look above, below, and around you; examine what is passing in your own household; observe your own actions at every moment, and say which principle it is, that directs these laborers, workmen, contractors, and merchants; say what is your own personal _practice_. does the agriculturist make his own clothes? does the tailor produce the grain which he consumes? does not your housekeeper cease to make her bread at home, as soon as she finds it more economical to buy it from the baker? do you lay down your pen to take up the blacking-brush in order to avoid paying tribute to the shoe-black? does not the whole economy of society depend upon a separation of occupations, a division of labor, in a word, upon mutual exchange of production, by which we, one and all, make a calculation which causes us to discontinue direct production, when indirect acquisition offers us a saving of time and labor. you are not then sustained by _practice_, since it would be impossible, were you to search the world, to show us a single man who acts according to your principle. you may answer that you never intended to make your principle the rule of individual relations. you confess that it would thus destroy all social ties, and force men to the isolated life of snails. you only contend that it governs _in fact_, the relations which are established between the agglomerations of the human family. we say that this assertion too is erroneous. a family, a town, county, department, province, all are so many agglomerations, which, without any exception, all _practically_ reject your principle; never, indeed, even think of it. each of these procures by barter, what would be more expensively procured by production. nations would do the same, did you not _by force_ prevent them. we, then, are the men who are guided by practice and experience. for to combat the interdict which you have specially put upon some international exchanges, we bring forward the practice and experience of all individuals, and of all agglomerations of individuals, whose acts being voluntary, render them proper to be given as proof in the question. but you, on your part, begin by _forcing_, by _hindering_, and then, adducing forced or forbidden acts, you exclaim: "look; we can prove ourselves justified by example!" you exclaim against our _theory_, and even against _all theory_. but are you certain, in laying down your principles, so antagonistic to ours, that you too are not building up theories? truly, you too have your theory; but between yours and ours there is this difference: our theory is formed upon the observation of universal _facts_, universal sentiments, universal calculations and acts. we do nothing more than classify and arrange these, in order to better understand them. it is so little opposed to practice, that it is in fact only _practice explained_. we look upon the actions of men as prompted by the instinct of self-preservation and of progress. what they do freely, willingly,--this is what we call _political economy_, or economy of society. we must repeat constantly that each man is _practically_ an excellent political economist, producing or exchanging, as his advantage dictates. each by experience raises himself to the science; or rather the science is nothing more than experience, scrupulously observed and methodically expounded. but _your_ theory is _theory_ in the worst sense of the word. you imagine procedures which are sanctioned by the experience of no living man, and then call to your aid constraint and prohibition. you cannot avoid having recourse to force; because, wishing to make men produce what they can _more advantageously_ buy, you require them to give up an advantage, and to be led by a doctrine which implies contradiction even in its terms. i defy you too, to take this doctrine, which by your own avowal would be absurd in individual relations, and apply it, even in speculation, to transactions between families, towns, departments, or provinces. you yourselves confess that it is only applicable to internal relations. thus it is that you are daily forced to repeat: "principles can never be universal. what is _well_ in an individual, a family, commune, or province, is _ill_ in a nation. what is good in detail--for instance: purchase rather than production, where purchase is more advantageous--is _bad_ in a society. the political economy of individuals is not that of nations;" and other such stuff, _ejusdem farinæ_. and all this for what? to prove to us, that we consumers, we are your property! that we belong to you, soul and body! that you have an exclusive right on our stomachs and our limbs! that it is your right to feed and dress us at your own price, however great your ignorance, your rapacity, or the inferiority of your work. truly, then, your system is one not founded upon practice; it is one of abstraction--of extortion. xiv. conflicting principles. there is one thing which embarrasses me not a little; and it is this: sincere men, taking upon the subject of political economy the point of view of producers, have arrived at this double formula: "a government should dispose of consumers subject to its laws in favor of home industry." "it should subject to its laws foreign consumers, in order to dispose of them in favor of home industry." the first of the formulas is that of _protection_; the second that of _outlets_. both rest upon this proposition, called the _balance of trade_, that "a people is impoverished by importations and enriched by exportations." for if every foreign purchase is a _tribute paid_, a loss, nothing can be more natural than to restrain, even to prohibit importations. and if every foreign sale is a _tribute received_, a gain, nothing more natural than to create _outlets_, even by force. _protective system; colonial system._--these are only two aspects of the same theory. to _prevent_ our citizens from buying from foreigners, and to _force_ foreigners to buy from our citizens. two consequences of one identical principle. it is impossible not to perceive that according to this doctrine, if it be true, the welfare of a country depends upon _monopoly_ or domestic spoliation, and upon _conquest_ or foreign spoliation. let us take a glance into one of these huts, perched upon the side of our pyrenean range. the father of a family has received the little wages of his labor; but his half-naked children are shivering before a biting northern blast, beside a fireless hearth, and an empty table. there is wool, and wood, and corn, on the other side of the mountain, but these are forbidden to them; for the other side of the mountain is not france. foreign wood must not warm the hearth of the poor shepherd; his children must not taste the bread of biscay, nor cover their numbed limbs with the wool of navarre. it is thus that the general good requires! the disposing by law of consumers, forcing them to the support of home industry, is an encroachment upon their liberty, the forbidding of an action (mutual exchange) which is in no way opposed to morality! in a word, it is an act of _injustice_. but this, it is said, is necessary, or else home labor will be arrested, and a severe blow will be given to public prosperity. thus then we must come to the melancholy conclusion, that there is a radical incompatibility between the just and the useful. again, if each people is interested in _selling_, and not in _buying_, a violent action and reaction must form the natural state of their mutual relations; for each will seek to force its productions upon all, and all will seek to repulse the productions of each. a sale in fact implies a purchase, and since, according to this doctrine, to sell is beneficial, and to buy injurious, every international transaction must imply the benefiting of one people by the injuring of another. but men are invincibly inclined to what they feel to be advantageous to themselves, while they also, instinctively resist that which is injurious. from hence then we must infer that each nation bears within itself a natural force of expansion, and a not less natural force of resistance, which are equally injurious to all others. in other words, antagonism and war are the _natural_ state of human society. thus then the theory in discussion resolves itself into the two following axioms. in the affairs of a nation, utility is incompatible with the internal administration of justice. utility is incompatible with the maintenance of external peace. well, what embarrasses and confounds me is, to explain how any writer upon public rights, any statesman who has sincerely adopted a doctrine of which the leading principle is so antagonistic to other incontestable principles, can enjoy one moment's repose or peace of mind. for myself, if such were my entrance upon the threshold of science, if i did not clearly perceive that liberty, utility, justice, and peace, are not only compatible, but closely connected, even identical, i would endeavor to forget all i have learned; i would say: "can it be possible that god can allow men to attain prosperity only through injustice and war? can he so direct the affairs of mortals, that they can only renounce war and injustice by, at the same time, renouncing their own welfare? "am i not deceived by the false lights of a science which can lead me to the horrible blasphemy implied in this alternative, and shall i dare to take it upon myself to propose this as a basis for the legislation of a great people? when i find a long succession of illustrious and learned men, whose researches in the same science have led to more consoling results; who, after having devoted their lives to its study, affirm that through it they see liberty and utility indissolubly linked with justice and peace, and find these great principles destined to continue on through eternity in infinite parallels, have they not in their favor the presumption which results from all that we know of the goodness and wisdom of god as manifested in the sublime harmony of material creation? can i lightly believe, in opposition to such a presumption and such imposing authorities, that this same god has been pleased to put disagreement and antagonism in the laws of the moral world? no; before i can believe that all social principles oppose, shock and neutralize each other; before i can think them in constant, anarchical and eternal conflict; above all, before i can seek to impose upon my fellow-citizens the impious system to which my reasonings have led me, i must retrace my steps, hoping, perchance, to find some point where i have wandered from my road." and if, after a sincere investigation twenty times repeated, i should still arrive at the frightful conclusion that i am driven to choose between the desirable and the good, i would reject the science, plunge into a voluntary ignorance, above all, avoid participation in the affairs of my country, and leave to others the weight and responsibility of so fearful a choice. xv. reciprocity again. mr. de saint cricq has asked: "are we sure that our foreign customers will buy from us as much as they sell us?" mr. de dombasle says: "what reason have we for believing that english producers will come to seek their supplies from us, rather than from any other nation, or that they will take from us a value equivalent to their exportations into france?" i cannot but wonder to see men who boast, above all things, of being _practical_, thus reasoning wide of all practice! in practice, there is perhaps no traffic which is a direct exchange of produce for produce. since the use of money, no man says, i will seek shoes, hats, advice, lessons, only from the shoemaker, the hatter, the lawyer, or teacher, who will buy from me the exact equivalent of these in corn. why should nations impose upon themselves so troublesome a restraint? suppose a nation without any exterior relations. one of its citizens makes a crop of corn. he casts it into the _national_ circulation, and receives in exchange--what? money, bank bills, securities, divisible to any extent, by means of which it will be lawful for him to withdraw when he pleases, and, unless prevented by just competition from the national circulation, such articles as he may wish. at the end of the operation, he will have withdrawn from the mass the exact equivalent of what he first cast into it, and in value, _his consumption will exactly equal his production_. if the exchanges of this nation with foreign nations are free, it is no longer into the _national_ circulation but into the _general_ circulation that each individual casts his produce, and from thence his consumption is drawn. he is not obliged to calculate whether what he casts into this general circulation is purchased by a countryman or by a foreigner; whether the notes he receives are given to him by a frenchman or an englishman, or whether the articles which he procures through means of this money are manufactured on this or the other side of the rhine or the pyrenees. one thing is certain; that each individual finds an exact balance between what he casts in and what he withdraws from the great common reservoir; and if this be true of each individual, it is not less true of the entire nation. the only difference between these two cases is, that in the last, each individual has open to him a larger market both for his sales and his purchases, and has, consequently, a more favorable opportunity of making both to advantage. the objection advanced against us here, is, that if all were to combine in not withdrawing from circulation the produce from any one individual, he, in his turn, could withdraw nothing from the mass. the same, too, would be the case with regard to a nation. our answer is: if a nation can no longer withdraw any thing from the mass of circulation, neither will it any longer cast any thing into it. it will work for itself. it will be obliged to submit to what, in advance, you wish to force upon it, viz., _isolation_. and here you have the ideal of the prohibitive system. truly, then, is it not ridiculous enough that you should inflict upon it now, and unnecessarily, this system, merely through fear that some day or other it might chance to be subjected to it without your assistance? xvi. obstructed rivers pleading for the prohibitionists. some years since, being at madrid, i went to the meeting of the cortes. the subject in discussion was a proposed treaty with portugal, for improving the channel of the douro. a member rose and said: if the douro is made navigable, transportation must become cheaper, and portuguese grain will come into formidable competition with our _national labor_. i vote against the project, unless ministers will agree to increase our tariff so as to re-establish the equilibrium. three months after, i was in lisbon, and the same question came before the senate. a noble hidalgo said: mr. president, the project is absurd. you guard at great expense the banks of the douro, to prevent the influx into portugal of spanish grain, and at the same time you now propose, at great expense, _to facilitate such an event_. there is in this a want of consistency in which i can have no part. let the douro descend to our sons as we have received it from our fathers. xvii. a negative railroad. i have already remarked that when the observer has unfortunately taken his point of view from the position of producer, he cannot fail in his conclusions to clash with the general interest, because the producer, as such, must desire the existence of efforts, wants, and obstacles. i find a singular exemplification of this remark in a journal of bordeaux. mr. simiot puts this question: ought the railroad from paris into spain to present a break or terminus at bordeaux? this question he answers affirmatively. i will only consider one among the numerous reasons which he adduces in support of his opinion. the railroad from paris to bayonne ought (he says) to present a break or terminus at bordeaux, in order that goods and travelers stopping in this city should thus be forced to contribute to the profits of the boatmen, porters, commission merchants, hotel-keepers, etc. it is very evident that we have here again the interest of the agents of labor put before that of the consumer. but if bordeaux would profit by a break in the road, and if such profit be conformable to the public interest, then angoulème, poictiers, tours, orleans, and still more all the intermediate points, as ruffec, châtellerault, etc., etc., would also petition for breaks; and this too would be for the general good and for the interest of national labor. for it is certain, that in proportion to the number of these breaks or termini, will be the increase in consignments, commissions, lading, unlading, etc. this system furnishes us the idea of a railroad made up of successive breaks; _a negative railroad_. whether or not the protectionists will allow it, most certain it is, that the _restrictive principle_ is identical with that which would maintain _this system of breaks_: it is the sacrifice of the consumer to the producer, of the end to the means. xviii. "there are no absolute principles." the facility with which men resign themselves to ignorance in cases where knowledge is all-important to them, is often astonishing; and we may be sure that a man has determined to rest in his ignorance, when he once brings himself to proclaim as a maxim that there are no absolute principles. we enter into the legislative halls, and find that the question is, to determine whether the law will or will not allow of international exchanges. a deputy rises and says, if we tolerate these exchanges, foreign nations will overwhelm us with their produce. we will have cotton goods from england, coal from belgium, woolens from spain, silks from italy, cattle from switzerland, iron from sweden, corn from prussia, so that no industrial pursuit will any longer be possible to us. another answers: prohibit these exchanges, and the divers advantages with which nature has endowed these different countries, will be for us as though they did not exist. we will have no share in the benefits resulting from english skill, or belgian mines, from the fertility of the polish soil, or the swiss pastures; neither will we profit by the cheapness of spanish labor, or the heat of the italian climate. we will be obliged to seek by a forced and laborious production, what, by means of exchanges, would be much more easily obtained. assuredly one or other of these deputies is mistaken. but which? it is worth the trouble of examining. there lie before us two roads, one of which leads inevitably to _wretchedness_. we must choose. to throw off the feeling of responsibility, the answer is easy: there are no absolute principles. this maxim, at present so fashionable, not only pleases idleness, but also suits ambition. if either the theory of prohibition, or that of free trade, should finally triumph, one little law would form our whole economical code. in the first case this would be: _foreign trade is forbidden_; in the second: _foreign trade is free_; and thus, many great personages would lose their importance. but if trade has no distinctive character, if it is capriciously useful or injurious, and is governed by no natural law, if it finds no spur in its usefulness, no check in its inutility, if its effects cannot be appreciated by those who exercise it; in a word, if it has no absolute principles,--oh! then it is necessary to deliberate, weigh, and regulate transactions, the conditions of labor must be equalized, the level of profits sought. this is an important charge, well calculated to give to those who execute it, large salaries, and extensive influence. contemplating this great city of paris, i have thought to myself: here are a million of human beings who would die in a few days, if provisions of every kind did not flow in towards this vast metropolis. the imagination is unable to calculate the multiplicity of objects which to-morrow must enter its gates, to prevent the life of its inhabitants from terminating in famine, riot, or pillage. and yet at this moment all are asleep, without feeling one moment's uneasiness, from the contemplation of this frightful possibility. on the other side, we see eighty departments who have this day labored, without concert, without mutual understanding, for the victualing of paris. how can each day bring just what is necessary, nothing less, nothing more, to this gigantic market? what is the ingenious and secret power which presides over the astonishing regularity of such complicated movements, a regularity in which we all have so implicit, though thoughtless, a faith; on which our comfort, our very existence depends? this power is an _absolute principle_, the principle of freedom in exchanges. we have faith in that inner light which providence has placed in the heart of all men; confiding to it the preservation and amelioration of our species; _interest_, since we must give its name, so vigilant, so active, having so much forecast when allowed its free action. what would be your condition, inhabitants of paris, if a minister, however superior his abilities, should undertake to substitute, in the place of this power, the combinations of his own genius? if he should think of subjecting to his own supreme direction this prodigious mechanism, taking all its springs into his own hand, and deciding by whom, how, and on what conditions each article should be produced, transported, exchanged and consumed? ah! although there is much suffering within your walls; although misery, despair, and perhaps starvation, may call forth more tears than your warmest charity can wipe away, it is probable, it is certain, that the arbitrary intervention of government would infinitely multiply these sufferings, and would extend among you the evils which now reach but a small number of your citizens. if then we have such faith in this principle as applied to our private concerns, why should we not extend it to international transactions, which are assuredly less numerous, less delicate, and less complicated? and if it be not necessary for the prefect of paris to regulate our industrial pursuits, to weigh our profits and our losses, to occupy himself with the quantity of our cash, and to equalize the conditions of our labor in internal commerce, on what principle can it be necessary that the custom-house, going beyond its fiscal mission, should pretend to exercise a protective power over our external commerce? xix. national independence. among the arguments advanced in favor of a restrictive system, we must not forget that which is drawn from the plea of _national independence_. "what will we do," it is asked, "in case of war, if we are at the mercy of england for our iron and coal?" the english monopolists, on their side, do not fail to exclaim: "what will become of great britain in case of war if she depends upon france for provisions?" one thing appears to be quite lost sight of, and this is, that the dependence which results from commercial transactions, is a _reciprocal_ dependence. we can only be dependent upon foreign supplies, in so far as foreign nations are dependent upon us. this is the essence of _society_. the breaking off of natural relations places a nation, not in an independent position, but in a state of isolation. and remark that the reason given for this isolation, is that it is a necessary provision for war, while the act is itself a commencement of war. it renders war easier, less burdensome, and consequently less unpopular. if nations were to one another permanent outlets for mutual produce; if their respective relations were such that they could not be broken without inflicting the double suffering of privation and of over-supply, there could then no longer be any need of these powerful fleets which ruin, and these great armies which crush them; the peace of the world could no more be compromised by the whim of a thiers or a palmerston, and wars would cease, from want of resources, motives, pretexts, and popular sympathy. i know that i shall be reproached (for it is the fashion of the day) for placing interest, vile and prosaic interest, at the foundation of the fraternity of nations. it would be preferred that this should be based upon charity, upon love; that there should be in it some self-denial, and that clashing a little with the material welfare of men, it should bear the merit of a generous sacrifice. when will we have done with such puerile declamations? we contemn, we revile _interest_, that is to say, the good and the useful, (for if all men are interested in an object, how can this object be other than good in itself?) as though this interest were not the necessary, eternal, and indestructible mover, to the guidance of which providence has confided human perfectibility! one would suppose that the utterers of such sentiments must be models of disinterestedness; but does the public not begin to perceive with disgust, that this affected language is the stain of those pages for which it oftenest pays the highest price? what! because comfort and peace are correlative, because it has pleased god to establish so beautiful a harmony in the moral world, you would blame me when i admire and adore his decrees, and for accepting with gratitude his laws, which make justice a requisite for happiness! you will consent to have peace only when it clashes with your welfare, and liberty is irksome if it imposes no sacrifices! what then prevents you, if self-denial has so many charms, from exercising it as much as you desire in your private actions? society will be benefited by your so doing, for some one must profit by your sacrifices. but it is the height of absurdity to wish to impose such a principle upon mankind generally; for the self-denial of all, is the sacrifice of all. this is evil systematized into theory. but, thanks be to heaven! these declamations may be written and read, and the world continues nevertheless to obey its great mover, its great cause of action, which, spite of all denials, is _interest_. it is singular enough, too, to hear sentiments of such sublime self-abnegation quoted in support even of spoliation; and yet to this tends all this pompous show of disinterestedness! these men so sensitively delicate, that they are determined not to enjoy even peace, if it must be propped by the vile _interest_ of men, do not hesitate to pick the pockets of other men, and above all of poor men. for what tariff protects the poor? gentlemen, we pray you, dispose as you please of what belongs to yourselves, but let us entreat you to allow us to use, or to exchange, according to our own fancy, the fruit of our own labor, the sweat of our own brows. declaim as you will about self-sacrifice; that is all pretty enough; but we beg of you, do not at the same time forget to be honest. xx. human labor--national labor. destruction of machinery--prohibition of foreign goods. these are two acts proceeding from the same doctrine. we do meet with men who, while they rejoice over the revelation of any great invention, favor nevertheless the protective policy; but such men are very inconsistent. what is the objection they adduce against free trade? that it causes us to seek from foreign and more easy production, what would otherwise be the result of home production. in a word, that it injures domestic industry. on the same principle, can it not be objected to machinery, that it accomplishes through natural agents what would otherwise be the result of manual labor, and that it is thus injurious to human labor? the foreign laborer, enjoying greater facilities of production than the french laborer, is, with regard to the latter, a veritable _economical machine_, which crushes him by competition. thus, a piece of machinery capable of executing any work at a less price than could be done by any given number of hands, is, as regards these hands, in the position of a _foreign competitor_, who paralyzes them by his rivalry. if then it be judicious to protect _home labor_ against the competition of _foreign labor_, it cannot be less so to protect _human labor_ against _mechanical labor_. whoever adheres to the protective system, ought not, if his brain be possessed of any logical powers, to stop at the prohibition of foreign produce, but should extend this prohibition to the produce of the loom and of the plough. i approve therefore of the logic of those who, whilst they cry out against the _inundation_ of foreign merchandise, have the courage to declaim equally against the _excessive production_ resulting from the inventive power of mind. of this number is mr. de saint chamans. "one of the strongest arguments, (says he) which can be adduced against free trade, and the too extensive employment of machines, is, that many workmen are deprived of work, either by foreign competition, which depresses manufactures, or by machinery, which takes the place of men in workshops." mr. de st. chamans saw clearly the analogy, or rather the identity which exists between _importation_ and _machinery_, and was, therefore, in favor of proscribing both. there is some pleasure in having to do with intrepid arguers, who, even in error, thus carry through a chain of reasoning. but let us look at the difficulty into which they are here led. if it be true, _à priori_, that the domain of _invention_, and that of _labor_, can be extended only to the injury of one another, it would follow that the fewest _workmen_ would be employed in countries (lancashire, for instance) where there is the most _machinery_. and if it be, on the contrary, proved, that machinery and manual labor coexist to a greater extent among rich nations than among savages, it must necessarily follow, that these two powers do not interfere with one another. i cannot understand how a thinking being can rest satisfied with the following dilemma: either the inventions of man do not injure labor; and this, from general facts, would appear to be the case, for there exists more of both among the english and the french, than among the sioux and the cherokees. if such be the fact, i have gone upon a wrong track, although unconscious at what point. i have wandered from my road, and i would commit high treason against humanity, were i to introduce such an error into the legislation of my country. or else the results of the inventions of mind limit manual labor, as would appear to be proved from limited facts; for every day we see some machine rendering unnecessary the labor of twenty, or perhaps a hundred workmen. if this be the case, i am forced to acknowledge, as a fact, the existence of a flagrant, eternal, and incurable antagonism between the intellectual and the physical power of man; between his improvement and his welfare. i cannot avoid feeling that the creator should have bestowed upon man either reason or bodily strength; moral force, or brutal force; and that it has been a bitter mockery to confer upon him faculties which must inevitably counteract and destroy one another. this is an important difficulty, and how is it put aside? by this singular apothegm: "_in political economy there are no absolute principles._" there are no principles! why, what does this mean, but that there are no facts? principles are only formulas, which recapitulate a whole class of well-proved facts. machinery and importation must certainly have effects. these effects must be either good or bad. here there may be a difference of opinion as to which is the correct conclusion, but whichever is adopted, it must be capable of being submitted to the formula of one or other of these principles, viz.: machinery is a good, or, machinery is an evil. importations are beneficial, or, importations are injurious. bat to say _there are no principles_, is certainly the last degree of debasement to which the human mind can lower itself, and i confess that i blush for my country, when i hear so monstrous an absurdity uttered before, and approved by, the french chambers, the _élite_ of the nation, who thus justify themselves for imposing upon the country laws, of the merits or demerits of which they are perfectly ignorant. but, it may be said to me, finish, then, by destroying the _sophism_. prove to us that machines are not injurious to _human labor_, nor importations to _national labor_. in a work of this nature, such demonstrations cannot be very complete. my aim is rather to point out than to explain difficulties, and to excite reflection rather than to satisfy it. the mind never attains to a firm conviction which is not wrought out by its own labor. i will, however, make an effort to put it upon the right track. the adversaries of importations and of machinery are misled by allowing themselves to form too hasty a judgment from immediate and transitory effects, instead of following these up to their general and final consequences. the immediate effect of an ingenious piece of machinery, is, that it renders superfluous, in the production of any given result, a certain quantity of manual labor. but its action does not stop here. this result being obtained at less labor, is given to the public at a less price. the amount thus saved to the buyers, enables them to procure other comforts, and thus to encourage general labor, precisely in proportion to the saving they have made upon the one article which the machine has given to them at an easier price. thus the standard of labor is not lowered, though that of comfort is raised. let me endeavor to render this double fact more striking by an example. i suppose that ten million of hats, at fifteen francs each, are yearly consumed in france. this would give to those employed in this manufacture one hundred and fifty millions. a machine is invented which enables the manufacturer to furnish hats at ten francs. the sum given to the maintenance of this branch of industry, is thus reduced (if we suppose the consumption not to be increased) to one hundred millions. but the other fifty millions are not, therefore, withdrawn from the maintenance of _human labor_. the buyers of hats are, from the surplus saved upon the price of that article, enabled to satisfy other wants, and thus, in the same proportion, to encourage general industry. john buys a pair of shoes; james, a book; jerome, an article of furniture, etc. human labor, as a whole, still receives the encouragement of the whole one hundred and fifty millions, while the consumers, with the same supply of hats as before, receive also the increased number of comforts accruing from the fifty millions, which the use of the machine has been the means of saving to them. these comforts are the net gain which france has received from the invention. it is a gratuitous gift; a tribute exacted from nature by the genius of man. we grant that, during this process, a certain sum of labor will have been _displaced_, forced to change its direction; but we cannot allow that it has been destroyed or even diminished. the case is the same with regard to importations. i will resume my hypothesis. france, according to our supposition, manufactured ten millions of hats at fifteen francs each. let us now suppose that a foreign producer brings them into our market at ten francs. i maintain that _national labor_ is thus in no wise diminished. it will be obliged to produce the equivalent of the hundred millions which go to pay for the ten millions of hats at ten francs, and then there remains to each buyer five francs, saved on the purchase of his hat, or, in total, fifty millions, which serve for the acquisition of other comforts, and the encouragement of other labor. the mass of labor remains, then, what it was, and the additional comforts accruing from the fifty millions saved in the purchase of hats, are the net profit of importation or free trade. it is no argument to try and alarm us by a picture of the sufferings which, in this hypothesis, would result from the displacement or change of labor. for, if prohibition had never existed, labor would have classed itself in accordance with the laws of trade, and no displacement would have taken place. if prohibition has led to an artificial and unproductive classification of labor, then it is prohibition, and not free trade, which is responsible for the inevitable displacement which must result in the transition from evil to good. it is a rather singular argument to maintain that, because an abuse which has been permitted a temporary existence, cannot be corrected without wounding the interests of those who have profited by it, it ought, therefore, to claim perpetual duration. xxi. raw material. it is said that no commerce is so advantageous as that in which manufactured articles are exchanged for raw material; because the latter furnishes aliment for _national labor_. and it is hence concluded: that the best regulation of duties, would be to give the greatest possible facilities to the importation of raw material, and at the same time to check that of the finished article. there is, in political economy, no more generally accredited sophism than this. it serves for argument not only to the protectionists, but also to the pretended free trade school; and it is in the latter capacity that its most mischievous tendencies are called into action. for a good cause suffers much less in being attacked, than in being badly defended. commercial liberty must probably pass through the same ordeal as liberty in every other form. it can only dictate laws, after having first taken thorough possession of men's minds. if, then, it be true that a reform, to be firmly established, must be generally understood, it follows that nothing can so much retard it, as the misleading of public opinion. and what more calculated to mislead opinion than writings, which, while they proclaim free trade, support the doctrines of monopoly? it is some years since three great cities of france, viz., lyons, bordeaux, and havre, combined in opposition to the restrictive system. france, all europe, looked anxiously and suspiciously at this apparent declaration in favor of free trade. alas! it was still the banner of monopoly which they followed! a monopoly, only a little more sordid, a little more absurd than that of which they seemed to desire the destruction! thanks to the sophism which i would now endeavor to deprive of its disguise, the petitioners only reproduced, with an additional incongruity, the old doctrine of _protection to national labor_. what is, in fact, the prohibitive system? we will let mr. de saint cricq answer for us. "labor constitutes the riches of a nation, because it creates supplies for the gratification of our necessities; and universal comfort consists in the abundance of these supplies." here we have the principle. "but this abundance ought to be the result of _national labor_. if it were the result of foreign labor, national labor must receive an inevitable check." here lies the error. (see the preceding sophism). "what, then, ought to be the course of an agricultural and manufacturing country? it ought to reserve its market for the produce of its own soil and its own industry." here is the object. "in order to effect this, it ought, by restrictive, and, if necessary, by prohibitive duties, to prevent the influx of produce from foreign soils and foreign industry." here is the means. let us now compare this system with that of the petition from bordeaux. this divided articles of merchandise into three classes. "the first class includes articles of food and _raw material untouched by human labor_. _a judicious system of political economy would require that this class should be exempt from taxation._" here we have the principle of no labor, no protection. "the second class is composed of articles which have received _some preparation_ for manufacture. this preparation would render reasonable the imposition of _some duties_." here we find the commencement of protection, because, at the same time, likewise commences the demand for _national labor_. "the third class comprehends finished articles, which can, under no circumstances, furnish material for national labor. we consider this as the most fit for taxation." here we have at once the maximum of labor, and, consequently, of production. the petitioners then, as we here see, proclaimed foreign labor as injurious to national labor. this is the _error_ of the prohibitive system. they desired the french market to be reserved for _french labor_. this is the _object_ of the prohibitive system. they demanded that foreign labor should be subjected to restrictions and taxes. these are the _means_ of the prohibitive system. what difference, then, can we possibly discover to exist between the bordalese petitioners and the corypheus of restriction? one, alone; and that is simply the greater or less extension which is given to the signification of the word _labor_. mr. de saint cricq, taking it in its widest sense, is, therefore, in favor of _protecting_ every thing. "labor," he says, "constitutes _the whole_ wealth of a nation. protection should be for the agricultural interest, and _the whole_ agricultural interest; for the manufacturing interest, and _the whole_ manufacturing interest; and this principle i will continually endeavor to impress upon this chamber." the petitioners consider no labor but that of the manufacturers, and accordingly, it is that, and that alone, which they would wish to admit to the favors of protection. "raw material being entirely _untouched by human labor_, our system should exempt it from taxes. manufactured articles furnishing no material for national labor, we consider as the most fit for taxation." there is no question here as to the propriety of protecting national labor. mr. de saint cricq and the bordalese agree entirely upon this point. we have, in our preceding chapters, already shown how entirely we differ from both of them. the question to be determined, is, whether it is mr. de saint cricq, or the bordalese, who give to the word _labor_ its proper acceptation. and we must confess that mr. de saint cricq is here decidedly in the right. the following dialogue might be supposed between them: _mr. de saint cricq._--you agree that national labor ought to be protected. you agree that no foreign labor can be introduced into our market, without destroying an equal quantity of our national labor. but you contend that there are numerous articles of merchandise possessing _value_, for they are sold, and which are nevertheless _untouched by human labor_. among these you name corn, flour, meat, cattle, bacon, salt, iron, copper, lead, coal, wool, skins, seeds, etc. if you can prove to me, that the _value_ of these things is not dependent upon labor, i will agree that it is useless to protect them. but if i can prove to you that there is as much labor put upon a hundred francs worth of wool, as upon a hundred francs worth of cloth, you ought to acknowledge that protection is the right as much of the one, as of the other. i ask you then why this bag of wool is worth a hundred francs? is it not because this is its price of production? and what is the price of production, but the sum which has been distributed in wages for labor, payment of skill, and interest on money, among the various laborers and capitalists, who have assisted in the production of the article? _the petitioners._--it is true that with regard to wool you may be right; but a bag of corn, a bar of iron, a hundred weight of coal, are these the produce of labor? is it not nature which _creates_ them? _mr. de st. cricq._--without doubt, nature _creates_ these substances, but it is labor which gives them their _value_. i have myself, in saying that labor _creates_ material objects, used a false expression, which has led me into many farther errors. no man can _create_. no man can bring any thing from nothing; and if _production_ is used as a synonym for _creation_, then indeed our labor must all be useless. the agriculturist does not pretend that he has _created_ the corn; but he has given it its _value_. he has by his own labor, and by that of his servants, his laborers, and his reapers, transformed into corn substances which were entirely dissimilar from it. what more is effected by the miller who converts it into flour, or by the baker who makes it into bread? in order that a man may be dressed in cloth, numerous operations are first necessary. before the intervention of any human labor, the real _primary materials_ of this article are air, water, heat, gas, light, and the various salts which enter into its composition. these are indeed _untouched by human labor_, for they have no _value_, and i have never dreamed of their needing protection. but a first _labor_ converts these substances into forage; a second into wool; a third into thread; a fourth into cloth; and a fifth into garments. who can pretend to say, that all these contributions to the work, from the first furrow of the plough, to the last stitch of the needle, are not _labor_? and because, for the sake of speed and greater perfection in the accomplishment of the final object, these various branches of labor are divided among as many classes of workmen, you, by an arbitrary distinction, determine that the order in which the various branches of labor follow each other shall regulate their importance, so that while the first is not allowed to merit the name of labor, the last shall receive all the favors of protection. _the petitioners._--yes, we begin to understand that neither wool nor corn are entirely _independent of human labor_; but certainly the agriculturist has not, like the manufacturer, had every thing to do by his own labor, and that of his workmen; nature has assisted him; and if there is some labor, at least all is not labor, in the production of corn. _mr. de st. cricq._--but it is the labor alone which gives it _value_. i grant that nature has assisted in the production of grain. i will even grant that it is exclusively her work; but i must confess at least that i have constrained her to it by my labor. and remark, moreover, that when i sell my corn, it is not the _work of nature_ which i make you pay for, but _my own_. you will perceive, also, by following up your manner of arguing, that neither will manufactured articles be the production of labor. does not the manufacturer also call upon nature to assist him? does he not by the assistance of steam-machinery force into his service the weight of the atmosphere, as i, by the use of the plough, take advantage of its humidity? is it the cloth-manufacturer who has created the laws of gravitation, transmission of forces and of affinities? _the petitioners._--well, well, we will give up wool, but assuredly coal is the work, the exclusive work, of nature. this, at least, is _independent of all human labor_. _mr. de st. cricq._--yes, nature certainly has made coal; but _labor has made its value_. where was the _value_ of coal during the millions of years when it lay unknown and buried a hundred feet below the surface of the earth? it was necessary to seek it. here was labor. it was necessary to transport it to a market. again this was labor. the price which you pay for coal in the market is the remuneration given to these labors of digging and transportation.[13] [footnote 13: i do not, for many reasons, make explicit mention of such portion of the remuneration as belongs to the contractor, capitalist, etc. firstly: because, if the subject be closely looked into, it will be seen that it is always either the reimbursing in advance, or the payment of anterior _labor_. secondly: because, under the general labor, i include not only the salary of the workmen, but the legitimate payment of all co-operation in the work of production. thirdly: finally, and above all, because the production of the manufactured articles is, like that of the raw material, burdened with interests and remunerations, entirely independent of _manual labor_; and that the objection, in itself, might be equally applied to the finest manufacture and to the roughest agricultural process.] we see that, so far, all the advantage is on the side of mr. de st. cricq, and that the _value_ of unmanufactured as of manufactured articles, represents always the expense, or what is the same thing, the _labor_ of production; that it is impossible to conceive of an article bearing a _value, independent of human labor_; that the distinction made by the petitioners is futile in theory, and, as the basis of an unequal division of favors, would be iniquitous in practice; for it would thence result that the one-third of the french occupied in manufactures, would receive all the benefits of monopoly, because they produce _by labor_; while the two other thirds, formed by the agricultural population, would be left to struggle against competition, under pretense that they produce _without labor_. it will, i know, be insisted that it is advantageous to a nation to import the raw material, whether or not it be the result of labor; and to export manufactured articles. this is a very generally received opinion. "in proportion," says the petition of bordeaux, "as raw material is abundant, manufactures will increase and flourish." "the abundance of raw material," it elsewhere says, "gives an unlimited scope to labor in those countries where it prevails." "raw material," says the petition from havre, "being the element of labor, should be _regulated on a different system_, and ought to be admitted _immediately_ and at the _lowest rate_." the same petition asks, that the protection of manufactured articles should be reduced, not _immediately_, but at some indeterminate time, not to the _lowest rate_ of entrance, but to twenty per cent. "among other articles," says the petition of lyons, "of which the low price and the abundance are necessary, the manufacturers name all _raw material_." all this is based upon error. all _value_ is, we have seen, the representative of labor. now it is undoubtedly true that manufacturing labor increases ten-fold, a hundred-fold, the value of raw material, thus dispensing ten, a hundred-fold increased profits throughout the nation; and from this fact is deduced the following argument: the production of a hundred weight of iron, is the gain of only fifteen francs to the various workers therein engaged. this hundred weight of iron, converted into watch-springs, is increased in value by this process, ten thousand francs. who can pretend that the nation is not more interested in securing the ten thousand francs, than the fifteen francs worth of labor? in this reasoning it is forgotten, that international exchanges are, no more than individual exchanges, effected through weight and measure. the exchange is not between a hundred weight of unmanufactured iron, and a hundred weight of watch-springs, nor between a pound of wool just shorn, and a pound of wool just manufactured into cashmere, but between a fixed value in one of these articles, and a fixed equal value in another. to exchange equal value with equal value, is to exchange equal labor with equal labor, and it is therefore not true that the nation which sells its hundred francs worth of cloth or of watch-springs, gains more than the one which furnishes its hundred francs worth of wool or of iron. in a country where no law can be passed, no contribution imposed without the consent of the governed, the public can be robbed, only after it has first been cheated. our own ignorance is the primary, the _raw material_ of every act of extortion to which we are subjected, and it may safely be predicted of every _sophism_, that it is the forerunner of an act of spoliation. good public, whenever therefore you detect a sophism in a petition, let me advise you, put your hand upon your pocket, for be assured, it is that which is particularly the point of attack. let us then examine what is the secret design which the ship-owners of bordeaux and havre, and the manufacturers of lyons, would smuggle in upon us by this distinction between agricultural produce and manufactured produce. "it is," say the petitioners of bordeaux, "principally in this first class (that which comprehends raw material, _untouched by human labor_) that we find _the principal encouragement of our merchant vessels_.... a wise system of political economy would require that this class should not be taxed.... the second class (articles which have received some preparation) may be considered as taxable. the third (articles which have received from labor all the finish of which they are capable) we regard as _most proper for taxation_." "considering," say the petitioners of havre, "that it is indispensable to reduce _immediately_ and to the _lowest rate_, the raw material, in order that manufacturing industry may give employment to our merchant vessels, which furnish its first and indispensable means of labor." the manufacturers could not allow themselves to be behindhand in civilities towards the ship-owners, and accordingly the petition of lyons demands the free introduction of raw material, "in order to prove," it remarks, "that the interests of manufacturing towns are not opposed to those of maritime cities." this may be true enough; but it must be confessed that both, taken in the sense of the petitioners, are terribly adverse to the interest of agriculture and of consumers. this, then, gentlemen, is the aim of all your subtle distinctions! you wish the law to oppose the maritime transportation of _manufactured_ articles, in order that the much more expensive transportation of the raw material should, by its larger bulk, in its rough, dirty and unimproved condition, furnish a more extensive business to your _merchant vessels_. and this is what you call a _wise system of political economy_! why not also petition for a law requiring that fir-trees, imported from russia, should not be admitted without their branches, bark, and roots; that mexican gold should be imported in the state of ore, and buenos ayres leathers only allowed an entrance into our ports, while still hanging to the dead bones and putrefying bodies to which they belong? the stockholders of railroads, if they can obtain a majority in the chambers, will no doubt soon favor us with a law forbidding the manufacture, at cognac, of the brandy used in paris. for, surely, they would consider it a wise law, which would, by forcing the transportation of ten casks of wine instead of one of brandy, thus furnish to parisian industry an _indispensable encouragement to its labor_, and, at the same time, give employment to railroad locomotives! until when will we persist in shutting our eyes upon the following simple truth? labor and industry, in their general object, have but one legitimate aim, and this is the public good. to create useless industrial pursuits, to favor superfluous transportation, to maintain a superfluous labor, not for the good of the public, but at the expense of the public, is to act upon a _petitio principii_. for it is the result of labor, and not labor itself, which is a desirable object. all labor, without a result, is clear loss. to pay sailors for transporting rough dirt and filthy refuse across the ocean, is about as reasonable as it would be to engage their services, and pay them for pelting the water with pebbles. thus we arrive at the conclusion that _political sophisms_, notwithstanding their infinite variety, have one point in common, which is the constant confounding of the _means_ with the _end_, and the development of the former at the expense of the latter. xxii. metaphors. a sophism will sometimes expand and extend itself through the whole tissue of a long and tedious theory. oftener it contracts into a principle, and hides itself in one word. "heaven preserve us," said paul louis, "from the devil and from the spirit of metaphor!" and, truly, it might be difficult to determine which of the two sheds the most noxious influence over our planet. the devil, you will say, because it is he who implants in our hearts the spirit of spoliation. aye; but he leaves the capacity for checking abuses, by the resistance of those who suffer. it is the genius of sophism which paralyzes this resistance. the sword which the spirit of evil places in the hands of the aggressor, would fall powerless, if the shield of him who is attacked were not shattered in his grasp by the spirit of sophism. malbranche has, with great truth, inscribed upon the frontispiece of his book this sentence: _error is the cause of human misery_. let us notice what passes in the world. ambitious hypocrites may take a sinister interest in spreading, for instance, the germ of national enmities. the noxious seed may, in its developments, lead to a general conflagration, check civilization, spill torrents of blood, and draw upon the country that most terrible of scourges, _invasion_. such hateful sentiments cannot fail to degrade, in the opinion of other nations, the people among whom they prevail, and force those who retain some love of justice to blush for their country. these are fearful evils, and it would be enough that the public should have a clear view of them, to induce them to secure themselves against the plotting of those who would expose them to such heavy chances. how, then, are they kept in darkness? how, but by metaphors? the meaning of three or four words is forced, changed, and depraved--and all is said. such is the use made, for instance, of the word _invasion_. a master of french iron-works, exclaims: save us from the _invasion_ of english iron. an english landholder cries; let us oppose the _invasion_ of french corn. and forthwith all their efforts are bent upon raising barriers between these two nations. thence follows isolation; isolation leads to hatred; hatred to war; and war to _invasion_. what matters it? say the two _sophists_; is it not better to expose ourselves to a possible _invasion_, than to meet a certain one? and the people believe; and the barriers are kept up. and yet what analogy can exist between an exchange and an invasion? what resemblance can possibly be discovered between a man-of-war, vomiting fire, death, and desolation over our cities--and a merchant vessel, which comes to offer in free and peaceable exchange, produce for produce? much in the same way has the word _inundation_ been abused. this word is generally taken in a bad sense; and it is certainly of frequent occurrence for inundations to ruin fields and sweep away harvests. but if, as is the case in the inundations of the nile, they were to leave upon the soil a superior value to that which they carried away, we ought, like the egyptians, to bless and deify them. would it not be well, before declaiming against the _inundations_ of foreign produce, and checking them with expensive and embarrassing obstacles, to certify ourselves whether these inundations are of the number which desolate, or of those which fertilize a country? what would we think of mehemet ali, if, instead of constructing, at great expense, dams across the nile to increase the extent of its inundations, he were to scatter his piasters in attempts to deepen its bed, that he might rescue egypt from the defilement of the _foreign_ mud which is swept down upon it from the mountains of the moon? exactly such a degree of wisdom do we exhibit, when at the expense of millions, we strive to preserve our country.... from what? from the blessings with which nature has gifted other climates. among the _metaphors_ which sometimes conceal, each in itself, a whole theory of evil, there is none more common than that which is presented under the words _tribute_ and _tributary_. these words are so frequently employed as synonyms of _purchase_ and _purchaser_, that the terms are now used almost indifferently. and yet there is as distinct a difference between a _tribute_, and a _purchase_, as between a _robbery_ and an _exchange_. it appears to me that it would be quite as correct to say, cartouche has broken open my strong-box, and, has _bought_ a thousand crowns from me, as to state, as i have heard done to our honorable deputies, we have paid in _tribute_ to germany the value of a thousand horses which she has sold us. the action of cartouche was not a _purchase_, because he did not put, and with my consent, into my strong box an equivalent value to that which he took out. neither could the purchase-money paid to germany be _tribute_, because it was not on our part a forced payment, gratuitously received on hers, but a willing compensation from us for a thousand horses, which we ourselves judged to be worth 500,000 francs. is it necessary then seriously to criticise such abuses of language? yes, for very seriously are they put forth in our books and journals. nor can we flatter ourselves that they are the careless expressions of uneducated writers, ignorant even of the terms of their own language. they are current with a vast majority, and among the most distinguished of our writers. we find them in the mouths of our d'argouts, dupins, villèles; of peers, deputies and ministers; men whose words become laws, and whose influence might establish the most revolting sophisms, as the basis of the administration of their country. a celebrated modern philosopher has added to the categories of aristotle the sophism which consists in expressing in one word a _petitio principii_. he cites several examples, and might have added the word _tributary_ to his nomenclature. for instance, the question is to determine whether foreign purchases are useful or hurtful. you answer, hurtful. and why? because they render us _tributary_ to foreigners. truly here is a word, which begs the question at once. how has this delusive figure of speech introduced itself into the rhetoric of monopolists? money is _withdrawn from the country_ to satisfy the rapacity of a victorious enemy: money is also _withdrawn from the country_ to pay for merchandise. the analogy is established between the two cases, calculating only the point of resemblance and abstracting that by which they differ. and yet it is certainly true, that the non-reimbursement in the first case, and the reimbursement freely agreed upon in the second, establishes between them so decided a difference, as to render it impossible to class them under the same category. to be obliged, with a dagger at your throat, to give a hundred francs, or to give them willingly in order to obtain a desired object,--truly these are cases in which we can perceive little similarity. it might just as correctly be said, that it is a matter of indifference whether we eat our bread, or have it thrown into the water, because in both cases it is destroyed. we here draw a false conclusion, as in the case of the word _tribute_, by a vicious manner of reasoning, which supposes an entire similitude between two cases, their resemblance only being noticed and their difference suppressed. conclusion. all the sophisms which i have so far combated, relate to the restrictive policy; and some even on this subject, and those of the most remarkable, i have, in pity to the reader, passed over: _acquired rights_; _unsuitableness_; _exhaustion of money_, _etc._, _etc._ but social economy is not confined within this narrow circle. fourierism, saint simonism, commonism, agrarianism, anti-rentism, mysticism, sentimentalism, false philanthropy, affected aspirations for a chimerical equality and fraternity; questions relative to luxury, wages, machinery; to the pretended tyranny of capital; to colonies, outlets, population; to emigration, association, imposts, and loans, have encumbered the field of science with a crowd of parasitical arguments,--_sophisms_, whose rank growth calls for the spade and the weeding-hoe. i am perfectly sensible of the defect of my plan, or rather absence of plan. by attacking as i do, one by one, so many incoherent sophisms, which clash, and then again often mingle with each other, i am conscious that i condemn myself to a disorderly and capricious struggle, and am exposed to perpetual repetitions. i should certainly much prefer to state simply how things _are_, without troubling myself to contemplate the thousand aspects under which ignorance _supposes_ them to be.... to lay down at once the laws under which society prospers or perishes, would be _virtually_ to destroy at once all sophisms. when laplace described what, up to his time, was known of the movements of celestial bodies, he dissipated, without even naming them, all the astrological reveries of the egyptians, greeks, and hindoos, much more certainly than he could have done by attempting to refute them directly, through innumerable volumes. truth is one, and the work which expounds it is an imposing and durable edifice. error is multiple, and of ephemereal nature. the work which combats it, cannot bear in itself a principle of greatness or of durability. but if power, and perhaps opportunity, have been wanting to me, to enable me to proceed in the manner of laplace and of say, i still cannot but believe that the mode adopted by me has also its modest usefulness. it appears to me likewise to be well suited to the wants of the age, and to the broken moments which it is now the habit to snatch for study. a treatise has without doubt an incontestable superiority. but it requires to be read, meditated, and understood. it addresses itself to the select few. its mission is first to fix attention, and then to enlarge the circle of acquired knowledge. a work which undertakes the refutation of vulgar prejudices, cannot have so high an aim. it aspires only to clear the way for the steps of truth; to prepare the minds of men to receive her; to rectify public opinion, and to snatch from unworthy hands dangerous weapons which they misuse. it is above all, in social economy, that this hand-to-hand struggle, this ever-reviving combat with popular errors, has a true practical utility. sciences might be arranged in two categories. those of the first class whose application belongs only to particular professions, can be understood only by the learned; but the most ignorant may profit by their fruits. we may enjoy the comforts of a watch; we may be transported by locomotives or steamboats, although knowing nothing of mechanism and astronomy. we walk according to the laws of equilibrium, while entirely ignorant of them. but there are sciences whose influence upon the public is proportioned only to the information of that public itself, and whose efficacy consists not in the accumulated knowledge of some few learned heads, but in that which has diffused itself into the reason of man in the aggregate. such are morals, hygiene, social economy, and (in countries where men belong to themselves) political economy. of these sciences bentham might above all have said: "it is better to circulate, than to advance them." what does it profit us that a great man, even a god, should promulgate moral laws, if the minds of men, steeped in error, will constantly mistake vice for virtue, and virtue for vice? what does it benefit us that smith, say, and, according to mr. de st. chamans, political economists of _every school_, should have proclaimed the superiority in all commercial transactions, of _liberty_ above _restraint_, if those who make laws, and for whom laws are made, are convinced of the contrary? these sciences, which have very properly been named _social_, are again peculiar in this, that they, being of common application, no one will confess himself ignorant of them. if the object be to determine a question in chemistry or geometry, nobody pretends to have an innate knowledge of the science, or is ashamed to consult mr. thénard, or to seek information from the pages of legendre or bezout. but in the social sciences authorities are rarely acknowledged. as each individual daily acts upon his own notions whether right or wrong, of morals, hygiene, and economy; of politics, whether reasonable or absurd, each one thinks he has a right to prose, comment, decide, and dictate in these matters. are you sick? there is not a good old woman in the country who is not ready to tell you the cause and the remedy of your sufferings. "it is from humors in the blood," says she, "you must be purged." but what are these humors, or are there any humors at all? on this subject she troubles herself but little. this good old woman comes into my mind, whenever i hear an attempt made to account for all the maladies of the social body, by some trivial form of words. it is superabundance of produce, tyranny of capital, industrial plethora, or other such nonsense, of which, it would be fortunate if we could say: _verba et voces prætereaque nihil_, for these are errors from which fatal consequences follow. from what precedes, the two following results may be deduced: 1st. that the social sciences, more than others, necessarily abound in _sophisms_, because in their application, each individual consults only his own judgment and his own instincts. 2d. that in these sciences _sophisms_ are especially injurious, because they mislead opinion on a subject in which opinion is power--is law. two kinds of books then are necessary in these sciences, those which teach, and those which circulate; those which expound the truth, and those which combat error. i believe that the inherent defect of this little work, _repetition_, is what is likely to be the cause of its principal utility. among the sophisms which it has discussed, each has undoubtedly its own formula and tendency, but all have a common root; and this is, the _forgetfulness of the interests of men, considered as consumers_. by showing that a thousand mistaken roads all lead to this great _generative_ sophism, i may perhaps teach the public to recognize, to know, and to mistrust it, under all circumstances. after all, i am less at forcing convictions, than at waking doubts. i have no hope that the reader as he lays down my book will exclaim, _i know_. my aspirations will be fully satisfied, if he can but sincerely say, _i doubt_. "i doubt, for i begin to fear that there may be something illusory in the supposed blessings of scarcity." (sophism i.) "i am not so certain of the beneficial effect of obstacles." (sophism ii.) "_effort without result_, no longer appears to me so desirable as _result without effort_." (sophism iii.) "i understand that the more an article has been labored upon, the more is its _value_. but in trade, do two _equal_ values cease to be equal, because one comes from the plough, and the other from the workshop?" (sophism xxi.) "i confess that i begin to think it singular that mankind should be the better of hindrances and obstacles, or should grow rich upon taxes; and truly i would be relieved from some anxiety, would be really happy to see the proof of the fact, as stated by the author of "the sophisms," that there is no incompatibility between prosperity and justice, between peace and liberty, between the extension of labor and the advance of intelligence." (sophisms xiv and xx.) "without, then, giving up entirely to arguments, which i am yet in doubt whether to look upon as fairly reasoned, or as paradoxical, i will at least seek enlightenment from the masters of the science." * * * * * i will now terminate this sketch by a last and important recapitulation. the world is not sufficiently conscious of the influence exercised over it by _sophistry_. when _might ceases to be right_, and the government of mere _strength_ is dethroned, _sophistry_ transfers the empire to _cunning and subtilty_. it would be difficult to determine which of the two tyrannies is most injurious to mankind. men have an immoderate love for pleasure, influence, consideration, power--in a word, for riches; and they are, by an almost unconquerable inclination, pushed to procure these, at the expense of others. but these _others_, who form the public, have a no less strong inclination to keep what they have acquired; and this they will do, if they have the _strength_ and the _knowledge_ to effect it. spoliation, which plays so important a part in the affairs of this world, has then two agents; _force_ and _cunning_. she has also two checks; _courage_ and _knowledge_. force applied to spoliation, furnishes the great material for the annals of men. to retrace its history would be to present almost the entire history of every nation: assyrians, babylonians, medes, persians, greeks, romans, goths, franks, huns, turks, arabs, tartars, without counting the more recent expeditions of the english in india, the french in africa, the russians in asia, etc., etc. but among civilized nations surely the producers of riches are now become sufficiently numerous and strong to defend themselves. does this mean that they are no longer robbed? they are as much so as ever, and moreover they rob one another. the only difference is that spoliation has changed her agent. she acts no longer by _force_, but by _cunning_. to rob the public, it is necessary to deceive them. to deceive them, it is necessary to persuade them that they are robbed for their own advantage, and to induce them to accept in exchange for their property, imaginary services, and often worse. hence spring _sophisms_ in all their varieties. then, since force is held in check, _sophistry_ is no longer only an evil; it is the genius of evil, and requires a check in its turn. this check must be the enlightenment of the public, which must be rendered more _subtle_ than the subtle, as it is already _stronger_ than the strong. * * * * * good public! i now dedicate to you this first essay; though it must be confessed that the preface is strangely transposed, and the dedication a little tardy. part ii. sophisms of protection. second series. "the request of industry to the government is as modest as that of diogenes to alexander: 'stand out of my sunshine.'"--bentham. i. natural history of spoliation. why do i give myself up to that dry science, political economy? the question is a proper one. all labor is so repugnant in its nature that one has the right to ask of what use it is. let us examine and see. i do not address myself to those philosophers who, if not in their own names, at least in the name of humanity, profess to adore poverty. i speak to those who hold wealth in esteem--and understand by this word, not the opulence of the few, but the comfort, the well-being, the security, the independence, the instruction, the dignity of all. there are only two ways by which the means essential to the preservation, the adornment and the perfection of life may be obtained--production and spoliation. some persons may say: "spoliation is an accident, a local and transient abuse, denounced by morality, punished by the law, and unworthy the attention of political economy." still, however benevolent or optimistic one may be, he is compelled to admit that spoliation is practiced on so vast a scale in this world, and is so generally connected with all great human events, that no social science, and, least of all, political economy, can refuse to consider it. i go farther. that which prevents the perfection of the social system (at least in so far as it is capable of perfection) is the constant effort of its members to live and prosper at the expense of each other. so that, if spoliation did not exist, society being perfect, the social sciences would be without an object. i go still farther. when spoliation becomes a means of subsistence for a body of men united by social ties, in course of time they make a law which sanctions it, a morality which glorifies it. it is enough to name some of the best defined forms of spoliation to indicate the position it occupies in human affairs. first comes war. among savages the conqueror kills the conquered, to obtain an uncontested, if not incontestable, right to game. next slavery. when man learns that he can make the earth fruitful by labor, he makes this division with his brother: "you work and i eat." then comes superstition. "according as you give or refuse me that which is yours, i will open to you the gates of heaven or of hell." finally, monopoly appears. its distinguishing characteristic is to allow the existence of the grand social law--_service for service_--while it brings the element of force into the discussion, and thus alters the just proportion between _service received_ and _service rendered_. spoliation always bears within itself the germ of its own destruction. very rarely the many despoil the few. in such a case the latter soon become so reduced that they can no longer satisfy the cupidity of the former, and spoliation ceases for want of sustenance. almost always the few oppress the many, and in that case spoliation is none the less undermined, for, if it has force as an agent, as in war and slavery, it is natural that force in the end should be on the side of the greater number. and if deception is the agent, as with superstition and monopoly, it is natural that the many should ultimately become enlightened. another law of providence wars against spoliation. it is this: spoliation not only displaces wealth, but always destroys a portion. war annihilates values. slavery paralyzes the faculties. monopoly transfers wealth from one pocket to another, but it always occasions the loss of a portion in the transfer. this is an admirable law. without it, provided the strength of oppressors and oppressed were equal, spoliation would have no end. a moment comes when the destruction of wealth is such that the despoiler is poorer than he would have been if he had remained honest. so it is with a people when a war costs more than the booty is worth; with a master who pays more for slave labor than for free labor; with a priesthood which has so stupefied the people and destroyed its energy that nothing more can be gotten out of it; with a monopoly which increases its attempts at absorption as there is less to absorb, just as the difficulty of milking increases with the emptiness of the udder. monopoly is a species of the genus spoliation. it has many varieties, among them sinecure, privilege, and restriction upon trade. some of the forms it assumes are simple and _naive_, like feudal rights. under this _regime_ the masses are despoiled, and know it. other forms are more complicated. often the masses are plundered, and do not know it. it may even happen that they believe that they owe every thing to spoliation, not only what is left them but what is taken from them, and what is lost in the operation. i also assert that, in the course of time, thanks to the ingenious machinery of habit, many people become spoilers without knowing it or wishing it. monopolies of this kind are begotten by fraud and nurtured by error. they vanish only before the light. i have said enough to indicate that political economy has a manifest practical use. it is the torch which, unveiling deceit and dissipating error, destroys that social disorder called spoliation. some one, a woman i believe, has correctly defined it as "the safety-lock upon the property of the people." commentary. if this little book were destined to live three or four thousand years, to be read and re-read, pondered and studied, phrase by phrase, word by word, and letter by letter, from generation to generation, like a new koran; if it were to fill the libraries of the world with avalanches of annotations, explanations and paraphrases, i might leave to their fate, in their rather obscure conciseness, the thoughts which precede. but since they need a commentary, it seems wise to me to furnish it myself. the true and equitable law of humanity is the _free exchange of service for service_. spoliation consists in destroying by force or by trickery the freedom of exchange, in order to receive a service without rendering one. forcible spoliation is exercised thus: wait till a man has produced something; then take it from him by violence. it is solemnly condemned by the decalogue: _thou shalt not steal._ when practiced by one individual on another, it is called robbery, and leads to the prison; when practiced among nations, it takes the name of conquest, and leads to glory. why this difference? it is worth while to search for the cause. it will reveal to us an irresistible power, public opinion, which, like the atmosphere, envelopes us so completely that we do not notice it. rousseau never said a truer thing than this: "a great deal of philosophy is needed to understand the facts which are very near to us." the robber, for the reason that he acts alone, has public opinion against him. he terrifies all who are about him. yet, if he has companions, he plumes himself before them on his exploits, and here we may begin to notice the power of public opinion, for the approbation of his band serves to obliterate all consciousness of his turpitude, and even to make him proud of it. the warrior lives in a different atmosphere. the public opinion which would rebuke him is among the vanquished. he does not feel its influence. but the opinion of those by whom he is surrounded approves his acts and sustains him. he and his comrades are vividly conscious of the common interest which unites them. the country which has created enemies and dangers, needs to stimulate the courage of its children. to the most daring, to those who have enlarged the frontiers, and gathered the spoils of war, are given honors, reputation, glory. poets sing their exploits. fair women weave garlands for them. and such is the power of public opinion that it separates the idea of injustice from spoliation, and even rids the despoiler of the consciousness of his wrong-doing. the public opinion which reacts against military spoliation, (as it exists among the conquered and not among the conquering people), has very little influence. but it is not entirely powerless. it gains in strength as nations come together and understand one another better. thus, it can be seen that the study of languages and the free communication of peoples tend to bring about the supremacy of an opinion opposed to this sort of spoliation. unfortunately, it often happens that the nations adjacent to a plundering people are themselves spoilers when opportunity offers, and hence are imbued with the same prejudices. then there is only one remedy--time. it is necessary that nations learn by harsh experience the enormous disadvantage of despoiling each other. you say there is another restraint--moral influences. but moral influences have for their object the increase of virtuous actions. how can they restrain these acts of spoliation when these very acts are raised by public opinion to the level of the highest virtues? is there a more potent moral influence than religion? has there ever been a religion more favorable to peace or more universally received than christianity? and yet what has been witnessed during eighteen centuries? men have gone out to battle, not merely in spite of religion, but in the very name of religion. a conquering nation does not always wage offensive war. its soldiers are obliged to protect the hearthstones, the property, the families, the independence and liberty of their native land. at such a time war assumes a character of sanctity and grandeur. the flag, blessed by the ministers of the god of peace, represents all that is sacred on earth; the people rally to it as the living image of their country and their honor; the warlike virtues are exalted above all others. when the danger is over, the opinion remains, and by a natural reaction of that spirit of vengeance which confounds itself with patriotism, they love to bear the cherished flag from capital to capital. it seems that nature has thus prepared the punishment of the aggressor. it is the fear of this punishment, and not the progress of philosophy, which keeps arms in the arsenals, for it cannot be denied that those people who are most advanced in civilization make war, and bother themselves very little with justice when they have no reprisals to fear. witness the himalayas, the atlas, and the caucasus. if religion has been impotent, if philosophy is powerless, how is war to cease? political economy demonstrates that even if the victors alone are considered, war is always begun in the interest of the few, and at the expense of the many. all that is needed, then, is that the masses should clearly perceive this truth. the weight of public opinion, which is yet divided, would then be cast entirely on the side of peace. forcible spoliation also takes another form. without waiting for a man to produce something in order to rob him, they take possession of the man himself, deprive him of his freedom, and force him to work. they do not say to him, "if you will do this for me, i will do that for you," but they say to him, "you take all the troubles; we all the enjoyments." this is slavery. now it is important to inquire whether it is not in the nature of uncontrolled power always to abuse itself. for my part i have no doubt of it, and should as soon expect to see the power that could arrest a stone in falling proceed from the stone itself, as to trust force within any defined limits. i should like to be shown a country where slavery has been abolished by the voluntary action of the masters. slavery furnishes a second striking example of the impotence of philosophical and religious sentiments in a conflict with the energetic activity of self-interest. this may seem sad to some modern schools which seek the reformation of society in self-denial. let them begin by reforming the nature of man. in the antilles the masters, from father to son, have, since slavery was established, professed the christian religion. many times a day they repeat these words: "all men are brothers. love thy neighbor as thyself; in this are the law and the prophets fulfilled." yet they hold slaves, and nothing seems to them more legitimate or natural. do modern reformers hope that their moral creed will ever be as universally accepted, as popular, as authoritative, or as often on all lips as the gospel? if _that_ has not passed from the lips to the heart, over or through the great barrier of self-interest, how can they hope that their system will work this miracle? well, then, is slavery invulnerable? no; self-interest, which founded it, will one day destroy it, provided the special interests which have created it do not stifle those general interests which tend to overthrow it. another truth demonstrated by political economy is, that free labor is progressive, and slave labor stationary. hence the triumph of the first over the second is inevitable. what has become of the cultivation of indigo by the blacks? free labor, applied to the production of sugar, is constantly causing a reduction in the price. slave property is becoming proportionately less valuable to the master. slavery will soon die out in america unless the price of sugar is artificially raised by legislation. accordingly we see to-day the masters, their creditors and representatives, making vigorous efforts to maintain these laws, which are the pillars of the edifice. unfortunately they still have the sympathy of people among whom slavery has disappeared, from which circumstance the sovereignty of public opinion may again be observed. if public opinion is sovereign in the domain of force, it is much more so in the domain of fraud. fraud is its proper sphere. stratagem is the abuse of intelligence. imposture on the part of the despoiler implies credulity on the part of the despoiled, and the natural antidote of credulity is truth. it follows that to enlighten the mind is to deprive this species of spoliation of its support. i will briefly pass in review a few of the different kinds of spoliation which are practiced on an exceedingly large scale. the first which presents itself is spoliation through the avenue of superstition. in what does it consist? in the exchange of food, clothing, luxury, distinction, influence, power--substantial services for fictitious services. if i tell a man: "i will render you an immediate service," i am obliged to keep my word, or he would soon know what to depend upon, and my trickery would be unmasked. but if i should tell him, "in exchange for your services i will do you immense service, not in this world but in another; after this life you may be eternally happy or miserable, and that happiness or misery depends upon me; i am a vicar between god and man, and can open to you the gates of heaven or of hell;" if that man believes me he is at my mercy. this method of imposture has been very extensively practiced since the beginning of the world, and it is well known to what omnipotence the egyptian priests attained by such means. it is easy to see how impostors proceed. it is enough to ask one's self what he would do in their place. if i, entertaining views of this kind, had arrived in the midst of an ignorant population, and were to succeed by some extraordinary act or marvelous appearance in passing myself off as a supernatural being, i would claim to be a messenger from god, having an absolute control over the future destinies of men. then i would forbid all examination of my claims. i would go still further, and, as reason would be my most dangerous enemy, i would interdict the use of reason--at least as applied to this dangerous subject. i would _taboo_, as the savages say, this question, and all those connected with it. to agitate them, discuss them, or even think of them, should be an unpardonable crime. certainly it would be the acme of art thus to put the barrier of the _taboo_ upon all intellectual avenues which might lead to the discovery of my imposture. what better guarantee of its perpetuity than to make even doubt sacrilege? however, i would add accessory guarantees to this fundamental one. for instance, in order that knowledge might never be disseminated among the masses, i would appropriate to myself and my accomplices the monopoly of the sciences. i would hide them under the veil of a dead language and hieroglyphic writing; and, in order that no danger might take me unawares, i would be careful to invent some ceremony which day by day would give me access to the privacy of all consciences. it would not be amiss for me to supply some of the real wants of my people, especially if by doing so i could add to my influence and authority. for instance, men need education and moral teaching, and i would be the source of both. thus i would guide as i pleased the minds and hearts of my people. i would join morality to my authority by an indissoluble chain, and i would proclaim that one could not exist without the other, so that if any audacious individual attempted to meddle with a _tabooed_ question, society, which cannot exist without morality, would feel the very earth tremble under its feet, and would turn its wrath upon the rash innovator. when things have come to this pass, it is plain that these people are more mine than if they were my slaves. the slave curses his chain, but my people will bless theirs, and i shall succeed in stamping, not on their foreheads, but in the very centre of their consciences, the seal of slavery. public opinion alone can overturn such a structure of iniquity; but where can it begin, if each stone is _tabooed_? it is the work of time and the printing press. god forbid that i should seek to disturb those consoling beliefs which link this life of sorrows to a life of felicity. but, that the irresistible longing which attracts us toward religion has been abused, no one, not even the head of christianity, can deny. there is, it seems to me, one sign by which you can know whether the people are or are not dupes. examine religion and the priest, and see whether the priest is the instrument of religion, or religion the instrument of the priest. if the priest is the instrument of religion, if his only thought is to disseminate its morality and its benefits on the earth, he will be gentle, tolerant, humble, charitable, and full of zeal; his life will reflect that of his divine model; he will preach liberty and equality among men, and peace and fraternity among nations; he will repel the allurements of temporal power, and will not ally himself with that which, of all things in this world, has the most need of restraint; he will be the man of the people, the man of good advice and tender consolations, the man of public opinion, the man of the evangelist. if, on the contrary, religion is the instrument of the priest, he will treat it as one does an instrument which is changed, bent and twisted in all ways so as to get out of it the greatest possible advantage for one's self. he will multiply _tabooed_ questions; his morality will be as flexible as seasons, men, and circumstances. he will seek to impose on humanity by gesticulations and studied attitudes; an hundred times a day he will mumble over words whose sense has evaporated and which have become empty conventionalities. he will traffic in holy things, but just enough not to shake faith in their sanctity, and he will take care that the more intelligent the people are, the less open shall the traffic be. he will take part in the intrigues of the world, and he will always side with the powerful, on the simple condition that they side with him. in a word, it will be easy to see in all his actions that he does not desire to advance religion by the clergy, but the clergy by religion, and as so many efforts indicate an object, and as this object, according to the hypothesis, can be only power and wealth, the decisive proof that the people are dupes is when the priest is rich and powerful. it is very plain that a true religion can be abused as well as a false one. the higher its authority the greater the fear that it may be severely tested. but there is much difference in the results. abuse always stirs up to revolt the sound, enlightened, intelligent portion of a people. this inevitably weakens faith, and the weakening of a true religion is far more lamentable than of a false one. this kind of spoliation, and popular enlightenment, are always in an inverse ratio to one another, for it is in the nature of abuses to go as far as possible. not that pure and devoted priests cannot be found in the midst of the most ignorant population, but how can the knave be prevented from donning the cassock and nursing the ambitious hope of wearing the mitre? despoilers obey the malthusian law; they multiply with the means of existence, and the means of existence of knaves is the credulity of their dupes. turn whichever way you please, you always find the need of an enlightened public opinion. there is no other cure-all. another species of spoliation is _commercial fraud_, a term which seems to me too limited because the tradesman who changes his weights and measures is not alone culpable, but also the physician who receives a fee for evil counsel, the lawyer who provokes litigation, etc. in the exchange of two services one may be of less value than the other, but when the service received is that which has been agreed upon, it is evident that spoliation of that nature will diminish with the increase of public intelligence. the next in order is the abuse in the _public service_--an immense field of spoliation, so immense that we can give it but partial consideration. if god had made man a solitary animal, every one would labor for himself. individual wealth would be in proportion to the services each one rendered to himself. but since _man is a social animal, one service is exchanged for another_. a proposition which you can transpose if it suits you. in society there are certain requirements so general, so universal in their nature, that provision has been made for them in the organizing of the public service. among these is the necessity of security. society agrees to compensate in services of a different nature those who render it the service of guarding the public safety. in this there is nothing contrary to the principles of political economy. _do this for me, i will do that for you._ the principle of the transaction is the same, although the process is different, but the circumstance has great significance. in private transactions each individual remains the judge both of the service which he renders and of that which he receives. he can always decline an exchange, or negotiate elsewhere. there is no necessity of an interchange of services, except by previous voluntary agreement. such is not the case with the state, especially before the establishment of representative government. whether or not we require its services, whether they are good or bad, we are obliged to accept such as are offered and to pay the price. it is the tendency of all men to magnify their own services and to disparage services rendered them, and private matters would be poorly regulated if there was not some standard of value. this guarantee we have not, (or we hardly have it,) in public affairs. but still society, composed of men, however strongly the contrary may be insinuated, obeys the universal tendency. the government wishes to serve us a great deal, much more than we desire, and forces us to acknowledge as a real service that which sometimes is widely different, and this is done for the purpose of demanding contributions from us in return. the state is also subject to the law of malthus. it is continually living beyond its means, it increases in proportion to its means, and draws its support solely, from the substance of the people. woe to the people who are incapable of limiting the sphere of action of the state. liberty, private activity, riches, well-being, independence, dignity, depend upon this. there is one circumstance which must be noticed: chief among the services which we ask of the state is _security_. that it may guarantee this to us it must control a force capable of overcoming all individual or collective domestic or foreign forces which might endanger it. combined with that fatal disposition among men to live at the expense of each other, which we have before noticed, this fact suggests a danger patent to all. you will accordingly observe on what an immense scale spoliation, by the abuses and excesses of the government, has been practiced. if one should ask what service has been rendered the public, and what return has been made therefor, by such governments as assyria, babylon, egypt, rome, persia, turkey, china, russia, england, spain and france, he would be astonished at the enormous disparity. at last representative government was invented, and, _a priori_, one might have believed that the disorder would have ceased as if by enchantment. the principle of these governments is this: "the people themselves, by their representatives, shall decide as to the nature and extent of the public service and the remuneration for those services." the tendency to appropriate the property of another, and the desire to defend one's own, are thus brought in contact. one might suppose that the latter would overcome the former. assuredly i am convinced that the latter will finally prevail, but we must concede that thus far it has not. why? for a very simple reason. governments have had too much sagacity; people too little. governments are skillful. they act methodically, consecutively, on a well concerted plan, which is constantly improved by tradition and experience. they study men and their passions. if they perceive, for instance, that they have warlike instincts, they incite and inflame this fatal propensity. they surround the nation with dangers through the conduct of diplomats, and then naturally ask for soldiers, sailors, arsenals and fortifications. often they have but the trouble of accepting them. then they have pensions, places, and promotions to offer. all this calls for money. hence loans and taxes. if the nation is generous, the government proposes to cure all the ills of humanity. it promises to increase commerce, to make agriculture prosperous, to develop manufactures, to encourage letters and arts, to banish misery, etc. all that is necessary is to create offices and to pay public functionaries. in other words, their tactics consist in presenting as actual services things which are but hindrances; then the nation pays, not for being served, but for being subservient. governments assuming gigantic proportions end by absorbing half of all the revenues. the people are astonished that while marvelous labor-saving inventions, destined to infinitely multiply productions, are ever increasing in number, they are obliged to toil on as painfully as ever, and remain as poor as before. this happens because, while the government manifests so much ability, the people show so little. thus, when they are called upon to choose their agents, those who are to determine the sphere of, and compensation for, governmental action, whom do they choose? the agents of the government. they entrust the executive power with the determination of the limit of its activity and its requirements. they are like the _bourgeois gentilhomme_, who referred the selection and number of his suits of clothes to his tailor. however, things go from bad to worse, and at last the people open their eyes, not to the remedy, for there is none as yet, but to the evil. governing is so pleasant a trade that everybody desires to engage in it. thus the advisers of the people do not cease to say: "we see your sufferings, and we weep over them. it would be otherwise if _we_ governed you." this period, which usually lasts for some time, is one of rebellions and insurrections. when the people are conquered, the expenses of the war are added to their burdens. when they conquer, there is a change of those who govern, and the abuses remain. this lasts until the people learn to know and defend their true interests. thus we always come back to this: there is no remedy but in the progress of public intelligence. certain nations seem remarkably inclined to become the prey of governmental spoliation. they are those where men, not considering their own dignity and energy, would believe themselves lost, if they were not governed and administered upon in all things. without having traveled much, i have seen countries where they think agriculture can make no progress unless the state keeps up experimental farms; that there will presently be no horses if the state has no stables; and that fathers will not have their children educated, or will teach them only immoralities, if the state does not decide what it is proper to learn. in such a country revolutions may rapidly succeed one another, and one set of rulers after another be overturned. but the governed are none the less governed at the caprice and mercy of their rulers, until the people see that it is better to leave the greatest possible number of services in the category of those which the parties interested exchange after a fair discussion of the price. we have seen that society is an exchange of services, and should be but an exchange of good and honest ones. but we have also proven that men have a great interest in exaggerating the relative value of the services they render one another. i cannot, indeed, see any other limit to these claims than the free acceptance or free refusal of those to whom these services are offered. hence it comes that certain men resort to the law to curtail the natural prerogatives of this liberty. this kind of spoliation is called privilege or monopoly. we will carefully indicate its origin and character. every one knows that the services which he offers in the general market are the more valued and better paid for, the scarcer they are. each one, then, will ask for the enactment of a law to keep out of the market all who offer services similar to his. this variety of spoliation being the chief subject of this volume, i will say little of it here, and will restrict myself to one remark: when the monopoly is an isolated fact, it never fails to enrich the person to whom the law has granted it. it may then happen that each class of workmen, instead of seeking the overthrow of this monopoly, claim a similar one for themselves. this kind of spoliation, thus reduced to a system, becomes then the most ridiculous of mystifications for every one, and the definite result is that each one believes that he gains more from a general market impoverished by all. it is not necessary to add that this singular _regime_ also brings about an universal antagonism between all classes, all professions, and all peoples; that it requires the constant but always uncertain interference of government; that it swarms with the abuses which have been the subject of the preceding paragraph; that it places all industrial pursuits in hopeless insecurity; and that it accustoms men to place upon the law, and not upon themselves, the responsibility for their very existence. it would be difficult to imagine a more active cause of social disturbance. justification. it may be asked, "why this ugly word--spoliation? it is not only coarse, but it wounds and irritates; it turns calm and moderate men against you, and embitters the controversy." i earnestly declare that i respect individuals; i believe in the sincerity of almost all the friends of protection, and i do not claim that i have any right to suspect the personal honesty, delicacy of feeling, or philanthropy of any one. i also repeat that protection is the work, the fatal work, of a common error, of which all, or nearly all, are at once victims and accomplices. but i cannot prevent things being what they are. just imagine some diogenes putting his head out of his tub and saying, "athenians, you are served by slaves. have you never thought that you practice on your brothers the most iniquitous spoliation?" or a tribune speaking in the forum, "romans! you have laid the foundation of all your greatness on the pillage of other nations." they would state only undeniable truths. but must we conclude from this that athens and rome were inhabited only by dishonest persons? that socrates and plato, cato and cincinnatus were despicable characters? who could harbor such a thought? but these great men lived amidst surroundings that relieved their consciences of the sense of this injustice. even aristotle could not conceive the idea of a society existing without slavery. in modern times slavery has continued to our own day without causing many scruples among the planters. armies have served as the instruments of grand conquests--that is to say, of grand spoliations. is this saying that they are not composed of officers and men as sensitive of their honor, even more so, perhaps, than men in ordinary industrial pursuits--men who would blush at the very thought of theft, and who would face a thousand deaths rather than stoop to a base action? it is not individuals who are to blame, but the general movement of opinion which deludes and deceives them--a movement for which society in general is culpable. thus is it with monopoly. i accuse the system, and not individuals; society as a mass, and not this or that one of its members. if the greatest philosophers have been able to deceive themselves as to the iniquity of slavery, how much easier is it for farmers and manufacturers to deceive themselves as to the nature and effects of the protective system. ii. two systems of morals. arrived at the end of the preceding chapter, if he gets so far, i imagine i hear the reader say: "well, now, was i wrong in accusing political economists of being dry and cold? what a picture of humanity! spoliation is a fatal power, almost normal, assuming every form, practiced under every pretext, against law and according to law, abusing the most sacred things, alternately playing upon the feebleness and the credulity of the masses, and ever growing by what it feeds on. could a more mournful picture of the world be imagined than this?" the problem is, not to find whether the picture is mournful, but whether it is true. and for that we have the testimony of history. it is singular that those who decry political economy, because it investigates men and the world as it finds them, are more gloomy than political economy itself, at least as regards the past and the present. look into their books and their journals. what do you find? bitterness and hatred of society. the very word _civilization_ is for them a synonym for injustice, disorder and anarchy. they have even come to curse _liberty_, so little confidence have they in the development of the human race, the result of its natural organization. liberty, according to them, is something which will bring humanity nearer and nearer to destruction. it is true that they are optimists as regards the future. for, although humanity, in itself incapable, for six thousand years has gone astray, a revelation has come, which has pointed out to men the way of safety, and, if the flock are docile and obedient to the shepherd's call, will lead them to the promised land, where well-being may be attained without effort, where order, security and prosperity are the easy reward of improvidence. to this end humanity, as rousseau said, has only to allow these reformers to change the physical and moral constitution of man. political economy has not taken upon itself the mission of finding out the probable condition of society had it pleased god to make men different from what they are. it may be unfortunate that providence, at the beginning, neglected to call to his counsels a few of our modern reformers. and, as the celestial mechanism would have been entirely different had the creator consulted _alphonso the wise_, society, also, had he not neglected the advice of fourier, would have been very different from that in which we are compelled to live, and move, and breathe. but, since we are here, our duty is to study and to understand his laws, especially if the amelioration of our condition essentially depends upon such knowledge. we cannot prevent the existence of unsatisfied desires in the hearts of men. we cannot satisfy these desires except by labor. we cannot deny the fact that man has as much repugnance for labor as he has satisfaction with its results. since man has such characteristics, we cannot prevent the existence of a constant tendency among men to obtain their part of the enjoyments of life while throwing upon others, by force or by trickery, the burdens of labor. it is not for us to belie universal history, to silence the voice of the past, which attests that this has been the condition of things since the beginning of the world. we cannot deny that war, slavery, superstition, the abuses of government, privileges, frauds of every nature, and monopolies, have been the incontestable and terrible manifestations of these two sentiments united in the heart of man: _desire for enjoyment; repugnance to labor_. "in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread!" but every one wants as much bread and as little sweat as possible. this is the conclusion of history. thank heaven, history also teaches that the division of blessings and burdens tends to a more exact equality among men. unless one is prepared to deny the light of the sun, it must be admitted that, in this respect at least, society has made some progress. if this be true, there exists in society a natural and providential force, a law which causes iniquity gradually to cease, and makes justice more and more a reality. we say that this force exists in society, and that god has placed it there. if it did not exist we should be compelled, with the socialists, to search for it in those artificial means, in those arrangements which require a fundamental change in the physical and moral constitution of man, or rather we should consider that search idle and vain, for the reason that we could not comprehend the action of a lever without a place of support. let us, then, endeavor to indicate that beneficent force which tends progressively to overcome the maleficent force to which we have given the name spoliation, and the existence of which is only too well explained by reason and proved by experience. every maleficent act necessarily has two terms--the point of beginning and the point of ending; the man who performs the act and the man upon whom it is performed; or, in the language of the schools, the active and the passive agent. there are, then, two means by which the maleficent act can be prevented: by the voluntary absence of the active, or by the resistance of the passive agent. whence two systems of morals arise, not antagonistic but concurrent; religious or philosophical morality, and the morality to which i permit myself to apply the name economical (utilitarian). religious morality, to abolish and extirpate the maleficent act, appeals to its author, to man in his capacity of active agent. it says to him: "reform yourself; purify yourself; cease to do evil; learn to do well; conquer your passions; sacrifice your interests; do not oppress your neighbor, to succor and relieve whom is your duty; be first just, then generous." this morality will always be the most beautiful, the most touching, that which will exhibit the human race in all its majesty; which will the best lend itself to the offices of eloquence, and will most excite the sympathy and admiration of mankind. utilitarian morality works to the same end, but especially addresses itself to man in his capacity of passive agent. it points out to him the consequences of human actions, and, by this simple exhibition, stimulates him to struggle against those which injure, and to honor those which are useful to him. it aims to extend among the oppressed masses enough good sense, enlightenment and just defiance, to render oppression both difficult and dangerous. it may also be remarked that utilitarian morality is not without its influence upon the oppressor. an act of spoliation causes good and evil--evil for him who suffers it, good for him in whose favor it is exercised--else the act would not have been performed. but the good by no means compensates the evil. the evil always, and necessarily, predominates over the good, because the very fact of oppression occasions a loss of force, creates dangers, provokes reprisals, and requires costly precautions. the simple exhibition of these effects is not then limited to retaliation of the oppressed; it places all, whose hearts are not perverted, on the side of justice, and alarms the security of the oppressors themselves. but it is easy to understand that this morality which is simply a scientific demonstration, and would even lose its efficiency if it changed its character; which addresses itself not to the heart but to the intelligence; which seeks not to persuade but to convince; which gives proofs not counsels; whose mission is not to move but to enlighten, and which obtains over vice no other victory than to deprive it of its booty--it is easy to understand, i say, how this morality has been accused of being dry and prosaic. the reproach is true without being just. it is equivalent to saying that political economy is not everything, does not comprehend everything, is not the universal solvent. but who has ever made such an exorbitant pretension in its name? the accusation would not be well founded unless political economy presented its processes as final, and denied to philosophy and religion the use of their direct and proper means of elevating humanity. look at the concurrent action of morality, properly so called, and of political economy--the one inveighing against spoliation by an exposure of its moral ugliness, the other bringing it into discredit in our judgment, by showing its evil consequences. concede that the triumph of the religious moralist, when realized, is more beautiful, more consoling and more radical; at the same time it is not easy to deny that the triumph of economical science is more facile and more certain. in a few lines, more valuable than many volumes, j.b. say has already remarked that there are two ways of removing the disorder introduced by hypocrisy into an honorable family; to reform tartuffe, or sharpen the wits of orgon. moliere, that great painter of human life, seems constantly to have had in view the second process as the more efficient. such is the case on the world's stage. tell me what cæsar did, and i will tell you what were the romans of his day. tell me what modern diplomacy has accomplished, and i will describe the moral condition of the nations. we should not pay two milliards of taxes if we did not appoint those who consume them to vote them. we should not have so much trouble, difficulty and expense with the african question if we were as well convinced that two and two make four in political economy as in arithmetic. m. guizot would never have had occasion to say: "france is rich enough to pay for her glory," if france had never conceived a false idea of glory. the same statesman never would have said: "_liberty is too precious for france to traffic in it_," if france had well understood that _liberty_ and a _large budget_ are incompatible. let religious morality then, if it can, touch the heart of the tartuffes, the cæsars, the conquerors of algeria, the sinecurists, the monopolists, etc. the mission of political economy is to enlighten their dupes. of these two processes, which is the more efficient aid to social progress? i believe it is the second. i believe that humanity cannot escape the necessity of first learning a _defensive morality_. i have read, observed, and made diligent inquiry, and have been unable to find any abuse, practiced to any considerable extent, that has perished by voluntary renunciation on the part of those who profited by it. on the contrary, i have seen many that have yielded to the manly resistance of those who suffered by them. to describe the consequences of abuses, is the most efficient way of destroying the abuses themselves. and this is true particularly in regard to abuses which, like the protective system, while inflicting real evil upon the masses, are to those who seem to profit by them only an illusion and a deception. well, then, does this species of morality realize all the social perfection which the sympathetic nature of the human heart and its noblest faculties cause us to hope for? this i by no means pretend. admit the general diffusion of this defensive morality--which, after all, is only a knowledge that the best understood interests are in accord with general utility and justice. a society, although very well regulated, might not be very attractive, where there were no knaves, only because there were no fools; where vice, always latent, and, so to speak, overcome by famine, would only stand in need of available plunder in order to be restored to vigor; where the prudence of the individual would be guarded by the vigilance of the mass, and, finally, where reforms, regulating external acts, would not have penetrated to the consciences of men. such a state of society we sometimes see typified in one of those exact, rigorous and just men who is ever ready to resent the slightest infringement of his rights, and shrewd in avoiding impositions. you esteem him--possibly you admire him. you may make him your deputy, but you would not necessarily choose him for a friend. let, then, the two moral systems, instead of criminating each other, act in concert, and attack vice at its opposite poles. while the economists perform their task in uprooting prejudice, stimulating just and necessary opposition, studying and exposing the real nature of actions and things, let the religious moralist, on his part, perform his more attractive, but more difficult, labor; let him attack the very body of iniquity, follow it to its most vital parts, paint the charms of beneficence, self-denial and devotion, open the fountains of virtue where we can only choke the sources of vice--this is his duty. it is noble and beautiful. but why does he dispute the utility of that which belongs to us? in a society which, though not superlatively virtuous, should nevertheless be regulated by the influences of _economical morality_ (which is the knowledge of the economy of society), would there not be a field for the progress of religious morality? habit, it has been said, is a second nature. a country where the individual had become unaccustomed to injustice, simply by the force of an enlightened public opinion, might, indeed, be pitiable; but it seems to me it would be well prepared to receive an education more elevated and more pure. to be disaccustomed to evil is a great step towards becoming good. men cannot remain stationary. turned aside from the paths of vice which would lead only to infamy, they appreciate better the attractions of virtue. possibly it may be necessary for society to pass through this prosaic state, where men practice virtue by calculation, to be thence elevated to that more poetic region where they will no longer have need of such an exercise. iii. the two hatchets. _petition of jacques bonhomme, carpenter, to m. cunin-gridaine, minister of commerce._ mr. manufacturer-minister: i am a carpenter, as was jesus; i handle the hatchet and the plane to serve you. in chopping and splitting from morning until night in the domain of my lord, the king, the idea has occurred to me that my labor was as much _national_ as yours. and accordingly i don't understand why protection should not visit my shop as well as your manufactory. for indeed, if you make cloths, i make roofs. both by different means protect our patrons from cold and rain. but i have to run after customers while business seeks you. you know how to manage this by obtaining a monopoly, while my business is open to any one who chooses to engage in it. what is there astonishing in this? mr. cunin, the cabinet minister, has not forgotten mr. cunin, the manufacturer, as was very natural. but unfortunately, my humble occupation has not given a minister to france, although it has given a saviour to the world. and this saviour, in the immortal code which he bequeathed to men, did not utter the smallest word by virtue of which carpenters might feel authorized to enrich themselves as you do at the expense of others. look, then, at my position. i earn thirty cents every day, excepts sundays and holidays. if i apply to you for work at the same time with a flemish workman, you give him the preference. but i need clothing. if a belgian weaver puts his cloth beside yours, you drive both him and his cloth out of the country. consequently, forced to buy at your shop, where it is dearest, my poor thirty cents are really worth only twenty-eight. what did i say? they are worth only twenty-six. for, instead of driving the belgian weaver away at _your own expense_ (which would be the least you could do) you compel me to pay those who, in your interest, force him out of the market. and since a large number of your fellow-legislators, with whom you seem to have an excellent understanding, take away from me a cent or two each, under pretext of protecting somebody's coal, or oil, or wheat, when the balance is struck, i find that of my thirty cents i have only fifteen left from the pillage. possibly, you may answer that those few pennies which pass thus, without compensation, from my pocket to yours, support a number of people about your _chateau_, and at the same time assist you in keeping up your establishment. to which, if you would permit me, i would reply, they would likewise support a number of persons in my cottage. however this may be, hon. minister-manufacturer, knowing that i should meet with a cold reception were i to ask you to renounce the restriction imposed upon your customers, as i have a right to, i prefer to follow the fashion, and to demand for myself, also, a little morsel of _protection_. to this, doubtless you will interpose some objections. "friend," you will say, "i would be glad to protect you and your colleagues; but how can i confer such favors upon the labor of carpenters? shall i prohibit the importation of houses by land and by sea?" this would seem sufficiently ridiculous, but by giving much thought to the subject, i have discovered a way to protect the children of st. joseph, and you will, i trust, the more readily grant it since it differs in no respect from the privilege which you vote for yourself every year. this wonderful way is to prohibit the use of sharp hatchets in france. i say that this restriction would be neither more illogical nor arbitrary than that which you subject us to in regard to your cloth. why do you drive away the belgians? because they sell cheaper than you do. and why do they sell cheaper than you do? because they are in some way or another your superiors as manufacturers. between you and the belgians, then, there is exactly the same difference that there is between a dull hatchet and a sharp one. and you compel me, a carpenter, to buy the workmanship of your dull hatchet! consider france a laborer, obliged to live by his daily toil, and desiring, among other things, to purchase cloth. there are two means of doing this. the first is to card the wool and weave the cloth himself; the second is to manufacture clocks, or wines, or wall-paper, or something of the sort, and exchange them in belgium for cloth. the process which gives the larger result may be represented by the sharp hatchet; the other process by the dull one. you will not deny that at the present day in france it is more difficult to manufacture cloth than to cultivate the vine--the former is the dull hatchet, the latter the sharp one--on the contrary, you make this greater difficulty the very reason why you recommend to us the worst of the two hatchets. now, then, be consistent, if you will not be just, and treat the poor carpenters as well as you treat yourself. make a law which shall read: "it is forbidden to use beams or shingles which have not been fashioned by dull hatchets." and you will immediately perceive the result. where we now strike an hundred blows with the ax, we shall be obliged to give three hundred. what a powerful encouragement to industry! apprentices, journeymen and masters, we should suffer no more. we should be greatly sought after, and go away well paid. whoever wishes to enjoy a roof must leave us to make his tariff, just as buyers of cloth are now obliged to submit to you. as for those free trade theorists, should they ever venture to call the utility of this system in question we should know where to go for an unanswerable argument. your investigation of 1834 is at our service. we should fight them with that, for there you have admirably pleaded the cause of prohibition, and of dull hatchets, which are both the same. iv. inferior council of labor. "what! you have the assurance to demand for every citizen the right to buy, sell, trade, exchange, and to render service for service according to his own discretion, on the sole condition that he will conduct himself honestly, and not defraud the revenue? would you rob the workingman of his labor, his wages and his bread?" this is what is said to us. i know what the general opinion is; but i have desired to know what the laborers themselves think. i have had an excellent opportunity of finding out. it was not one of those _superior councils of industry_ (committee on the revision of the tariff), where large manufacturers, who style themselves laborers, influential ship-builders who imagine themselves seamen, and wealthy bondholders who think themselves workmen, meet and legislate in behalf of that philanthropy with whose nature we are so well acquainted. no, they were workmen "to the manor born," real, practical laborers, such as joiners, carpenters, masons, tailors, shoemakers, blacksmiths, grocers, etc., etc., who had established in my village a _mutual aid society_. upon my own private authority i transformed it into an _inferior council of labor_ (people's committee for revising the tariff), and i obtained a report which is as good as any other, although unencumbered by figures, and not distended to the proportions of a quarto volume and printed at the expense of the state. the subject of my inquiry was the real or supposed influence of the protective system upon these poor people. the president, indeed, informed me that the institution of such an inquiry was somewhat in contravention of the principles of the society. for, in france, the land of liberty, those who desire to form associations must renounce political discussions--that is to say, the discussion of their common interests. however, after much hesitation, he made the question the order of the day. the assembly was divided into as many sub-committees as there were different trades represented. a blank was handed to each sub-committee, which, after fifteen days' discussion, was to be filled and returned. on the appointed day the venerable president took the chair (official style, for it was only a stool) and found upon the table (official style, again, for it was a deal plank across a barrel) a dozen reports, which he read in succession. the first presented was that of the tailors. here it is, as accurately as if it had been photographed: results of protection--report of the tailors. _disadvantages._ |_advantages._ | 1. on account of the protective tariff, we pay | none. more for our own bread, meat, sugar, thread, | etc., which is equivalent to a considerable | 1. we have examined diminution of our wages. | the question in | every light, and 2. on account of the protective tariff, our patrons | have been unable to are also obliged to pay more for everything, and | perceive a single have less to spend for clothes, consequently we | point in regard to have less work and smaller profits. | which the protective | system is 3. on account of the protective tariff, clothes | advantageous to are expensive, and people make them wear longer, | our trade. which results in a loss of work, and compels us to | offer our services at greatly reduced rates. | here is another report: effects of protection--report of the blacksmiths. _disadvantages._ | _advantages._ | 1. the protective system imposes a tax (which does | not get into the treasury) every time we eat, drink, | warm, or clothe ourselves. | | 2. it imposes a similar tax upon our neighbors, and | hence, having less money, most of them use wooden | pegs, instead of buying nails, which deprives us of | labor. | | 3. it keeps the price of iron so high that it can | none. no longer be used in the country for plows, or gates,| or house fixtures, and our trade, which might give | work to so many who have none, does not even give | ourselves enough to do. | | 4. the deficit occasioned in the treasury by those | goods _which do not enter_ is made up by taxes | on our salt. | the other reports, with which i will not trouble the reader, told the same story. gardeners, carpenters, shoemakers, boatmen, all complained of the same grievances. i am sorry there were no day laborers in our association. their report would certainly have been exceedingly instructive. but, unfortunately, the poor laborers of our province, all _protected_ as they are, have not a cent, and, after having taken care of their cattle, cannot go themselves to the _mutual aid society_. the pretended favors of protection do not prevent them from being the pariahs of modern society. what i would especially remark is the good sense with which our villagers have perceived not only the direct evil results of protection, but also the indirect evil which, affecting their patrons, reacts upon themselves. this is a fact, it seems to me, which the economists of the school of the _moniteur industriel_ do not understand. and possibly some men, who are fascinated by a very little protection, the agriculturists, for instance, would voluntarily renounce it if they noticed this side of the question. possibly, they might say to themselves: "it is better to support one's self surrounded by well-to-do neighbors, than to be protected in the midst of poverty." for to seek to encourage every branch of industry by successively creating a void around them, is as vain as to attempt to jump away from one's shadow. v. dearness--cheapness. i consider it my duty to say a few words in regard to the delusion caused by the words _dear_ and _cheap_. at the first glance, i am aware, you may be disposed to find these remarks somewhat subtile, but whether subtile or not, the question is whether they are true. for my part i consider them perfectly true, and particularly well adapted to cause reflection among a large number of those who cherish a sincere faith in the efficacy of protection. whether advocates of free trade or defenders of protection, we are all obliged to make use of the expression _dearness_ and _cheapness_. the former take sides in behalf of _cheapness_, having in view the interests of consumers. the latter pronounce themselves in favor of _dearness_, preoccupying themselves solely with the interests of the producer. others intervene, saying, _producer and consumer are one and the same_, which leaves wholly undecided the question whether cheapness or dearness ought to be the object of legislation. in this conflict of opinion it seems to me that there is only one position for the law to take--to allow prices to regulate themselves naturally. but the principle of "let alone" has obstinate enemies. they insist upon legislation without even knowing the desired objects of legislation. it would seem, however, to be the duty of those who wish to create high or low prices artificially, to state, and to substantiate, the reasons of their preference. the burden of proof is upon them. liberty is always considered beneficial until the contrary is proved, and to allow prices naturally to regulate themselves is liberty. but the _roles_ have been changed. the partisans of high prices have obtained a triumph for their system, and it has fallen to defenders of natural prices to prove the advantages of their system. the argument on both sides is conducted with two words. it is very essential, then, to understand their meaning. it must be granted at the outset that a series of events have happened well calculated to disconcert both sides. in order to produce _high prices_ the protectionists have obtained high tariffs, and still low prices have come to disappoint their expectations. in order to produce _low prices_, free traders have sometimes carried their point, and, to their great astonishment, the result in some instances has been an increase instead of a reduction in prices. for instance, in france, to protect farmers, a law was passed imposing a duty of twenty-two per cent. upon imported wools, and the result has been that native wools have been sold for much lower prices than before the passage of the law. in england a law in behalf of the consumers was passed, exempting foreign wools from duty, and the consequence has been that native wools have sold higher than ever before. and this is not an isolated fact, for the price of wool has no special or peculiar nature which takes it out of the general law governing prices. the same fact has been reproduced under analogous circumstances. contrary to all expectation, protection has frequently resulted in low prices, and free trade in high prices. hence there has been a deal of perplexity in the discussion, the protectionists saying to their adversaries: "these low prices that you talk about so much are the result of our system;" and the free traders replying: "those high prices which you find so profitable are the consequence of free trade." there evidently is a misunderstanding, an illusion, which must be dispelled. this i will endeavor to do. suppose two isolated nations, each composed of a million inhabitants; admit that, other things being equal, one nation had exactly twice as much of everything as the other--twice as much wheat, wine, iron, fuel, books, clothing, furniture, etc. it will be conceded that one will have twice as much wealth as the other. there is, however, no reason for the statement that the _absolute prices_ are different in the two nations. they possibly may be higher in the wealthiest nation. it may happen that in the united states everything is nominally dearer than in poland, and that, nevertheless, the people there are less generally supplied with everything; by which it may be seen that the abundance of products, and not the absolute price, constitutes wealth. in order, then, accurately to compare free trade and protection the inquiry should not be which of the two causes high prices or low prices, but which of the two produces abundance or scarcity. for observe this: products are exchanged, the one for the other, and a relative scarcity and a relative abundance leave the absolute price exactly at the same point, but not so the condition of men. let us look into the subject a little further. since the increase and the reduction of duties have been accompanied by results so different from what had been expected, a fall of prices frequently succeeding the increase of the tariff, and a rise sometimes following a reduction of duties, it has become necessary for political economy to attempt the explanation of a phenomenon which so overthrows received ideas; for, whatever may be said, science is simply a faithful exposition and a true explanation of facts. this phenomenon may be easily explained by one circumstance which should never be lost sight of. it is that there are _two causes_ for high prices, and not one merely. the same is true of low prices. one of the best established principles of political economy is that price is determined by the law of supply and demand. the price is then affected by two conditions--the demand and the supply. these conditions are necessarily subject to variation. the relations of demand to supply may be exactly counterbalanced, or may be greatly disproportionate, and the variations of price are almost interminable. prices rise either on account of augmented demand or diminished supply. they fall by reason of an augmentation of the supply or a diminution of the demand. consequently there are two kinds of _dearness_ and two kinds of _cheapness_. there is a bad dearness, which results from a diminution of the supply; for this implies scarcity and privation. there is a good dearness--that which results from an increase of demand; for this indicates the augmentation of the general wealth. there is also a good cheapness, resulting from abundance. and there is a baneful cheapness--such as results from the cessation of demand, the inability of consumers to purchase. and observe this: prohibition causes at the same time both the dearness and the cheapness which are of a bad nature; a bad dearness, resulting from a diminution of the supply (this indeed is its avowed object), and a bad cheapness, resulting from a diminution of the demand, because it gives a false direction to capital and labor, and overwhelms consumers with taxes and restrictions. so that, _as regards the price_, these two tendencies neutralize each other; and for this reason, the protective system, restricting the supply and the demand at the same time, does not realize the high prices which are its object. but with respect to the condition of the people, these two tendencies do not neutralize each other; on the contrary, they unite in impoverishing them. the effect of free trade is exactly the opposite. possibly it does not cause the cheapness which it promises; for it also has two tendencies, the one towards that desirable form of cheapness resulting from the increase of supply, or from abundance; the other towards that dearness consequent upon the increased demand and the development of the general wealth. these two tendencies neutralize themselves as regards the _mere price_; but they concur in their tendency to ameliorate the condition of mankind. in a word, under the protective system men recede towards a condition of feebleness as regards both supply and demand; under the free trade system, they advance towards a condition where development is gradual without any necessary increase in the absolute prices of things. price is not a good criterion of wealth. it might continue the same when society had relapsed into the most abject misery, or had advanced to a high state of prosperity. let me make application of this doctrine in a few words: a farmer in the south of france supposes himself as rich as croesus, because he is protected by law from foreign competition. he is as poor as job--no matter, he will none the less suppose that this protection will sooner or later make him rich. under these circumstances, if the question was propounded to him, as it was by the committee of the legislature, in these terms: "do you want to be subject to foreign competition? yes or no," his first answer would be "no," and the committee would record his reply with great enthusiasm. we should go, however, to the bottom of things. doubtless foreign competition, and competition of any kind, is always inopportune; and, if any trade could be permanently rid of it, business, for a time, would be prosperous. but protection is not an isolated favor. it is a system. if, in order to protect the farmer, it occasions a scarcity of wheat and of beef, in behalf of other industries it produces a scarcity of iron, cloth, fuel, tools, etc.--in short, a scarcity of everything. if, then, the scarcity of wheat has a tendency to increase the price by reason of the diminution of the supply, the scarcity of all other products for which wheat is exchanged has likewise a tendency to depreciate the value of wheat on account of a falling off of the demand; so that it is by no means certain that wheat will be a mill dearer under a protective tariff than under a system of free trade. this alone is certain, that inasmuch as there is a smaller amount of everything in the country, each individual will be more poorly provided with everything. the farmer would do well to consider whether it would not be more desirable for him to allow the importation of wheat and beef, and, as a consequence, to be surrounded by a well-to-do community, able to consume and to pay for every agricultural product. there is a certain province where the men are covered with rags, dwell in hovels, and subsist on chestnuts. how can agriculture flourish there? what can they make the earth produce, with the expectation of profit? meat? they eat none. milk? they drink only the water of springs. butter? it is an article of luxury far beyond them. wool? they get along without it as much as possible. can any one imagine that all these objects of consumption can be thus left untouched by the masses, without lowering prices? that which we say of a farmer, we can say of a manufacturer. cloth-makers assert that foreign competition will lower prices owing to the increased quantity offered. very well, but are not these prices raised by the increase of the demand? is the consumption of cloth a fixed and invariable quantity? is each one as well provided with it as he might and should be? and if the general wealth were developed by the abolition of all these taxes and hindrances, would not the first use made of it by the population be to clothe themselves better? therefore the question, the eternal question, is not whether protection favors this or that special branch of industry, but whether, all things considered, restriction is, in its nature, more profitable than freedom? now, no person can maintain that proposition. and just this explains the admission which our opponents continually make to us: "you are right on principle." if that is true, if restriction aids each special industry only through a greater injury to the general prosperity, let us understand, then, that the price itself, considering that alone, expresses a relation between each special industry and the general industry, between the supply and the demand, and that, reasoning from these premises, this _remunerative price_ (the object of protection) is more hindered than favored by it. appendix. we published an article entitled _dearness-cheapness_, which gained for us the two following letters. we publish them, with the answers: "dear mr. editor:--you upset all my ideas. i preached in favor of free trade, and found it very convenient to put prominently forward the idea of _cheapness_. i went everywhere, saying, "with free trade, bread, meat, woolens, linen, iron and coal will fall in price." this displeased those who sold, but delighted those who bought. now, you raise a doubt as to whether _cheapness_ is the result of free trade. but if not, of what use is it? what will the people gain, if foreign competition, which may interfere with them in their sales, does not favor them in their purchases?" my dear free trader:--allow us to say that you have but half read the article which provoked your letter. we said that free trade acted precisely like roads, canals and railways, like everything which facilitates communications, and like everything which destroys obstacles. its first tendency is to increase the quantity of the article which is relieved from duties, and consequently to lower its price. but by increasing, at the same time, the quantity of all the things for which this article is exchanged, it increases the _demand_, and consequently the price rises. you ask us what the people will gain. suppose they have a balance with certain scales, in each one of which they have for their use a certain quantity of the articles which you have enumerated. if a little grain is put in one scale it will gradually sink, but if an equal quantity of cloth, iron and coal is added in the others, the equilibrium will be maintained. looking at the beam above, there will be no change. looking at the people, we shall see them better fed, clothed and warmed. "dear mr. editor:--i am a cloth manufacturer, and a protectionist. i confess that your article on _dearness_ and _cheapness_ has led me to reflect. it has something specious about it, and if well proven, would work my conversion." my dear protectionist:--we say that the end and aim of your restrictive measures is a wrongful one--_artificial dearness_. but we do not say that they always realize the hopes of those who initiate them. it is certain that they inflict on the consumer all the evils of dearness. it is not certain that the producer gets the profit. why? because if they diminish the supply they also diminish the _demand_. this proves that in the economical arrangement of this world there is a moral force, a _vis medicatrix_, which in the long run causes inordinate ambition to become the prey of a delusion. pray, notice, sir, that one of the elements of the prosperity of each special branch of industry is the general prosperity. the rent of a house is not merely in proportion to what it has cost, but also to the number and means of the tenants. do two houses which are precisely alike necessarily rent for the same sum? certainly not, if one is in paris and the other in lower brittany. let us never speak of a price without regarding the _conditions_, and let us understand that there is nothing more futile than to try to build the prosperity of the parts on the ruin of the whole. this is the attempt of the restrictive system. competition always has been, and always will be, disagreeable to those who are affected by it. thus we see that in all times and in all places men try to get rid of it. we know, and you too, perhaps, a municipal council where the resident merchants make a furious war on the foreign ones. their projectiles are import duties, fines, etc., etc. now, just think what would have become of paris, for instance, if this war had been carried on there with success. suppose that the first shoemaker who settled there had succeeded in keeping out all others, and that the first tailor, the first mason, the first printer, the first watchmaker, the first hair-dresser, the first physician, the first baker, had been equally fortunate. paris would still be a village, with twelve or fifteen hundred inhabitants. but it was not thus. each one, except those whom you still keep away, came to make money in this market, and that is precisely what has built it up. it has been a long series of collisions for the enemies of competition, and from one collision after another, paris has become a city of a million inhabitants. the general prosperity has gained by this, doubtless, but have the shoemakers and tailors, individually, lost anything by it? for you, this is the question. as competitors came, you said: the price of boots will fail. has it been so? no, for if the _supply_ has increased, the _demand_ has increased also. thus will it be with cloth; therefore let it come in. it is true that you will have more competitors, but you will also have more customers, and richer ones. did you never think of this when seeing nine-tenths of your countrymen deprived during the winter of that superior cloth that you make? this is not a very long lesson to learn. if you wish to prosper, let your customers do the same. when this is once known, each one will seek his welfare in the general welfare. then, jealousies between individuals, cities, provinces and nations, will no longer vex the world. vi. to artisans and laborers. many papers have attacked me before you. will you not read my defense? i am not mistrustful. when a man writes or speaks, i believe that he thinks what he says. what is the question? to ascertain which is the more advantageous for you, restriction or liberty. i believe that it is liberty; they believe it is restriction; it is for each one to prove his case. was it necessary to insinuate that we are the agents of england? you will see how easy recrimination would be on this ground. we are, they say, agents of the english, because some of us have used the english words _meeting_, _free trader_! and do not they use the english words _drawback_ and _budget_? we imitate cobden and the english democracy! do not they parody bentinck and the british aristocracy? we borrow from perfidious albion the doctrine of liberty. do not they borrow from her the sophisms of protection? we follow the commercial impulse of bordeaux and the south. do not they serve the greed of lille, and the manufacturing north? we favor the secret designs of the ministry, which desires to turn public attention away from the protective policy. do not they favor the views of the custom house officers, who gain more than anybody else by this protective _regime_? so you see that if we did not ignore this war of epithets, we should not be without weapons. but that is not the point in issue. the question which i shall not lose sight of is this: _which is better for the working-classes, to be free or not to be free to purchase from abroad?_ workmen, they say to you, "if you are free to buy from abroad these things which you now make yourselves, you will no longer make them. you will be without work, without wages, and without bread. it is then for your own good that your liberty be restricted." this objection recurs in all forms. they say, for instance, "if we clothe ourselves with english cloth, if we make our plowshares with english iron, if we cut our bread with english knives, if we wipe our hands with english napkins, what will become of the french workmen--what will become of the _national labor_?" tell me, workmen, if a man stood on the pier at boulogne, and said to every englishman who landed: if you will give me those english boots, i will give you this french hat; or, if you will let me have this english horse, i will let you have this french carriage; or, are you willing to exchange this birmingham machine for this paris clock? or, again, does it suit you to barter your newcastle coal for this champagne wine? i ask you whether, supposing this man makes his proposals with average judgment, it can be said that our _national labor_, taken as a whole, would be harmed by it? would it be more so if there were twenty of these people offering to exchange services at boulogne instead of one; if a million barters were made instead of four; and if the intervention of merchants and money was called on to facilitate them and multiply them indefinitely? now, let one country buy of another at wholesale to sell again at retail, or at retail to sell again at wholesale, it will always be found, if the matter is followed out to the end, that _commerce consists of mutual barter of products for products, of services for services_. if, then, _one barter_ does not injure the _national labor_, since it implies as much _national labor given_ as _foreign labor received_, a hundred million of them cannot hurt the country. but, you will say, where is the advantage? the advantage consists in making a better use of the resources of each country, so that the same amount of labor gives more satisfaction and well-being everywhere. there are some who employ singular tactics against you. they begin by admitting the superiority of freedom over the prohibitive system, doubtless in order that they may not have to defend themselves on that ground. next they remark that in going from one system to another there will be some _displacement_ of labor. then they dilate upon the sufferings which, according to themselves, this _displacement_ must cause. they exaggerate and amplify them; they make of them the principal subject of discussion; they present them as the exclusive and definite result of reform, and thus try to enlist you under the standard of monopoly. these tactics have been employed in the service of all abuses, and i must frankly admit one thing, that it always embarrasses even the friends of those reforms which are most useful to the people. you will understand why. when an abuse exists, everything arranges itself upon it. human existences connect themselves with it, others with these, then still others, and this forms a great edifice. do you raise your hand against it? each one protests; and notice this particularly, those persons who protest always seem at the first glance to be right, because it is easier to show the disorder which must accompany the reform than the order which will follow it. the friends of the abuse cite particular instances; they name the persons and their workmen who will be disturbed, while the poor devil of a reformer can only refer to the _general good_, which must insensibly diffuse itself among the masses. this does not have the effect which the other has. thus, supposing it is a question of abolishing slavery. "unhappy people," they say to the colored men, "who will feed you? the master distributes floggings, but he also distributes rations." it is not seen that it is not the master who feeds the slave, but his own labor which feeds both himself and master. when the convents of spain were reformed, they said to the beggars, "where will you find broth and clothing? the abbot is your providence. is it not very convenient to apply to him?" and the beggars said: "that is true. if the abbot goes, we see what we lose, but we do not see what will come in its place." they do not notice that if the convents gave alms they lived on alms, so that the people had to give them more than they could receive back. thus, workmen, a monopoly imperceptibly puts taxes on your shoulders, and then furnishes you work with the proceeds. your false friends say to you: if there was no monopoly, who would furnish you work? you answer: this is true, this is true. the labor which the monopolists procure us is certain. the promises of liberty are uncertain. for you do not see that they first take money from you, and then give you back a _part_ of it for your labor. do you ask who will furnish you work? why, you will give each other work. with the money which will no longer be taken from you, the shoemaker will dress better, and will make work for the tailor. the tailor will have new shoes oftener, and keep the shoemaker employed. so it will be with all occupations. they say that with freedom there will be fewer workmen in the mines and the mills. i do not believe it. but if this does happen, it is _necessarily_ because there will be more labor freely in the open air. for if, as they say, these mines and spinning mills can be sustained only by the aid of taxes imposed on _everybody_ for their benefit, these taxes once abolished, _everybody_ will be more comfortably off, and it is the comfort of all which feeds the labor of each one. excuse me if i linger at this demonstration. i have so great a desire to see you on the side of liberty. in france, capital invested in manufactures yields, i suppose, five per cent. profit. but here is mondor, who has one hundred thousand francs invested in a manufactory, on which he loses five per cent. the difference between the loss and gain is ten thousand francs. what do they do? they assess upon you a little tax of ten thousand francs, which is given to mondor, and you do not notice it, for it is very skillfully disguised. it is not the tax gatherer who comes to ask you your part of the tax, but you pay it to mondor, the manufacturer, every time you buy your hatchets, your trowels, and your planes. then they say to you: if you do not pay this tax, mondor can work no longer, and his employes, john and james, will be without labor. if this tax was remitted, would you not get work yourselves, and on your own account too? and, then, be easy, when mondor has no longer this soft method of obtaining his profit by a tax, he will use his wits to turn his loss into a gain, and john and james will not be dismissed. then all will be profit _for all_. you will persist, perhaps, saying: "we understand that after the reform there will be in general more work than before, but in the meanwhile john and james will be on the street." to which i answer: first. when employment changes its place only to increase, the man who has two arms and a heart is not long on the street. second. there is nothing to hinder the state from reserving some of its funds to avoid stoppages of labor in the transition, which i do not myself believe will occur. third. finally, if to get out of a rut and get into a condition which is better for all, and which is certainly more just, it is absolutely necessary to brave a few painful moments, the workmen are ready, or i know them ill. god grant that it may be the same with employers. well, because you are workmen, are you not intelligent and moral? it seems that your pretended friends forget it. it is surprising that they discuss such a subject before you, speaking of wages and interests, without once pronouncing the word _justice_. they know, however, full well that the situation is _unjust_. why, then, have they not the courage to tell you so, and say, "workmen, an iniquity prevails in the country, but it is of advantage to you and it must be sustained." why? because they know that you would answer, no. but it is not true that this iniquity is profitable to you. give me your attention for a few moments and judge for yourselves. what do they protect in france? articles made by great manufacturers in great establishments, iron, cloth and silks, and they tell you that this is done not in the interest of the employer, but in your interest, in order to insure you wages. but every time that foreign labor presents itself in the market in such a form that it may hurt _you_, but not the great manufacturers, do they not allow it to come in? are there not in paris thirty thousand germans who make clothes and shoes? why are they allowed to establish themselves at your side when cloth is driven away? because the cloth is made in great mills owned by manufacturing legislators. but clothes are made by workmen in their rooms. these gentlemen want no competition in the turning of wool into cloth, because that is _their_ business; but when it comes to converting cloth into clothes, they admit competition, because that is _your_ trade. when they made railroads they excluded english rails, but they imported english workmen to make them. why? it is very simple; because english rails compete with the great rolling mills, and english muscles compete only with yours. we do not ask them to keep out german tailors and english laborers. we ask that cloth and rails may be allowed to come in. we ask justice for all, equality before the law for all. it is a mockery to tell us that these custom house restrictions have _your_ advantage in view. tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, millers, masons, blacksmiths, merchants, grocers, jewelers, butchers, bakers and dressmakers, i challenge you to show me a single instance in which restriction profits you, and if you wish, i will point out four where it hurts you. and after all, just see how much of the appearance of truth this self-denial, which your journals attribute to the monopolists, has. i believe that we can call that the _natural rate of wages_ which would establish itself _naturally_ if there were freedom of trade. then, when they tell you that restriction is for your benefit, it is as if they told you that it added a _surplus_ to your _natural_ wages. now, an _extra natural_ surplus of wages must be taken from somewhere; it does not fall from the moon; it must be taken from those who pay it. you are then brought to this conclusion, that, according to your pretended friends, the protective system has been created and brought into the world in order that capitalists might be sacrificed to laborers! tell me, is that probable? where is your place in the chamber of peers? when did you sit at the palais bourbon? who has consulted you? whence came this idea of establishing the protective system? i hear your answer: _we_ did not establish it. we are neither peers nor deputies, nor counselors of state. the capitalists have done it. by heavens, they were in a delectable mood that day. what! the capitalists made this law; _they_ established the prohibitive system, so that you laborers should make profits at their expense! but here is something stranger still. how is it that your pretended friends who speak to you now of the goodness, generosity and self-denial of capitalists, constantly express regret that you do not enjoy your political rights? from their point of view, what could you do with them? the capitalists have the monopoly of legislation, it is true. thanks to this monopoly, they have granted themselves the monopoly of iron, cloth, coal, wood and meat, which is also true. but now your pretended friends say that the capitalists, in acting thus, have stripped themselves, without being obliged to do it, to enrich you without your being entitled to it. surely, if you were electors and deputies, you could not manage your affairs better; you would not even manage them as well. if the industrial organization which rules us is made in your interest, it is a perfidy to demand political rights for you; for these democrats of a new species can never get out of this dilemma; the law, made by the present law-makers, gives you _more_, or gives you _less_, than your natural wages. if it gives you _less_, they deceive you in inviting you to support it. if it gives you _more_, they deceive you again by calling on you to claim political rights, when those who now exercise them, make sacrifices for you which you, in your honesty, could not yourselves vote. workingmen, god forbid that the effect of this article should be to cast in your hearts the germs of irritation against the rich. if mistaken _interests_ still support monopoly, let us not forget that it has its root in _errors_, which are common to capitalists and workmen. then, far from laboring to excite them against one another, let us strive to bring them together. what must be done to accomplish this? if it is true that the natural social tendencies aid in effacing inequality among men, all we have to do to let those tendencies act is to remove the artificial obstructions which interfere with their operation, and allow the relations of different classes to establish themselves on the principle of _justice_, which, to my mind, is the principle of freedom. vii. a chinese story. they exclaim against the greed and the selfishness of the age! open the thousand books, the thousand papers, the thousand pamphlets, which the parisian presses throw out every day on the country; is not all this the work of little saints? what spirit in the painting of the vices of the time! what touching tenderness for the masses! with what liberality they invite the rich to divide with the poor, or the poor to divide with the rich! how many plans of social reform, social improvement, and social organization! does not even the weakest writer devote himself to the well-being of the laboring classes? all that is required is to advance them a little money to give them time to attend to their humanitarian pursuits. there is nothing which does not assume to aid in the well-being and moral advancement of the people--nothing, not even the custom house. you believe that it is a tax machine, like a duty or a toll at the end of a bridge? not at all. it is an essentially civilizing, fraternizing and equalizing institution. what would you have? it is the fashion. it is necessary to put or affect to put feeling or sentimentality everywhere, even in the cure of all troubles. but it must be admitted that the custom house organization has a singular way of going to work to realize these philanthropic aspirations. it puts on foot an army of collectors, assistant collectors, inspectors, assistant inspectors, cashiers, accountants, receivers, clerks, supernumeraries, tide-waiters, and all this in order to exercise on the industry of the people that negative action which is summed up in the word _to prevent_. observe that i do not say _to tax_, but really _to prevent_. and _to prevent_, not acts reproved by morality, or opposed to public order, but transactions which are innocent, and which they have even admitted are favorable to the peace and harmony of nations. however, humanity is so flexible and supple that, in one way or another, it always overcomes these attempts at prevention. it is for the purpose of increasing labor. if people are kept from getting their food from abroad they produce it at home. it is more laborious, but they must live. if they are kept from passing along the valley, they must climb the mountains. it is longer, but the point of destination must be reached. this is sad, but amusing. when the law has thus created a certain amount of obstacles, and when, to overcome them, humanity has diverted a corresponding amount of labor, you are no longer allowed to call for the reform of the law; for, if you point out the _obstacle_, they show you the labor which it brings into play; and if you say this is not labor created but _diverted_, they answer you as does the _esprit public_--"the impoverishing only is certain and immediate; as for the enriching, it is more than problematical." this recalls to me a chinese story, which i will tell you. there were in china two great cities, tchin and tchan. a magnificent canal connected them. the emperor thought fit to have immense masses of rock thrown into it, to make it useless. seeing this, kouang, his first mandarin, said to him: "son of heaven, you make a mistake." to which the emperor replied: "kouang, you are foolish." you understand, of course, that i give but the substance of the dialogue. at the end of three moons the celestial emperor had the mandarin brought, and said to him: "kouang, look." and kouang, opening his eyes, looked. he saw at a certain distance from the canal a multitude of men _laboring_. some excavated, some filled up, some leveled, and some laid pavement, and the mandarin, who was very learned, thought to himself: they are making a road. at the end of three more moons, the emperor, having called kouang, said to him: "look." and kouang looked. and he saw that the road was made; and he noticed that at various points, inns were building. a medley of foot passengers, carriages and palanquins went and came, and innumerable chinese, oppressed by fatigue, carried back and forth heavy burdens from tchin to tchan, and from tchan to tchin, and kouang said: it is the destruction of the canal which has given labor to these poor people. but it did not occur to him that this labor was _diverted_ from other employments. then more moons passed, and the emperor said to kouang: "look." and kouang looked. he saw that the inns were always full of travelers, and that they being hungry, there had sprung up, near by, the shops of butchers, bakers, charcoal dealers, and bird's nest sellers. since these worthy men could not go naked, tailors, shoemakers and umbrella and fan dealers had settled there, and as they do not sleep in the open air, even in the celestial empire, carpenters, masons and thatchers congregated there. then came police officers, judges and fakirs; in a word, around each stopping place there grew up a city with its suburbs. said the emperor to kouang: "what do you think of this?" and kouang replied: "i could never have believed that the destruction of a canal could create so much labor for the people." for he did not think that it was not labor created, but _diverted_; that travelers ate when they went by the canal just as much as they did when they were forced to go by the road. however, to the great astonishment of the chinese, the emperor died, and this son of heaven was committed to earth. his successor sent for kouang, and said to him: "clean out the canal." and kouang said to the new emperor: "son of heaven, you are doing wrong." and the emperor replied: "kouang, you are foolish." but kouang persisted and said: "my lord, what is your object?" "my object," said the emperor, "is to facilitate the movement of men and things between tchin and tchan; to make transportation less expensive, so that the people may have tea and clothes more cheaply." but kouang was in readiness. he had received, the evening before, some numbers of the _moniteur industriel_, a chinese paper. knowing his lesson by heart, he asked permission to answer, and, having obtained it, after striking his forehead nine times against the floor, he said: "my lord, you try, by facilitating transportation, to reduce the price of articles of consumption, in order to bring them within the reach of the people; and to do this you begin by making them lose all the labor which was created by the destruction of the canal. sire, in political economy, absolute cheapness"-the emperor. "i believe that you are reciting something." kouang. "that is true, and it would be more convenient for me to read." having unfolded the _esprit public_, he read: "in political economy the absolute cheapness of articles of consumption is but a secondary question. the problem lies in the equilibrium of the price of labor and that of the articles necessary to existence. the abundance of labor is the wealth of nations, and the best economic system is that which furnishes them the greatest possible amount of labor. do not ask whether it is better to pay four or eight cents cash for a cup of tea, or five or ten shillings for a shirt. these are puerilities unworthy of a serious mind. no one denies your proposition. the question is, whether it is better to pay more for an article, and to have, through the abundance and price of labor, more means of acquiring it, or whether it is better to impoverish the sources of labor, to diminish the mass of national production, and to transport articles of consumption by canals, more cheaply it is true, but, at the same time, to deprive a portion of our laborers of the power to buy them, even at these reduced prices." the emperor not being altogether convinced, kouang said to him: "my lord, be pleased to wait. i have the _moniteur industriel_ to quote from." but the emperor said: "i do not need your chinese newspapers to tell me that to create _obstacles_ is to turn labor in that direction. yet that is not my mission. come, let us clear out the canal, and then we will reform the tariff." kouang went away plucking out his beard, and crying: oh, fo! oh, pe! oh, le! and all the monosyllabic and circumflex gods of cathay, take pity on your people; for, there has come to us an emperor of the _english school_, and i see very plainly that, in a little while, we shall be in want of everything, since it will not be necessary for us to do anything! viii. post hoc, ergo propter hoc. "after this, therefore on account of this." the most common and the most false of arguments. real suffering exists in england. this occurrence follows two others: first. the reduction of the tariff. second. the loss of two consecutive harvests. to which of these last two circumstances is the first to be attributed? the protectionists do not fail to exclaim: "it is this cursed freedom which does all the mischief. it promised us wonders and marvels; we welcomed it, and now the manufactories stop and the people suffer." commercial freedom distributes, in the most uniform and equitable manner, the fruits which providence grants to the labor of man. if these fruits are partially destroyed by any misfortune, it none the less looks after the fair distribution of what remains. men are not as well provided for, of course, but shall we blame freedom or the bad harvest? freedom rests on the same principle as insurance. when a loss happens, it divides, among a great many people, and a great number of years, evils which without it would accumulate on one nation and one season. but have they ever thought of saying that fire was no longer a scourge, since there were insurance companies? in 1842, '43 and '44, the reduction of taxes began in england. at the same time the harvests were very abundant, and we can justly believe that these two circumstances had much to do with the wonderful prosperity shown by that country during that period. in 1845 the harvest was bad, and in 1846 it was still worse. breadstuffs grew dear, the people spent their money for food, and used less of other articles. there was a diminished demand for clothing; the manufactories were not so busy, and wages showed a declining tendency. happily, in the same year, the restrictive barriers were again lowered, and an enormous quantity of food was enabled to reach the english market. if it had not been for this, it is almost certain that a terrible revolution would now fill great britain with blood. yet they make freedom chargeable with disasters, which it prevents and remedies, at least in part. a poor leper lived in solitude. no one would touch what he had contaminated. compelled to do everything for himself, he dragged out a miserable existence. a great physician cured him. here was our hermit in full possession of the _freedom of exchange_. what a beautiful prospect opened before him! he took pleasure in calculating the advantages, which, thanks to his connection with other men, he could draw from his vigorous arms. unluckily, he broke both of them. alas! his fate was most miserable. the journalists of that country, witnessing his misfortune, said: "see to what misery this ability to exchange has reduced him! really, he was less to be pitied when he lived alone." "what!" said the physician; "do not you consider his two broken arms? do not they form a part of his sad destiny? his misfortune is to have lost his arms, and not to have been cured of leprosy. he would be much more to be pitied if he was both maimed and a leper." _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_; do not trust this sophism. ix. robbery by bounties. they find my little book of _sophisms_ too theoretical, scientific, and metaphysical. very well. let us try a trivial, commonplace, and, if necessary, coarse style. convinced that the public is _duped_ in the matter of protection, i have desired to prove it. but the public wishes to be shouted at. then let us cry out: "midas, king midas, has asses' ears!" an outburst of frankness often accomplishes more than the politest circumlocution. to tell the truth, my good people, _they are robbing you_. it is harsh, but it is true. the words _robbery_, _to rob_, _robber_, will seem in very bad taste to many people. i say to them as harpagon did to elise, is it the _word_ or the _thing_ that alarms you? whoever has fraudulently taken that which does not belong to him, is guilty of robbery. (_penal code, art. 379._) _to rob_: to take furtively, or by force. (_dictionary of the academy._) _robber_: he who takes more than his due. (_the same._) now, does not the monopolist, who, by a law of his own making, obliges me to pay him twenty francs for an article which i can get elsewhere for fifteen, take from me fraudulently five francs, which belong to me? does he not take it furtively, or by force? does he not require of me more than his due? he carries off, he takes, he demands, they will say, but not _furtively_ or _by force_, which are the characteristics of robbery. when our tax levy is burdened with five francs for the bounty which this monopolist carries off, takes, or demands, what can be more _furtive_, since so few of us suspect it? and for those who are not deceived, what can be more _forced_, since, at the first refusal to pay, the officer is at our doors? still, let the monopolists reassure themselves. these robberies, by means of bounties or tariffs, even if they do violate equity as much as robbery, do not break the law; on the contrary, they are perpetrated through the law. they are all the worse for this, but they have nothing to do with _criminal justice_. besides, willy-nilly, we are all _robbers_ and _robbed_ in the business. though the author of this book cries _stop thief_, when he buys, others can cry the same after him, when he sells. if he differs from many of his countrymen, it is only in this: he knows that he loses by this game more than he gains, and they do not; if they did know it, the game would soon cease. nor do i boast of having first given this thing its true name. more than sixty years ago, adam smith said: "when manufacturers meet it may be expected that a conspiracy will be planned against the pockets of the public." can we be astonished at this when the public pay no attention to it? an assembly of manufacturers deliberate officially under the name of _industrial league_. what goes on there, and what is decided upon? i give a very brief summary of the proceedings of one meeting: "a ship-builder. our mercantile marine is at the last gasp (warlike digression). it is not surprising. i cannot build without iron. i can get it at ten francs _in the world's market_; but, through the law, the managers of the french forges compel me to pay them fifteen francs. thus they take five francs from me. i ask freedom to buy where i please. "an iron manufacturer. _in the world's market_ i can obtain transportation for twenty francs. the ship-builder, through the law, requires thirty. thus he _takes_ ten francs from me. he plunders me; i plunder him. it is all for the best. "a public official. the conclusion of the ship-builder's argument is highly imprudent. oh, let us cultivate the touching union which makes our strength; if we relax an iota from the theory of protection, good-bye to the whole of it. "the ship-builder. but, for us, protection is a failure. i repeat that the shipping is nearly gone. "a sailor. very well, let us raise the discriminating duties against goods imported in foreign bottoms, and let the ship-builder, who now takes thirty francs from the public, hereafter take forty. "a minister. the government will push to its extreme limits the admirable mechanism of these discriminating duties, but i fear that it will not answer the purpose. "a government employe. you seem to be bothered about a very little matter. is there any safety but in the bounty? if the consumer is willing, the tax-payer is no less so. let us pile on the taxes, and let the ship-builder be satisfied. i propose a bounty of five francs, to be taken from the public revenues, to be paid to the ship-builder for each quintal of iron that he uses. "several voices. seconded, seconded. "a farmer. i want a bounty of three francs for each bushel of wheat. "a weaver. and i two francs for each yard of cloth. "the presiding officer. that is understood. our meeting will have originated the system of _drawbacks_, and it will be its eternal glory. what branch of manufacturing can lose hereafter, when we have two so simple means of turning losses into gains--the _tariff_ and _drawbacks_. the meeting is adjourned." some supernatural vision must have shown me in a dream the coming appearance of the _bounty_ (who knows if i did not suggest the thought to m. dupin?), when some months ago i wrote the following words: "it seems evident to me that protection, without changing its nature or effects, might take the form of a direct tax levied by the state, and distributed in indemnifying bounties to privileged manufacturers." and after having compared protective duties with the bounty: "i frankly avow my preference for the latter system; it seems to me more just, more economical, and more truthful. more just, because if society wishes to give gratuities to some of its members, all should contribute; more economical, because it would save much of the expense of collection, and do away with many obstacles; and, finally, more truthful, because the public could see the operation plainly, and would know what was done." since the opportunity is so kindly offered us, let us study this _robbery by bounties_. what is said of it will also apply to _robbery by tariff_, and as it is a little better disguised, the direct will enable us to understand the indirect, cheating. thus the mind proceeds from the simple to the complex. but is there no simpler variety of robbery? certainly, there is _highway robbery_, and all it needs is to be legalized, or, as they say now-a-days, _organized_. i once read the following in somebody's travels: "when we reached the kingdom of a---we found all industrial pursuits suffering. agriculture groaned, manufactures complained, commerce murmured, the navy growled, and the government did not know whom to listen to. at first it thought of taxing all the discontented, and of dividing among them the proceeds of these taxes after having taken its share; which would have been like the method of managing lotteries in our dear spain. there are a thousand of you; the state takes a dollar from each one, cunningly steals two hundred and fifty, and then divides up seven hundred and fifty, in greater or smaller sums, among the players. the worthy hidalgo, who has received three-quarters of a dollar, forgetting that he has spent a whole one, is wild with joy, and runs to spend his shillings at the tavern. something like this once happened in france. barbarous as the country of a---was, however, the government did not trust the stupidity of the inhabitants enough to make them accept such singular protection, and hence this was what it devised: "the country was intersected with roads. the government had them measured, exactly, and then said to the farmers, 'all that you can steal from travelers between these boundaries is yours; let it serve you as a _bounty_, a protection, and an encouragement.' it afterwards assigned to each manufacturer and each ship-builder, a bit of road to work up, according to this formula: dono tibi et concedo, virtutem et puissantiam, robbandi, pillageandi, stealandi, cheatandi, et swindlandi, impune per totam istam, viam. "now it has come to pass that the natives of the kingdom of a---are so familiarized with this regime, and so accustomed to think only of what they steal, and not of what is stolen from them, so habituated to look at pillage but from the pillager's point of view, that they consider the sum of all these private robberies as _national profit_, and refuse to give up a system of protection without which, they say, no branch of industry can live." do you say, it is not possible that an entire nation could see an _increase of riches_ where the inhabitants plundered one another? why not? we have this belief in france, and every day we organize and practice _reciprocal robbery_ under the name of bounties and protective tariffs. let us exaggerate nothing, however; let us concede that as far as the _mode of collection_, and the collateral circumstances, are concerned, the system in the kingdom of a---may be worse than ours; but let us say, also, that as far as principles and necessary results are concerned, there is not an atom of difference between these two kinds of robbery legally organized to eke out the profits of industry. observe, that if _highway robbery_ presents some difficulties of execution, it has also certain advantages which are not found in the _tariff robbery_. for instance: an equitable division can be made between all the plunderers. it is not thus with tariffs. they are by nature impotent to protect certain classes of society, such as artizans, merchants, literary men, lawyers, soldiers, etc., etc. it is true that _bounty robbery_ allows of infinite subdivisions, and in this respect does not yield in perfection to _highway robbery_, but on the other hand it often leads to results which are so odd and foolish, that the natives of the kingdom of a---may laugh at it with great reason. that which the plundered party loses in highway robbery is gained by the robber. the article stolen remains, at least, in the country. but under the dominion of _bounty robbery_, that which the duty takes from the french is often given to the chinese, the hottentots, caffirs, and algonquins, as follows: a piece of cloth is worth a _hundred francs_ at bordeaux. it is impossible to sell it below that without loss. it is impossible to sell it for more than that, for the _competition_ between merchants forbids. under these circumstances, if a frenchman desires to buy the cloth, he must pay a _hundred francs_, or do without it. but if an englishman comes, the government interferes, and says to the merchant: "sell your cloth, and i will make the tax-payers give you _twenty francs_ (through the operation of the _drawback_)." the merchant, who wants, and can get, but one hundred francs for his cloth, delivers it to the englishman for eighty francs. this sum added to the twenty francs, the product of the _bounty robbery_, makes up his price. it is then precisely as if the tax-payers had given twenty francs to the englishman, on condition that he would buy french cloth at twenty francs below the cost of manufacture,--at twenty francs below what it costs us. then bounty robbery has this peculiarity, that the _robbed_ are inhabitants of the country which allows it, and the _robbers_ are spread over the face of the globe. it is truly wonderful that they should persist in holding this proposition to have been demonstrated: _all that the individual robs from the mass is a general gain._ perpetual motion, the philosopher's stone, and the squaring of the circle, are sunk in oblivion; but the theory of _progress by robbery_ is still held in honor. _a priori_, however, one might have supposed that it would be the shortest lived of all these follies. some say to us: you are, then, partisans of the _let alone_ policy? economists of the superannuated school of the smiths and the says? you do not desire the _organization of labor_? why, gentlemen, organize labor as much as you please, but we will watch to see that you do not organize _robbery_. others say, _bounties_, _tariffs_, all these things may have been overdone. we must use, without abusing them. a wise liberty, combined with moderate protection, is what _serious_ and practical men claim. let us beware of _absolute principles_. this is exactly what they said in the kingdom of a----, according to the spanish traveler. "highway robbery," said the wise men, "is neither good nor bad in itself; it depends on circumstances. perhaps too much freedom of pillage has been given; perhaps not enough. let us see; let us examine; let us balance the accounts of each robber. to those who do not make enough, we will give a little more road to work up. as for those who make too much, we will reduce their share." those who spoke thus acquired great fame for moderation, prudence, and wisdom. they never failed to attain the highest offices of the state. as for those who said, "let us repress injustice altogether; let us allow neither _robbery_, nor _half robbery_, nor _quarter robbery_," they passed for theorists, dreamers, bores--always parroting the same thing. the people also found their reasoning too easy to understand. how can that be true which is so very simple? x. the tax collector. jacques bonhomme, vine-grower. m. lasouche, tax collector. l. you have secured twenty hogsheads of wine? j. yes, with much care and sweat. --be so kind as to give me six of the best. --six hogsheads out of twenty! good heavens! you want to ruin me. if you please, what do you propose to do with them? --the first will be given to the creditors of the state. when one has debts, the least one can do is to pay the interest. --where did the principal go? --it would take too long to tell. a part of it was once upon a time put in cartridges, which made the finest smoke in the world; with another part men were hired who were maimed on foreign ground, after having ravaged it. then, when these expenses brought the enemy upon us, he would not leave without taking money with him, which we had to borrow. --what good do i get from it now? --the satisfaction of saying: how proud am i of being a frenchman when i behold the triumphal column, and the humiliation of leaving to my heirs an estate burdened with a perpetual rent. still one must pay what he owes, no matter how foolish a use may have been made of the money. that accounts for one hogshead, but the five others? --one is required to pay for public services, the civil list, the judges who decree the restitution of the bit of land your neighbor wants to appropriate, the policemen who drive away robbers while you sleep, the men who repair the road leading to the city, the priest who baptizes your children, the teacher who educates them, and myself, your servant, who does not work for nothing. --certainly, service for service. there is nothing to say against that. i had rather make a bargain directly with my priest, but i do not insist on this. so much for the second hogshead. this leaves four, however. --do you believe that two would be too much for your share of the army and navy expenses? --alas, it is little compared with what they have cost me already. they have taken from me two sons whom i tenderly loved. --the balance of power in europe must be maintained. --well, my god! the balance of power would be the same if these forces were every where reduced a half or three-quarters. we should save our children and our money. all that is needed is to understand it. --yes, but they do not understand it. --that is what amazes me. for every one suffers from it. --you wished it so, jacques bonhomme. --you are jesting, my dear mr. collector; have i a vote in the legislative halls? --whom did you support for deputy? --an excellent general, who will be a marshal presently, if god spares his life. --on what does this excellent general live? --my hogsheads, i presume. --and what would happen were he to vote for a reduction of the army and your military establishment? --instead of being made a marshal, he would be retired. --do you now understand that yourself? --let us pass to the fifth hogshead, i beg of you. --that goes to algeria. --to algeria! and they tell me that all mussulmans are temperance people, the barbarians! what services will they give me in exchange for this ambrosia, which has cost me so much labor? --none at all; it is not intended for mussulmans, but for good christians who spend their days in barbary. --what can they do there which will be of service to me? --undertake and undergo raids; kill and be killed; get dysenteries and come home to be doctored; dig harbors, make roads, build villages and people them with maltese, italians, spaniards and swiss, who live on your hogshead, and many others which i shall come in the future to ask of you. --mercy! this is too much, and i flatly refuse you my hogshead. they would send a wine-grower who did such foolish acts to the mad-house. make roads in the atlas mountains, when i cannot get out of my own house! dig ports in barbary when the garonne fills up with sand every day! take from me my children whom i love, in order to torment arabs! make me pay for the houses, grain and horses, given to the greeks and maltese, when there are so many poor around us! --the poor! exactly; they free the country of this _superfluity_. --oh, yes, by sending after them to algeria the money which would enable them to live here. --but then you lay the basis of a _great empire_, you carry _civilization_ into africa, and you crown your country with immortal glory. --you are a poet, my dear collector; but i am a vine-grower, and i refuse. --think that in a few thousand years you will get back your advances a hundred-fold. all those who have charge of the enterprise say so. --at first they asked me for one barrel of wine to meet expenses, then two, then three, and now i am taxed a hogshead. i persist in my refusal. --it is too late. your _representative_ has agreed that you shall give a hogshead. --that is but too true. cursed weakness! it seems to me that i was unwise in making him my agent; for what is there in common between the general of an army and the poor owner of a vineyard? --you see well that there is something in common between you, were it only the wine you make, and which, in your name, he votes to himself. --laugh at me; i deserve it, my dear collector. but be reasonable, and leave me the sixth hogshead at least. the interest of the debt is paid, the civil list provided for, the public service assured, and the war in africa perpetuated. what more do you want? --the bargain is not made with me. you must tell your desires to the general. _he_ has disposed of your vintage. --but what do you propose to do with this poor hogshead, the flower of my flock? come, taste this wine. how mellow, delicate, velvety it is! --excellent, delicious! it will suit d----, the cloth manufacturer, admirably. --d----, the manufacturer! what do you mean? --that he will make a good bargain out of it. --how? what is that? i do not understand you. --do you not know that d---has started a magnificent establishment very useful to the country, but which loses much money every year? --i am very sorry. but what can i do to help him? --the legislature saw that if things went on thus, d---would either have to do a better business or close his manufactory. --but what connection is there between d----'s bad speculations and my hogshead? --the chamber thought that if it gave d---a little wine from your cellar, a few bushels of grain taken from your neighbors, and a few pennies cut from the wages of the workingmen, his losses would change into profits. --this recipe is as infallible as it is ingenious. but it is shockingly unjust. what! is d---to cover his losses by taking my wine? --not exactly the wine, but the proceeds of it; that is what we call a _bounty for encouragement_. but you look amazed! do not you see what a great service you render to the country? --you mean to say to d----? --to the country. d---asserts that, thanks to this arrangement, his business prospers, and thus it is, says he, that the country grows rich. that is what he recently said in the chamber of which he is a member. --it is a damnable fraud! what! a fool goes into a silly enterprise, he spends his money, and if he extorts from me wine or grain enough to make good his losses, and even to make him a profit, he calls it a general gain! --your _representative_ having come to that conclusion, all you have to do is to give me the six hogsheads of wine, and sell the fourteen that i leave you for as much as possible. --that is my business. --for, you see, it would be very annoying if you did not get a good price for them. --i will think of it. --for there are many things which the money you receive must procure. --i know it, sir. i know it. --in the first place, if you buy iron to renew your spades and plowshares, a law declares that you must pay the iron-master twice what it was worth. --ah, yes; does not the same thing happen in the black forest? --then, if you need oil, meat, cloth, coal, wool and sugar, each one by the law will cost you twice what it is worth. --but this is horrible, frightful, abominable. --what is the use of these hard words? you yourself, through your _authorized_ agent-----leave me alone with my authorized agent. i made a very strange disposition of my vote, it is true. but they shall deceive me no more, and i will be represented by some good and honest countryman. --bah, you will re-elect the worthy general. --i? i re-elect the general to give away my wine to africans and manufacturers? --you will re-elect him, i say. --that is a little _too much_. i will not re-elect him, if i do not want to. --but you will want to, and you will re-elect him. --let him come here and try. he will see who he will have to settle with. --we shall see. good bye. i take away your six hogsheads, and will proceed to divide them as the general has directed. xi. utopian ideas. if i were his majesty's minister! --well, what would you do? --i should begin by--by--upon my word, by being very much embarrassed. for i should be minister only because i had the majority, and i should have that only because i had made it, and i could only have made it, honestly at least, by governing according to its ideas. so if i undertake to carry out my ideas and to run counter to its ideas, i shall not have the majority, and if i do not, i cannot be his majesty's minister. --just imagine that you are so, and that consequently the majority is not opposed to you, what would you do? --i would look to see on which side _justice_ is. --and then? --i would seek to find where _utility_ was. --what next? --i would see whether they agreed, or were in conflict with one another. --and if you found they did not agree? --i would say to the king, take back your portfolio. --but suppose you see that _justice_ and _utility_ are one? --then i will go straight ahead. --very well, but to realize utility by justice, a third thing is necessary. --what is that? --possibility. --you conceded that. --when? --just now. --how? --by giving me the majority. --it seems to me that the concession was rather hazardous, for it implies that the majority clearly sees what is just, clearly sees what is useful, and clearly sees that these things are in perfect accord. --and if it sees this clearly, the good will, so to speak, do itself. --this is the point to which you are constantly bringing me--to see a possibility of reform only in the progress of the general intelligence. --by this progress all reform is infallible. --certainly. but this preliminary progress takes time. let us suppose it accomplished. what will you do? for i am eager to see you at work, doing, practicing. --i should begin by reducing letter postage to ten centimes. --i heard you speak of five, once. --yes; but as i have other reforms in view, i must move with prudence, to avoid a deficit in the revenues. --prudence? this leaves you with a deficit of thirty millions. --then i will reduce the salt tax to ten francs. --good! here is another deficit of thirty millions. doubtless you have invented some new tax. --heaven forbid! besides, i do not flatter myself that i have an inventive mind. --it is necessary, however. oh, i have it. what was i thinking of? you are simply going to diminish the expense. i did not think of that. --you are not the only one. i shall come to that; but i do not count on it at present. --what! you diminish the receipts, without lessening expenses, and you avoid a deficit? --yes, by diminishing other taxes at the same time. (here the interlocutor, putting the index finger of his right hand on his forehead, shook his head, which may be translated thus: he is rambling terribly.) --well, upon my word, this is ingenious. i pay the treasury a hundred francs; you relieve me of five francs on salt, five on postage; and in order that the treasury may nevertheless receive one hundred francs, you relieve me of ten on some other tax? --precisely; you understand me. --how can it be true? i am not even sure that i have heard you. --i repeat that i balance one remission of taxes by another. --i have a little time to give, and i should like to hear you expound this paradox. --here is the whole mystery: i know a tax which costs you twenty francs, not a sou of which gets to the treasury. i relieve you of half of it, and make the other half take its proper destination. --you are an unequaled financier. there is but one difficulty. what tax, if you please, do i pay, which does not go to the treasury? --how much does this suit of clothes cost you? --a hundred francs. --how much would it have cost you if you had gotten the cloth from belgium? --eighty francs. --then why did you not get it there? --because it is prohibited. --why? --so that the suit may cost me one hundred francs instead of eighty. --this denial, then, costs you twenty francs? --undoubtedly. --and where do these twenty francs go? --where do they go? to the manufacturer of the cloth. --well, give me ten francs for the treasury, and i will remove the restriction, and you will gain ten francs. --oh, i begin to see. the treasury account shows that it loses five francs on postage and five on salt, and gains ten on cloth. that is even. --your account is--you gain five francs on salt, five on postage, and ten on cloth. --total, twenty francs. this is satisfactory enough. but what becomes of the poor cloth manufacturer? --oh, i have thought of him. i have secured compensation for him by means of the tax reductions which are so profitable to the treasury. what i have done for you as regards cloth, i do for him in regard to wool, coal, machinery, etc., so that he can lower his price without loss. --but are you sure that will be an equivalent? --the balance will be in his favor. the twenty francs that you gain on the cloth will be multiplied by those which i will save for you on grain, meat, fuel, etc. this will amount to a large sum, and each one of your 35,000,000 fellow-citizens will save the same way. there will be enough to consume the cloths of both belgium and france. the nation will be better clothed; that is all. --i will think on this, for it is somewhat confused in my head. --after all, as far as clothes go, the main thing is to be clothed. your limbs are your own, and not the manufacturer's. to shield them from cold is your business and not his. if the law takes sides for him against you, the law is unjust, and you allowed me to reason on the hypothesis that what is unjust is hurtful. --perhaps i admitted too much; but go on and explain your financial plan. --then i will make a tariff. --in two folio volumes? --no, in two sections. --then they will no longer say that this famous axiom "no one is supposed to be ignorant of the law" is a fiction. let us see your tariff. --here it is: section first. all imports shall pay an _ad valorem_ tax of five per cent. --even _raw materials_? --unless they are _worthless_. --but they all have value, much or little. --then they will pay much or little. --how can our manufactories compete with foreign ones which have these _raw materials_ free? --the expenses of the state being certain, if we close this source of revenue, we must open another; this will not diminish the relative inferiority of our manufactories, and there will be one bureau more to organize and pay. --that is true; i reasoned as if the tax was to be annulled, not changed. i will reflect on this. what is your second section? --section second. all exports shall pay an _ad valorem_ tax of five per cent. --merciful heavens, mr. utopist! you will certainly be stoned, and, if it comes to that, i will throw the first one. --we agreed that the majority were enlightened. --enlightened! can you claim that an export duty is not onerous? --all taxes are onerous, but this is less so than others. --the carnival justifies many eccentricities. be so kind as to make this new paradox appear specious, if you can. --how much did you pay for this wine? --a franc per quart. --how much would you have paid outside the city gates? --fifty centimes. --why this difference? --ask the _octroi_[14] which added ten sous to it. --who established the _octroi_? --the municipality of paris, in order to pave and light the streets. --this is, then, an import duty. but if the neighboring country districts had established this _octroi_ for their profit, what would happen? --i should none the less pay a franc for wine worth only fifty centimes, and the other fifty centimes would pave and light montmartre and the batignolles. --so that really it is the consumer who pays the tax? --there is no doubt of that. --then by taxing exports you make foreigners help pay your expenses.[15] --i find you at fault, this is not _justice_. --why not? in order to secure the production of any one thing, there must be instruction, security, roads, and other costly things in the country. why shall not the foreigner who is to consume this product, bear the charges its production necessitates? --this is contrary to received ideas. --not the least in the world. the last purchaser must repay all the direct and indirect expenses of production. --no matter what you say, it is plain that such a measure would paralyze commerce; and cut off all exports. --that is an illusion. if you were to pay this tax besides all the others, you would be right. but, if the hundred millions raised in this way, relieve you of other taxes to the same amount, you go into foreign markets with all your advantages, and even with more, if this duty has occasioned less embarrassment and expense. --i will reflect on this. so now the salt, postage and customs are regulated. is all ended there? --i am just beginning. --pray, initiate me in your utopian ideas. --i have lost sixty millions on salt and postage. i shall regain them through the customs; which also gives me something more precious. --what, pray? --international relations founded on justice, and a probability of peace which is equivalent to a certainty. i will disband the army. --the whole army? --except special branches, which will be voluntarily recruited, like all other professions. you see, conscription is abolished. --sir, you should say recruiting. --ah, i forgot, i cannot help admiring the ease with which, in certain countries, the most unpopular things are perpetuated by giving them other names. --like _consolidated duties_, which have become _indirect contributions_. --and the _gendarmes_, who have taken the name of _municipal guards_. --in short, trusting to utopia, you disarm the country. --i said that i would muster out the army, not that i would disarm the country. i intend, on the contrary, to give it invincible power. --how do you harmonize this mass of contradictions? --i call all the citizens to service. --is it worth while to relieve a portion from service in order to call out everybody? --you did not make me minister in order that i should leave things as they are. thus, on my advent to power, i shall say with richelieu, "the state maxims are changed." my first maxim, the one which will serve as a basis for my administration, is this: every citizen must know two things--how to earn his own living, and defend his country. --it seems to me, at the first glance, that there is a spark of good sense in this. --consequently, i base the national defense on a law consisting of two sections. section first. every able-bodied citizen, without exception, shall be under arms for four years, from his twenty-first to his twenty-fifth year, in order to receive military instruction.---this is pretty economy! you send home four hundred thousand soldiers and call out ten millions. --listen to my second section: sec. 2. _unless_ he proves, at the age of twenty-one, that he knows the school of the soldier perfectly. --i did not expect this turn. it is certain that to avoid four years' service, there will be a great emulation among our youth, to learn _by the right flank_ and _double quick, march_. the idea is odd. --it is better than that. for without grieving families and offending equality, does it not assure the country, in a simple and inexpensive manner, of ten million defenders, capable of defying a coalition of all the standing armies of the globe? --truly, if i were not on my guard, i should end in getting interested in your fancies. _the utopist, getting excited:_ thank heaven, my estimates are relieved of a hundred millions! i suppress the _octroi_. i refund indirect contributions. i-_getting more and more excited:_ i will proclaim religious freedom and free instruction. there shall be new resources. i will buy the railroads, pay off the public debt, and starve out the stock gamblers. --my dear utopist! --freed from too numerous cares, i will concentrate all the resources of the government on the repression of fraud, the administration of prompt and even-handed justice. i---my dear utopist, you attempt too much. the nation will not follow you. --you gave me the majority. --i take it back. --very well; then i am no longer minister; but my plans remain what they are--utopian ideas. [footnote 14: the entrance duty levied at the gates of french towns.] [footnote 15: i understand m. bastiat to mean merely that export duties are not necessarily more onerous than import duties. the statement that all taxes are paid by the consumer, is liable to important modifications. an export duty may be laid in such way, and on such articles, that it will be paid wholly by the foreign consumer, without loss to the producing country, but it is only when the additional cost does not lessen the demand, or induce the foreigner to produce the same article. _translator._] xii. salt, postage, and customs. [this chapter is an amusing dialogue relating principally to english postal reform. being inapplicable to any condition of things existing in the united states, it is omitted.--_translator._] xiii. the three aldermen. a demonstration in four tableaux. _first tableau._ [the scene is in the hotel of alderman pierre. the window looks out on a fine park; three persons are seated near a good fire.] _pierre._ upon my word, a fire is very comfortable when the stomach is satisfied. it must be agreed that it is a pleasant thing. but, alas! how many worthy people like the king of yvetot, "blow on their fingers for want of wood." unhappy creatures, heaven inspires me with a charitable thought. you see these fine trees. i will cut them down and distribute the wood among the poor. _paul and jean._ what! gratis? _pierre._ not exactly. there would soon be an end of my good works if i scattered my property thus. i think that my park is worth twenty thousand livres; by cutting it down i shall get much more for it. _paul._ a mistake. your wood as it stands is worth more than that in the neighboring forests, for it renders services which that cannot give. when cut down it will, like that, be good for burning only, and will not be worth a sou more per cord. _pierre._ oh! mr. theorist, you forget that i am a practical man. i supposed that my reputation as a speculator was well enough established to put me above any charge of stupidity. do you think that i shall amuse myself by selling my wood at the price of other wood? _paul._ you must. _pierre._ simpleton!--suppose i prevent the bringing of any wood to paris? _paul._ that will alter the case. but how will you manage it? _pierre._ this is the whole secret. you know that wood pays an entrance duty of ten sous per cord. to-morrow i will induce the aldermen to raise this duty to one hundred, two hundred, or three hundred livres, so high as to keep out every fagot. well, do you see? if the good people do not want to die of cold, they must come to my wood-yard. they will fight for my wood; i shall sell it for its weight in gold, and this well-regulated deed of charity will enable me to do others of the same sort. _paul._ this is a fine idea, and it suggests an equally good one to me. _jean._ well, what is it? _paul._ how do you find this normandy butter? _jean._ excellent. _paul_. well, it seemed passable a moment ago. but do you not think it is a little strong? i want to make a better article at paris. i will have four or five hundred cows, and i will distribute milk, butter and cheese to the poor people. _pierre and jean._ what! as a charity? _paul._ bah, let us always put charity in the foreground. it is such a fine thing that its counterfeit even is an excellent card. i will give my butter to the people and they will give me their money. is that called selling? _jean._ no, according to the _bourgeois gentilhomme_; but call it what you please, you ruin yourself. can paris compete with normandy in raising cows? _paul._ i shall save the cost of transportation. _jean._ very well; but the normans are able to _beat_ the parisians, even if they do have to pay for transportation. _paul._ do you call it _beating_ any one to furnish him things at a low price? _jean._ it is the time-honored word. you will always be beaten. _paul._ yes; like don quixote. the blows will fall on sancho. jean, my friend, you forgot the _octroi_. _jean._ the _octroi_! what has that to do with your butter? _paul._ to-morrow i will demand _protection_, and i will induce the council to prohibit the butter of normandy and brittany. the people must do without butter, or buy mine, and that at my price, too. _jean._ gentlemen, your philanthropy carries me along with it. "in time one learns to howl with the wolves." it shall not be said that i am an unworthy alderman. pierre, this sparkling fire has illumined your soul; paul, this butter has given an impulse to your understanding, and i perceive that this piece of salt pork stimulates my intelligence. to-morrow i will vote myself, and make others vote, for the exclusion of hogs, dead or alive; this done, i will build superb stock-yards in the middle of paris "for the unclean animal forbidden to the hebrews." i will become swineherd and pork-seller, and we shall see how the good people of lutetia can help getting their food at my shop. _pierre._ gently, my friends; if you thus run up the price of butter and salt meat, you diminish the profit which i expected from my wood. _paul._ nor is my speculation so wonderful, if you ruin me with your fuel and your hams. _jean._ what shall i gain by making you pay an extra price for my sausages, if you overcharge me for pastry and fagots? _pierre._ do you not see that we are getting into a quarrel? let us rather unite. let us make _reciprocal concessions_. besides, it is not well to listen only to miserable self-interest. _humanity_ is concerned, and must not the warming of the people be secured? _paul._ that it is true, and people must have butter to spread on their bread. _jean._ certainly. and they must have a bit of pork for their soup. _all together._ forward, charity! long live philanthropy! to-morrow, to-morrow, we will take the octroi by assault. _pierre._ ah, i forgot. one word more which is important. my friends, in this selfish age people are suspicious, and the purest intentions are often misconstrued. paul, you plead for _wood_; jean, defend _butter_; and i will devote myself to domestic _swine_. it is best to head off invidious suspicions. _paul and jean_ (leaving). upon my word, what a clever fellow! second tableau. _the common council._ _paul._ my dear colleagues, every day great quantities of wood come into paris, and draw out of it large sums of money. if this goes on, we shall all be ruined in three years, and what will become of the poor people? [bravo.] let us prohibit foreign wood. i am not speaking for myself, for you could not make a tooth-pick out of all the wood i own. i am, therefore, perfectly disinterested. [good, good.] but here is pierre, who has a park, and he will keep our fellow-citizens from freezing. they will no longer be in a state of _dependence_ on the charcoal dealers of the yonne. have you ever thought of the risk we run of dying of cold, if the proprietors of these foreign forests should take it into their heads not to bring any more wood to paris? let us, therefore, prohibit wood. by this means we shall stop the drain of specie, we shall start the wood-chopping business, and open to our workmen a new source of labor and wages. [applause.] _jean._ i second the motion of the honorable member--a proposition so philanthropic and so disinterested, as he remarked. it is time that we should stop this intolerable _freedom of entry_, which has brought a ruinous competition upon our market, so that there is not a province tolerably well situated for producing some one article which does not inundate us with it, sell it to us at a low price, and depress parisian labor. it is the business of the state to _equalize the conditions of production_ by wisely graduated duties; to allow the entrance from without of whatever is dearer there than at paris, and thus relieve us from an unequal _contest_. how, for instance, can they expect us to make milk and butter in paris as against brittany and normandy? think, gentlemen; the bretons have land cheaper, feed more convenient, and labor more abundant. does not common sense say that the conditions must be equalized by a protecting duty? i ask that the duty on milk and butter be raised to a thousand per cent., and more, if necessary. the breakfasts of the people will cost a little more, but wages will rise! we shall see the building of stables and dairies, a good trade in churns, and the foundation of new industries laid. i, myself, have not the least interest in this plan. i am not a cowherd, nor do i desire to become one. i am moved by the single desire to be useful to the laboring classes. [expressions of approbation.] _pierre._ i am happy to see in this assembly statesmen so pure, enlightened, and devoted to the interests of the people. [cheers.] i admire their self-denial, and cannot do better than follow such noble examples. i support their motion, and i also make one to exclude poitou hogs. it is not that i want to become a swineherd or pork dealer, in which case my conscience would forbid my making this motion; but is it not shameful, gentlemen, that we should be paying tribute to these poor poitevin peasants who have the audacity to come into our own market, take possession of a business that we could have carried on ourselves, and, after having inundated us with sausages and hams, take from us, perhaps, nothing in return? anyhow, who says that the balance of trade is not in their favor, and that we are not compelled to pay them a tribute in money? is it not plain that if this poitevin industry were planted in paris, it would open new fields to parisian labor? moreover, gentlemen, is it not very likely, as mr. lestiboudois said, that we buy these poitevin salted meats, not with our income, but our capital? where will this land us? let us not allow greedy, avaricious and perfidious rivals to come here and sell things cheaply, thus making it impossible for us to produce them ourselves. aldermen, paris has given us its confidence, and we must show ourselves worthy of it. the people are without labor, and we must create it, and if salted meat costs them a little more, we shall, at least, have the consciousness that we have sacrificed our interests to those of the masses, as every good alderman ought to do. [thunders of applause.] _a voice._ i hear much said of the poor people; but, under the pretext of giving them labor, you begin by taking away from them that which is worth more than labor itself--wood, butter, and soup. _pierre, paul and jean._ vote, vote. away with your theorists and generalizers! let us vote. [the three motions are carried.] third tableau. _twenty years after._ _son._ father, decide; we must leave paris. work is slack, and everything is dear. _father._ my son, you do not know how hard it is to leave the place where we were born. _son._ the worst of all things is to die there of misery. _father._ go, my son, and seek a more hospitable country. for myself, i will not leave the grave where your mother, sisters and brothers lie. i am eager to find, at last, near them, the rest which is denied me in this city of desolation. _son._ courage, dear father, we will find work elsewhere--in poitou, normandy or brittany. they say that the industry of paris is gradually transferring itself to those distant countries. _father._ it is very natural. unable to sell us wood and food, they stopped producing more than they needed for themselves, and they devoted their spare time and capital to making those things which we formerly furnished them. _son._ just as at paris, they quit making handsome furniture and fine clothes, in order to plant trees, and raise hogs and cows. though quite young, i have seen vast storehouses, sumptuous buildings, and quays thronged with life on those banks of the seine which are now given up to meadows and forests. _father._ while the provinces are filling up with cities, paris becomes country. what a frightful revolution! three mistaken aldermen, aided by public ignorance, have brought down on us this terrible calamity. _son._ tell me this story, my father. _father._ it is very simple. under the pretext of establishing three new trades at paris, and of thus supplying labor to the workmen, these men secured the prohibition of wood, butter, and meats. they assumed the right of supplying their fellow-citizens with them. these articles rose immediately to an exorbitant price. nobody made enough to buy them, and the few who could procure them by using up all they made were unable to buy anything else; consequently all branches of industry stopped at once--all the more so because the provinces no longer offered a market. misery, death, and emigration began to depopulate paris. _son._ when will this stop? _father._ when paris has become a meadow and a forest. _son._ the three aldermen must have made a great fortune. _father._ at first they made immense profits, but at length they were involved in the common misery. _son._ how was that possible? _father._ you see this ruin; it was a magnificent house, surrounded by a fine park. if paris had kept on advancing, master pierre would have got more rent from it annually than the whole thing is now worth to him. _son._ how can that be, since he got rid of competition? _father._ competition in selling has disappeared; but competition in buying also disappears every day, and will keep on disappearing until paris is an open field, and master pierre's woodland will be worth no more than an equal number of acres in the forest of bondy. thus, a monopoly, like every species of injustice, brings its own punishment upon itself. _son._ this does not seem very plain to me, but the decay of paris is undeniable. is there, then, no means of repealing this unjust measure that pierre and his colleagues adopted twenty years ago? _father._ i will confide my secret to you. i will remain at paris for this purpose; i will call the people to my aid. it depends on them whether they will replace the _octroi_ on its old basis, and dismiss from it this fatal principle, which is grafted on it, and has grown there like a parasite fungus. _son._ you ought to succeed on the very first day. _father._ no; on the contrary, the work is a difficult and laborious one. pierre, paul and jean understand one another perfectly. they are ready to do anything rather than allow the entrance of wood, butter and meat into paris. they even have on their side the people, who clearly see the labor which these three protected branches of business give, who know how many wood-choppers and cow-drivers it gives employment to, but who cannot obtain so clear an idea of the labor that would spring up in the free air of liberty. _son._ if this is all that is needed, you will enlighten them. _father._ my child, at your age, one doubts at nothing. if i wrote, the people would not read; for all their time is occupied in supporting a wretched existence. if i speak, the aldermen will shut my mouth. the people will, therefore, remain long in their fatal error; political parties, which build their hopes on their passions, attempt to play upon their prejudices, rather than to dispel them. i shall then have to deal with the powers that be--the people and the parties. i see that a storm will burst on the head of the audacious person who dares to rise against an iniquity which is so firmly rooted in the country. _son._ you will have justice and truth on your side. _father._ and they will have force and calumny. if i were only young! but age and suffering have exhausted my strength. _son._ well, father, devote all that you have left to the service of the country. begin this work of emancipation, and leave to me for an inheritance the task of finishing it. fourth tableau. _the agitation._ _jacques bonhomme._ parisians, let us demand the reform of the _octroi_; let it be put back to what it was. let every citizen be free to buy wood, butter and meat where it seems good to him. _the people._ hurrah for liberty! _pierre._ parisians, do not allow yourselves to be seduced by these words. of what avail is the freedom of purchasing, if you have not the means? and how can you have the means, if labor is wanting? can paris produce wood as cheaply as the forest of bondy, or meat at as low price as poitou, or butter as easily as normandy? if you open the doors to these rival products, what will become of the wood cutters, pork dealers, and cattle drivers? they cannot do without protection. _the people._. hurrah for protection! _jacques._ protection! but do they protect you, workmen? do not you compete with one another? let the wood dealers then suffer competition in their turn. they have no right to raise the price of their wood by law, unless they, also, by law, raise wages. do you not still love equality? _the people._ hurrah for equality! _pierre._ do not listen to this factious fellow. we have raised the price of wood, meat, and butter, it is true; but it is in order that we may give good wages to the workmen. we are moved by charity. _the people._ hurrah for charity! _jacques._ use the _octroi_, if you can, to raise wages, or do not use it to raise the price of commodities. the parisians do not ask for charity, but justice. _the people._ hurrah for justice! _pierre._ it is precisely the dearness of products which will, by reflex action, raise wages. _the people._ hurrah for dearness! _jacques._ if butter is dear, it is not because you pay workmen well; it is not even that you may make great profits; it is only because paris is ill situated for this business, and because you desired that they should do in the city what ought to be done in the country, and in the country what was done in the city. the people have no _more_ labor, only they labor at something else. they get no _more_ wages, but they do not buy things as cheaply. _the people._ hurrah for cheapness! _pierre._ this person seduces you with his fine words. let us state the question plainly. is it not true that if we admit butter, wood, and meat, we shall be inundated with them, and die of a plethora? there is, then, no other way in which we can preserve ourselves from this new inundation, than to shut the door, and we can keep up the price of things only by causing scarcity artificially. _a very few voices._ hurrah for scarcity! _jacques._ let us state the question as it is. among all the parisians we can divide only what is in paris; the less wood, butter and meat there is, the smaller each one's share will be. there will be less if we exclude than if we admit. parisians, individual abundance can exist only where there is general abundance. _the people._ hurrah for abundance! _pierre._ no matter what this man says, he cannot prove to you that it is to your interest to submit to unbridled competition. _the people._ down with competition! _jacques._ despite all this man's declamation, he cannot make you _enjoy_ the sweets of restriction. _the people._ down with restriction! _pierre._ i declare to you that if the poor dealers in cattle and hogs are deprived of their livelihood, if they are sacrificed to theories, i will not be answerable for public order. workmen, distrust this man. he is an agent of perfidious normandy; he is under the pay of foreigners. he is a traitor, and must be hanged. [the people keep silent.] _jacques._ parisians, all that i say now, i said to you twenty years ago, when it occurred to pierre to use the _octroi_ for his gain and your loss. i am not an agent of normandy. hang me if you will, but this will not prevent oppression from being oppression. friends, you must kill neither jacques nor pierre, but liberty if it frightens you, or restriction if it hurts you. _the people._ let us hang nobody, but let us emancipate everybody. xiv. something else. --what is restriction? --a partial prohibition. --what is prohibition? --an absolute restriction. --so that what is said of one is true of the other? --yes, comparatively. they bear the same relation to each other that the arc of the circle does to the circle. --then if prohibition is bad, restriction cannot be good. --no more than the arc can be straight if the circle is curved. --what is the common name for restriction and prohibition? --protection. --what is the definite effect of protection? --to require from men _harder labor for the same result_. --why are men so attached to the protective system? --because, since liberty would accomplish the same result _with less labor_, this apparent diminution of labor frightens them. --why do you say _apparent_? --because all labor economized can be devoted to _something else_. --what? --that cannot and need not be determined. --why? --because, if the total of the comforts of france could be gained with a diminution of one-tenth on the total of its labor, no one could determine what comforts it would procure with the labor remaining at its disposal. one person would prefer to be better clothed, another better fed, another better taught, and another more amused. --explain the workings and effect of protection. --it is not an easy matter. before taking hold of a complicated instance, it must be studied in the simplest one. --take the simplest you choose. --do you recollect how robinson crusoe, having no saw, set to work to make a plank? --yes. he cut down a tree, and then with his ax hewed the trunk on both sides until he got it down to the thickness of a board. --and that gave him an abundance of work? --fifteen full days. --what did he live on during this time? --his provisions. --what happened to the ax? --it was all blunted. --very good; but there is one thing which, perhaps, you do not know. at the moment that robinson gave the first blow with his ax, he saw a plank which the waves had cast up on the shore. --oh, the lucky accident! he ran to pick it up? --it was his first impulse; but he checked himself, reasoning thus: "if i go after this plank, it will cost me but the labor of carrying it and the time spent in going to and returning from the shore. "but if i make a plank with my ax, i shall in the first place obtain work for fifteen days, then i shall wear out my ax, which will give me an opportunity of repairing it, and i shall consume my provisions, which will be a third source of labor, since they must be replaced. now, _labor is wealth_. it is plain that i will ruin myself if i pick up this stranded board. it is important to protect my _personal labor_, and now that i think of it, i can create myself additional labor by kicking this board back into the sea." --but this reasoning was absurd! --certainly. nevertheless it is that adopted by every nation which _protects_ itself by prohibition. it rejects the plank which is offered it in exchange for a little labor, in order to give itself more labor. it sees a gain even in the labor of the custom house officer. this answers to the trouble which robinson took to give back to the waves the present they wished to make him. consider the nation a collective being, and you will not find an atom of difference between its reasoning and that of robinson. --did not robinson see that he could use the time saved in doing _something else_? --what '_something else_'? --so long as one has wants and time, one has always _something_ to do. i am not bound to specify the labor that he could undertake. --i can specify very easily that which he would have avoided. --i assert, that robinson, with incredible blindness, confounded labor with its result, the end with the means, and i will prove it to you. --it is not necessary. but this is the restrictive or prohibitory system in its simplest form. if it appears absurd to you, thus stated, it is because the two qualities of producer and consumer are here united in the same person. --let us pass, then, to a more complicated instance. --willingly. some time after all this, robinson having met friday, they united, and began to work in common. they hunted for six hours each morning and brought home four hampers of game. they worked in the garden for six hours each afternoon, and obtained four baskets of vegetables. one day a canoe touched at the island of despair. a good-looking stranger landed, and was allowed to dine with our two hermits. he tasted, and praised the products of the garden, and before taking leave of his hosts, said to them: "generous islanders, i dwell in a country much richer in game than this, but where horticulture is unknown. it would be easy for me to bring you every evening four hampers of game if you would give me only two baskets of vegetables." at these words robinson and friday stepped on one side, to have a consultation, and the debate which followed is too interesting not to be given _in extenso_: _friday._ friend, what do you think of it? _robinson._ if we accept we are ruined. _friday._ is that certain? calculate! _robinson._ it is all calculated. hunting, crushed out by competition, will be a lost branch of industry for us. _friday._ what difference does that make, if we have the game? _robinson._ theory! it will not be the product of our labor. _friday._ yes, it will, since we will have to give vegetables to get it. _robinson._ then what shall we make? _friday._ the four hampers of game cost us six hours' labor. the stranger gives them to us for two baskets of vegetables, which take us but three hours. thus three hours remain at our disposal. _robinson._ say rather that they are taken from our activity. there is our loss. _labor is wealth_, and if we lose a fourth of our time we are one-fourth poorer. _friday._ friend, you make an enormous mistake. the same amount of game and vegetables and three free hours to boot make progress, or there is none in the world. _robinson._ mere generalities. what will we do with these three hours? _friday._ we will do _something else_. _robinson._ ah, now i have you. you can specify nothing. it is very easy to say _something else--something else_. _friday._ we will fish. we will adorn our houses. we will read the bible. _robinson._ utopia! is it certain that we will do this rather than that? _friday._ well, if we have no wants, we will rest. is rest nothing? _robinson._ when one rests one dies of hunger. _friday._ friend, you are in a vicious circle. i speak of a rest which diminishes neither our gains nor our vegetables. you always forget that by means of our commerce with this stranger, nine hours of labor will give us as much food as twelve now do. _robinson._ it is easy to see that you were not reared in europe. perhaps you have never read the _moniteur industriel_? it would have taught you this: "all time saved is a dear loss. eating is not the important matter, but working. nothing which we consume counts, if it is not the product of our labor. do you wish to know whether you are rich? do not look at your comforts, but at your trouble." this is what the _moniteur industriel_ would have taught you. i, who am not a theorist, see but the loss of our hunting. _friday._ what a strange perversion of ideas. but-_robinson._ no _buts_. besides, there are political reasons for rejecting the interested offers of this perfidious stranger. _friday._ political reasons! _robinson._ yes. in the first place he makes these offers only because they are for his advantage. _friday._ so much the better, since they are for ours also. _robinson._ then by these exchanges we shall become dependent on him. _friday._ and he on us. we need his game, he our vegetables, and we will live in good friendship. _robinson._ fancy! do you want i should leave you without an answer? _friday._ let us see; i am still waiting a good reason. _robinson._ supposing that the stranger learns to cultivate a garden, and that his island is more fertile than ours. do you see the consequences? _friday._ yes. our relations with the stranger will stop. he will take no more vegetables from us, since he can get them at home with less trouble. he will bring us no more game, since we will have nothing to give in exchange, and we will be then just where you want us to be now. _robinson._ short-sighted savage! you do not see that after having destroyed our hunting, by inundating us with game, he will kill our gardening by overwhelming us with vegetables. _friday._ but he will do that only so long as we give him _something else_; that is to say, so long as we find _something else_ to produce, which will economize our labor. _robinson._ _something else--something else!_ you always come back to that. you are very vague, friend friday; there is nothing practical in your views. the contest lasted a long time, and, as often happens, left each one convinced that he was right. however, robinson having great influence over friday, his views prevailed, and when the stranger came for an answer, robinson said to him: "stranger, in order that your proposition may be accepted, we must be quite sure of two things: "the first is, that your island is not richer in game than ours, for we will struggle but with _equal arms_. "the second is, that you will lose by the bargain. for, as in every exchange there is necessarily a gainer and a loser, we would be cheated, if you were not. what have you to say?". "nothing, nothing," replied the stranger, who burst out laughing, and returned to his canoe. --the story would not be bad if robinson was not so foolish. --he is no more so than the committee in hauteville street. --oh, there is a great difference. you suppose one solitary man, or, what comes to the same thing, two men living together. this is not our world; the diversity of occupations, and the intervention of merchants and money, change the question materially. --all this complicates transactions, but does not change their nature. --what! do you propose to compare modern commerce to mere exchanges? --commerce is but a multitude of exchanges; the real nature of the exchange is identical with the real nature of commerce, as small labor is of the same nature with great, and as the gravitation which impels an atom is of the same nature as that which attracts a world. --thus, according to you, these arguments, which in robinson's mouth are so false, are no less so in the mouths of our protectionists? --yes; only error is hidden better under the complication of circumstances. --well, now, select some instance from what has actually occurred. --very well; in france, in view of custom and the exigencies of the climate, cloth is an useful article. is it the essential thing _to make it, or to have it_? --a pretty question! to have it, we must make it. --that is not necessary. it is certain that to have it some one must make it; but it is not necessary that the person or country using it should make it. you did not produce that which clothes you so well, nor france the coffee it uses for breakfast. --but i purchased my cloth, and france its coffee. --exactly, and with what? --with specie. --but you did not make the specie, nor did france. --we bought it. --with what? --with our products which went to peru. --then it is in reality your labor that you exchange for cloth, and french labor that is exchanged for coffee? --certainly. --then it is not absolutely necessary to make what one consumes? --no, if one makes _something else_, and gives it in exchange. --in other words, france has two ways of procuring a given quantity of cloth. the first is to make it, and the second is to make _something else_, and exchange _that something else_ abroad for cloth. of these two ways, which is the best? --i do not know. --is it not that which, _for a fixed amount of labor, gives the greatest quantity of cloth_? --it seems so. --which is best for a nation, to have the choice of these two ways, or to have the law forbid its using one of them at the risk of rejecting the best? --it seems to me that it would be best for the nation to have the choice, since in these matters it always makes a good selection. --the law which prohibits the introduction of foreign cloth, decides, then, that if france wants cloth, it must make it at home, and that it is forbidden to make that _something else_ with which it could purchase foreign cloth? --that is true. --and as it is obliged to make cloth, and forbidden to make _something else_, just because the other thing would require less labor (without which france would have no occasion to do anything with it), the law virtually decrees, that for a certain amount of labor, france shall have but one yard of cloth, making it itself, when, for the same amount of labor, it could have had two yards, by making _something else_. --but what other thing? --no matter what. being free to choose, it will make _something else_ only so long as there is _something else_ to make. --that is possible; but i cannot rid myself of the idea that the foreigners may send us cloth and not take something else, in which case we shall be prettily caught. under all circumstances, this is the objection, even from your own point of view. you admit that france will make this _something else_, which is to be exchanged for cloth, with less labor than if it had made the cloth itself? --doubtless. --then a certain quantity of its labor will become inert? --yes; but people will be no worse clothed--a little circumstance which causes the whole misunderstanding. robinson lost sight of it, and our protectionists do not see it, or pretend not to. the stranded plank thus paralyzed for fifteen days robinson's labor, so far as it was applied to the making of a plank, but it did not deprive him of it. distinguish, then, between these two kinds of diminution of labor, one resulting in _privation_, and the other in _comfort_. these two things are very different, and if you assimilate them, you reason like robinson. in the most complicated, as in the most simple instances, the sophism consists in this: _judging of the utility of labor by its duration and intensity, and not by its results_, which leads to this economic policy, _a reduction of the results of labor, in order to increase its duration and intensity_. xv. the little arsenal of the free trader. --if they say to you: there are no absolute principles; prohibition may be bad, and restriction good-reply: restriction _prohibits_ all that it keeps from coming in. --if they say to you: agriculture is the nursing mother of the country-reply: that which feeds a country is not exactly agriculture, but _grain_. --if they say to you: the basis of the sustenance of the people is agriculture-reply: the basis of the sustenance of the people is _grain_. thus a law which causes _two_ bushels of grain to be obtained by agricultural labor at the expense of four bushels, which the same labor would have produced but for it, far from being a law of sustenance, is a law of starvation. --if they say to you: a restriction on the admission of foreign grain leads to more cultivation, and, consequently, to a greater home production-reply: it leads to sowing on the rocks of the mountains and the sands of the sea. to milk and steadily milk, a cow gives more milk; for who can tell the moment when not a drop more can be obtained? but the drop costs dear. --if they say to you: let bread be dear, and the wealthy farmer will enrich the artisans-reply: bread is dear when there is little of it, a thing which can make but poor, or, if you please, rich people who are starving. --if they insist on it, saying: when food is dear, wages rise-reply by showing that in april, 1847, five-sixths of the workingmen were beggars. --if they say to you: the profits of the workingmen must rise with the dearness of food-reply: this is equivalent to saying that in an unprovisioned vessel everybody has the same number of biscuits whether he has any or not. --if they say to you: a good price must be secured for those who sell grain-reply: certainly; but good wages must be secured to those who buy it. --if they say to you: the land owners, who make the law, have raised the price of food without troubling themselves about wages, because they know that when food becomes dear, wages _naturally_ rise-reply: on this principle, when workingmen come to make the law, do not blame them if they fix a high rate of wages without troubling themselves to protect grain, for they know that if wages are raised, articles of food will _naturally_ rise in price. --if they say to you: what, then, is to be done? reply: be just to everybody. --if they say to you: it is essential that a great country should manufacture iron-reply: the most essential thing is that this great country _should have iron_. --if they say to you: it is necessary that a great country should manufacture cloth. reply: it is more necessary that the citizens of this great country _should have cloth_. --if they say to you: labor is wealth-reply: it is false. and, by way of developing this, add: a bleeding is not health, and the proof of it is, that it is done to restore health. --if they say to you: to compel men to work over rocks and get an ounce of iron from a ton of ore, is to increase their labor, and, consequently, their wealth-reply: to compel men to dig wells, by denying them the use of river water, is to add to their _useless_ labor, but not their wealth. --if they say to you: the sun gives his heat and light without requiring remuneration-reply: so much the better for me, since it costs me nothing to see distinctly. --and if they reply to you: industry in general loses what you would have paid for lights-retort: no, for having paid nothing to the sun, i use that which it saves me in paying for clothes, furniture and candles. --so, if they say to you: these english rascals have capital which pays them nothing-reply: so much the better for us; they will not make us pay interest. --if they say to you: these perfidious englishmen find iron and coal at the same spot-reply: so much the better for us; they will not make us pay anything for bringing them together. --if they say to you: the swiss have rich pastures which cost little-reply: the advantage is on our side, for they will ask for a lesser quantity of our labor to furnish our farmers oxen and our stomachs food. --if they say to you: the lands in the crimea are worth nothing, and pay no taxes-reply: the gain is on our side, since we buy grain free from those charges. --if they say to you: the serfs of poland work without wages-reply: the loss is theirs and the gain is ours, since their labor is deducted from the price of the grain which their masters sell us. --then, if they say to you: other nations have many advantages over us-reply: by exchange, they are forced to let us share in them. --if they say to you: with liberty we shall be swamped with bread, beef _a la mode_, coal, and coats-reply: we shall be neither cold nor hungry. --if they say to you: with what shall we pay? reply: do not be troubled about that. if we are to be inundated, it will be because we are able to pay. if we cannot pay we will not be inundated. --if they say to you: i would allow free trade, if a stranger, in bringing us one thing, took away another; but he will carry off our specie-reply: neither specie nor coffee grow in the fields of beauce or come out of the manufactories of elbeuf. for us to pay a foreigner with specie is like paying him with coffee. --if they say to you: eat meat-reply: let it come in. --if they say to you, like the _presse_: when you have not the money to buy bread with, buy beef-reply: this advice is as wise as that of vautour to his tenant, "if a person has not money to pay his rent with, he ought to have a house of his own." --if they say to you, like the _presse_: the state ought to teach the people why and how it should eat meat-reply: only let the state allow the meat free entrance, and the most civilized people in the world are old enough to learn to eat it without any teacher. --if they say to you: the state ought to know everything, and foresee everything, to guide the people, and the people have only to let themselves be guided-reply: is there a state outside of the people, and a human foresight outside of humanity? archimedes might have repeated all the days of his life, "with a lever and a fulcrum i will move the world," but he could not have moved it, for want of those two things. the fulcrum of the state is the nation, and nothing is madder than to build so many hopes on the state; that is to say, to assume a collective science and foresight, after having established individual folly and short-sightedness. --if they say to you: my god! i ask no favors, but only a duty on grain and meat, which may compensate for the heavy taxes to which france is subjected; a mere little duty, equal to what these taxes add to the cost of my grain-reply: a thousand pardons, but i, too, pay taxes. if, then, the protection which you vote yourself results in burdening for me, your grain with your proportion of the taxes, your insinuating demand aims at nothing less than the establishment between us of the following arrangement, thus worded by yourself: "since the public burdens are heavy, i, who sell grain, will pay nothing at all; and you, my neighbor, the buyer, shall pay two parts, to wit, your share and mine." my neighbor, the grain dealer, you may have power on your side, but not reason. --if they say to you: it is, however, very hard for me, a tax payer, to compete in my own market with foreigners who pay none-reply: first, this is not _your_ market, but _our_ market. i who live on grain, and pay for it, must be counted for something. secondly. few foreigners at this time are free from taxes. thirdly. if the tax which you vote repays to you, in roads, canals and safety, more than it costs you, you are not justified in driving away, at my expense, the competition of foreigners who do not pay the tax but who do not have the safety, roads and canals. it is the same as saying: i want a compensating duty, because i have fine clothes, stronger horses and better plows than the russian laborer. fourthly. if the tax does not repay what it costs, do not vote it. fifthly. if, after you have voted a tax, it is your pleasure to escape its operation, invent a system which will throw it on foreigners. but the tariff only throws your proportion on me, when i already have enough of my own. --if they say to you: freedom of commerce is necessary among the russians _that they may exchange their products with advantage_ (opinion of m. thiers, april, 1847)-reply: this freedom is necessary everywhere, and for the same reason. --if they say to you: each country has its wants; it is according to that that _it must act_ (m. thiers)-reply: it is according to that that _it acts of itself_ when no one hinders it. --if they say to you: since we have no sheet iron, its admission must be allowed (m. thiers)-reply: thank you, kindly. --if they say to you: our merchant marine must have freight; owing to the lack of return cargoes our vessels cannot compete with foreign ones-reply: when you want to do everything at home, you can have cargoes neither going nor coming. it is as absurd to wish for a navy under a prohibitory system as to wish for carts where all transportation is forbidden. --if they say to you: supposing that protection is unjust, everything is founded on it; there are moneys invested, and rights acquired, and it cannot be abandoned without suffering-reply: every injustice profits some one (except, perhaps, restriction, which in the long run profits no one), and to use as an argument the disturbance which the cessation of the injustice causes to the person profiting by it, is to say that an injustice, only because it has existed for a moment, should be eternal. xvi. the right and the left hand. [_report to the king._] sire--when we see these men of the _libre echange_ audaciously disseminating their doctrines, and maintaining that the right of buying and selling is implied by that of ownership (a piece of insolence that m. billault has criticised like a true lawyer), we may be allowed to entertain serious fears as to the destiny of _national labor_; for what will frenchmen do with their arms and intelligences when they are free? the ministry which you have honored with your confidence has naturally paid great attention to so serious a subject, and has sought in its wisdom for a _protection_ which might be substituted for that which appears compromised. it proposes to you to forbid your faithful subjects the use of the right hand. sire, do not wrong us so far as to think that we lightly adopted a measure which, at the first glance, may appear odd. deep study of the _protective system_ has revealed to us this syllogism, on which it entirely rests: the more one labors, the richer one is. the more difficulties one has to conquer, the more one labors. _ergo_, the more difficulties one has to conquer, the richer one is. what is _protection_, really, but an ingenious application of this formal reasoning, which is so compact that it would resist the subtlety of m. billault himself? let us personify the country. let us look on it as a collective being, with thirty million mouths, and, consequently, sixty million arms. this being makes a clock, which he proposes to exchange in belgium for ten quintals of iron. "but," we say to him, "make the iron yourself." "i cannot," says he; "it would take me too much time, and i could not make five quintals while i can make one clock." "utopist!" we reply; "for this very reason we forbid your making the clock, and order you to make the iron. do not you see that we create you labor?" sire, it will not have escaped your sagacity, that it is just as if we said to the country, _labor with the left hand, and not with the right_. the creation of obstacles to furnish labor an opportunity to develop itself, is the principle of the _restriction_ which is dying. it is also the principle of the _restriction_ which is about to be created. sire, to make such regulations is not to innovate, but to preserve. the efficacy of the measure is incontestable. it is difficult--much more difficult than one thinks--to do with the left hand what one was accustomed to do with the right. you will convince yourself of it, sire, if you will condescend to try our system on something which is familiar to you,--like shuffling cards, for instance. we can then flatter ourselves that we have opened an illimitable career to labor. when workmen of all kinds are reduced to their left hands, consider, sire, the immense number that will be required to meet the present consumption, supposing it to be invariable, which we always do when we compare differing systems of production. so prodigious a demand for manual labor cannot fail to bring about a considerable increase in wages; and pauperism will disappear from the country as if by enchantment. sire, your paternal heart will rejoice at the thought that the benefits of this regulation will extend over that interesting portion of the great family whose fate excites your liveliest solicitude. what is the destiny of women in france? that sex which is the boldest and most hardened to fatigue, is, insensibly, driving them from all fields of labor. formerly they found a refuge in the lottery offices. these have been closed by a pitiless philanthropy; and under what pretext? "to save," said they, "the money of the poor." alas! has a poor man ever obtained from a piece of money enjoyments as sweet and innocent as those which the mysterious urn of fortune contained for him? cut off from all the sweets of life, how many delicious hours did he introduce into the bosom of his family when, every two weeks, he put the value of a day's labor on a _quatern_. hope had always her place at the domestic hearth. the garret was peopled with illusions; the wife promised herself that she would eclipse her neighbors with the splendor of her attire; the son saw himself drum-major, and the daughter felt herself carried toward the altar in the arms of her betrothed. to have a beautiful dream is certainly something. the lottery was the poetry of the poor, and we have allowed it to escape them. the lottery dead, what means have we of providing for our _proteges_?--tobacco, and the postal service. tobacco, certainly; it progresses, thanks to heaven, and the distinguished habits which august examples have been enabled to introduce among our elegant youth. but the postal service! we will say nothing of that, but make it the subject of a special report. then what is left to your female subjects except tobacco? nothing, except embroidery, knitting, and sewing, pitiful resources, which are more and more restricted by that barbarous science, mechanics. but as soon as your ordinance has appeared, as soon as the right hands are cut off or tied up, everything will change face. twenty, thirty times more embroiderers, washers and ironers, seamstresses and shirt-makers, would not meet the consumption (_honi soit qui mal y pense_) of the kingdom; always assuming that it is invariable, according to our way of reasoning. it is true that this supposition might be denied by cold-blooded theorists, for dresses and shirts would be dearer. but they say the same thing of the iron which france gets from our mines, compared to the vintage it could get on our hillsides. this argument can, therefore, be no more entertained against _left-handedness_ than against _protection_; for this very dearness is the result and the sign of the excess of efforts and of labors, which is precisely the basis on which, in one case, as in the other, we claim to found the prosperity of the working classes. yes, we make a touching picture of the prosperity of the sewing business. what movement! what activity! what life! each dress will busy a hundred fingers instead of ten. no longer will there be an idle young girl, and we need not, sire, point out to your perspicacity the moral results of this great revolution. not only will there be more women employed, but each one of them will earn more, for they cannot meet the demand, and if competition still shows itself, it will no longer be among the workingwomen who make the dresses, but the beautiful ladies who wear them. you see, sire, that our proposition is not only conformable to the economic traditions of the government, but it is also essentially moral and democratic. to appreciate its effect, let us suppose it realized; let us transport ourselves in thought into the future; let us imagine the system in action for twenty years. idleness is banished from the country; ease and concord, contentment and morality, have entered all families together with labor; there is no more misery and no more prostitution. the left hand being very clumsy at its work, there is a superabundance of labor, and the pay is satisfactory. everything is based on this, and, as a consequence, the workshops are filled. is it not true, sire, that if utopians were to suddenly demand the freedom of the right hand, they would spread alarm throughout the country? is it not true that this pretended reform would overthrow all existences? then our system is good, since it cannot be overthrown without causing great distress. however, we have a sad presentiment that some day (so great is the perversity of man) an association will be organized to secure the liberty of right hands. it seems to us that we already hear these free-right-handers speak as follows in the salle montesquieu: "people, you believe yourselves richer because they have taken from you one hand; you see but the increase of labor which results to you from it. but look also at the dearness it causes, and the forced decrease in the consumption of all articles. this measure has not made capital, which is the source of wages, more abundant. the waters which flow from this great reservoir are directed into other channels; the quantity is not increased, and the definite result is, for the nation, as a whole, a loss of comfort equal to the excess of the production of several millions of right hands, over several millions of left hands. then let us form a league, and, at the expense of some inevitable disturbances, let us conquer the right of working with both hands." happily, sire, there will be organized an _association for the defense of left-handed labor_, and the _sinistrists_ will have no trouble in reducing to nothing all these generalities and realities, suppositions and abstractions, reveries and utopias. they need only to exhume the _moniteur industriel_ of 1846, and they will find, ready-made, arguments against _free trade_, which destroy so admirably this _liberty of the right hand_, that all that is required is to substitute one word for another. "the parisian _free trade_ league never doubted but that it would have the assistance of the workingmen. but the workingmen can no longer be led by the nose. they have their eyes open, and they know political economy better than our diplomaed professors. _free trade_, they replied, will take from us our labor, and labor is our real, great, sovereign property; _with labor, with much labor, the price of articles of merchandise is never beyond reach_. but without labor, even if bread should cost but a penny a pound, the workingman is compelled to die of hunger. now, your doctrines, instead of increasing the amount of labor in france, diminish it; that is to say, you reduce us to misery." (number of october 13, 1846.) "it is true, that when there are too many manufactured articles to sell, their price falls; but as wages decrease when these articles sink in value, the result is, that, instead of being able to buy them, we can buy nothing. thus, when they are cheapest, the workingman is most unhappy." (gauthier de rumilly, _moniteur industriel_ of november 17.) it would not be ill for the sinistrists to mingle some threats with their beautiful theories. this is a sample: "what! to desire to substitute the labor of the right hand for that of the left, and thus to cause a forced reduction, if not an annihilation of wages, the sole resource of almost the entire nation! "and this at the moment when poor harvests already impose painful sacrifices on the workingman, disquiet him as to his future, and make him more accessible to bad counsels and ready to abandon the wise course of conduct he had hitherto adhered to!" we are confident, sire, that thanks to such wise reasonings, if a struggle takes place, the left hand will come out of it victorious. perhaps, also, an association will be formed in order to ascertain whether the right and the left hand are not both wrong, and if there is not a third hand between them, in order to conciliate all. after having described the _dexterists_ as seduced by the _apparent liberality of a principle, the correctness of which has not yet been verified by experience_, and the _sinistrists_ as encamping in the positions they have gained, it will say: "and yet they deny that there is a third course to pursue in the midst of the conflict; and they do not see that the working classes have to defend themselves, at the same moment, against those who wish to change nothing in the present situation, because they find their advantage in it, and against those who dream of an economic revolution of which they have calculated neither the extent nor the significance." (_national_ of october 16.) we do not desire, however, to hide from your majesty the fact that our plan has a vulnerable side. they may say to us: in twenty years all left hands will be as skilled as right ones are now, and you can no longer count on _left-handedness_ to increase the national labor. we reply to this, that, according to learned physicians, the left side of the body has a natural weakness, which is very reassuring for the future of labor. finally, sire, consent to sign the law, and a great principle will have prevailed: _all wealth comes from the intensity of labor._ it will be easy for us to extend it, and vary its application. we will declare, for instance, that it shall be allowable to work only with the feet. this is no more impossible (for there have been instances) than to extract iron from the mud of the seine. there have even been men who wrote with their backs. you see, sire, that we do not lack means of increasing national labor. if they do begin to fail us, there remains the boundless resource of amputation. if this report, sire, was not intended for publication, we would call your attention to the great influence which systems analogous to the one we submit to you, are capable of giving to men in power. but this is a subject which we reserve for consideration in private counsel. xvii. supremacy by labor. "as in a time of war, supremacy is attained by superiority in arms, can, in a time of peace, supremacy be secured by superiority in labor?" this question is of the greatest interest at a time when no one seems to doubt that in the field of industry, as on that of battle, _the stronger crushes the weaker_. this must result from the discovery of some sad and discouraging analogy between labor, which exercises itself on things, and violence, which exercises itself on men; for how could these two things be identical in their effects, if they were opposed in their nature? and if it is true that in manufacturing as in war, supremacy is the necessary result of superiority, why need we occupy ourselves with progress or social economy, since we are in a world where all has been so arranged by providence that one and the same result, oppression, necessarily flows from the most antagonistic principles? referring to the new policy toward which commercial freedom is drawing england, many persons make this objection, which, i admit, occupies the sincerest minds. "is england doing anything more than pursuing the same end by different means? does she not constantly aspire to universal supremacy? sure of the superiority of her capital and labor, does she not call in free competition to stifle the industry of the continent, reign as a sovereign, and conquer the privilege of feeding and clothing the ruined peoples?" it would be easy for me to demonstrate that these alarms are chimerical; that our pretended inferiority is greatly exaggerated; that all our great branches of industry not only resist foreign competition, but develop themselves under its influence, and that its infallible effect is to bring about an increase in general consumption capable of absorbing both foreign and domestic products. to-day i desire to attack this objection directly, leaving it all its power and the advantage of the ground it has chosen. putting english and french on one side, i will try to find out in a general way, if, even though by superiority in one branch of industry, one nation has crushed out similar industrial pursuits in another one, this nation has made a step toward supremacy, and that one toward dependence; in other words, if both do not gain by the operation, and if the conquered do not gain the most by it. if we see in any product but a cause of labor, it is certain that the alarm of the protectionists is well founded. if we consider iron, for instance, only in connection with the masters of forges, it might be feared that the competition of a country where iron was a gratuitous gift of nature, would extinguish the furnaces of another country, where ore and fuel were scarce. but is this a complete view of the subject? are there relations only between iron and those who make it? has it none with those who use it? is its definite and only destination to be produced? and if it is useful, not on account of the labor which it causes, but on account of the qualities which it possesses, and the numerous services for which its hardness and malleability fit it, does it not follow that foreigners cannot reduce its price, even so far as to prevent its production among us, without doing us more good, under the last statement of the case, than it injures us, under the first? please consider well that there are many things which foreigners, owing to the natural advantages which surround them, hinder us from producing directly, and in regard to which we are placed, _in reality_, in the hypothetical position which we examined relative to iron. we produce at home neither tea, coffee, gold nor silver. does it follow that our labor, as a whole, is thereby diminished? no; only to create the equivalent of these things, to acquire them by way of exchange, we detach from our general labor a _smaller_ portion than we would require to produce them ourselves. more remains to us to use for other things. we are so much the richer and stronger. all that external rivalry can do, even in cases where it absolutely keeps us from any certain form of labor, is to encourage our labor, and increase our productive power. is that the road to _supremacy_, for foreigners? if a mine of gold were to be discovered in france, it does not follow that it would be for our interests to work it. it is even certain that the enterprise ought to be neglected, if each ounce of gold absorbed more of our labor than an ounce of gold bought in mexico with cloth. in this case, it would be better to keep on seeing our mines in our manufactories. what is true of gold is true of iron. the illusion comes from the fact that one thing is not seen. that is, that foreign superiority prevents national labor, only under some certain form, and makes it superfluous under this form, but by putting at our disposal the very result of the labor thus annihilated. if men lived in diving-bells, under the water, and had to provide themselves with air by the use of pumps, there would be an immense source of labor. to destroy this labor, _leaving men in this condition_, would be to do them a terrible injury. but if labor ceases, because the necessity for it has gone; because men are placed in another position, where air reaches their lungs without an effort, then the loss of this labor is not to be regretted, except in the eyes of those who appreciate in labor, only the labor itself. it is exactly this sort of labor which machines, commercial freedom, and progress of all sorts, gradually annihilate; not useful labor, but labor which has become superfluous, supernumerary, objectless, and without result. on the other hand, protection restores it to activity; it replaces us under the water, so as to give us an opportunity of pumping; it forces us to ask for gold from the inaccessible national mine, rather than from our national manufactories. all its effect is summed up in this phrase--_loss of power_. it must be understood that i speak here of general effects, and not of the temporary disturbances occasioned by the transition from a bad to a good system. a momentary disarrangement necessarily accompanies all progress. this may be a reason for making the transition a gentle one, but not for systematically interdicting all progress, and still less for misunderstanding it. they represent industry to us as a conflict. this is not true; or is true only when you confine yourself to considering each branch of industry in its effects on some similar branch--in isolating both, in the mind, from the rest of humanity. but there is something else; there are its effects on consumption, and the general well-being. this is the reason why it is not allowable to assimilate labor to war as they do. in war, _the strongest overwhelms the weakest_. in labor, _the strongest gives strength to the weakest_. this radically destroys the analogy. though the english are strong and skilled; possess immense invested capital, and have at their disposal the two great powers of production, iron and fire, all this is converted into the _cheapness_ of the product; and who gains by the cheapness of the product?--he who buys it. it is not in their power to absolutely annihilate any portion of our labor. all that they can do is to make it superfluous through some result acquired--to give air at the same time that they suppress the pump; to increase thus the force at our disposal, and, which is a remarkable thing, to render their pretended supremacy more impossible, as their superiority becomes more undeniable. thus, by a rigorous and consoling demonstration, we reach this conclusion: that _labor_ and _violence_, so opposed in their nature, are, whatever socialists and protectionists may say, no less so in their effects. all we required, to do that, was to distinguish between _annihilated_ labor and _economized_ labor. having less iron _because_ one works less, or having more iron _although_ one works less, are things which are more than different,--they are opposites. the protectionists confound them; we do not. that is all. be convinced of one thing. if the english bring into play much activity, labor, capital, intelligence, and natural force, it is not for the love of us. it is to give themselves many comforts in exchange for their products. they certainly desire to receive at least as much as they give, and _they make at home the payment for that which they buy elsewhere_. if then, they inundate us with their products, it is because they expect to be inundated with ours. in this case, the best way to have much for ourselves is to be free to choose between these two methods of production: direct production or indirect production. all the british machiavelism cannot lead us to make a bad choice. let us then stop assimilating industrial competition with war; a false assimilation, which is specious only when two rival branches of industry are isolated, in order to judge of the effects of competition. as soon as the effect produced on the general well-being is taken into consideration, the analogy disappears. in a battle, he who is killed is thoroughly killed, and the army is weakened just that much. in manufactures, one manufactory succumbs only so far as the total of national labor replaces what it produced, _with an excess_. imagine a state of affairs where for one man, stretched on the plain, two spring up full of force and vigor. if there is a planet where such things happen, it must be admitted that war is carried on there under conditions so different from those which obtain here below, that it does not even deserve that name. now, this is the distinguishing character of what they have so inappropriately called an _industrial war_. let the belgians and english reduce the price of their iron, if they can, and keep on reducing it, until they bring it down to nothing. they may thereby put out one of our furnaces--kill one of our soldiers; but i defy them to hinder a thousand other industries, more profitable than the disabled one, immediately, and, as a necessary consequence of this very cheapness, resuscitating and developing themselves. let us decide that supremacy by labor is impossible and contradictory, since all superiority which manifests itself among a people is converted into cheapness, and results only in giving force to all others. let us, then, banish from political economy all these expressions borrowed from the vocabulary of battles: _to struggle with equal arms, to conquer, to crush out, to stifle, to be beaten, invasion, tribute_. what do these words mean? squeeze them, and nothing comes out of them. we are mistaken; there come from them absurd errors and fatal prejudices. these are the words which stop the blending of peoples, their peaceful, universal, indissoluble alliance, and the progress of humanity. part iii. spoliation and law.[16] [footnote 16: on the 27th of april, 1850, after a very curious discussion, which was reproduced in the _moniteur_, the general council of agriculture, manufactures and commerce issued the following order: "political economy shall be taught by the government professors, not merely from the theoretical point of view of free trade, but also with special regard to the facts and legislation which control french industry." it was in reply to this decree that bastiat wrote the pamphlet _spoliation and law_, which first appeared in the _journal des economistes_, may 15, 1850.] _to the protectionists of the general council of manufactures:_ gentlemen--let us for a few moments interchange moderate and friendly opinions. you are not willing that political economy should believe and teach free trade. this is as though you were to say, "we are not willing that political economy should occupy itself with society, exchange, value, law, justice, property. we recognize only two principles--oppression and spoliation." can you possibly conceive of political economy without society? or of society without exchange? or of exchange without a relative value between the two articles, or the two services, exchanged? can you possibly conceive the idea of _value_, except as the result of the _free_ consent of the exchangers? can you conceive of one product being _worth_ another, if, in the barter, one of the parties is not _free_? is it possible for you to conceive of the free consent of two parties without liberty? can you possibly conceive that one of the contracting parties is deprived of his liberty unless he is oppressed by the other? can you possibly conceive of an exchange between an oppressor and one oppressed, unless the equivalence of the services is altered, or unless, as a consequence, law, justice, and the rights of property have been violated? what do you really want? answer frankly. you are not willing that trade should be free! you desire, then, that it shall not be free? you desire, then, that trade shall be carried on under the influence of oppression? for if it is not carried on under the influence of oppression, it will be carried on under the influence of liberty, and that is what you do not desire. admit, then, that it is law and justice which embarrass you; that that which troubles you is property--not your own, to be sure, but another's. you are altogether unwilling to allow others to freely dispose of their own property (the essential condition of ownership); but you well understand how to dispose of your own--and of theirs. and, accordingly, you ask the political economists to arrange this mass of absurdities and monstrosities in a definite and well-ordered system; to establish, in accordance with your practice, the theory of spoliation. but they will never do it; for, in their eyes, spoliation is a principle of hatred and disorder, and the most particularly odious form which it can assume is _the legal form_. and here, mr. benoit d' azy, i take you to task. you are moderate, impartial, and generous. you are willing to sacrifice your interests and your fortune. this you constantly declare. recently, in the general council, you said: "if the rich had only to abandon their wealth to make the people rich we should all be ready to do it." [hear, hear. it is true.] and yesterday, in the national assembly, you said: "if i believed that it was in my power to give to the workingmen all the work they need, i would give all i possess to realize this blessing. unfortunately, it is impossible." although it pains you that the sacrifice is so useless that it should not be made, and you exclaim, with basile, "money! money! i detest it--but i will keep it," assuredly no one will question a generosity so retentive, however barren. it is a virtue which loves to envelop itself in a veil of modesty, especially when it is purely latent and negative. as for you, you will lose no opportunity to proclaim it in the ears of all france from the tribune of the _luxembourg_ and the _palais legislatif_. but no one desires you to abandon your fortune, and i admit that it would not solve the social problem. you wish to be generous, but cannot. i only venture to ask that you will be just. keep your fortune, but permit me also to keep mine. respect my property as i respect yours. is this too bold a request on my part? suppose we lived in a country under a free trade _regime_, where every one could dispose of his property and his labor at pleasure. does this make your hair stand? reassure yourself, this is only an hypothesis. one would then be as free as the other. there would, indeed, be a law in the code, but this law, impartial and just, would not infringe our liberty, but would guarantee it, and it would take effect only when we sought to oppress each other. there would be officers of the law, magistrates and police; but they would only execute the law. under such a state of affairs, suppose that you owned an iron foundry, and that i was a hatter. i should need iron for my business. naturally i should seek to solve this problem: "how shall i best procure the iron necessary for my business with the least possible amount of labor?" considering my situation, and my means of knowledge, i should discover that the best thing for me to do would be to make hats, and sell them to a belgian who would give me iron in exchange. but you, being the owner of an iron foundry, and considering my case, would say to yourself: "i shall be obliged to _compel_ that fellow to come to my shop." you, accordingly, take your sword and pistols, and, arming your numerous retinue, proceed to the frontier, and, at the moment i am engaged in making my trade, you cry out to me: "stop that, or i will blow your brains out!" "but, my lord, i am in need of iron." "i have it to sell." "but, sir, you ask too much for it." "i have my reasons for that." "but, my good sir, i also have my reasons for preferring cheaper iron." "well, we shall see who shall decide between your reasons and mine! soldiers, advance!" in short, you forbid the entry of the belgian iron, and prevent the export of my hats. under the condition of things which we have supposed (that is, under a _regime_ of liberty), you cannot deny that that would be, on your part, manifestly an act of oppression and spoliation. accordingly, i should resort to the law, the magistrate, and the power of the government. they would intervene. you would be tried, condemned, and justly punished. but this circumstance would suggest to you a bright idea. you would say to yourself: "i have been very simple to give myself so much trouble. what! place myself in a position where i must kill some one, or be killed! degrade myself! put my domestics under arms! incur heavy expenses! give myself the character of a robber, and render myself liable to the laws of the country! and all this in order to compel a miserable hatter to come to my foundry to buy iron at my price! what if i should make the interest of the law, of the magistrate, of the public authorities, my interests? what if i could get them to perform the odious act on the frontier which i was about to do myself?" enchanted by this pleasing prospect, you secure a nomination to the chambers, and obtain the passage of a law conceived in the following terms: section 1. there shall be a tax levied upon everybody (but especially upon that cursed hat-maker). sec. 2. the proceeds of this tax shall be applied to the payment of men to guard the frontier in the interest of iron-founders. sec. 3. it shall be their duty to prevent the exchange of hats or other articles of merchandise with the belgians for iron. sec. 4. the ministers of the government, the prosecuting attorneys, jailers, customs officers, and all officials, are entrusted with the execution of this law. i admit, sir, that in this form robbery would be far more lucrative, more agreeable, and less perilous than under the arrangements which you had at first determined upon. i admit that for you it would offer a very pleasant prospect. you could most assuredly laugh in your sleeve, for you would then have saddled all the expenses upon me. but i affirm that you would have introduced into society a vicious principle, a principle of immorality, of disorder, of hatred, and of incessant revolutions; that you would have prepared the way for all the various schemes of socialism and communism. you, doubtless, find my hypothesis a very bold one. well, then, let us reverse the case. i consent for the sake of the demonstration. suppose that i am a laborer and you an iron-founder. it would be a great advantage to me to buy hatchets cheap, and even to get them for nothing. and i know that there are hatchets and saws in your establishment. accordingly, without any ceremony, i enter your warehouse and seize everything that i can lay my hands upon. but, in the exercise of your legitimate right of self-defense, you at first resist force with force; afterwards, invoking the power of the law, the magistrate, and the constables, you throw me into prison--and you do well. oh! ho! the thought suggests itself to me that i have been very awkward in this business. when a person wishes to enjoy the property of other people, he will, unless he is a fool, act _in accordance_ with the law, and not _in violation_ of it. consequently, just as you have made yourself a protectionist, i will make myself a socialist. since you have laid claim to the _right to profit_, i claim the _right to labor_, or to the instruments of labor. for the rest, i read my louis blanc in prison, and i know by heart this doctrine: "in order to disenthrall themselves, the common people have need of tools to work with; it is the function of the government to provide them." and again: "if one admits that, in order to be really free, a man requires the ability to exercise and to develop his faculties, the result is that society owes each of its members instruction, without which the human mind is incapable of development, and the instruments of labor, without which human activities have no field for their exercise. but by what means can society give to each one of its members the necessary instruction and the necessary instruments of labor, except by the intervention of the state?" so that if it becomes necessary to revolutionize the country, i also will force my way into the halls of legislation. i also will pervert the law, and make it perform in my behalf and at your expense the very act for which it just now punished me. my decree is modeled after yours: section 1. there shall be taxes levied upon every citizen, and especially upon iron founders. sec. 2. the proceeds of this tax shall be applied to the creation of armed corps, to which the title of the _fraternal constabulary_ shall be given. sec. 3. it shall be the duty of the _fraternal constabulary_ to make their way into the warehouses of hatchets, saws, etc., to take possession of these tools, and to distribute them to such workingmen as may desire them. thanks to this ingenious device, you see, my lord, that i shall no longer be obliged to bear the risks, the costs, the odium, or the scruples of robbery. the state will rob for me as it has for you. we shall both be playing the same game. it remains to be seen what would be the condition of french society on the realization of my second hypothesis, or what, at least, is the condition of it after the almost complete realization of the first hypothesis. i do not desire to discuss here the economy of the question. it is generally believed that in advocating free trade we are exclusively influenced by the desire to allow capital and labor to take the direction most advantageous to them. this is an error. this consideration is merely secondary. that which wounds, afflicts, and is revolting to us in the protective system, is the denial of right, of justice, of property; it is the fact that the system turns the law against justice and against property, when it ought to protect them; it is that it undermines and perverts the very conditions of society. and to the question in this aspect i invite your most serious consideration. what is law, or at least what ought it to be? what is its rational and moral mission? is it not to hold the balance even between all rights, all liberties, and all property? is it not to cause justice to rule among all? is it not to prevent and to repress oppression and robbery wherever they are found? and are you not shocked at the immense, radical, and deplorable innovation introduced into the world by compelling the law itself to commit the very crimes to punish which is its especial mission--by turning the law in principle and in fact against liberty and property? you deplore the condition of modern society. you groan over the disorder which prevails in institutions and ideas. but is it not your system which has perverted everything, both institutions and ideas? what! the law is no longer the refuge of the oppressed, but the arm of the oppressor! the law is no longer a shield, but a sword! the law no longer holds in her august hands a scale, but false weights and measures! and you wish to have society well regulated! your system has written over the entrance of the legislative halls these words: "whoever acquires any influence here can obtain his share of the legalized pillage." and what has been the result? all classes of society have become demoralized by shouting around the gates of the palace: "give me a share of the spoils." after the revolution of february, when universal suffrage was proclaimed, i had for a moment hoped to have heard this sentiment: "no more pillage for any one, justice for all." and that would have been the real solution of the social problem. such was not the case. the doctrine of protection had for generations too profoundly corrupted the age, public sentiments and ideas. no. in making inroads upon the national assembly, each class, in accordance with your system, has endeavored to make the law an instrument of rapine. there have been demanded heavier imposts, gratuitous credit, the right to employment, the right to assistance, the guaranty of incomes and of minimum wages, gratuitous instruction, loans to industry, etc., etc.; in short, every one has endeavored to live and thrive at the expense of others. and upon what have these pretensions been based? upon the authority of your precedents. what sophisms have been invoked? those that you have propagated for two centuries. with you they have talked about _equalizing the conditions of labor_. with you they have declaimed against ruinous competition. with you they have ridiculed the _let alone_ principle, that is to say, _liberty_. with you they have said that the law should not confine itself to being just, but should come to the aid of suffering industries, protect the feeble against the strong, secure profits to individuals at the expense of the community, etc., etc. in short, according to the expression of mr. charles dupin, socialism has come to establish the theory of robbery. it has done what you have done, and that which you desire the professors of political economy to do for you. your cleverness is in vain, _messieurs protectionists_, it is useless to lower your tone, to boast of your latent generosity, or to deceive your opponents by sentiment. you cannot prevent logic from being logic. you cannot prevent mr. billault from telling the legislators, "you have granted favors to one, you must grant them to all." you cannot prevent mr. cremieux from telling the legislators: "you have enriched the manufacturers, you must enrich the common people." you cannot prevent mr. nadeau from saying to the legislators: "you cannot refuse to do for the suffering classes that which you have done for the privileged classes." you cannot even prevent the leader of your orchestra, mr. mimerel, from saying to the legislators: "i demand twenty-five thousand subsidies for the workingmen's savings banks;" and supporting his motion in this manner: "is this the first example of the kind that our legislation offers? would you establish the system that the state should encourage everything, open at its expense courses of scientific lectures, subsidize the fine arts, pension the theatre, give to the classes already favored by fortune the benefits of superior education, the most varied amusements, the enjoyment of the arts, and repose for old age; give all this to those who know nothing of privations, and compel those who have no share in these benefits to bear their part of the burden, while refusing them everything, even the necessaries of life? "gentlemen, our french society, our customs, our laws, are so made that the intervention of the state, however much it may be regretted, is seen everywhere, and nothing seems to be stable or durable if the hand of the state is not manifest in it. it is the state that makes the sevres porcelain, and the gobelin tapestry. it is the state that periodically gives expositions of the works of our artists, and of the products of our manufacturers; it is the state which recompenses those who raise its cattle and breed its fish. all this costs a great deal. it is a tax to which every one is obliged to contribute. everybody, do you understand? and what direct benefit do the people derive from it? of what direct benefit to the people are your porcelains and tapestries, and your expositions? this general principle of resisting what you call a state of enthusiasm we can understand, although you yesterday voted a bounty for linens; we can understand it on the condition of consulting the present crisis, and especially on the condition of your proving your impartiality. if it is true that, by the means i have indicated, the state thus far seems to have more directly benefited the well-to-do classes than those who are poorer, it is necessary that this appearance should be removed. shall it be done by closing the manufactories of tapestry and stopping the exhibitions? assuredly not; _but by giving the poor a direct share in this distribution of benefits_." in this long catalogue of favors granted to some at the expense of all, one will remark the extreme prudence with which mr. mimerel has left the tariff favors out of sight, although they are the most explicit manifestations of legal spoliation. all the orators who supported or opposed him have taken upon themselves the same reserve. it is very shrewd! possibly they hope, _by giving the poor a direct participation in this distribution of benefits_, to save this great iniquity by which they profit, but of which they do not whisper. they deceive themselves. do they suppose that after having realized a partial spoliation by the establishment of customs duties, other classes, by the establishment of other institutions, will not attempt to realize universal spoliation? i know very well you always have a sophism ready. you say: "the favors which the law grants us are not given to the _manufacturer_, but to _manufactures_. the profits which it enables us to receive at the expense of the consumers are merely a trust placed in our hands. they enrich us, it is true, but our wealth places us in a position to expend more, to extend our establishments, and falls like refreshing dew upon the laboring classes." such is your language, and what i most lament is the circumstance that your miserable sophisms have so perverted public opinion that they are appealed to in support of all forms of legalized spoliation. the suffering classes also say. "let us by act of the legislature help ourselves to the goods of others. we shall be in easier circumstances as the result of it; we shall buy more wheat, more meat, more cloth, and more iron; and that which we receive from the public taxes will return in a beneficent shower to the capitalists and landed proprietors." but, as i have already said, i will not to-day discuss the economical effects of legal spoliation. whenever the protectionists desire, they will find me ready to examine the _sophisms of the ricochets_, which, indeed, may be invoked in support of all species of robbery and fraud. we will confine ourselves to the political and moral effects of exchange legally deprived of liberty. i have said: the time has come to know what the law is, and what it ought to be. if you make the law for all citizens a palladium of liberty and of property; if it is only the organization of the individual law of self-defense, you will establish, upon the foundation of justice, a government rational, simple, economical, comprehended by all, loved by all, useful to all, supported by all, entrusted with a responsibility perfectly defined and carefully restricted, and endowed with imperishable strength. if, on the other hand, in the interests of individuals or of classes, you make the law an instrument of robbery, every one will wish to make laws, and to make them to his own advantage. there will be a riotous crowd at the doors of the legislative halls, there will be a bitter conflict within; minds will be in anarchy, morals will be shipwrecked; there will be violence in party organs, heated elections, accusations, recriminations, jealousies, inextinguishable hates, the public forces placed at the service of rapacity instead of repressing it, the ability to distinguish the true from the false effaced from all minds, as the notion of justice and injustice will be obliterated from all consciences, the government responsible for everything and bending under the burden of its responsibilities, political convulsions, revolutions without end, ruins over which all forms of socialism and communism attempt to establish themselves; these are the evils which must necessarily flow from the perversion of law. such, consequently, gentlemen, are the evils for which you have prepared the way by making use of the law to destroy freedom of exchange; that is to say, to abolish the right of property. do not declaim against socialism; you establish it. do not cry out against communism; you create it. and now you ask us economists to make you a theory which will justify you! _morbleu!_ make it yourselves. part iv. capital and interest. my object in this treatise is to examine into the real nature of the interest of capital, for the purpose of proving that it is lawful, and explaining why it should be perpetual. this may appear singular, and yet, i confess, i am more afraid of being too plain than too obscure. i am afraid i may weary the reader by a series of mere truisms. but it is no easy matter to avoid this danger, when the facts, with which we have to deal, are known to every one by personal, familiar, and daily experience. but, then, you will say, "what is the use of this treatise? why explain what everybody knows?" but, although this problem appears at first sight so very simple, there is more in it than you might suppose. i shall endeavor to prove this by an example. mondor lends an instrument of labor to-day, which will be entirely destroyed in a week, yet the capital will not produce the less interest to mondor or his heirs, through all eternity. reader, can you honestly say that you understand the reason of this? it would be a waste of time to seek any satisfactory explanation from the writings of economists. they have not thrown much light upon the reasons of the existence of interest. for this they are not to be blamed; for at the time they wrote, its lawfulness was not called in question. now, however, times are altered; the case is different. men, who consider themselves to be in advance of their age, have organized an active crusade against capital and interest; it is the productiveness of capital which they are attacking; not certain abuses in the administration of it, but the principle itself. a journal has been established to serve as a vehicle for this crusade. it is conducted by m. proudhon, and has, it is said, an immense circulation. the first number of this periodical contains the electoral manifesto of the _people_. here we read, "the productiveness of capital, which is condemned by christianity under the name of usury, is the true cause of misery, the true principle of destitution, the eternal obstacle to the establishment of the republic." another journal, _la ruche populaire_, after having said some excellent things on labor, adds, "but, above all, labor ought to be free; that is, it ought to be organized in such a manner, _that money lenders and patrons, or masters, should not be paid_ for this liberty of labor, this right of labor, which is raised to so high a price by the trafficers of men." the only thought that i notice here, is that expressed by the words in italics, which imply a denial of the right to interest. the remainder of the article explains it. it is thus that the democratic socialist, thoré, expresses himself: "the revolution will always have to be recommenced, so long as we occupy ourselves with consequences only, without having the logic or the courage to attack the principle itself. this principle is capital, false property, interest, and usury, which by the old _regime_, is made to weigh upon labor. "ever since the aristocrats invented the incredible fiction, _that capital possesses the power of reproducing itself_, the workers have been at the mercy of the idle. "at the end of a year, will you find an additional crown in a bag of one hundred shillings? at the end of fourteen years, will your shillings have doubled in your bag? "will a work of industry or of skill produce another, at the end of fourteen years? "let us begin, then, by demolishing this fatal fiction." i have quoted the above, merely for the sake of establishing the fact, that many persons consider the productiveness of capital a false, a fatal, and an iniquitous principle. but quotations are superfluous; it is well known that the people attribute their sufferings to what they call _the trafficing in man by man_. in fact, the phrase _tyranny of capital_ has become proverbial. i believe there is not a man in the world, who is aware of the whole importance of this question: "is the interest of capital natural, just, and lawful, and as useful to the payer as to the receiver?" you answer, no; i answer, yes. then we differ entirely; but it is of the utmost importance to discover which of us is in the right; otherwise we shall incur the danger of making a false solution of the question, a matter of opinion. if the error is on my side, however, the evil would not be so great. it must be inferred that i know nothing about the true interests of the masses, or the march of human progress; and that all my arguments are but as so many grains of sand, by which the car of the revolution will certainly not be arrested. but if, on the contrary, mm. proudhon and thoré are deceiving themselves, it follows, that they are leading the people astray--that they are showing them the evil where it does not exist; and thus giving a false direction to their ideas, to their antipathies, to their dislikes, and to their attacks. it follows, that the misguided people are rushing into a horrible and absurd struggle, in which victory would be more fatal than defeat, since, according to this supposition, the result would be the realization of universal evils, the destruction of every means of emancipation, the consummation of its own misery. this is just what m. proudhon has acknowledged, with perfect good faith. "the foundation stone," he told me, "of my system is the _gratuitousness of credit_. if i am mistaken in this, socialism is a vain dream." i add, it is a dream, in which the people are tearing themselves to pieces. will it, therefore, be a cause for surprise, if, when they awake, they find themselves mangled and bleeding? such a danger as this is enough to justify me fully, if, in the course of the discussion, i allow myself to be led into some trivialities and some prolixity. capital and interest. i address this treatise to the workmen of paris, more especially to those who have enrolled themselves under the banner of socialist democracy. i proceed to consider these two questions: 1st. is it consistent with the nature of things, and with justice, that capital should produce interest? 2nd. is it consistent with the nature of things, and with justice, that the interest of capital should be perpetual? the working men of paris will certainly acknowledge that a more important subject could not be discussed. since the world began, it has been allowed, at least in part, that capital ought to produce interest. but latterly it has been affirmed, that herein lies the very social error which is the cause of pauperism and inequality. it is, therefore, very essential to know now on what ground we stand. for if levying interest from capital is a sin, the workers have a right to revolt against social order, as it exists; it is in vain to tell them that they ought to have recourse to legal and pacific means, it would be a hypocritical recommendation. when on the one side there is a strong man, poor, and a victim of robbery--on the other, a weak man, but rich, and a robber--it is singular enough, that we should say to the former, with a hope of persuading him, "wait till your oppressor voluntarily renounces oppression, or till it shall cease of itself." this cannot be; and those who tell us that capital is, by nature, unproductive, ought to know that they are provoking a terrible and immediate struggle. if, on the contrary, the interest of capital is natural, lawful, consistent with the general good, as favorable to the borrower as to the lender, the economists who deny it, the tribunes who traffic in this pretended social wound, are leading the workmen into a senseless and unjust struggle, which can have no other issue than the misfortune of all. in fact, they are arming labor against capital. so much the better, if these two powers are really antagonistic; and may the struggle soon be ended! but if they are in harmony, the struggle is the greatest evil which can be inflicted on society. you see, then, workmen, that there is not a more important question than this: "is the interest of capital lawful or not?" in the former case, you must immediately renounce the struggle to which you are being urged; in the second, you must carry it on bravely, and to the end. productiveness of capital--perpetuity of interest. these are difficult questions. i must endeavor to make myself clear. and for that purpose i shall have recourse to example rather than to demonstration; or rather, i shall place the demonstration in the example. i begin by acknowledging, that, at first sight, it may appear strange that capital should pretend to a remuneration; and, above all, to a perpetual remuneration. you will say, "here are two men. one of them works from morning till night, from one year's end to another; and if he consumes all which he has gained, even by superior energy, he remains poor. when christmas comes, he is no forwarder than he was at the beginning of the year, and has no other prospect but to begin again. the other man does nothing, either with his hands or his head; or, at least, if he makes use of them at all, it is only for his own pleasure; it is allowable for him to do nothing, for he has an income. he does not work, yet he lives well; he has everything in abundance, delicate dishes, sumptuous furniture, elegant equipages; nay, he even consumes, daily, things which the workers have been obliged to produce by the sweat of their brow; for these things do not make themselves; and, as far as he is concerned, he has had no hand in their production. it is the workmen who have caused this corn to grow, polished this furniture, woven these carpets; it is our wives and daughters who have spun, cut out, sewed, and embroidered these stuffs. we work, then, for him and ourselves; for him first, and then for ourselves, if there is anything left. but here is something more striking still. if the former of these two men, the worker, consumes within the year any profit which may have been left him in that year, he is always at the point from which he started, and his destiny condemns him to move incessantly in a perpetual circle, and a monotony of exertion. labor, then, is rewarded only once. but if the other, the 'gentleman,' consumes his yearly income in the year, he has, the year after, in those which follow, and through all eternity, an income always equal, inexhaustible, _perpetual_. capital, then, is remunerated, not only once or twice, but an indefinite number of times! so that, at the end of a hundred years, a family, which has placed 20,000 francs, at five per cent., will have had 100,000 francs; and this will not prevent it from having 100,000 more, in the following century. in other words, for 20,000 francs, which represent its labor, it will have levied, in two centuries, a ten-fold value on the labor of others. in this social arrangement, is there not a monstrous evil to be reformed? and this is not all. if it should please this family to curtail its enjoyments a little--to spend, for example, only 900 francs, instead of 1,000--it may, without any labor, without any other trouble beyond that of investing 100 francs a year, increase its capital and its income in such rapid progression, that it will soon be in a position to consume as much as a hundred families of industrious workmen. does not all this go to prove, that society itself has in its bosom a hideous cancer, which ought to be eradicated at the risk of some temporary suffering?" these are, it appears to me, the sad and irritating reflections which must be excited in your minds by the active and superficial crusade which is being carried on against capital and interest. on the other hand, there are moments in which, i am convinced, doubts are awakened in your minds, and scruples in your conscience. you say to yourselves sometimes, "but to assert that capital ought not to produce interest, is to say that he who has created instruments of labor, or materials, or provisions of any kind, ought to yield them up without compensation. is that just? and then, if it is so, who would lend these instruments, these materials, these provisions? who would take care of them? who even would create them? every one would consume his proportion, and the human race would never advance a step. capital would be no longer formed, since there would be no interest in forming it. it will become exceedingly scarce. a singular step toward gratuitous loans! a singular means of improving the condition of borrowers, to make it impossible for them to borrow at any price! what would become of labor itself? for there will be no money advanced, and not one single kind of labor can be mentioned, not even the chase, which can be pursued without money in hand. and, as for ourselves, what would become of us? what! we are not to be allowed to borrow, in order to work in the prime of life, nor to lend, that we may enjoy repose in its decline? the law will rob us of the prospect of laying by a little property, because it will prevent us from gaining any advantage from it. it will deprive us of all stimulus to save at the present time, and of all hope of repose for the future. it is useless to exhaust ourselves with fatigue; we must abandon the idea of leaving our sons and daughters a little property, since modern science renders it useless, for we should become trafficers in men if we were to lend it on interest. alas! the world which these persons would open before us as an imaginary good, is still more dreary and desolate than that which they condemn, for hope, at any rate, is not banished from the latter." thus in all respects, and in every point of view, the question is a serious one. let us hasten to arrive at a solution. our civil code has a chapter entitled, "on the manner of transmitting property." i do not think it gives a very complete nomenclature on this point. when a man by his labor has made some useful things--in other words, when he has created a _value_--it can only pass into the hands of another by one of the following modes: as a gift, by the right of inheritance, by exchange, loan, or theft. one word upon each of these, except the last, although it plays a greater part in the world than we may think. a gift, needs no definition. it is essentially voluntary and spontaneous. it depends exclusively upon the giver, and the receiver cannot be said to have any right to it. without a doubt, morality and religion make it a duty for men, especially the rich, to deprive themselves voluntarily of that which they possess, in favor of their less fortunate brethren. but this is an entirely moral obligation. if it were to be asserted on principle, admitted in practice, or sanctioned by law, that every man has a right to the property of another, the gift would have no merit, charity and gratitude would be no longer virtues. besides, such a doctrine would suddenly and universally arrest labor and production, as severe cold congeals water and suspends animation, for who would work if there was no longer to be any connection between labor and the satisfying of our wants? political economy has not treated of gifts. it has hence been concluded that it disowns them, and that it is therefore a science devoid of heart. this is a ridiculous accusation. that science which treats of the laws resulting from the _reciprocity of services_, had no business to inquire into the consequences of generosity with respect to him who receives, nor into its effects, perhaps still more precious, on him who gives; such considerations belong evidently to the science of morals. we must allow the sciences to have limits; above all, we must not accuse them of denying or undervaluing what they look upon as foreign to their department. the right of inheritance, against which so much has been objected of late, is one of the forms of gift, and assuredly the most natural of all. that which a man has produced, he may consume, exchange, or give; what can be more natural than that he should give it to his children? it is this power, more than any other, which inspires him with courage to labor and to save. do you know why the principle of right of inheritance is thus called in question? because it is imagined that the property thus transmitted is plundered from the masses. this is a fatal error; political economy demonstrates, in the most peremptory manner, that all value produced is a creation which does no harm to any person whatever. for that reason, it may be consumed, and, still more, transmitted, without hurting any one; but i shall not pursue these reflections, which do not belong to the subject. exchange is the principal department of political economy, because it is by far the most frequent method of transmitting property, according to the free and voluntary agreements of the laws and effects of which this science treats. properly speaking, exchange is the reciprocity of services. the parties say between themselves, "give me this, and i will give you that;" or, "do this for me, and i will do that for you." it is well to remark (for this will throw a new light on the notion of value), that the second form is always implied in the first. when it is said, "do this for me, and i will do that for you," an exchange of service for service is proposed. again, when it is said, "give me this, and i will give you that," it is the same as saying, "i yield to you what i have done, yield to me what you have done." the labor is past, instead of present; but the exchange is not the less governed by the comparative valuation of the two services; so that it is quite correct to say, that the principle of _value_ is in the services rendered and received on account of the productions exchanged, rather than in productions themselves. in reality, services are scarcely ever exchanged directly. there is a medium, which is termed _money_. paul has completed a coat, for which he wishes to receive a little bread, a little wine, a little oil, a visit from a doctor, a ticket for the play, etc. the exchange cannot be effected in kind; so what does paul do? he first exchanges his coat for some money, which is called _sale_; then he exchanges this money again for the things which he wants, which is called _purchase_; and now, only, has the reciprocity of services completed its circuit; now, only, the labor and the compensation are balanced in the same individual,--"i have done this for society, it has done that for me." in a word, it is only now that the exchange is actually accomplished. thus, nothing can be more correct than this observation of j.b. say: "since the introduction of money, every exchange is resolved into two elements, _sale_ and _purchase_. it is the reunion of these two elements which renders the exchange complete." we must remark, also, that the constant appearance of money in every exchange has overturned and misled all our ideas; men have ended in thinking that money was true riches, and that to multiply it was to multiply services and products. hence the prohibitory system; hence paper money; hence the celebrated aphorism, "what one gains the other loses;" and all the errors which have ruined the earth, and imbrued it with blood.[17] after much research it has been found, that in order to make the two services exchanged of equivalent value, and in order to render the exchange _equitable_, the best means was to allow it to be free. however plausible, at first sight, the intervention of the state might be, it was soon perceived that it is always oppressive to one or other of the contracting parties. when we look into these subjects, we are always compelled to reason upon this maxim, that _equal value_ results from liberty. we have, in fact, no other means of knowing whether, at a given moment, two services are of the same value, but that of examining whether they can be readily and freely exchanged. allow the state, which is the same thing as force, to interfere on one side or the other, and from that moment all the means of appreciation will be complicated and entangled, instead of becoming clear. it ought to be the part of the state to prevent, and, above all, to repress artifice and fraud; that is, to secure liberty, and not to violate it. i have enlarged a little upon exchange, although loan is my principal object: my excuse is, that i conceive that there is in a loan an actual exchange, an actual service rendered by the lender, and which makes the borrower liable to an equivalent service,--two services, whose comparative value can only be appreciated, like that of all possible services, by freedom. now, if it is so, the perfect lawfulness of what is called house-rent, farm-rent, interest, will be explained and justified. let us consider the case of _loan_. [footnote 17: this error will be combated in a pamphlet, entitled "_cursed money_."] suppose two men exchange two services or two objects, whose equal value is beyond all dispute. suppose, for example, peter says to paul, "give me ten sixpences, i will give you a five-shilling piece." we cannot imagine an equal value more unquestionable. when the bargain is made, neither party has any claim upon the other. the exchanged services are equal. thus it follows, that if one of the parties wishes to introduce into the bargain an additional clause, advantageous to himself, but unfavorable to the other party, he must agree to a second clause, which shall re-establish the equilibrium, and the law of justice. it would be absurd to deny the justice of a second clause of compensation. this granted, we will suppose that peter, after having said to paul, "give me ten sixpences, i will give you a crown," adds, "you shall give me the ten sixpences _now_, and i will give you the crown-piece _in a year_;" it is very evident that this new proposition alters the claims and advantages of the bargain; that it alters the proportion of the two services. does it not appear plainly enough, in fact, that peter asks of paul a new and an additional service; one of a different kind? is it not as if he had said, "render me the service of allowing me to use for my profit, for a year, five shillings which belong to you, and which you might have used for yourself"? and what good reason have you to maintain that paul is bound to render this especial service gratuitously; that he has no right to demand anything more in consequence of this requisition; that the state ought to interfere to force him to submit? is it not incomprehensible that the economist, who preaches such a doctrine to the people, can reconcile it with his principle of _the reciprocity of services_? here i have introduced cash; i have been led to do so by a desire to place, side by side, two objects of exchange, of a perfect and indisputable equality of value. i was anxious to be prepared for objections; but, on the other hand, my demonstration would have been more striking still, if i had illustrated my principle by an agreement for exchanging the services or the productions themselves. suppose, for example, a house and a vessel of a value so perfectly equal that their proprietors are disposed to exchange them even-handed, without excess or abatement. in fact, let the bargain be settled by a lawyer. at the moment of each taking possession, the ship-owner says to the citizen, "very well; the transaction is completed, and nothing can prove its perfect equity better than our free and voluntary consent. our conditions thus fixed, i shall propose to you a little practical modification. you shall let me have your house to-day, but i shall not put you in possession of my ship for a year; and the reason i make this demand of you is, that, during this year of _delay_, i wish to use the vessel." that we may not be embarrassed by considerations relative to the deterioration of the thing lent, i will suppose the ship-owner to add, "i will engage, at the end of the year, to hand over to you the vessel in the state in which it is to-day." i ask of every candid man, i ask of m. proudhon himself, if the citizen has not a right to answer, "the new clause which you propose entirely alters the proportion or the equal value of the exchanged services. by it, i shall be deprived, for the space of a year, both at once of my house and of your vessel. by it, you will make use of both. if, in the absence of this clause, the bargain was just, for the same reason the clause is injurious to me. it stipulates for a loss to me, and a gain to you. you are requiring of me a new service; i have a right to refuse, or to require of you, as a compensation, an equivalent service." if the parties are agreed upon this compensation, the principle of which is incontestable, we can easily distinguish two transactions in one, two exchanges of service in one. first, there is the exchange of the house for the vessel; after this, there is the delay granted by one of the parties, and the compensation correspondent to this delay yielded by the other. these two new services take the generic and abstract names of _credit_ and _interest_. but names do not change the nature of things; and i defy any one to dare to maintain that there exists here, when all is done, a service for a service, or a reciprocity of services. to say that one of these services does not challenge the other, to say that the first ought to be rendered gratuitously, without injustice, is to say that injustice consists in the reciprocity of services--that justice consists in one of the parties giving and not receiving, which is a contradiction in terms. to give an idea of interest and its mechanism, allow me to make use of two or three anecdotes. but, first, i must say a few words upon capital. there are some persons who imagine that capital is money, and this is precisely the reason why they deny its productiveness; for, as m. thoré says, crowns are not endowed with the power of reproducing themselves. but it is not true that capital and money are the same thing. before the discovery of the precious metals, there were capitalists in the world; and i venture to say that at that time, as now, everybody was a capitalist, to a certain extent. what is capital, then? it is composed of three things: 1st. of the materials upon which men operate, when these materials have already a value communicated by some human effort, which has bestowed upon them the principle of remuneration--wool, flax, leather, silk, wood, etc. 2nd. instruments which are used for working--tools, machines, ships, carriages, etc. 3rd. provisions which are consumed during labor--victuals, stuffs, houses, etc. without these things, the labor of man would be unproductive, and almost void; yet these very things have required much work, especially at first. this is the reason that so much value has been attached to the possession of them, and also that it is perfectly lawful to exchange and to sell them, to make a profit of them if used, to gain remuneration from them if lent. now for my anecdotes. the sack of corn. mathurin, in other respects as poor as job, and obliged to earn his bread by day-labor, became, nevertheless, by some inheritance, the owner of a fine piece of uncultivated land. he was exceedingly anxious to cultivate it. "alas!" said he, "to make ditches, to raise fences, to break the soil, to clear away the brambles and stones, to plough it, to sow it, might bring me a living in a year or two; but certainly not to-day, or to-morrow. it is impossible to set about farming it, without previously saving some provisions for my subsistence until the harvest; and i know, by experience, that preparatory labor is indispensable, in order to render present labor productive." the good mathurin was not content with making these reflections. he resolved to work by the day, and to save something from his wages to buy a spade and a sack of corn; without which things, he must give up his fine agricultural projects. he acted so well, was so active and steady, that he soon saw himself in possession of the wished-for sack of corn. "i shall take it to the mill," said he, "and then i shall have enough to live upon till my field is covered with a rich harvest." just as he was starting, jerome came to borrow his treasure of him. "if you will lend me this sack of corn," said jerome, "you will do me a great service; for i have some very lucrative work in view, which i cannot possibly undertake, for want of provisions to live upon until it is finished." "i was in the same case," answered mathurin, "and if i have now secured bread for several months, it is at the expense of my arms and my stomach. upon what principle of justice can it be devoted to the realization of _your_ enterprise instead of _mine_?" you may well believe that the bargain was a long one. however, it was finished at length, and on these conditions: first. jerome promised to give back, at the end of the year, a sack of corn of the same quality, and of the same weight, without missing a single grain. "this first clause is perfectly just," said he, "for without it mathurin would _give_, and not _lend_." secondly. he engaged to deliver _five litres_ on _every hectolitre_. "this clause is no less just than the other," thought he; "for without it mathurin would do me a service without compensation; he would inflict upon himself a privation--he would renounce his cherished enterprise--he would enable me to accomplish mine--he would cause me to enjoy for a year the fruits of his savings, and all this gratuitously. since he delays the cultivation of his land, since he enables me to realize a lucrative labor, it is quite natural that i should let him partake, in a certain proportion, of the profits which i shall gain by the sacrifice he makes of his own." on his side, mathurin, who was something of a scholar, made this calculation: "since, by virtue of the first clause, the sack of corn will return to me at the end of a year," he said to himself, "i shall be able to lend it again; it will return to me at the end of the second year; i may lend it again, and so on, to all eternity. however, i cannot deny that it will have been eaten long ago. it is singular that i should be perpetually the owner of a sack of corn, although the one i have lent has been consumed for ever. but this is explained thus: it will be consumed in the service of jerome. it will put it into the power of jerome to produce a superior value; and, consequently, jerome will be able to restore me a sack of corn, or the value of it, without having suffered the slightest injury; but quite the contrary. and as regards myself, this value ought to be my property, as long as i do not consume it myself; if i had used it to clear my land, i should have received it again in the form of a fine harvest. instead of that, i lend it, and shall recover it in the form of repayment. "from the second clause, i gain another piece of information. at the end of the year, i shall be in possession of five litres of corn, over the 100 that i have just lent. if, then, i were to continue to work by the day, and to save a part of my wages, as i have been doing, in the course of time i should be able to lend two sacks of corn; then three; then four; and when i should have gained a sufficient number to enable me to live on these additions of five litres over and above each, i shall be at liberty to take a little repose in my old age. but how is this? in this case, shall i not be living at the expense of others? no, certainly, for it has been proved that in lending i perform a service; i complete the labor of my borrowers; and only deduct a trifling part of the excess of production, due to my lendings and savings. it is a marvellous thing, that a man may thus realize a leisure which injures no one, and for which he cannot be envied without injustice." the house. mondor had a house. in building it, he had extorted nothing from any one whatever. he owed it to his own personal labor, or, which is the same thing, to labor justly rewarded. his first care was to make a bargain with an architect, in virtue of which, by means of a hundred crowns a year, the latter engaged to keep the house in constant good repair. mondor was already congratulating himself on the happy days which he hoped to spend in this retreat, declared sacred by our constitution. but valerius wished to make it his residence. "how can you think of such a thing?" said mondor; "it is i who have built it; it has cost me ten years of painful labor, and now you would enjoy it!" they agreed to refer the matter to judges. they chose no profound economists--there were none such in the country. but they found some just and sensible men; it all comes to the same thing: political economy, justice, good sense, are all the same thing. now here is the decision made by the judges: if valerius wishes to occupy mondor's house for a year, he is bound to submit to three conditions. the first is, to quit at the end of the year, and to restore the house in good repair, saving the inevitable decay resulting from mere duration. the second, to refund to mondor the 300 francs, which the latter pays annually to the architect to repair the injuries of time; for these injuries taking place whilst the house is in the service of valerius, it is perfectly just that he should bear the consequences. the third, that he should render to mondor a service equivalent to that which he receives. as to this equivalence of services, it must be freely discussed between mondor and valerius. the plane. a very long time ago there lived, in a poor village, a joiner, who was a philosopher, as all my heroes are, in their way. james worked from morning till night with his two strong arms, but his brain was not idle, for all that. he was fond of reviewing his actions, their causes, and their effects. he sometimes said to himself, "with my hatchet, my saw, and my hammer, i can make only coarse furniture, and can only get the pay for such. if i only had a _plane_, i should please my customers more, and they would pay me more. it is quite just; i can only expect services proportioned to those which i render myself. yes! i am resolved, i will make myself a _plane_." however, just as he was setting to work, james reflected further: "i work for my customers 300 days in the year. if i give ten to making my plane, supposing it lasts me a year, only 290 days will remain for me to make my furniture. now, in order that i be not the loser in this matter, i must gain henceforth, with the help of the plane, as much in 290 days, as i now do in 300. i must even gain more; for unless i do so, it would not be worth my while to venture upon any innovations." james began to calculate. he satisfied himself that he should sell his finished furniture at a price which would amply compensate for the ten days devoted to the plane; and when no doubt remained on this point, he set to work. i beg the reader to remark, that the power which exists in the tool to increase the productiveness of labor, is the basis of the solution which follows. at the end of ten days, james had in his possession an admirable plane, which he valued all the more for having made it himself. he danced for joy--for, like the girl with her basket of eggs, he reckoned all the profits which he expected to derive from the ingenious instrument; but more fortunate than she, he was not reduced to the necessity of saying good-bye to calf, cow, pig, and eggs, together. he was building his fine castles in the air, when he was interrupted by his acquaintance william, a joiner in the neighboring village. william having admired the plane, was struck with the advantages which might be gained from it. he said to james: _w._ you must do me a service. _j._ what service? _w._ lend me the plane for a year. as might be expected, james at this proposal did not fail to cry out, "how can you think of such a thing, william? well, if i do you this service, what will you do for me in return?" _w._ nothing. don't you know that a loan ought to be gratuitous? don't you know that capital is naturally unproductive? don't you know fraternity has been proclaimed? if you only do me a service for the sake of receiving one from me in return, what merit would you have? _j._ william, my friend, fraternity does not mean that all the sacrifices are to be on one side; if so, i do not see why they should not be on yours. whether a loan should be gratuitous i don't know; but i do know that if i were to lend you my plane for a year, it would be giving it to you. to tell you the truth, that is not what i made it for. _w._ well, we will say nothing about the modern maxims discovered by the socialist gentlemen. i ask you to do me a service; what service do you ask of me in return? _j._ first, then, in a year, the plane will be done for, it will be good for nothing. it is only just, that you should let me have another exactly like it; or that you should give me money enough to get it repaired; or that you should supply me the ten days which i must devote to replacing it. _w._ this is perfectly just. i submit to these conditions. i engage to return it, or to let you have one like it, or the value of the same. i think you must be satisfied with this, and can require nothing further. _j._ i think otherwise. i made the plane for myself, and not for you. i expected to gain some advantage from it, by my work being better finished and better paid, by an improvement in my condition. what reason is there that i should make the plane, and you should gain the profit? i might as well ask you to give me your saw and hatchet! what a confusion! is it not natural that each should keep what he has made with his own hands, as well as his hands themselves? to use without recompense the hands of another, i call slavery; to use without recompense the plane of another, can this be called fraternity? _w._ but, then, i have agreed to return it to you at the end of a year, as well polished and as sharp as it is now. _j._ we have nothing to do with next year; we are speaking of this year. i have made the plane for the sake of improving my work and my condition; if you merely return it to me in a year, it is you who will gain the profit of it during the whole of that time. i am not bound to do you such a service without receiving anything from you in return; therefore, if you wish for my plane, independently of the entire restoration already bargained for, you must do me a service which we will now discuss; you must grant me remuneration. and this was done thus: william granted a remuneration calculated in such a way that, at the end of the year, james received his plane quite new, and in addition, a compensation, consisting of a new plank, for the advantages of which he had deprived himself, and which he had yielded to his friend. it was impossible for any one acquainted with the transaction to discover the slightest trace in it of oppression or injustice. the singular part of it is, that, at the end of the year, the plane came into james' possession, and he lent it again; recovered it, and lent it a third and fourth time. it has passed into the hands of his son, who still lends it. poor plane! how many times has it changed, sometimes its blade, sometimes its handle. it is no longer the same plane, but it has always the same value, at least for james' posterity. workmen! let us examine into these little stories. i maintain, first of all, that the _sack of corn_ and the _plane_ are here the type, the model, a faithful representation, the symbol, of all capital; as the five litres of corn and the plank are the type, the model, the representation, the symbol, of all interest. this granted, the following are, it seems to me, a series of consequences, the justice of which it is impossible to dispute. 1st. if the yielding of a plank by the borrower to the lender is a natural, equitable, lawful remuneration, the just price of a real service, we may conclude that, as a general rule, it is in the nature of capital to produce interest. when this capital, as in the foregoing examples, takes the form of an _instrument of labor_, it is clear enough that it ought to bring an advantage to its possessor, to him who has devoted to it his time, his brains, and his strength. otherwise, why should he have made it? no necessity of life can be immediately satisfied with instruments of labor; no one eats planes or drinks saws, except, indeed, he be a conjurer. if a man determines to spend his time in the production of such things, he must have been led to it by the consideration of the power which these instruments add to his power; of the time which they save him; of the perfection and rapidity which they give to his labor; in a word, of the advantages which they procure for him. now, these advantages, which have been prepared by labor, by the sacrifice of time which might have been used in a more immediate manner, are we bound, as soon as they are ready to be enjoyed, to confer them gratuitously upon another? would it be an advance in social order, if the law decided thus, and citizens should pay officials for causing such a law to be executed by force? i venture to say, that there is not one amongst you who would support it. it would be to legalize, to organize, to systematize injustice itself, for it would be proclaiming that there are men born to render, and others born to receive, gratuitous services. granted, then, that interest is just, natural, and lawful. 2nd. a second consequence, not less remarkable than the former, and, if possible, still more conclusive, to which i call your attention, is this: _interest is not injurious to the borrower_. i mean to say, the obligation in which the borrower finds himself, to pay a remuneration for the use of capital, cannot do any harm to his condition. observe, in fact, that james and william are perfectly free, as regards the transaction to which the plane gave occasion. the transaction cannot be accomplished without the consent of the one as well as of the other. the worst which can happen is, that james may be too exacting; and in this case, william, refusing the loan, remains as he was before. by the fact of his agreeing to borrow, he proves that he considers it an advantage to himself; he proves, that after every calculation, including the remuneration, whatever it may be, required of him, he still finds it more profitable to borrow than not to borrow. he only determines to do so because he has compared the inconveniences with the advantages. he has calculated that the day on which he returns the plane, accompanied by the remuneration agreed upon, he will have effected more work, with the same labor, thanks to this tool. a profit will remain to him, otherwise he would not have borrowed. the two services of which we are speaking are exchanged according to the law which governs all exchanges, the law of supply and demand. the claims of james have a natural and impassable limit. this is the point in which the remuneration demanded by him would absorb all the advantage which william might find in making use of a plane. in this case, the borrowing would not take place. william would be bound either to make a plane for himself, or to do without one, which would leave him in his original condition. he borrows, because he gains by borrowing. i know very well what will be told me. you will say, william may be deceived, or, perhaps, he may be governed by necessity, and be obliged to submit to a harsh law. it may be so. as to errors in calculation, they belong to the infirmity of our nature, and to argue from this against the transaction in question, is objecting the possibility of loss in all imaginable transactions, in every human act. error is an accidental fact, which is incessantly remedied by experience. in short, everybody must guard against it. as far as those hard necessities are concerned, which force persons to burdensome borrowings, it is clear that these necessities exist previously to the borrowing. if william is in a situation in which he cannot possibly do without a plane, and must borrow one at any price, does this situation result from james having taken the trouble to make the tool? does it not exist independently of this circumstance? however harsh, however severe james may be, he will never render the supposed condition of william worse than it is. morally, it is true, the lender will be to blame; but, in an economical point of view, the loan itself can never be considered responsible for previous necessities, which it has not created, and which it relieves, to a certain extent. but this proves something to which i shall return. the evident interests of william, representing here the borrowers, there are many jameses and planes. in other words, lenders and capitals. it is very evident, that if william can say to james--"your demands are exorbitant; there is no lack of planes in the world;" he will be in a better situation than if james' plane was the only one to be borrowed. assuredly, there is no maxim more true than this--service for service. but let us not forget, that no service has a fixed and absolute value, compared with others. the contracting parties are free. each carries his requisitions to the farthest possible point; and the most favorable circumstance for these requisitions is the absence of rivalship. hence it follows, that if there is a class of men more interested than any other, in the formation, multiplication, and abundance of capitals, it is mainly that of the borrowers. now, since capitals can only be formed and increased by the stimulus and the prospect of remuneration, let this class understand the injury they are inflicting on themselves, when they deny the lawfulness of interest, when they proclaim that credit should be gratuitous, when they declaim against the pretended tyranny of capital, when they discourage saving, thus forcing capitals to become scarce, and consequently interests to rise. 3rd. the anecdote i have just related enables you to explain this apparently singular phenomenon, which is termed the duration or perpetuity of interest. since, in lending his plane, james has been able, very lawfully, to make it a condition, that it should be returned to him, at the end of a year, in the same state in which it was when he lent it, is it not evident that he may, at the expiration of the term, lend it again on the same conditions. if he resolves upon the latter plan, the plane will return to him at the end of every year, and that without end. james will then be in a condition to lend it without end; that is, he may derive from it a perpetual interest. it will be said, that the plane will be worn out. that is true; but it will be worn out by the hand and for the profit of the borrower. the latter has taken into account this gradual wear, and taken upon himself, as he ought, the consequences. he has reckoned that he shall derive from this tool an advantage, which will allow him to restore it in its original condition, after having realized a profit from it. as long as james does not use this capital himself, or for his own advantage--as long as he renounces the advantages which allow it to be restored to its original condition--he will have an incontestable right to have it restored, and that independently of interest. observe, besides, that if, as i believe i have shown, james, far from doing any harm to william, has done him a _service_ in lending him his plane for a year; for the same reason, he will do no harm to a second, a third, a fourth borrower, in the subsequent periods. hence you may understand, that the interest of a capital is as natural, as lawful, as useful, in the thousandth year, as in the first. we may go still further. it may happen, that james lends more than a single plane. it is possible, that by means of working, of saving, of privations, of order, of activity, he may come to lend a multitude of planes and saws; that is to say, to do a multitude of services. i insist upon this point--that if the first loan has been a social good, it will be the same with all the others; for they are all similar, and based upon the same principle. it may happen, then, that the amount of all the remunerations received by our honest operative, in exchange for services rendered by him, may suffice to maintain him. in this case, there will be a man in the world who has a right to live without working. i do not say that he would be doing right to give himself up to idleness--but i say, that he has a right to do so; and if he does so, it will be at nobody's expense, but quite the contrary. if society at all understands the nature of things, it will acknowledge that this man subsists on services which he receives certainly (as we all do), but which he lawfully receives in exchange for other services, which he himself has rendered, that he continues to render, and which are quite real, inasmuch as they are freely and voluntarily accepted. and here we have a glimpse of one of the finest harmonies in the social world. i allude to _leisure_: not that leisure that the warlike and tyrannical classes arrange for themselves by the plunder of the workers, but that leisure which is the lawful and innocent fruit of past activity and economy. in expressing myself thus, i know that i shall shock many received ideas. but see! is not leisure an essential spring in the social machine? without it, the world would never have had a newton, a pascal, a fenelon; mankind would have been ignorant of all arts, sciences, and of those wonderful inventions, prepared originally by investigations of mere curiosity; thought would have been inert--man would have made no progress. on the other hand, if leisure could only be explained by plunder and oppression--if it were a benefit which could only be enjoyed unjustly, and at the expense of others, there would be no middle path between these two evils; either mankind would be reduced to the necessity of stagnating in a vegetable and stationary life, in eternal ignorance, from the absence of wheels to its machine--or else it would have to acquire these wheels at the price of inevitable injustice, and would necessarily present the sad spectacle, in one form or other, of the antique classification of human beings into masters and slaves. i defy any one to show me, in this case, any other alternative. we should be compelled to contemplate the divine plan which governs society, with the regret of thinking that it presents a deplorable chasm. the stimulus of progress would be forgotten, or, which is worse, this stimulus would be no other than injustice itself. but, no! god has not left such a chasm in his work of love. we must take care not to disregard his wisdom and power; for those whose imperfect meditations cannot explain the lawfulness of leisure, are very much like the astronomer who said, at a certain point in the heavens there ought to exist a planet which will be at last discovered, for without it the celestial world is not harmony, but discord. well, i say that, if well understood, the history of my humble plane, although very modest, is sufficient to raise us to the contemplation of one of the most consoling, but least understood, of the social harmonies. it is not true that we must choose between the denial or the unlawfulness of leisure; thanks to rent and its natural duration, leisure may arise from labor and saving. it is a pleasing prospect, which every one may have in view; a noble recompense, to which each may aspire. it makes its appearance in the world; it distributes itself proportionably to the exercise of certain virtues; it opens all the avenues to intelligence; it ennobles, it raises the morals; it spiritualizes the soul of humanity, not only without laying any weight on those of our brethren whose lot in life devotes them to severe labor, but relieving them gradually from the heaviest and most repugnant part of this labor. it is enough that capitals should be formed, accumulated, multiplied; should be lent on conditions less and less burdensome; that they should descend, penetrate into every social circle, and that, by an admirable progression, after having liberated the lenders, they should hasten the liberation of the borrowers themselves. for that end, the laws and customs ought to be favorable to economy, the source of capital. it is enough to say, that the first of all these conditions is, not to alarm, to attack, to deny that which is the stimulus of saving and the reason of its existence--interest. as long as we see nothing passing from hand to hand, in the character of loan, but _provisions_, _materials_, _instruments_, things indispensable to the productiveness of labor itself, the ideas thus far exhibited will not find many opponents. who knows, even, that i may not be reproached for having made great effort to burst what may be said to be an open door. but as soon as _cash_ makes its appearance as the subject of the transaction (and it is this which appears almost always), immediately a crowd of objections are raised. money, it will be said, will not reproduce itself, like your _sack of corn_; it does not assist labor, like your _plane_; it does not afford an immediate satisfaction, like your _house_. it is incapable, by its nature, of producing interest, of multiplying itself, and the remuneration it demands is a positive extortion. who cannot see the sophistry of this? who does not see that cash is only a transient form, which men give at the time to other _values_, to real objects of usefulness, for the sole object of facilitating their arrangements? in the midst of social complications, the man who is in a condition to lend, scarcely ever has the exact thing which the borrower wants. james, it is true, has a plane; but, perhaps, william wants a saw. they cannot negotiate; the transaction favorable to both cannot take place, and then what happens? it happens that james first exchanges his plane for money; he lends the money to william, and william exchanges the money for a saw. the transaction is no longer a simple one; it is decomposed into two parts, as i explained above in speaking of exchange. but, for all that, it has not changed its nature; it still contains all the elements of a direct loan. james has still got rid of a tool which was useful to him; william has still received an instrument which perfects his work and increases his profits; there is still a service rendered by the lender, which entitles him to receive an equivalent service from the borrower; this just balance is not the less established by free mutual bargaining. the very natural obligation to restore at the end of the term the entire _value_, still constitutes the principle of the duration of interest. at the end of a year, says m. thoré, will you find an additional crown in a bag of a hundred pounds? no, certainly, if the borrower puts the bag of one hundred pounds on the shelf. in such a case, neither the plane, nor the sack of corn, would reproduce themselves. but it is not for the sake of leaving the money in the bag, nor the plane on the hook, that they are borrowed. the plane is borrowed to be used, or the money to procure a plane. and if it is clearly proved that this tool enables the borrower to obtain profits which he would not have made without it, if it is proved that the lender has renounced creating for himself this excess of profits, we may understand how the stipulation of a part of this excess of profits in favor of the lender, is equitable and lawful. ignorance of the true part which cash plays in human transactions, is the source of the most fatal errors. i intend devoting an entire pamphlet to this subject. from what we may infer from the writings of m. proudhon, that which has led him to think that gratuitous credit was a logical and definite consequence of social progress, is the observation of the phenomenon which shows a decreasing interest, almost in direct proportion to the rate of civilization. in barbarous times it is, in fact, cent. per cent., and more. then it descends to eighty, sixty, fifty, forty, twenty, ten, eight, five, four, and three per cent. in holland, it has even been as low as two per cent. hence it is concluded, that "in proportion as society comes to perfection, it will descend to zero by the time civilization is complete. in other words, that which characterizes social perfection is the gratuitousness of credit. when, therefore, we shall have abolished interest, we shall have reached the last step of progress." this is mere sophistry, and as such false arguing may contribute to render popular the unjust, dangerous, and destructive dogma, that credit should be gratuitous, by representing it as coincident with social perfection, with the reader's permission i will examine in a few words this new view of the question. what is _interest_? it is the service rendered, after a free bargain, by the borrower to the lender, in remuneration for the service he has received by the loan. by what law is the rate of these remunerative services established? by the general law which regulates the equivalent of all services; that is, by the law of supply and demand. the more easily a thing is procured, the smaller is the service rendered by yielding it or lending it. the man who gives me a glass of water in the pyrenees, does not render me so great a service as he who allows me one in the desert of sahara. if there are many planes, sacks of corn, or houses, in a country, the use of them is obtained, other things being equal, on more favorable conditions than if they were few; for the simple reason, that the lender renders in this case a smaller _relative service_. it is not surprising, therefore, that the more abundant capitals are, the lower is the interest. is this saying that it will ever reach zero? no; because, i repeat it, the principle of a remuneration is in the loan. to say that interest will be annihilated, is to say that there will never be any motive for saving, for denying ourselves, in order to form new capitals, nor even to preserve the old ones. in this case, the waste would immediately bring a void, and interest would directly reappear. in that, the nature of the services of which we are speaking does not differ from any other. thanks to industrial progress, a pair of stockings, which used to be worth six francs, has successively been worth only four, three, and two. no one can say to what point this value will descend; but we can affirm, that it will never reach zero, unless the stockings finish by producing themselves spontaneously. why? because the principle of remuneration is in labor; because he who works for another renders a service, and ought to receive a service. if no one paid for stockings, they would cease to be made; and, with the scarcity, the price would not fail to reappear. the sophism which i am now combating has its root in the infinite divisibility which belongs to _value_, as it does to matter. it appears, at first, paradoxical, but it is well known to all mathematicians, that, through all eternity, fractions may be taken from a weight without the weight ever being annihilated. it is sufficient that each successive fraction be less than the preceding one, in a determined and regular proportion. there are countries where people apply themselves to increasing the size of horses, or diminishing in sheep the size of the head. it is impossible to say precisely to what point they will arrive in this. no one can say that he has seen the largest horse or the smallest sheep's head that will ever appear in the world. but he may safely say that the size of horses will never attain to infinity, nor the heads of sheep to nothing. in the same way, no one can say to what point the price of stockings nor the interest of capitals will come down; but we may safely affirm, when we know the nature of things, that neither the one nor the other will ever arrive at zero, for labor and capital can no more live without recompense than a sheep without a head. the arguments of m. proudhon reduce themselves, then, to this: since the most skillful agriculturists are those who have reduced the heads of sheep to the smallest size, we shall have arrived at the highest agricultural perfection when sheep have no longer any heads. therefore, in order to realize the perfection, let us behead them. i have now done with this wearisome discussion. why is it that the breath of false doctrine has made it needful to examine into the intimate nature of interest? i must not leave off without remarking upon a beautiful moral which may be drawn from this law: "the depression of interest is proportioned to the abundance of capitals." this law being granted, if there is a class of men to whom it is more important than to any other that capitals be formed, accumulate, multiply, abound, and superabound, it is certainly the class which borrows them directly or indirectly; it is those men who operate upon _materials_, who gain assistance by _instruments_, who live upon _provisions_, produced and economized by other men. imagine, in a vast and fertile country, a population of a thousand inhabitants, destitute of all capital thus defined. it will assuredly perish by the pangs of hunger. let us suppose a case hardly less cruel. let us suppose that ten of these savages are provided with instruments and provisions sufficient to work and to live themselves until harvest time, as well as to remunerate the services of eighty laborers. the inevitable result will be the death of nine hundred human beings. it is clear, then, that since nine hundred and ninety men, urged by want, will crowd upon the supports which would only maintain a hundred, the ten capitalists will be masters of the market. they will obtain labor on the hardest conditions, for they will put it up to auction, or the highest bidder. and observe this--if these capitalists entertain such pious sentiments as would induce them to impose personal privations on themselves, in order to diminish the sufferings of some of their brethren, this generosity, which attaches to morality, will be as noble in its principle as useful in its effects. but if, duped by that false philosophy which persons wish so inconsiderately to mingle with economic laws, they take to remunerating labor largely, far from doing good, they will do harm. they will give double wages, it may be. but then, forty-five men will be better provided for, whilst forty-five others will come to augment the number of those who are sinking into the grave. upon this supposition, it is not the lowering of wages which is the mischief, it is the scarcity of capital. low wages are not the cause, but the effect of the evil. i may add, that they are to a certain extent the remedy. it acts in this way; it distributes the burden of suffering as much as it can, and saves as many lives as a limited quantity of sustenance permits. suppose now, that instead of ten capitalists, there should be a hundred, two hundred, five hundred--is it not evident that the condition of the whole population, and, above all, that of the "prolétaires,"[18] will be more and more improved? is it not evident that, apart from every consideration of generosity, they would obtain more work and better pay for it?--that they themselves will be in a better condition to form capitals, without being able to fix the limits to this ever-increasing facility of realizing equality and well-being? would it not be madness in them to admit such doctrines, and to act in a way which would drain the source of wages, and paralyze the activity and stimulus of saving? let them learn this lesson, then; doubtless, capitals are good for those who possess them: who denies it? but they are also useful to those who have not yet been able to form them; and it is important to those who have them not, that others should have them. [footnote 18: common people.] yes, if the "prolétaires" knew their true interests, they would seek, with the greatest care, what circumstances are, and what are not favorable to saving, in order to favor the former and to discourage the latter. they would sympathize with every measure which tends to the rapid formation of capitals. they would be enthusiastic promoters of peace, liberty, order, security, the union of classes and peoples, economy, moderation in public expenses, simplicity in the machinery of government; for it is under the sway of all these circumstances that saving does its work, brings plenty within the reach of the masses, invites those persons to become the formers of capital who were formerly under the necessity of borrowing upon hard conditions. they would repel with energy the warlike spirit, which diverts from its true course so large a part of human labor; the monopolizing spirit, which deranges the equitable distribution of riches, in the way by which liberty alone can realize it; the multitude of public services, which attack our purses only to check our liberty; and, in short, those subversive, hateful, thoughtless doctrines, which alarm capital, prevent its formation, oblige it to flee, and finally to raise its price, to the special disadvantage of the workers, who bring it into operation. well, and in this respect is not the revolution of february a hard lesson? is it not evident, that the insecurity it has thrown into the world of business, on the one hand; and, on the other, the advancement of the fatal theories to which i have alluded, and which, from the clubs, have almost penetrated into the regions of the legislature, have everywhere raised the rate of interest? is it not evident, that from that time the "prolétaires" have found greater difficulty in procuring those materials, instruments, and provisions, without which labor is impossible? is it not that which has caused stoppages; and do not stoppages, in their turn, lower wages? thus there is a deficiency of labor to the "prolétaires," from the same cause which loads the objects they consume with an increase of price, in consequence of the rise of interest. high interest, low wages, means in other words that the same article preserves its price, but that the part of the capitalist has invaded, without profiting himself, that of the workman. a friend of mine, commissioned to make inquiry into parisian industry, has assured me that the manufacturers have revealed to him a very striking fact, which proves, better than any reasoning can, how much insecurity and uncertainty injure the formation of capital. it was remarked, that during the most distressing period, the popular expenses of mere fancy had not diminished. the small theaters, the fighting lists, the public houses, and tobacco depôts, were as much frequented as in prosperous times. in the inquiry, the operatives themselves explained this phenomenon thus: "what is the use of pinching? who knows what will happen to us? who knows that interest will not be abolished? who knows but that the state will become a universal and gratuitous lender, and that it will wish to annihilate all the fruits which we might expect from our savings?" well! i say, that if such ideas could prevail during two single years, it would be enough to turn our beautiful france into a turkey--misery would become general and endemic, and, most assuredly, the poor would be the first upon whom it would fall. workmen! they talk to you a great deal upon the _artificial_ organization of labor;--do you know why they do so? because they are ignorant of the laws of its _natural_ organization; that is, of the wonderful organization which results from liberty. you are told, that liberty gives rise to what is called the radical antagonism of classes; that it creates, and makes to clash, two opposite interests--that of the capitalists and that of the "prolétaires." but we ought to begin by proving that this antagonism exists by a law of nature; and afterwards it would remain to be shown how far the arrangements of restraint are superior to those of liberty, for between liberty and restraint i see no middle path. again, it would remain to be proved, that restraint would always operate to your advantage, and to the prejudice of the rich. but, no; this radical antagonism, this natural opposition of interests, does not exist. it is only an evil dream of perverted and intoxicated imaginations. no; a plan so defective has not proceeded from the divine mind. to affirm it, we must begin by denying the existence of god. and see how, by means of social laws, and because men exchange amongst themselves their labors, and their productions, see what a harmonious tie attaches the classes, one to the other! there are the landowners; what is their interest? that the soil be fertile, and the sun beneficent: and what is the result? that corn abounds, that it falls in price, and the advantage turns to the profit of those who have had no patrimony. there are the manufacturers; what is their constant thought? to perfect their labor, to increase the power of their machines, to procure for themselves, upon the best terms, the raw material. and to what does all this tend? to the abundance and low price of produce; that is, that all the efforts of the manufacturers, and without their suspecting it, result in a profit to the public consumer, of which each of you is one. it is the same with every profession. well, the capitalists are not exempt from this law. they are very busy making schemes, economizing, and turning them to their advantage. this is all very well; but the more they succeed, the more do they promote the abundance of capital, and, as a necessary consequence, the reduction of interest? now, who is it that profits by the reduction of interest? is it not the borrower first, and finally, the consumers of the things which the capitals contribute to produce? it is, therefore, certain that the final result of the efforts of each class, is the common good of all. you are told that capital tyrannizes over labor. i do not deny that each one endeavors to draw the greatest possible advantage from his situation; but, in this sense, he realizes only that which is possible. now, it is never more possible for capitals to tyrannize over labor, than when they are scarce; for then it is they who make the law--it is they who regulate the rate of sale. never is this tyranny more impossible to them, than when they are abundant; for, in that case, it is labor which has the command. away, then, with the jealousies of classes, ill-will, unfounded hatreds, unjust suspicions. these depraved passions injure those who nourish them in their hearts. this is no declamatory morality; it is a chain of causes and effects, which is capable of being rigorously, mathematically demonstrated. it is not the less sublime, in that it satisfies the intellect as well as the feelings. i shall sum up this whole dissertation with these words: workmen, laborers, "prolétaires," destitute and suffering classes, will you improve your condition? you will not succeed by strife, insurrection, hatred, and error. but there are three things which cannot perfect the entire community without extending these benefits to yourselves; these things are--peace, liberty, and security. draft nafta tariff phasing descriptions four main staging categories exist for tariff elimination under nafta: a tariff elimination immediately upon implementation of the agreement, i.e., january 1, 1994. b tariff to be eliminated in five equal annual stages, beginning january 1, 1994 and ending january 1, 1998. c tariff to be eliminated in ten equal annual stages, beginning january 1, 1994 and ending january 1, 2003. d tariff already mfn free. in addition to the above general phasing categories, the following categories exist for specific cases: ex excluded from tariff elimination. this category applies to supply-managed goods (dairy, poultry, eggs) and to several tariff items for sugar. bl tariff to be eliminated in six equal annual stages, beginning january 1, 1994 and ending january 1, 1999. (applies to 43 items in textile tariffs.) b+ tariff to be eliminated in seven stages as follows: 20% reduction on january 1, 1994, zero reduction on january 1, 1995, 10% reduction per year for years january 1, 1996 to january 1, 2000 and 30% reduction on january 1, 2001. (applies to most textile tariffs as well as 3902.1000 and 6403.5900.) b8 tariff to be eliminated in two stages as follows: 50% reduction on january 1, 1998 and 50% reduction on january 1, 2001. (applies to four mexican tariff items in the paper sector.) ba tariff to be eliminated in five stages as follows: 50% reduction on january 1, 1994 with remaining 50% to be phased out in four equal annual reductions ending january 1, 1998. (applies to two light truck items.) bgtariff to be eliminated in five stages as follows: reduction to the fta rate on january 1, 1994 and then follow the fta c phasing schedule ending january 1, 1998. (applies to canadian agricultural tariff items for mexico). bptariff to be eliminated in three stages as follows: 20% reduction on january 1, 1997; 10% reduction on january 1, 1998 and 70% reduction on january 1, 1999. bm tariff to be eliminated according to b staging. for joint mexican-u.s. production (goods subject to paragraph 8 of annex 402.2 of the agreement), phasing to start from the mfn rate. abm tariff to be eliminated immediately. for goods subject to paragraph 8 of annex 402.2 of the agreement, tariff to be eliminated according to b staging and phasing to start from the mfn rate. acm tariff to be eliminated immediately. for goods subject to paragraph 8 of annex 402.2 of the agreement, tariff to be eliminated according to c staging and phasing to start from the mfn rate. cm tariff to be eliminated according to c staging. for goods subject to paragraph 8 of annex 402.2 of the agreement, phasing to start from the mfn rate. ca tariff to be eliminated in 10 stages as follows: 50% reduction on january 1, 1994; remaining 50% to be eliminated in nine equal annual stages ending january 1, 2003. (applies to passenger vehicles in heading 8703.) c10 tariff to be eliminated in nine stages as follows: 20% reduction on january 1, 1994; no reduction year 2; remaining 80% to be reduced in eight annual equal stages ending january 1, 2003. (applies to one footwear item for canada, numerous footwear items for the u.s. and mexico, several items in heading 3204 (paints and dyes) for the u.s. and mexico, and several u.s. ceramic items.) cm tariff to be eliminated in three stages as follows: 40% reduction on january 1, 1994; freeze years 2, 3, and 4; 20% reduction year 5; freeze years 6, 7, 8, and 9; 40% reduction on january 1, 2003. (applies to several mexican furniture tariff items.) c8 tariff to be eliminated in eight stages as follows: 10% reduction per year starting january 1, 1994 for seven years; 30% reduction on january 1, 2001. (applies to several mexican and u.s. glass items.) cb+ tariff to be eliminated in three stages as follows: 30% reduction on january 1, 1994; 20% reduction on january 1, 2000; and 50% reduction on january 1, 2005. (applies to one u.s. item for corn brooms.) c+ tariff to be eliminated in 15 equal annual stages starting january 1, 1994 and ending january 1, 2008. cz+ tariff to be eliminated in 13 stages as follows: 20% reduction on january 1, 1994; freeze years 2 and 3; remaining 80% to be phased out equally over remaining 12 years ending january 1, 2008. (applies to several u.s. ceramic items.) cq for the following tariff items, the quantities specified below imported by mexico shall enter free of duty. for quantities above these levels, the rate of duty shall be reduced according to the staging category c. from the u.s. from canada (metric tonnes) 4401.2101 66,500 3,500 4403.1001 14,250 750 4407.1001 9,500 500 4407.1002 119,700 6,300 4407.1003 950 50 4407.9101 3,325 175 4407.9999 2,470 130 ctq tariff to be eliminated in ten equal stages begining on january 1, 1994 and accompanied by the application of tariff rate quotas. (applies to certain agricultural products). cag tariff to be eliminated in ten stages as follows: six annual reductions of 4% begining january 1, 1994 the remaining 76% being eliminated in four equal, annual steps ending on january 1, 2003. (applies to some mexican agricultural tariff items). c+ag tariff to be eliminated in 15 steps as follows: six annual reductions of 4% begining january 1, 1994 the remaining 76% being eliminated in nine equal, annual steps ending on january 1, 2008. (applies to some mexican agricutural tariff items). sug refers to special considerations which apply to certain tariff items for sugar and sugar products as outlined in notes appended to the draft agreement. pro refers to a small number of mexican tariff items for prohibited goods. the following phasing codes relate to textile tariff items between the u.s. and mexico only. they are: b6 tariff to be eliminated in six stages as follows: on january 1, 1994 a reduction equal in percentage terms to the base rate; six equal annual reductions of 20% of the rate in effect on january 1, 1994 starting january 1, 1995 and ending january 1, 1999. bw tariff to be eliminated in six stages as follows: rate of duty on january 1, 1994 will be 15%; on january 1, 1995, rate of duty will be 14.5%; on january 1, 1996, rate of duty will be 10.8%; on january 1, 1997, 7.2%; on january 1, 1998, 3.6%; and zero on january 1, 1999. bo tariff to be eliminated in six stages as follows: rate of duty on january 1, 1994 and january 1, 1995 will be 15%; on january 1, 1996, the rate of duty will be 12%; on january 1, 1997, rate of duty will be 8%; on january 1, 1998, rate of duty will be 4% and zero on january 1, 1999. bf tariff to be eliminated in six stages as follows: rate of duty on january 1, 1994 and january 1, 1995 will be 20%; rate of duty on january 1, 1996 will be 10%; rate of duty on january 1, 1997 will be 6.6%; rate of duty on january 1, 1998 will be 3.3% and zero on january 1, 1999. note:the 6-digit tariff description presented in the following pages is an abbreviated one. for full description, see the candian customs tariffs, revenue canada customs and excise. draft nafta tariff phasing (preliminary) 09/03/92 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ subhead description canada usa mexico 0101.11 horses, live pure-bred breeding 0101.11.00 d 0101.11.00 d 0101.11.01 a 0101.19 horses, live except pure-bred breeding 0101.19.00 d 0101.19.00 d 0101.19.01 a 0101.19.02 a 0101.19.03 a 0101.19.99 a 0101.20 asses, mules and hinnies, live 0101.20.00 d 0101.20.10 d 0101.20.01 a 0101.20.20 a 0101.20.30 d 0101.20.40 a 0102.10 bovine, live pure-bred breeding 0102.10.00 d 0102.10.00 d 0102.10.01 d 0102.90 bovine, live except pure-bred breeding 0102.90.10 d 0102.90.20 d 0102.90.01 d 0102.90.90 a 0102.90.40 a 0102.90.02 d 0102.90.03 d 0102.90.99 d 0103.10 swine, live pure-bred breeding 0103.10.00 d 0103.10.00 d 0103.10.01 d 0103.91 swine, live except pure-bred breeding weighing less than 50 kg 0103.91.00 d 0103.91.00 d 0103.91.01 a 0103.91.99 ctq 0103.92 swine, live except pure-bred breeding weighing 50 kg or more 0103.92.00 d 0103.92.00 d 0103.92.01 a 0103.92.99 ctq 0104.10 sheep, live 0104.10.10 d 0104.10.00 d 0104.10.01 d 0104.10.90 a 0104.10.02 c 0104.10.99 c 0104.20 goats, live 0104.20.10 d 0104.20.00 a 0104.20.01 d 0104.20.90 a 0104.20.99 b 0105.11 fowls, live domestic weighing not more than 185 g 0105.11.10 d 0105.11.00 a 0105.11.01 ex 0105.11.90 bg 0105.11.02 d 0105.11.9v ex 0105.11.99 c 0105.19 poultry, live except domestic fowls, weighing not more than 18 0105.19.10 d 0105.19.00 a 0105.19.99 c 0105.19.91 a 0105.19.92 bg 0105.91 fowls, live domestic weighing more than 185 g 0105.91.00 ex 0105.91.00 a 0105.91.01 ex 0105.91.99 ex 0105.99 poultry, live except domestic fowls, weighing more than 185 g 0105.99.00 ex 0105.99.00 a 0105.99.99 ex 0106.00 animals, live nes 0106.00.00 d 0106.00.10 a 0106.00.01 a 0106.00.30 a 0106.00.02 a 0106.00.50 d 0106.00.03 a 0106.00.99 c 0201.10 bovine carcasses and half carcasses, fresh or chilled 0201.10.00 a 0201.10.00 a 0201.10.01 d 0201.20 bovine cuts bone in, fresh or chilled 0201.20.00 a 0201.20.20 a 0201.20.99 d 0201.20.40 a 0201.20.60 a 0201.30 bovine cuts boneless, fresh or chilled 0201.30.00 a 0201.30.20 a 0201.30.01 d 0201.30.40 a 0201.30.60 a 0202.10 bovine carcasses and half carcasses, frozen 0202.10.00 a 0202.10.00 a 0202.10.01 d 0202.20 bovine cuts bone in, frozen 0202.20.00 a 0202.20.20 a 0202.20.99 d 0202.20.40 a 0202.20.60 a 0202.30 bovine cuts boneless, frozen 0202.30.00 bg 0202.30.20 a 0202.30.01 d 0202.30.40 a 0202.30.60 a 0203.11 swine carcasses and half carcasses, fresh or chilled 0203.11.00 d 0203.11.00 d 0203.11.01 ctq 0203.12 hams, shoulders and cuts thereof, of swine bone in, fresh or 0203.12.00 d 0203.12.10 a 0203.12.01 ctq 0203.12.90 d 0203.19 swine cuts, fresh or chilled, nes 0203.19.00 d 0203.19.20 a 0203.19.99 ctq 0203.19.40 d 0203.21 swine carcasses and half carcasses, frozen 0203.21.00 d 0203.21.00 d 0203.21.01 ctq 0203.22 hams, shoulders and cuts thereof, of swine, bone in, frozen 0203.22.00 d 0203.22.10 a 0203.22.01 ctq 0203.22.90 d 0203.29 swine cuts, frozen nes 0203.29.00 d 0203.29.20 a 0203.29.99 ctq 0203.29.40 d 0204.10 lamb carcasses and half carcasses, fresh or chilled 0204.10.00 a 0204.10.00 a 0204.10.01 c 0204.21 sheep carcasses and half carcasses, fresh or chilled 0204.21.00 a 0204.21.00 a 0204.21.01 c 0204.22 sheep cuts, bone in, fresh or chilled 0204.22.10 a 0204.22.20 a 0204.22.01 c 0204.22.20 a 0204.22.40 a 0204.23 sheep cuts, boneless, fresh or chilled 0204.23.10 a 0204.23.20 a 0204.23.01 c 0204.23.20 a 0204.23.40 a 0204.30 lamb carcasses and half carcasses, frozen 0204.30.00 a 0204.30.00 a 0204.30.01 c 0204.41 sheep carcasses and half carcasses, frozen 0204.41.00 a 0204.41.00 a 0204.41.01 c 0204.42 sheep cuts, bone in, frozen 0204.42.10 a 0204.42.20 a 0204.42.01 c 0204.42.20 a 0204.42.40 a 0204.43 sheep cuts, boneless, frozen 0204.43.10 a 0204.43.20 a 0204.43.01 c 0204.43.20 a 0204.43.40 a 0204.50 goat meat, fresh, chilled or frozen 0204.50.00 d 0204.50.00 d 0204.50.01 c 0205.00 horse, ass, mule or hinny meat, fresh, chilled or frozen 0205.00.00 d 0205.00.00 d 0205.00.01 b 0206.10 bovine edible offal, fresh or chilled 0206.10.00 d 0206.10.00 d 0206.10.01 c 0206.21 bovine tongues, edible offal, frozen 0206.21.00 d 0206.21.00 d 0206.21.01 c 0206.22 bovine livers, edible offal, frozen 0206.22.00 d 0206.22.00 d 0206.22.01 c 0206.29 bovine edible offal, frozen nes 0206.29.00 d 0206.29.00 d 0206.29.99 c 0206.30 swine edible offal, fresh or chilled 0206.30.00 d 0206.30.00 d 0206.30.01 c 0206.30.99 c 0206.41 swine livers, edible offal, frozen 0206.41.00 d 0206.41.00 d 0206.41.01 c 0206.49 swine edible offal, frozen nes 0206.49.00 d 0206.49.00 d 0206.49.01 d 0206.49.99 c 0206.80 sheep, goats, asses, mules or hinnies edible offal, fresh or 0206.80.00 d 0206.80.00 d 0206.80.01 b 0206.90 sheep, goats, asses, mules or hinnies edible offal, frozen 0206.90.00 d 0206.90.00 d 0206.90.01 b 0207.10 poultry, domestic, whole, fresh or chilled 0207.10.00 ex 0207.10.20 a 0207.10.01 ex 0207.10.40 a 0207.21 fowls, domestic, whole, frozen 0207.21.00 ex 0207.21.00 a 0207.21.01 ex 0207.22 turkeys, domestic, whole, frozen 0207.22.00 ex 0207.22.20 a 0207.22.01 ex 0207.22.40 a 0207.23 ducks, geese and guinea fowls, domestic, whole, frozen 0207.23.00 bg 0207.23.00 a 0207.23.01 cag 0207.31 fatty livers of geese or ducks, domestic fresh or chilled 0207.31.00 d 0207.31.00 a 0207.31.01 c 0207.39 poultry cuts and offal, domestic except geese or ducks livers 0207.39.00 ex 0207.39.00 a 0207.39.01 ex 0207.39.99 ex 0207.41 fowl cuts and offal, domestic, except livers, frozen 0207.41.00 ex 0207.41.00 a 0207.41.0x ex 0207.41.0y ex 0207.41.0z ex 0207.41.01 bp 0207.42 turkey cuts and offal, except livers, frozen 0207.42.00 ex 0207.42.00 a 0207.42.0y ex 0207.42.0z ex 0207.42.0z ex 0207.42.01 bp 0207.43 duck, geese or guinea fowl cuts and offal, domestic, except 0207.43.00 bg 0207.43.00 a 0207.43.01 cag 0207.50 poultry livers, domestic, frozen 0207.50.00 d 0207.50.00 a 0207.50.01 ex 0208.10 rabbit or hare meat and edible meat offal, fresh, chilled or 0208.10.00 d 0208.10.00 a 0208.10.01 c 0208.20 frog legs, fresh, chilled or frozen 0208.20.00 d 0208.20.00 d 0208.20.01 a 0208.90 meat and edible meat offal, nes fresh, chilled or frozen 0208.90.00 d 0208.90.20 d 0208.90.99 c 0208.90.30 a 0208.90.40 a 0209.00 pig fat lean meat free and poultry fat unrendered, fresh, 0209.00.10 d 0209.00.00 a 0209.00.0x ex 0209.00.20 ex 0209.00.01 cag 0210.11 hams, shoulders and cuts thereof, of swine bone in, cured 0210.11.00 a 0210.11.00 a 0210.11.01 ctq 0210.12 bellies, streaky and cuts thereof, swine cured 0210.12.00 a 0210.12.00 a 0210.12.01 ctq 0210.19 swine meat cured, nes 0210.19.10 d 0210.19.00 a 0210.19.99 ctq 0210.19.90 a 0210.20 bovine meat cured 0210.20.00 a 0210.20.00 a 0210.20.01 c 0210.90 meat and edible meat offal cured nes and edible meat or offal, 0210.90.10 ex 0210.90.20 a 0210.90.01 c 0210.90.90 a 0210.90.40 a 0210.90.02 c 0210.90.99 ex 0301.10 ornamental fish, live 0301.10.00 d 0301.10.00 d 0301.10.01 a 0301.91 trout, live 0301.91.00 d 0301.91.00 d 0301.91.01 a 0301.92 eels, live 0301.92.00 d 0301.92.00 d 0301.92.01 a 0301.93 carp, live 0301.93.00 d 0301.93.00 d 0301.93.01 a 0301.99 fish live, nes 0301.99.00 d 0301.99.00 d 0301.99.01 a 0301.99.99 b 0302.11 trout, fresh or chilled excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.11.00 d 0302.11.00 d 0302.11.01 a 0302.12 salmon pacific, atlantic & danube, fr or chd excl hd no 03.04, 0302.12.00 d 0302.12.00 d 0302.12.01 a 0302.19 salmonidae nes, fresh or chilled, excl heading no 03.04, liver 0302.19.00 d 0302.19.00 d 0302.19.99 a 0302.21 halibut, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers 0302.21.00 d 0302.21.00 d 0302.21.01 b 0302.22 plaice, fresh or chilled, excl heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.22.00 d 0302.22.00 a 0302.22.01 a 0302.23 sole, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.23.00 d 0302.23.00 a 0302.23.01 a 0302.29 flatfish nes, fresh or chilled excluding heading no 03.04, 0302.29.00 d 0302.29.00 a 0302.29.99 a 0302.31 tunas,albacore or longfinned,fr or chd excl heading no 03.04, 0302.31.00 d 0302.31.00 d 0302.31.01 c 0302.32 tunas, yellowfin, fresh or chilled, excl heading no 03.04, 0302.32.00 d 0302.32.00 d 0302.32.01 c 0302.33 skipjack or stripe-bellied bonito, fr or chd,excl heading no 0302.33.00 d 0302.33.00 d 0302.33.01 c 0302.39 tunas nes, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, liver 0302.39.00 d 0302.39.00 d 0302.39.99 c 0302.40 herrings, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers 0302.40.00 d 0302.40.00 d 0302.40.01 a 0302.50 cod, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.50.00 d 0302.50.00 d 0302.50.01 a 0302.61 sardines,sardinella,brisling or sprats, fr or chd,excl hd no 0302.61.00 d 0302.61.00 a 0302.61.01 b 0302.62 haddock, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers 0302.62.00 d 0302.62.00 d 0302.62.01 a 0302.63 coalfish, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers 0302.63.00 d 0302.63.00 d 0302.63.01 a 0302.64 mackerel, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers 0302.64.00 d 0302.64.00 d 0302.64.01 a 0302.65 dogfish and other sharks, fresh or chd, excl heading no 03.04, 0302.65.00 d 0302.65.00 a 0302.65.01 a 0302.66 eels, fresh or chilled, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.66.00 d 0302.66.00 d 0302.66.01 a 0302.69 fish nes, fresh or chilled excl heading no 03.04, livers and 0302.69.00 d 0302.69.10 a 0302.69.01 a 0302.69.20 d 0302.69.99 b 0302.69.40 a 0302.70 livers and roes, fresh or chilled 0302.70.00 a 0302.70.20 a 0302.70.01 a 0302.70.40 d 0303.10 salmon, pacific, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers an 0303.10.00 d 0303.10.00 d 0303.10.01 a 0303.21 trout, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.21.00 d 0303.21.00 d 0303.21.01 a 0303.22 salmon atlantic,frozen,excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0303.22.00 d 0303.22.00 d 0303.22.01 a 0303.29 salmonidae, nes,frozen,excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0303.29.00 d 0303.29.00 d 0303.29.99 a 0303.31 halibut, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.31.00 d 0303.31.00 d 0303.31.01 b 0303.32 plaice, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.32.00 d 0303.32.00 a 0303.32.01 a 0303.33 sole, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.33.00 d 0303.33.00 a 0303.33.01 a 0303.39 flatfish nes, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and 0303.39.00 d 0303.39.00 a 0303.39.99 a 0303.41 tunas, albacore or longfinned, frozen, excl heading no 03.04, 0303.41.00 d 0303.41.00 d 0303.41.01 c 0303.42 tunas, yellowfin, frozen excluding heading no 03.04, livers an 0303.42.00 d 0303.42.00 d 0303.42.01 c 0303.43 skipjack or stripe-bellied bonito,frozen excl heading no 03.04 0303.43.00 d 0303.43.00 d 0303.43.01 c 0303.49 tunas nes, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.49.00 d 0303.49.00 d 0303.49.01 c 0303.50 herrings, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.50.00 d 0303.50.00 d 0303.50.01 a 0303.60 cod, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.60.00 d 0303.60.00 d 0303.60.01 a 0303.71 sardines,sardinella,brisling or sprats, frozen excl hd no 0303.71.00 d 0303.71.00 a 0303.71.01 b 0303.72 haddock, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.72.00 d 0303.72.00 d 0303.72.01 a 0303.73 coalfish, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.73.00 d 0303.73.00 d 0303.73.01 a 0303.74 mackerel, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.74.00 d 0303.74.00 d 0303.74.01 a 0303.75 dogfish and other sharks, frozen, excl heading no 03.04, liver 0303.75.00 d 0303.75.00 a 0303.75.01 a 0303.76 eels, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.76.00 d 0303.76.00 d 0303.76.01 a 0303.77 sea bass, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.77.00 d 0303.77.00 a 0303.77.01 a 0303.78 hake, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.78.00 d 0303.78.00 d 0303.78.01 a 0303.79 fish nes, frozen, excluding heading no 03.04, livers and roes 0303.79.00 d 0303.79.20 d 0303.79.99 a 0303.79.40 a 0303.80 livers and roes, frozen 0303.80.00 a 0303.80.20 a 0303.80.01 a 0303.80.40 d 0304.10 fish fillets and other fish meat, minced or not, fresh or 0304.10.00 d 0304.10.10 c 0304.10.01 c 0304.10.30 a 0304.10.40 d 0304.20 fish fillets frozen 0304.20.00 d 0304.20.20 d 0304.20.01 c 0304.20.30 c 0304.20.50 a 0304.20.60 d 0304.90 fish meat nes, minced or not, frozen 0304.90.00 d 0304.90.10 d 0304.90.99 b 0304.90.90 a 0305.10 fish meal fit for human consumption 0305.10.00 a 0305.10.20 d 0305.10.01 a 0305.10.40 a 0305.20 livers and roes, dried, smoked, salted or in brine 0305.20.00 a 0305.20.20 a 0305.20.01 a 0305.20.40 d 0305.30 fish fillets, dried, salted or in brine but not smoked 0305.30.00 d 0305.30.20 b 0305.30.01 b 0305.30.40 b 0305.30.60 d 0305.41 salmon, pacific, atlantic and danube, smoked including fillets 0305.41.00 d 0305.41.00 a 0305.41.01 a 0305.42 herrings smoked, including fillets 0305.42.00 d 0305.42.00 d 0305.42.01 a 0305.49 fish nes, smoked including fillets 0305.49.00 d 0305.49.20 a 0305.49.01 a 0305.49.40 d 0305.49.99 a 0305.51 cod dried, whether or not salted but not smoked 0305.51.00 d 0305.51.00 a 0305.51.01 a 0305.51.99 a 0305.59 fish nes, dried, whether or not salted but not smoked 0305.59.00 d 0305.59.20 a 0305.59.01 a 0305.59.40 a 0305.59.99 a 0305.61 herrings, salted and in brine, but not dried or smoked 0305.61.00 d 0305.61.20 a 0305.61.01 a 0305.61.40 d 0305.62 cod, salted and in brine, but not dried or smoked 0305.62.00 d 0305.62.00 d 0305.62.01 a 0305.63 anchovies, salted and in brine, but not dried or smoked 0305.63.00 d 0305.63.20 a 0305.63.01 a 0305.63.40 a 0305.63.60 d 0305.69 fish nes, salted and in brine, but not dried or smoked 0305.69.00 d 0305.69.10 d 0305.69.99 a 0305.69.20 a 0305.69.30 d 0305.69.40 a 0305.69.50 a 0305.69.60 a 0306.11 rock lobster & other sea crawfish,frozen in shell or not, incl 0306.11.00 c 0306.11.00 d 0306.11.01 c 0306.12 lobsters nes, frozen, in shell, boiled 0306.12.00 d 0306.12.00 d 0306.12.01 b 0306.13 shrimps and prawns, frozen, in shell or not, including boiled 0306.13.00 d 0306.13.00 d 0306.13.01 c 0306.14 crabs frozen, in shell or not, including boiled in shell 0306.14.00 a 0306.14.20 a 0306.14.01 a 0306.14.40 d 0306.19 crustaceans nes, frozen, in shell or not including boiled in 0306.19.00 a 0306.19.00 d 0306.19.99 a 0306.21 rock lobster & other sea crawfish not fz,in shell or not, incl 0306.21.00 c 0306.21.00 d 0306.21.01 c 0306.22 lobsters nes, not frozen, in shell, including boiled in shell 0306.22.00 d 0306.22.00 d 0306.22.01 b 0306.23 shrimps and prawns, not frozen, in shell or not, including 0306.23.00 d 0306.23.00 d 0306.23.01 c 0306.24 crabs, not frozen, in shell or not, including boiled in shell 0306.24.00 a 0306.24.20 a 0306.24.01 a 0306.24.40 d 0306.29 crustaceans nes, not frozen, in shell or not, including boiled 0306.29.00 a 0306.29.00 d 0306.29.99 a 0307.10 oysters, shelled or not, live, fresh, chilled,frozen,dried, 0307.10.10 a 0307.10.00 d 0307.10.01 b 0307.10.20 d 0307.21 scallops, including queen scallops, shelled or not, live, fres 0307.21.00 d 0307.21.00 d 0307.21.01 b 0307.29 scallops, incl queen scallops, shelled or not,frozen, dried, 0307.29.10 d 0307.29.00 d 0307.29.99 b 0307.29.20 b 0307.31 mussels, shelled or not, live, fresh or chilled 0307.31.00 d 0307.31.00 d 0307.31.01 b 0307.39 mussels, shelled or not, frozen, dried, salted or in brine 0307.39.00 d 0307.39.00 d 0307.39.99 b 0307.41 cuttle fish and squid, shelled or not, live, fresh or chilled 0307.41.00 d 0307.41.00 d 0307.41.01 b 0307.41.99 a 0307.49 cuttle fish and squid, shelled or not, frozen, dried, salted o 0307.49.00 d 0307.49.00 d 0307.49.01 b 0307.49.99 a 0307.51 octopus, live, fresh or chilled 0307.51.00 d 0307.51.00 d 0307.51.01 a 0307.59 octopus, frozen, dried, salted or in brine 0307.59.00 d 0307.59.00 d 0307.59.99 b 0307.60 snails, (excl sea) shelled or not, live, fresh, chd, fz, 0307.60.00 d 0307.60.00 a 0307.60.01 a 0307.91 molluscs nes,shelled or not,and aquatic invertebrates nes,live 0307.91.00 d 0307.91.00 d 0307.91.01 a 0307.99 molluscs nes, shelled or not and aquatic invert nes, fz, 0307.99.00 d 0307.99.00 d 0307.99.99 a 0401.10 milk not concentrated and unsweetened not exceeding 1% fat 0401.10.00 ex 0401.10.00 a 0401.10.01 ex 0401.10.99 ex 0401.20 milk not concentrated and unsweetened exceeding 1% not 0401.20.00 ex 0401.20.20 a 0401.20.01 ex 0401.20.40 a 0401.20.99 ex 0401.30 milk and cream not concentrated and unsweetened exceeding 6% 0401.30.00 ex 0401.30.10 c 0401.30.01 ex 0401.30.30 c 0401.30.99 ex 0401.30.40 c 0402.10 milk powder not exceeding 1.5% fat 0402.10.00 ex 0402.10.00 c 0402.10.01 ex 0402.10.99 ex 0402.21 milk and cream powder unsweetened exceeding 1.5% fat 0402.21.10 ex 0402.21.20 c 0402.21.01 ex 0402.21.20 ex 0402.21.40 c 0402.21.99 ex 0402.21.60 c 0402.29 milk and cream powder sweetened exceeding 1.5% fat 0402.29.10 ex 0402.29.00 c 0402.29.99 ex 0402.29.20 ex 0402.91 milk and cream unsweetened, nes 0402.91.00 ex 0402.91.20 c 0402.91.01 ex 0402.91.40 c 0402.91.99 ex 0402.99 milk and cream nes sweetened 0402.99.00 ex 0402.99.20 c 0402.99.01 ex 0402.99.40 c 0402.99.99 ex 0402.99.60 c 0403.10 yogurt concentrated or not, sweetened or not, flavoured or 0403.10.00 ex 0403.10.00 c 0403.10.01 ex 0403.90 buttermilk, curdled milk and cream, kephir and ferm or acid 0403.90.10 ex 0403.90.10 c 0403.90.01 ex 0403.90.90 ex 0403.90.15 c 0403.90.99 ex 0403.90.20 c 0403.90.40 c 0403.90.50 c 0403.90.60 c 0403.90.70 c 0403.90.75 c 0403.90.80 c 0404.10 whey whether or not concentrated or sweetened 0404.10.10 ex 0404.10.20 a 0404.10.01 ex 0404.10.90 ex 0404.10.40 c 0404.90 products consisting of natural milk constituents sweetened or 0404.90.00 ex 0404.90.05 a 0404.90.99 ex 0404.90.10 a 0404.90.20 c 0404.90.40 c 0404.90.60 c 0405.00 butter and other fats and oils derived from milk 0405.00.10 ex 0405.00.70 c 0405.00.01 ex 0405.00.90 ex 0405.00.75 c 0405.00.02 ex 0405.00.80 c 0405.00.03 ex 0405.00.99 ex 0406.10 cheese, fresh (including whey cheese) unfermented, and curd 0406.10.00 ex 0406.10.10 a 0406.10.01 ex 0406.10.50 c 0406.20 cheese, grated or powdered, of all kinds 0406.20.10 ex 0406.20.10 c 0406.20.01 ex 0406.20.90 ex 0406.20.20 c 0406.20.30 c 0406.20.35 c 0406.20.40 c 0406.20.50 c 0406.20.55 c 0406.20.60 c 0406.30 cheese processed, not grated or powdered 0406.30.00 ex 0406.30.10 c 0406.30.01 ex 0406.30.20 c 0406.30.99 ex 0406.30.30 c 0406.30.40 c 0406.30.50 c 0406.30.55 c 0406.30.60 c 0406.40 cheese, blue-veined 0406.40.00 ex 0406.40.20 c 0406.40.01 ex 0406.40.40 c 0406.40.60 c 0406.40.80 c 0406.90 cheese nes 0406.90.10 ex 0406.90.05 c 0406.90.01 ex 0406.90.90 ex 0406.90.10 c 0406.90.02 ex 0406.90.15 c 0406.90.03 ex 0406.90.20 c 0406.90.04 ex 0406.90.25 c 0406.90.05 ex 0406.90.30 c 0406.90.06 ex 0406.90.35 c 0406.90.99 ex 0406.90.40 c 0406.90.45 c 0406.90.50 d 0406.90.55 d 0406.90.60 c 0406.90.65 c 0406.90.70 c 0406.90.80 c 0407.00 eggs, bird, in shell, fresh, preserved or cooked 0407.00.00 ex 0407.00.00 a 0407.00.01 ex 0407.00.02 ex 0407.00.99 ex 0408.11 egg yolks dried 0408.11.00 ex 0408.11.00 a 0408.11.01 ex 0408.19 egg yolks nes 0408.19.00 ex 0408.19.00 a 0408.19.99 ex 0408.91 eggs, bird, not in shell, dried 0408.91.00 ex 0408.91.00 a 0408.91.01 ex 0408.91.99 ex 0408.99 eggs, bird, not in shell nes 0408.99.00 ex 0408.99.00 a 0408.99.01 ex 0408.99.99 ex 0409.00 honey, natural 0409.00.00 a 0409.00.00 c 0409.00.01 a 0410.00 edible products of animal origin nes 0410.00.00 a 0410.00.00 a 0410.00.01 c 0501.00 hair, human, unworked washed or scoured or not and waste 0501.00.00 d 0501.00.00 a 0501.00.01 a 0502.10 bristles, hair and waste of pigs, hogs or boars 0502.10.00 d 0502.10.00 a 0502.10.01 a 0502.90 hair and waste of badger and of other brushmaking hair 0502.90.00 d 0502.90.00 d 0502.90.99 a 0503.00 horsehair and waste put up or not as a layer with or without 0503.00.10 bg 0503.00.00 d 0503.00.01 a 0503.00.90 d 0504.00 guts, bladders and stomachs of animals except fish whole or in 0504.00.00 d 0504.00.00 d 0504.00.01 c 0505.10 feathers used for stuffing and down cleaned, disinfected or 0505.10.00 d 0505.10.00 a 0505.10.01 a 0505.90 feathers & down nes clnd, disinfected presvd,feathered pts & 0505.90.00 d 0505.90.00 a 0505.90.99 a 0506.10 ossein and bones treated with acid, unworked, defatted or 0506.10.10 d 0506.10.00 d 0506.10.01 a 0506.10.90 a 0506.90 bones and horn-cores degelatinised,unwk, defatted or simply 0506.90.00 d 0506.90.00 d 0506.90.99 a 0507.10 ivory unworked or simply prepared not cut to shape and powder 0507.10.00 d 0507.10.00 d 0507.10.01 a 0507.90 whalebone, horns, etc unworked or simply prepared, unshaped, 0507.90.00 d 0507.90.00 d 0507.90.01 b 0507.90.99 a 0508.00 coral & sim mat, shellfish shells,cuttle bone, echinoderm unwk 0508.00.00 d 0508.00.00 d 0508.00.01 a 0508.00.99 a 0509.00 sponges, natural of animal origin 0509.00.00 d 0509.00.00 a 0509.00.01 a 0510.00 ambergris, castoreum, etc, bile dried or not & animal gland & 0510.00.10 d 0510.00.20 a 0510.00.01 a 0510.00.90 a 0510.00.40 d 0510.00.02 a 0510.00.03 a 0510.00.99 a 0511.10 semen bovine 0511.10.00 d 0511.10.00 d 0511.10.01 d 0511.91 fish, shellfish & aqua invert prod nes & dead animals of ch 3 0511.91.00 d 0511.91.00 d 0511.91.01 a 0511.91.99 a 0511.99 animal products nes & dead animals of chapter i unfit for huma 0511.99.00 d 0511.99.20 d 0511.99.01 a 0511.99.30 d 0511.99.02 a 0511.99.40 a 0511.99.03 d 0511.99.99 c 0601.10 bulbs, tubers, tuberous roots, corms, crowns and rhizomes, 0601.10.11 bg 0601.10.15 a 0601.10.01 d 0601.10.19 d 0601.10.30 a 0601.10.99 d 0601.10.21 d 0601.10.45 a 0601.10.22 bg 0601.10.60 a 0601.10.23 d 0601.10.75 a 0601.10.29 bg 0601.10.85 a 0601.10.90 a 0601.20 bulbs, tubers, corms etc in growth or in flower & chicory 0601.20.10 bg 0601.20.10 a 0601.20.01 a 0601.20.21 d 0601.20.90 a 0601.20.02 a 0601.20.22 d 0601.20.99 a 0601.20.29 bg 0602.10 cuttings and slips, unrooted 0602.10.00 d 0602.10.00 a 0602.10.01 d 0602.20 trees, edible fruit or nut, shrubs and bushes, grafted or not 0602.20.00 d 0602.20.00 d 0602.20.01 a 0602.20.02 a 0602.20.03 a 0602.20.99 a 0602.30 rhododendrons and azaleas,grafted or not 0602.30.00 d 0602.30.00 a 0602.30.01 a 0602.40 roses, grafted or not 0602.40.10 bg 0602.40.00 d 0602.40.01 d 0602.40.90 d 0602.40.99 a 0602.91 mushroom spawn 0602.91.00 d 0602.91.00 a 0602.91.01 a 0602.99 plants, live (including their roots),nes 0602.99.10 d 0602.99.20 d 0602.99.01 a 0602.99.91 d 0602.99.30 a 0602.99.02 a 0602.99.99 bg 0602.99.40 a 0602.99.03 a 0602.99.60 a 0602.99.04 a 0602.99.90 a 0602.99.05 d 0602.99.99 a 0603.10 cut flowers & flower buds for bouquets or ornamental purposes, 0603.10.10 a 0603.10.30 a 0603.10.01 a 0603.10.90 ctq 0603.10.60 b 0603.10.99 a 0603.10.70 a 0603.10.80 a 0603.90 cut flowers & flower buds for bouquets or ornamental purposes, 0603.90.10 bg 0603.90.00 a 0603.90.99 a 0603.90.90 bg 0604.10 mosses and lichens suitable for bouquets or for ornamental 0604.10.00 d 0604.10.00 d 0604.10.01 d 0604.10.99 a 0604.91 foliage,branch & pts of plant w/o flo or bud,grass, for 0604.91.10 d 0604.91.00 d 0604.91.01 a 0604.91.20 d 0604.91.99 a 0604.91.30 d 0604.91.90 bg 0604.99 foliage,branch,etc w/o flowers or buds & grass for bouquet or 0604.99.10 d 0604.99.30 d 0604.99.01 a 0604.99.90 bg 0604.99.60 a 0604.99.99 a 0701.10 potatoes seed, fresh or chilled 0701.10.00 bg 0701.10.00 a 0701.10.01 d 0701.90 potatoes, fresh or chilled nes 0701.90.00 bg 0701.90.10 a 0701.90.99 cag 0701.90.50 b 0702.00 tomatoes, fresh or chilled 0702.00.10 bg 0702.00.0w ctq 0702.00.xx a 0702.00.91 ctq 0702.00.0x b 0702.00.xy a 0702.00.99 d 0702.00.0y ctq 0702.00.xz a 0702.00.0z a 0702.00.0x a 0702.00.40 b 0702.00.0y a 0702.00.60 ctq 0702.00.0z a 0703.10 onions and shallots, fresh or chilled 0703.10.10 bg 0703.10.20 a 0703.10.01 b 0703.10.21 bg 0703.10.30 a 0703.10.99 a 0703.10.29 d 0703.10.4x ctq 0703.10.31 ctq 0703.10.4y c 0703.10.39 d 0703.10.91 bg 0703.10.99 d 0703.20 garlic, fresh or chilled 0703.20.00 bg 0703.20.00 a 0703.20.01 a 0703.20.99 a 0703.90 leeks and other alliaceous vegetables, fresh or chilled 0703.90.00 bg 0703.90.00 b 0703.90.01 a 0703.90.0x b 0704.10 cauliflowers and headed broccoli, fresh or chilled 0704.10.11 bg 0704.10.20 a 0704.10.xx a 0704.10.12 bg 0704.10.0x c 0704.10.xy a 0704.10.90 d 0704.10.0y b 0704.10.0x a 0704.10.0z a 0704.10.0y a 0704.10.60 c 0704.10.0z a 0704.20 brussels sprouts, fresh or chilled 0704.20.11 bg 0704.20.0x c 0704.20.01 a 0704.20.12 bg 0704.20.0y b 0704.20.90 d 0704.90 cabbages, kohlrabi, kale and sim edible brassicas nes, fresh o 0704.90.10 bg 0704.90.20 a 0704.90.01 a 0704.90.21 c 0704.90.4w c+ 0704.90.9w a 0704.90.29 d 0704.90.4x b 0704.90.9x a 0704.90.31 bg 0704.90.4y b 0704.90.9y a 0704.90.39 d 0704.90.4z a 0704.90.9z a 0704.90.41 bg 0704.90.49 d 0704.90.90 a 0705.11 cabbage lettuce (head lettuce) fresh or chilled 0705.11.11 bg 0705.11.20 a 0705.11.0x a 0705.11.12 bg 0705.11.0x c 0705.11.0y a 0705.11.90 d 0705.11.0y b 0705.11.0z a 0705.11.0z b 0705.19 lettuce, fresh or chilled nes 0705.19.11 bg 0705.19.20 a 0705.19.9x a 0705.19.12 bg 0705.19.0x c 0705.19.9y a 0705.19.90 d 0705.19.0y b 0705.19.9z a 0705.19.0z b 0705.19.99 a 0705.21 witloof chicory, fresh or chilled 0705.21.00 d 0705.21.00 a 0705.21.01 a 0705.29 chicory, fresh or chilled, nes 0705.29.00 d 0705.29.00 a 0705.29.99 a 0706.10 carrots and turnips, fresh or chilled 0706.10.11 c 0706.10.05 a 0706.10.01 a 0706.10.12 c 0706.10.10 a 0706.10.21 bg 0706.10.20 b 0706.10.22 bg 0706.10.40 d 0706.10.30 d 0706.10.40 d 0706.90 salad beetroot,salsify,celeriac,radishes & sim edible roots, 0706.90.10 bg 0706.90.20 a 0706.90.99 a 0706.90.21 bg 0706.90.30 a 0706.90.22 bg 0706.90.40 b 0706.90.30 d 0706.90.40 bg 0706.90.51 bg 0706.90.59 d 0706.90.90 d 0707.00 cucumbers and gherkins, fresh or chilled 0707.00.10 c 0707.00.0v a 0707.00.0w a 0707.00.91 ctq 0707.00.0w c+ 0707.00.0x a 0707.00.99 d 0707.00.0x b 0707.00.0y a 0707.00.0y b 0707.00.0z a 0707.00.0z c+ 0707.00.01 a 0707.00.60 a 0708.10 peas, shelled or unshelled, fresh or chilled 0708.10.10 bg 0708.10.20 a 0708.10.01 a 0708.10.91 bg 0708.10.40 a 0708.10.99 d 0708.20 beans, shelled or unshelled, fresh or chilled 0708.20.10 bg 0708.20.10 a 0708.20.01 a 0708.20.21 bg 0708.20.20 d 0708.20.22 bg 0708.20.0x c 0708.20.30 d 0708.20.0y b 0708.20.91 d 0708.20.99 bg 0708.90 leguminous vegetables, shelled or unshelled, fresh or chilled 0708.90.10 d 0708.90.05 a 0708.90.99 a 0708.90.90 a 0708.90.15 a 0708.90.25 d 0708.90.30 a 0708.90.40 b 0709.10 globe artichokes, fresh or chilled 0709.10.00 d 0709.10.00 a 0709.10.01 a 0709.20 asparagus, fresh or chilled 0709.20.10 bg 0709.20.10 a 0709.20.0v a 0709.20.91 bg 0709.20.0x c+ 0709.20.0w a 0709.20.99 d 0709.20.0y c+ 0709.20.0x a 0709.20.0z a 0709.20.0y a 0709.20.90 c 0709.20.0z a 0709.30 aubergines(egg-plants), fresh or chilled 0709.30.00 d 0709.30.0x ctq 0709.30.01 a 0709.30.0y a 0709.30.0z c 0709.30.40 c 0709.40 celery, other than celeriac, fresh or chilled 0709.40.11 bg 0709.40.20 c 0709.40.xx a 0709.40.12 bg 0709.40.40 a 0709.40.xy a 0709.40.90 d 0709.40.0x c 0709.40.xz a 0709.40.0y b 0709.40.yy a 0709.51 mushrooms, fresh or chilled 0709.51.10 bg 0709.51.00 c 0709.51.01 a 0709.51.90 bg 0709.52 truffles, fresh or chilled 0709.52.00 d 0709.52.00 d 0709.52.01 a 0709.60 peppers of the genus capsicum or of the genus pimenta, fresh o 0709.60.10 bg 0709.60.0w c 0709.60.0x a 0709.60.90 d 0709.60.0x c 0709.60.0y a 0709.60.0y ctq 0709.60.01 a 0709.60.0z a 0709.70 spinach, n-z spinach and orache spinach (garden spinach), fres 0709.70.00 d 0709.70.0x b 0709.70.01 a 0709.70.0y b 0709.90 vegetables, fresh or chilled nes 0709.90.10 d 0709.90.05 a 0709.90.99 a 0709.90.20 bg 0709.90.10 a 0709.90.31 bg 0709.90.13 a 0709.90.39 d 0709.90.16 a 0709.90.41 bg 0709.90.0n ctq 0709.90.49 d 0709.90.0p b 0709.90.51 bg 0709.90.0n b 0709.90.52 bg 0709.90.0p b 0709.90.60 d 0709.90.0q b 0709.90.91 d 0709.90.0r b 0709.90.99 bg 0709.90.0s b 0709.90.0t b 0709.90.0u b 0709.90.0v b 0709.90.0w b 0709.90.0x b 0709.90.0y b 0709.90.0z c 0709.90.30 a 0709.90.35 a 0710.10 potatoes, frozen 0710.10.00 bg 0710.10.00 b 0710.10.01 ctq 0710.21 peas, frozen 0710.21.00 bg 0710.21.20 a 0710.21.01 a 0710.21.40 a 0710.22 beans, frozen 0710.22.00 bg 0710.22.10 a 0710.22.01 a 0710.22.15 a 0710.22.20 d 0710.22.25 a 0710.22.37 b 0710.22.40 b 0710.29 leguminous vegetables frozen nes 0710.29.10 d 0710.29.05 a 0710.29.99 a 0710.29.90 bg 0710.29.15 a 0710.29.25 d 0710.29.30 a 0710.29.40 b 0710.30 spinach, n-z spinach and orache spinach (garden spinach), 0710.30.00 d 0710.30.00 a 0710.30.01 a 0710.40 sweet corn, frozen 0710.40.00 bg 0710.40.00 b 0710.40.01 b 0710.80 vegetables, frozen nes 0710.80.10 c 0710.80.10 d 0710.80.xx a 0710.80.20 ctq 0710.80.20 c 0710.80.xy a 0710.80.30 bg 0710.80.40 a 0710.80.xz a 0710.80.41 c 0710.80.45 a 0710.80.yx a 0710.80.49 bg 0710.80.50 a 0710.80.yy a 0710.80.50 bg 0710.80.60 a 0710.80.01 a 0710.80.91 d 0710.80.65 a 0710.80.9x a 0710.80.99 bg 0710.80.70 a 0710.80.9y a 0710.80.85 c 0710.80.9z a 0710.80.93 a 0710.80.99 a 0710.80.9u c 0710.80.9v c 0710.80.9w c 0710.80.9x c 0710.80.9y c 0710.80.9z b 0710.90 mixtures of vegetables, frozen 0710.90.00 c 0710.90.10 a 0710.90.0x a 0710.90.90 b 0710.90.0y a 0711.10 onions, provisionally preserved but not suitable for immediate 0711.10.00 bg 0711.10.00 a 0711.10.01 a 0711.20 olives, provisionally preserved but not suitable for immediate 0711.20.00 d 0711.20.15 a 0711.20.01 a 0711.20.25 b 0711.20.40 c 0711.30 capers, provisionally preserved but not suitable for immediate 0711.30.00 a 0711.30.00 a 0711.30.01 a 0711.40 cucumbers & gherkins provisionally presvd, but not for 0711.40.00 c 0711.40.00 a 0711.40.01 a 0711.90 vegetables nes & mixtures provisionally presvd but not for 0711.90.00 bg 0711.90.20 d 0711.90.9x a 0711.90.40 b 0711.90.99 a 0711.90.60 a 0712.10 potatoes dried, but not further prepared 0712.10.00 bg 0712.10.00 b 0712.10.01 ctq 0712.20 onions dried but not further prepared 0712.20.00 a 0712.20.20 c+ 0712.20.01 a 0712.20.40 c+ 0712.30 mushrooms and truffles dried but not further prepared 0712.30.10 bg 0712.30.10 a 0712.30.01 a 0712.30.20 d 0712.30.20 b 0712.30.40 d 0712.90 vegetables and mixtures dried, but not further prepared nes 0712.90.10 d 0712.90.10 a 0712.90.9x a 0712.90.20 bg 0712.90.15 a 0712.90.9y a 0712.90.90 bg 0712.90.20 b 0712.90.99 a 0712.90.40 c+ 0712.90.60 d 0712.90.65 a 0712.90.70 a 0712.90.75 a 0712.90.80 a 0713.10 peas dried, shelled, whether or not skinned or split 0713.10.10 a 0713.10.10 a 0713.10.01 a 0713.10.90 d 0713.10.20 d 0713.10.02 d 0713.10.40 a 0713.20 chickpeas, dried, shelled, whether or not skinned or split 0713.20.00 d 0713.20.10 a 0713.20.01 a 0713.20.20 a 0713.31 urd,mung,black or green gram beans dried shelled, whether or 0713.31.10 d 0713.31.10 a 0713.31.01 a 0713.31.90 a 0713.31.20 d 0713.31.40 a 0713.32 beans, small red (adzuki) dried, shelled, whether or not 0713.32.00 a 0713.32.10 a 0713.32.01 a 0713.32.20 a 0713.33 kidney beans and white pea beans dried shelled, whether or not 0713.33.10 d 0713.33.10 a 0713.33.01 d 0713.33.91 a 0713.33.20 a 0713.33.02 c+ag 0713.33.99 a 0713.33.40 a 0713.39 beans dried, shelled, whether or not skinned or split, nes 0713.39.10 d 0713.39.10 a 0713.39.99 a 0713.39.90 a 0713.39.15 d 0713.39.20 a 0713.39.40 a 0713.40 lentils dried, shelled, whether or not skinned or split 0713.40.00 d 0713.40.10 a 0713.40.01 a 0713.40.20 a 0713.50 broad beans & horse beans dried, shelled, whether or not 0713.50.10 d 0713.50.10 a 0713.50.01 a 0713.50.90 a 0713.50.20 a 0713.90 leguminous vegetables dried, shelled, whether or not skinned o 0713.90.10 d 0713.90.10 a 0713.90.99 a 0713.90.90 a 0713.90.50 d 0713.90.60 a 0713.90.80 a 0714.10 manioc (cassava), fresh or dried, whether or not sliced or 0714.10.00 d 0714.10.00 a 0714.10.01 a 0714.20 sweet potatoes, fresh or dried, whether or not sliced or 0714.20.00 d 0714.20.00 a 0714.20.01 a 0714.90 arrowroot, salep etc fr or dried whether or not sliced or 0714.90.10 d 0714.90.10 a 0714.90.9x a 0714.90.21 bg 0714.90.20 a 0714.90.99 a 0714.90.22 bg 0714.90.40 c 0714.90.91 d 0714.90.50 d 0714.90.92 bg 0714.90.60 a 0801.10 coconuts, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled 0801.10.00 d 0801.10.00 d 0801.10.01 a 0801.20 brazil nuts, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled 0801.20.00 d 0801.20.00 d 0801.20.01 a 0801.30 cashew nuts, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled 0801.30.00 d 0801.30.00 d 0801.30.01 a 0801.30.99 a 0802.11 almonds in shell fresh or dried 0802.11.00 d 0802.11.00 a 0802.11.01 a 0802.12 almonds,fresh or dried,shelled or peeled 0802.12.00 d 0802.12.00 a 0802.12.01 a 0802.21 hazelnuts or filberts in shell fresh or dried 0802.21.00 d 0802.21.00 a 0802.21.01 a 0802.22 hazelnuts or filberts, fresh or dried, shelled or peeled 0802.22.00 d 0802.22.00 a 0802.22.01 a 0802.31 walnuts in shell, fresh or dried 0802.31.00 d 0802.31.00 a 0802.31.01 a 0802.32 walnuts, fresh or dried, shelled or peeled 0802.32.00 d 0802.32.00 a 0802.32.01 a 0802.40 chestnuts, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled 0802.40.00 d 0802.40.00 d 0802.40.01 a 0802.50 pistachios, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled 0802.50.00 d 0802.50.20 a 0802.50.01 a 0802.50.40 a 0802.50.02 a 0802.90 nuts edible, fresh or dried, whether or not shelled or peeled, 0802.90.00 d 0802.90.10 a 0802.90.01 a 0802.90.15 a 0802.90.99 a 0802.90.20 a 0802.90.25 a 0802.90.80 a 0802.90.90 a 0803.00 bananas including plantains, fresh or dried 0803.00.00 d 0803.00.20 d 0803.00.01 a 0803.00.30 d 0803.00.40 a 0804.10 dates, fresh or dried 0804.10.00 d 0804.10.20 b 0804.10.01 a 0804.10.40 a 0804.10.02 a 0804.10.60 a 0804.10.80 b 0804.20 figs, fresh or dried 0804.20.00 d 0804.20.40 a 0804.20.01 a 0804.20.60 a 0804.20.02 a 0804.20.80 b 0804.30 pineapples, fresh or dried 0804.30.00 d 0804.30.20 a 0804.30.01 a 0804.30.40 a 0804.30.60 a 0804.40 avocados, fresh or dried 0804.40.00 d 0804.40.00 c 0804.40.01 a 0804.50 guavas, mangoes and mangosteens, fresh or dried 0804.50.00 d 0804.50.40 a 0804.50.01 a 0804.50.0x b 0804.50.0y c 0804.50.80 a 0805.10 oranges, fresh or dried 0805.10.00 d 0805.10.0x b 0805.10.01 a 0805.10.0y a 0805.20 mandarins(tang & sats)clementines & wilkings &sim citrus 0805.20.00 d 0805.20.0x c 0805.20.01 a 0805.20.0y b 0805.30 lemons and limes, fresh or dried 0805.30.00 d 0805.30.20 c 0805.30.01 a 0805.30.40 c 0805.40 grapefruit, fresh or dried 0805.40.00 d 0805.40.40 a 0805.40.0x a 0805.40.60 c 0805.40.0y a 0805.40.80 c 0805.40.0z a 0805.90 citrus fruits, fresh or dried, nes 0805.90.00 d 0805.90.00 a 0805.90.99 a 0806.10 grapes, fresh 0806.10.10 bg 0806.10.20 a 0806.10.01 c 0806.10.91 d 0806.10.40 d 0806.10.99 bg 0806.10.60 a 0806.20 grapes, dried 0806.20.00 d 0806.20.10 a 0806.20.01 a 0806.20.20 a 0806.20.90 a 0807.10 melons (including watermelons), fresh 0807.10.00 d 0807.10.0q d 0807.10.01 a 0807.10.0r c+ 0807.10.30 a 0807.10.0s c 0807.10.50 a 0807.10.60 a 0807.10.0t c+ 0807.10.0u a 0807.10.0w c 0807.10.0x a 0807.10.0y b 0807.10.0z c 0807.10.80 c+ 0807.20 papaws (papayas), fresh 0807.20.00 d 0807.20.00 c 0807.20.01 a 0808.10 apples, fresh 0808.10.10 d 0808.10.00 d 0808.10.01 ctq 0808.10.90 bg 0808.20 pears and quinces, fresh 0808.20.10 bg 0808.20.20 d 0808.20.01 b 0808.20.21 bg 0808.20.40 a 0808.20.02 b 0808.20.29 d 0808.20.30 d 0809.10 apricots, fresh 0809.10.10 bg 0809.10.00 a 0809.10.01 b 0809.10.91 bg 0809.10.99 d 0809.20 cherries, fresh 0809.20.10 bg 0809.20.00 d 0809.20.01 a 0809.20.21 bg 0809.20.29 d 0809.20.31 bg 0809.20.39 d 0809.20.90 bg 0809.30 peaches, including nectarines, fresh 0809.30.10 bg 0809.30.20 a 0809.30.01 c 0809.30.21 bg 0809.30.40 d 0809.30.29 d 0809.30.30 d 0809.30.90 bg 0809.40 plums and sloes, fresh 0809.40.10 bg 0809.40.20 d 0809.40.01 b 0809.40.21 bg 0809.40.40 a 0809.40.29 d 0809.40.31 bg 0809.40.39 d 0809.40.90 bg 0810.10 strawberries, fresh 0810.10.10 bg 0810.10.20 a 0810.10.01 a 0810.10.91 bg 0810.10.40 a 0810.10.99 d 0810.20 raspberries, blackberries, mulberries and loganberries, fresh 0810.20.11 bg 0810.20.10 a 0810.20.01 a 0810.20.19 d 0810.20.90 d 0810.20.90 bg 0810.30 black, white or red currants and gooseberries, fresh 0810.30.00 bg 0810.30.00 d 0810.30.01 b 0810.40 cranberries, bilberries and other fruits of the genus 0810.40.10 d 0810.40.00 d 0810.40.01 b 0810.40.90 bg 0810.90 fruits, fresh nes 0810.90.10 bg 0810.90.20 d 0810.90.01 b 0810.90.90 d 0810.90.40 b 0810.90.99 a 0811.10 strawberries, uncooked or steamed or boiled in water,sweetened 0811.10.10 ctq 0811.10.00 c 0811.10.01 c 0811.10.90 ctq 0811.20 raspberries,mulberries, etc uncook,steam or boil in water 0811.20.00 bg 0811.20.20 a 0811.20.01 a 0811.20.40 a 0811.90 fruits and edible nuts uncook, steam or boil (water) sweetened 0811.90.10 d 0811.90.10 a 0811.90.99 a 0811.90.20 bg 0811.90.20 d 0811.90.30 bg 0811.90.22 c 0811.90.40 a 0811.90.25 a 0811.90.50 a 0811.90.30 d 0811.90.90 bg 0811.90.35 a 0811.90.40 c 0811.90.50 a 0811.90.52 a 0811.90.55 a 0811.90.80 b 0812.10 cherries provisionally preserved but unsuitable for immediate 0812.10.00 bg 0812.10.00 b 0812.10.01 b 0812.20 strawberries provisionally preserved but unsuitable for 0812.20.00 c 0812.20.00 a 0812.20.01 a 0812.90 fruits and nuts provisionally preserved but unfit for immediat 0812.90.10 d 0812.90.10 b 0812.90.9x b 0812.90.91 d 0812.90.20 b 0812.90.9y b 0812.90.99 bg 0812.90.30 c 0812.90.99 a 0812.90.40 a 0812.90.90 a 0813.10 apricots, dried 0813.10.00 d 0813.10.00 a 0813.10.01 b 0813.10.99 b 0813.20 prunes, dried 0813.20.00 d 0813.20.10 a 0813.20.01 b 0813.20.20 a 0813.20.02 a 0813.30 apples, dried 0813.30.00 bg 0813.30.00 a 0813.30.01 c 0813.40 fruits, dried nes 0813.40.00 d 0813.40.10 a 0813.40.01 c 0813.40.15 a 0813.40.02 b 0813.40.20 a 0813.40.03 c 0813.40.30 a 0813.40.99 a 0813.40.40 a 0813.40.80 a 0813.40.90 a 0813.50 mixtures of edible nuts or dried fruits of this chapter 0813.50.10 d 0813.50.00 a 0813.50.01 a 0813.50.20 bg 0814.00 peel of citrus fruit or melons (watermelons) fresh, frz, dried 0814.00.00 d 0814.00.10 d 0814.00.01 a 0814.00.90 a 0901.11 coffee, not roasted, not decaffeinated 0901.11.00 d 0901.11.00 d 0901.11.01 a 0901.12 coffee, not roasted, decaffeinated 0901.12.00 d 0901.12.00 d 0901.12.01 a 0901.21 coffee, roasted, not decaffeinated 0901.21.00 a 0901.21.00 d 0901.21.01 c 0901.22 coffee, roasted, decaffeinated 0901.22.00 a 0901.22.00 d 0901.22.01 c 0901.30 coffee husks and skins 0901.30.00 d 0901.30.00 d 0901.30.01 c 0901.40 coffee substitutes containing coffee in any proportion 0901.40.00 a 0901.40.00 a 0901.40.01 c 0902.10 green tea (not fermented) in packages not exceeding 3 kg 0902.10.00 d 0902.10.00 d 0902.10.01 a 0902.20 green tea (not fermented) in packages exceeding 3 kg 0902.20.00 d 0902.20.00 d 0902.20.01 a 0902.30 black tea (fermented) & partly fermented tea in packages not 0902.30.00 d 0902.30.00 d 0902.30.01 a 0902.40 black tea (fermented) & partly fermented tea in packages 0902.40.00 d 0902.40.00 d 0902.40.01 a 0903.00 matâ� 0903.00.00 d 0903.00.00 d 0903.00.01 a 0904.11 pepper of the genus piper, except cubeb pepper, neither crushe 0904.11.00 d 0904.11.00 d 0904.11.01 a 0904.12 pepper of the genus piper, except cubeb pepper, crushed or 0904.12.00 a 0904.12.00 d 0904.12.01 a 0904.20 fruits of the genus capsicum or pimenta, dried, crushed or 0904.20.10 d 0904.20.20 a 0904.20.0x a 0904.20.21 d 0904.20.40 c 0904.20.01 a 0904.20.29 a 0904.20.60 a 0904.20.70 a 0904.20.80 d 0905.00 vanilla beans 0905.00.00 d 0905.00.00 d 0905.00.01 a 0906.10 cinnamon and cinnamon-tree flowers neither crushed nor ground 0906.10.00 d 0906.10.00 d 0906.10.01 a 0906.20 cinnamon and cinnamon-tree flowers crushed or ground 0906.20.00 a 0906.20.00 d 0906.20.01 a 0907.00 cloves (whole fruit, cloves and stems) 0907.00.10 d 0907.00.00 d 0907.00.01 a 0907.00.20 a 0908.10 nutmeg 0908.10.10 d 0908.10.00 d 0908.10.01 a 0908.10.20 a 0908.20 mace 0908.20.10 d 0908.20.20 a 0908.20.01 a 0908.20.20 a 0908.20.40 d 0908.30 cardamoms 0908.30.10 d 0908.30.00 d 0908.30.01 a 0908.30.20 a 0909.10 anise or badian seeds 0909.10.10 d 0909.10.00 d 0909.10.01 a 0909.10.20 a 0909.20 coriander seeds 0909.20.10 d 0909.20.00 d 0909.20.01 a 0909.20.20 a 0909.30 cumin seeds 0909.30.10 d 0909.30.00 d 0909.30.01 a 0909.30.20 a 0909.40 caraway seeds 0909.40.10 d 0909.40.00 d 0909.40.01 a 0909.40.20 a 0909.50 fennel or juniper seeds 0909.50.10 d 0909.50.00 d 0909.50.01 a 0909.50.20 a 0910.10 ginger 0910.10.10 d 0910.10.20 d 0910.10.01 a 0910.10.20 a 0910.10.40 a 0910.20 saffron 0910.20.00 d 0910.20.00 d 0910.20.01 a 0910.30 turmeric (curcuma) 0910.30.00 d 0910.30.00 d 0910.30.01 a 0910.40 thyme and bay leaves 0910.40.10 d 0910.40.20 d 0910.40.01 a 0910.40.20 a 0910.40.30 a 0910.40.40 a 0910.50 curry 0910.50.00 d 0910.50.00 d 0910.50.01 a 0910.91 mixtures of two or more of the products of different headings 0910.91.10 d 0910.91.00 a 0910.91.01 a 0910.91.20 a 0910.99 spices nes 0910.99.11 bg 0910.99.20 d 0910.99.99 a 0910.99.19 d 0910.99.40 a 0910.99.91 d 0910.99.50 d 0910.99.92 a 0910.99.60 a 1001.10 durum wheat 1001.10.00 bg 1001.10.00 c 1001.10.01 c 1001.90 wheat nes and meslin 1001.90.00 bg 1001.90.10 a 1001.90.99 c 1001.90.20 b 1002.00 rye 1002.00.00 d 1002.00.00 d 1002.00.01 a 1003.00 barley 1003.00.00 bg 1003.00.20 a 1003.00.01 a 1003.00.40 a 1003.00.02 cag 1003.00.99 cag 1004.00 oats 1004.00.00 d 1004.00.00 d 1004.00.01 a 1004.00.99 c 1005.10 maize (corn) seed 1005.10.10 bg 1005.10.00 d 1005.10.01 d 1005.10.90 bg 1005.90 maize (corn) nes 1005.90.10 bg 1005.90.20 a 1005.90.01 c 1005.90.90 bg 1005.90.40 a 1005.90.02 c 1005.90.99 c+ag 1006.10 rice in the husk (paddy or rough) 1006.10.00 d 1006.10.00 c 1006.10.01 c 1006.20 rice, husked (brown) 1006.20.00 d 1006.20.20 c 1006.20.01 c 1006.20.40 c 1006.30 rice, semi-milled or wholly milled, whether or not polished or 1006.30.00 a 1006.30.10 a 1006.30.01 c 1006.30.90 c 1006.40 rice, broken 1006.40.00 a 1006.40.00 c 1006.40.01 c 1007.00 grain sorghum 1007.00.00 a 1007.00.00 a 1007.00.01 d 1007.00.02 a 1008.10 buckwheat 1008.10.00 d 1008.10.00 d 1008.10.01 a 1008.20 millet 1008.20.00 d 1008.20.00 a 1008.20.01 a 1008.30 canary seed 1008.30.10 bg 1008.30.00 a 1008.30.01 b 1008.30.20 d 1008.90 cereals unmilled nes 1008.90.00 d 1008.90.00 a 1008.90.99 c 1101.00 wheat or meslin flour 1101.00.00 bg 1101.00.00 a 1101.00.01 c 1102.10 rye flour 1102.10.00 bg 1102.10.00 a 1102.10.01 c 1102.20 maize (corn) flour 1102.20.00 bg 1102.20.00 a 1102.20.01 c 1102.30 rice flour 1102.30.00 a 1102.30.00 a 1102.30.01 c 1102.90 cereal flour nes 1102.90.00 a 1102.90.20 d 1102.90.99 c 1102.90.30 a 1102.90.60 a 1103.11 wheat meal 1103.11.00 bg 1103.11.00 a 1103.11.01 c 1103.12 oat groats and meal 1103.12.00 a 1103.12.00 a 1103.12.01 c 1103.13 maize (corn) groats and meal 1103.13.10 bg 1103.13.00 a 1103.13.01 c 1103.13.20 d 1103.13.90 bg 1103.14 rice groats and meal 1103.14.00 d 1103.14.00 a 1103.14.01 c 1103.19 cereal groats and meal nes 1103.19.10 d 1103.19.00 a 1103.19.99 c 1103.19.90 bg 1103.21 wheat pellets 1103.21.00 bg 1103.21.00 d 1103.21.01 c 1103.29 cereal pellets nes 1103.29.00 bg 1103.29.00 d 1103.29.99 c 1104.11 barley, rolled or flaked grains 1104.11.00 bg 1104.11.00 a 1104.11.01 c 1104.12 oats, rolled or flaked grains 1104.12.00 a 1104.12.00 a 1104.12.01 c 1104.19 cereals, rolled or flaked grains nes 1104.19.10 d 1104.19.00 a 1104.19.01 c 1104.19.90 a 1104.21 barley,hulled,pearled,sliced or kibbled 1104.21.00 bg 1104.21.00 a 1104.21.01 c 1104.22 oats, hulled,pearled,sliced or kibbled 1104.22.00 a 1104.22.00 a 1104.22.01 c 1104.23 maize (corn), hulled, pearled, sliced or kibbled 1104.23.00 bg 1104.23.00 a 1104.23.01 c 1104.29 cereals, hulled, pearled, sliced or kibbled nes 1104.29.00 a 1104.29.00 a 1104.29.01 c 1104.30 germ of cereals, whole, rolled, flaked or ground 1104.30.00 a 1104.30.00 a 1104.30.01 c 1105.10 potato flour and meal 1105.10.00 bg 1105.10.00 a 1105.10.01 c 1105.20 potato flakes 1105.20.00 bg 1105.20.00 a 1105.20.01 c 1106.10 flour and meal of the dried leguminous vegetables of heading n 1106.10.10 d 1106.10.00 a 1106.10.01 c 1106.10.90 bg 1106.20 flour and meal of sago and of roots or tubers with hi starch o 1106.20.10 a 1106.20.00 d 1106.20.01 c 1106.20.90 bg 1106.20.99 c 1106.30 flour, meal and powder of edible fruits & nuts & peel of citru 1106.30.00 bg 1106.30.20 a 1106.30.01 c 1106.30.40 a 1106.30.99 c 1107.10 malt, not roasted 1107.10.10 bg 1107.10.00 a 1107.10.01 cag 1107.10.90 bg 1107.20 malt, roasted 1107.20.10 bg 1107.20.00 a 1107.20.01 cag 1107.20.90 bg 1108.11 wheat, starch 1108.11.00 bg 1108.11.00 a 1108.11.01 c 1108.12 maize (corn) starch 1108.12.00 bg 1108.12.00 a 1108.12.01 c 1108.13 potato starch 1108.13.00 bg 1108.13.00 b 1108.13.01 c 1108.14 manioc (cassava) starch 1108.14.00 a 1108.14.00 d 1108.14.01 c 1108.19 starches nes 1108.19.00 a 1108.19.00 d 1108.19.01 c 1108.19.99 c 1108.20 inulin 1108.20.00 bg 1108.20.00 a 1108.20.01 c 1109.00 wheat gluten, whether or not dried 1109.00.00 bg 1109.00.10 a 1109.00.01 c 1109.00.90 a 1201.00 soya beans 1201.00.00 d 1201.00.00 d 1201.00.01 d 1201.00.02 d 1201.00.03 c 1202.10 ground-nuts in shell not roasted or otherwise cooked 1202.10.00 d 1202.10.00 c+ 1202.10.01 d 1202.10.99 d 1202.20 ground-nuts shelled, whether or not broken, not roasted or 1202.20.00 d 1202.20.00 c+ 1202.20.01 d 1203.00 copra 1203.00.00 d 1203.00.00 d 1203.00.01 c 1204.00 linseed, whether or not broken 1204.00.00 d 1204.00.00 a 1204.00.01 d 1204.00.99 d 1205.00 rape or colza seeds, whether or not broken 1205.00.00 d 1205.00.00 a 1205.00.01 d 1205.00.02 d 1206.00 sunflower seeds, whether or not broken 1206.00.00 d 1206.00.00 d 1206.00.01 d 1206.00.99 d 1207.10 palm nuts and kernels, whether or not broken 1207.10.00 d 1207.10.00 d 1207.10.01 d 1207.20 cotton seeds, whether or not broken 1207.20.00 d 1207.20.00 a 1207.20.01 d 1207.20.02 d 1207.30 castor oil seeds, whether or not broken 1207.30.00 d 1207.30.00 d 1207.30.01 d 1207.40 sesamum seeds, whether or not broken 1207.40.00 d 1207.40.00 d 1207.40.01 d 1207.50 mustard seeds, whether or not broken 1207.50.00 d 1207.50.00 d 1207.50.01 d 1207.60 safflower seeds, whether or not broken 1207.60.00 d 1207.60.00 d 1207.60.01 d 1207.60.02 d 1207.60.03 c 1207.91 poppy seeds, whether or not broken 1207.91.00 d 1207.91.00 a 1207.91.01 pro 1207.92 shea nuts (karite nuts), whether or not broken 1207.92.00 d 1207.92.00 d 1207.92.01 d 1207.99 oil seeds and oleaginous fruits, nes, whether or not broken 1207.99.00 d 1207.99.00 d 1207.99.01 d 1207.99.99 d 1208.10 soya bean flour and meals 1208.10.10 a 1208.10.00 a 1208.10.01 c 1208.10.20 d 1208.90 flours and meals of oil seeds or oleaginous fruits, except 1208.90.10 a 1208.90.00 a 1208.90.01 c 1208.90.20 d 1208.90.02 c 1208.90.99 c 1209.11 seeds, sugar beet, for sowing 1209.11.00 d 1209.11.00 d 1209.11.01 a 1209.19 seeds, beet, for sowing nes 1209.19.10 bg 1209.19.00 d 1209.19.99 a 1209.19.20 d 1209.21 seeds, lucerne (alfalfa), for sowing 1209.21.00 d 1209.21.00 a 1209.21.01 d 1209.22 seeds, clover, for sowing 1209.22.00 d 1209.22.20 a 1209.22.01 d 1209.22.40 d 1209.23 seeds, fescue, for sowing 1209.23.00 d 1209.23.00 d 1209.23.01 d 1209.24 seeds, kentucky blue grass, for sowing 1209.24.00 d 1209.24.00 a 1209.24.01 d 1209.25 seeds, rye grass, for sowing 1209.25.00 d 1209.25.00 a 1209.25.01 d 1209.26 seeds, timothy grass, for sowing 1209.26.00 d 1209.26.00 d 1209.26.01 d 1209.29 seeds of forage plants, except beet seeds, for sowing nes 1209.29.00 d 1209.29.00 d 1209.29.01 d 1209.29.02 d 1209.29.03 d 1209.29.99 d 1209.30 seeds, flower, for sowing 1209.30.10 bg 1209.30.00 a 1209.30.01 d 1209.30.20 d 1209.91 seeds, vegetable, nes for sowing 1209.91.11 d 1209.91.10 a 1209.91.01 d 1209.91.19 bg 1209.91.20 d 1209.91.02 d 1209.91.20 d 1209.91.40 d 1209.91.03 d 1209.91.50 a 1209.91.04 d 1209.91.60 d 1209.91.05 d 1209.91.80 a 1209.91.06 d 1209.91.07 d 1209.91.08 d 1209.91.09 d 1209.91.10 d 1209.91.11 d 1209.91.12 d 1209.91.13 d 1209.91.14 d 1209.91.99 d 1209.99 seeds, fruit and spores for sowing, nes 1209.99.10 d 1209.99.20 d 1209.99.01 d 1209.99.91 bg 1209.99.40 a 1209.99.02 d 1209.99.92 d 1209.99.03 d 1209.99.04 d 1209.99.99 d 1210.10 hop cones, not ground, powdered or pelleted 1210.10.00 d 1210.10.00 a 1210.10.01 d 1210.20 hop cones, ground, powdered or pelleted and lupulin 1210.20.00 d 1210.20.00 a 1210.20.01 d 1211.10 liquorice roots used primarily in pharm, perf, insecticide, 1211.10.00 d 1211.10.00 d 1211.10.01 a 1211.20 ginseng roots used primarily in pharm, perf, insecticide, 1211.20.00 d 1211.20.00 d 1211.20.01 a 1211.90 plants &pts of plants(incl seed & fruit) used in pharm, perf, 1211.90.00 d 1211.90.20 d 1211.90.01 a 1211.90.40 a 1211.90.02 pro 1211.90.60 a 1211.90.03 pro 1211.90.80 d 1211.90.99 a 1212.10 locust beans, including seeds, fresh or dried, whether or not 1212.10.00 d 1212.10.00 d 1212.10.01 a 1212.10.99 a 1212.20 seaweeds and other algae, fresh or dried whether or not ground 1212.20.00 d 1212.20.00 d 1212.20.01 b 1212.30 apricot, peach or plum stones & kernels nes,used primarily for 1212.30.00 bg 1212.30.00 a 1212.30.01 a 1212.91 sugar beet, fresh or dried, whether or not ground 1212.91.00 bg 1212.91.00 b 1212.91.01 a 1212.92 sugar cane, fresh or dried, whether or not ground 1212.92.00 bg 1212.92.00 a 1212.92.01 c 1212.99 vegetable products nes used primarily for human consumption 1212.99.00 d 1212.99.00 d 1212.99.01 c 1212.99.99 a 1213.00 cereal straw and husks, unprepd, whether or not chopped, 1213.00.00 d 1213.00.00 d 1213.00.01 b 1214.10 lucerne (alfalfa) meal and pellets 1214.10.00 a 1214.10.00 a 1214.10.01 c 1214.90 swedes,mangolds,fodder roots,hay,clover, sainfoin,forage 1214.90.10 a 1214.90.00 d 1214.90.01 c 1214.90.90 d 1214.90.99 c 1301.10 lac 1301.10.00 d 1301.10.00 d 1301.10.01 a 1301.20 gum arabic 1301.20.00 d 1301.20.00 d 1301.20.01 a 1301.20.02 a 1301.90 natural gums, resins, gum-resins and balsam, except arabic gum 1301.90.00 d 1301.90.40 a 1301.90.01 a 1301.90.90 d 1301.90.02 a 1301.90.99 a 1302.11 opium sap 1302.11.00 a 1302.11.00 d 1302.11.01 pro 1302.11.02 pro 1302.11.03 pro 1302.11.99 a 1302.12 liquorice extract 1302.12.00 d 1302.12.00 a 1302.12.01 a 1302.12.99 c 1302.13 hop extract 1302.13.00 d 1302.13.00 b 1302.13.01 d 1302.14 pyrethrum or roots of plants containing rotenone, extracts 1302.14.00 d 1302.14.00 d 1302.14.01 a 1302.14.99 a 1302.19 vegetable saps and extracts nes 1302.19.00 d 1302.19.20 d 1302.19.01 a 1302.19.40 a 1302.19.02 a 1302.19.90 d 1302.19.03 a 1302.19.04 a 1302.19.05 a 1302.19.06 a 1302.19.07 a 1302.19.08 a 1302.19.09 pro 1302.19.10 a 1302.19.11 a 1302.19.99 a 1302.20 pectic substances, pectinates & pectates 1302.20.00 d 1302.20.00 b 1302.20.01 a 1302.20.99 a 1302.31 agar-agar 1302.31.00 d 1302.31.00 a 1302.31.01 a 1302.32 mucilages and thickeners derived from locust beans and seeds o 1302.32.00 d 1302.32.00 d 1302.32.01 a 1302.32.02 a 1302.32.99 a 1302.39 mucilages and thickeners nes, modified or not, derived from 1302.39.00 d 1302.39.00 b 1302.39.01 a 1302.39.02 b 1302.39.99 a 1401.10 bamboos used primarily for plaiting 1401.10.00 d 1401.10.00 d 1401.10.01 a 1401.20 rattans used primarily for plaiting 1401.20.00 d 1401.20.20 d 1401.20.01 a 1401.20.40 a 1401.90 vegetable materials nes, used primarily for plaiting 1401.90.00 d 1401.90.20 b 1401.90.99 a 1401.90.40 a 1402.10 kapok used as stuffing or padding put up or not as a layer wit 1402.10.00 d 1402.10.00 d 1402.10.01 a 1402.91 veg hair used as stuffing or padding put up or not as a layer 1402.91.00 d 1402.91.00 a 1402.91.01 a 1402.99 veg mat nes used as stuffing or pad put up or not as a layer w 1402.99.00 d 1402.99.00 d 1402.99.99 a 1403.10 broomcorn used in brooms or brushes whether or not in hanks or 1403.10.00 d 1403.10.00 a 1403.10.01 a 1403.90 veg mat nes used in brooms or brushes whether or not in hanks 1403.90.00 d 1403.90.20 d 1403.90.01 a 1403.90.40 a 1403.90.99 a 1404.10 raw vegetable materials used primarily in dyeing or tanning 1404.10.00 d 1404.10.00 d 1404.10.01 a 1404.10.99 a 1404.20 cotton linters 1404.20.00 d 1404.20.00 d 1404.20.01 c 1404.90 vegetable products nes 1404.90.00 d 1404.90.00 d 1404.90.99 a 1501.00 lard;pig fat nes & poultry fat,rendered, whether or not presse 1501.00.00 a 1501.00.00 a 1501.00.01 cag 1502.00 bovine,sheep & goat fats,raw or rendered whether or not presse 1502.00.00 a 1502.00.00 a 1502.00.01 c 1503.00 lard stearin & oil, oleostearin & oil & tallow oil,not 1503.00.00 a 1503.00.00 a 1503.00.01 c 1503.00.99 c 1504.10 fish-liver oils & their fractions, refined or not, but not 1504.10.00 a 1504.10.20 d 1504.10.01 a 1504.10.40 a 1504.10.99 c 1504.20 fish fats & oils & their fractions exc liver,refined or not, 1504.20.00 a 1504.20.20 d 1504.20.01 c 1504.20.40 a 1504.20.99 c 1504.20.60 a 1504.30 marine mammal fats & oils & their fract, refined or not, but 1504.30.00 a 1504.30.00 a 1504.30.01 c 1505.10 wool grease, crude 1505.10.00 a 1505.10.00 a 1505.10.01 b 1505.90 derivatives of wool grease and fatty substances (including 1505.90.00 a 1505.90.00 a 1505.90.01 b 1505.90.02 c 1505.90.99 c 1506.00 animal fats & oils & their fractions nes refined or not, but 1506.00.00 a 1506.00.00 a 1506.00.01 c 1506.00.99 c 1507.10 soya-bean oil crude, whether or not degummed 1507.10.00 a 1507.10.00 b 1507.10.01 c 1507.90 soya-bean oil and its fractions, refined but not chemically 1507.90.10 d 1507.90.20 a 1507.90.99 c 1507.90.90 bg 1507.90.40 b 1508.10 ground-nut oil, crude 1508.10.00 a 1508.10.00 a 1508.10.01 c 1508.90 ground-nut oil and its fractions refined but not chemically 1508.90.00 a 1508.90.00 a 1508.90.99 c 1509.10 olive oil, virgin 1509.10.00 d 1509.10.20 a 1509.10.01 a 1509.10.40 a 1509.10.99 a 1509.90 olive oil and its fractions refined but not chemically modifie 1509.90.00 d 1509.90.20 a 1509.90.01 a 1509.90.40 a 1509.90.02 a 1509.90.99 a 1510.00 oils & their fract nes obt from olives, ref'd or not, not chem 1510.00.00 d 1510.00.20 d 1510.00.01 c 1510.00.40 a 1510.00.60 a 1511.10 palm oil, crude 1511.10.00 a 1511.10.00 d 1511.10.01 c 1511.10.99 c 1511.90 palm oil and its fractions refined but not chemically modified 1511.90.00 bg 1511.90.00 d 1511.90.99 c 1512.11 sunflower-seed or safflower oil, crude 1512.11.10 a 1512.11.0x b 1512.11.01 c 1512.11.20 a 1512.11.0y b 1512.19 sunflower-seed or safflower oil & their fractions refined but 1512.19.10 a 1512.19.0x b 1512.19.99 c 1512.19.20 a 1512.19.0y b 1512.21 cotton-seed oil crude, whether or not gossypol has been remove 1512.21.00 a 1512.21.00 b 1512.21.01 c 1512.29 cotton-seed and its fractions refined but not chemically 1512.29.00 a 1512.29.00 b 1512.29.99 c 1513.11 coconut (copra) oil crude 1513.11.00 a 1513.11.00 d 1513.11.01 c 1513.19 coconut (copra) oil and its fractions refined but not 1513.19.00 a 1513.19.00 d 1513.19.99 c 1513.21 palm kernel or babassu oil, crude 1513.21.00 a 1513.21.00 d 1513.21.01 c 1513.29 palm kernel or babassu oil their fract, refined but not 1513.29.00 bg 1513.29.00 d 1513.29.99 c 1514.10 rape, colza or mustard oil crude 1514.10.00 a 1514.10.10 d 1514.10.01 c 1514.10.90 a 1514.90 rape,colza or mustard oil & their fract, refined but not 1514.90.00 a 1514.90.10 d 1514.90.99 c 1514.90.50 a 1514.90.90 a 1515.11 linseed oil, crude 1515.11.00 a 1515.11.00 a 1515.11.01 c 1515.19 linseed oil and its fractions, refined but not chemically 1515.19.00 bg 1515.19.00 a 1515.19.99 c 1515.21 maize (corn) oil crude 1515.21.00 a 1515.21.00 a 1515.21.01 c 1515.29 maize (corn) oil and its fractions, refined but not chemically 1515.29.00 bg 1515.29.00 a 1515.29.99 c 1515.30 castor oil and its fractions,whether or not refined, but not 1515.30.10 d 1515.30.20 a 1515.30.01 a 1515.30.90 bg 1515.30.40 a 1515.40 tung oil and its fractions, whether or not refined, but not 1515.40.00 d 1515.40.00 d 1515.40.01 a 1515.50 sesame oil and its fractions whether or not refined, but not 1515.50.10 a 1515.50.00 a 1515.50.01 a 1515.50.90 bg 1515.60 jojoba oil and its fractions whether or not refined, but not 1515.60.10 a 1515.60.00 a 1515.60.01 a 1515.60.90 bg 1515.90 veg fats & oils nes & their fractions, refined or not but not 1515.90.10 d 1515.90.20 d 1515.90.01 a 1515.90.91 a 1515.90.40 a 1515.90.02 a 1515.90.99 a 1515.90.03 c 1515.90.99 c 1516.10 animal fats & oils & fract hydrogenated, inter or 1516.10.00 a 1516.10.00 a 1516.10.01 cag 1516.20 veg fats &oils & fractions hydrogenated, inter or 1516.20.00 a 1516.20.10 a 1516.20.01 c 1516.20.90 a 1517.10 margarine, excluding liquid margarine 1517.10.00 a 1517.10.00 a 1517.10.01 c 1517.90 edible mx or prep of animal or veg fats & oils or of fractions 1517.90.10 bg 1517.90.10 a 1517.90.01 c 1517.90.91 a 1517.90.20 a 1517.90.02 c 1517.90.99 bg 1517.90.40 c 1517.90.99 c 1518.00 animal or veg fats & oils & fract boiled oxid,etc, & ined 1518.00.10 bg 1518.00.20 a 1518.00.01 c 1518.00.20 a 1518.00.40 a 1518.00.02 c 1518.00.90 bg 1518.00.03 c 1518.00.99 c 1519.11 stearic acid 1519.11.00 bg 1519.11.00 a 1519.11.01 c 1519.11.02 c 1519.11.99 c 1519.12 oleic acid 1519.12.00 bg 1519.12.00 a 1519.12.01 c 1519.12.99 c 1519.13 tall oil fatty acids 1519.13.00 d 1519.13.00 a 1519.13.01 c 1519.19 industrial monocarboxylic fatty acids, nes 1519.19.00 bg 1519.19.20 a 1519.19.01 c 1519.19.40 a 1519.19.99 c 1519.20 acid oils from refining 1519.20.00 bg 1519.20.00 a 1519.20.01 c 1519.30 industrial fatty alcohols 1519.30.10 d 1519.30.20 a 1519.30.01 c 1519.30.90 bg 1519.30.40 a 1519.30.02 c 1519.30.60 a 1519.30.99 c 1520.10 glycerol (glycerine), crude and glycerol waters and lyes 1520.10.00 d 1520.10.00 a 1520.10.01 c 1520.10.99 c 1520.90 glycerol (glycerine), nes including synthetic glycerol 1520.90.00 bg 1520.90.00 a 1520.90.01 c 1520.90.99 a 1521.10 vegetable waxes excluding triglycerides, whether or not refine 1521.10.10 d 1521.10.00 d 1521.10.01 c 1521.10.90 bg 1521.10.99 c 1521.90 beeswax,other insect waxes & spermaceti whether or not refined 1521.90.10 a 1521.90.20 a 1521.90.01 a 1521.90.90 a 1521.90.40 d 1521.90.02 a 1521.90.03 a 1521.90.99 a 1522.00 degras & residues from fatty substances or animal or vegetable 1522.00.10 d 1522.00.00 a 1522.00.01 c 1522.00.90 bg 1522.00.99 c 1601.00 sausages & sim prod of meat, meat offal or blood & food prep 1601.00.10 a 1601.00.20 a 1601.00.01 c 1601.00.1v ex 1601.00.40 a 1601.00.9x ex 1601.00.91 a 1601.00.60 a 1601.00.99 c 1601.00.99 a 1602.10 homogenized preparations of meat and meat offal 1602.10.00 a 1602.10.00 a 1602.10.01 c 1602.20 livers of any animal prepared or preserved 1602.20.10 a 1602.20.20 a 1602.20.0x ex 1602.20.90 d 1602.20.40 a 1602.20.01 c 1602.31 turkey meat and meat offal prepared or preserved, excluding 1602.31.10 ex 1602.31.00 a 1602.31.01 ex 1602.31.91 ex 1602.31.99 ex 1602.39 dom fowl, duck, goose & guinea fowl meat & meat offal prep or 1602.39.10 ex 1602.39.00 a 1602.39.99 ex 1602.39.91 ex 1602.39.99 ex 1602.41 hams and cuts thereof of swine prepared or preserved 1602.41.10 a 1602.41.10 a 1602.41.01 c 1602.41.90 a 1602.41.20 a 1602.41.90 a 1602.42 shoulders and cut thereof of swine prepared or preserved 1602.42.10 a 1602.42.20 a 1602.42.01 c 1602.42.90 a 1602.42.40 a 1602.49 swine meat & meat offal nes/exc livers/ incl mixtures, prepare 1602.49.10 bg 1602.49.10 a 1602.49.01 c 1602.49.91 a 1602.49.20 a 1602.49.99 c 1602.49.99 a 1602.49.40 a 1602.49.60 a 1602.49.90 a 1602.50 bovine meat and meat offal nes,excluding livers, prepared or 1602.50.10 bg 1602.50.05 a 1602.50.01 c 1602.50.91 a 1602.50.09 a 1602.50.99 c 1602.50.99 a 1602.50.10 a 1602.50.20 a 1602.50.60 a 1602.50.90 a 1602.90 meat, meat offal or blood, prepared or preserved, nes 1602.90.10 bg 1602.90.10 a 1602.90.01 c 1602.90.91 a 1602.90.90 a 1602.90.99 a 1603.00 extracts & juices of meat,fish,or crust, molluscs or other 1603.00.10 a 1603.00.10 a 1603.00.01 b 1603.00.21 bg 1603.00.90 d 1603.00.99 b 1603.00.29 a 1604.11 salmon prepared or preserved, whole or in pieces, but not 1604.11.00 a 1604.11.20 a 1604.11.01 a 1604.11.40 a 1604.12 herrings, prepared or preserved, whole or in pieces but not 1604.12.10 d 1604.12.20 a 1604.12.01 a 1604.12.91 a 1604.12.40 a 1604.12.92 a 1604.12.60 d 1604.12.99 a 1604.13 sardines,sardinella & brisling or sprats prep or presvd, whole 1604.13.10 c 1604.13.10 c 1604.13.01 c 1604.13.90 c 1604.13.20 c 1604.13.99 c 1604.13.30 c 1604.13.40 a 1604.13.45 a 1604.13.50 a 1604.14 tunas,skipjack & atl bonito, prepared or preserved,whole or in 1604.14.11 bg 1604.14.10 c+ 1604.14.01 c+ 1604.14.12 bg 1604.14.20 c+ 1604.14.99 c+ 1604.14.90 bg 1604.14.30 c+ 1604.14.40 c+ 1604.14.50 a 1604.14.70 c 1604.14.80 c 1604.15 mackerel, prepared or preserved, whole or in pieces, but not 1604.15.00 a 1604.15.00 a 1604.15.01 a 1604.16 anchovies, prepared or preserved, whole or in pieces, but not 1604.16.10 a 1604.16.10 a 1604.16.01 a 1604.16.90 a 1604.16.30 a 1604.16.99 a 1604.16.40 a 1604.16.60 d 1604.19 fish nes, prepared or preserved, whole or in pieces, but not 1604.19.10 bg 1604.19.10 b 1604.19.99 b 1604.19.90 bg 1604.19.20 a 1604.19.25 b 1604.19.30 a 1604.19.40 b 1604.19.50 b 1604.19.60 d 1604.19.80 a 1604.20 fish prepared or preserved, except whole or in pieces 1604.20.10 bg 1604.20.05 a 1604.20.99 b 1604.20.90 bg 1604.20.10 d 1604.20.15 b 1604.20.20 d 1604.20.25 b 1604.20.30 b 1604.20.40 b 1604.20.50 b 1604.20.60 b 1604.30 caviar and caviar substitutes prepared from fish eggs 1604.30.00 a 1604.30.20 a 1604.30.01 a 1604.30.30 a 1604.30.99 a 1604.30.40 d 1605.10 crab, prepared or preserved 1605.10.00 bg 1605.10.05 a 1605.10.01 b 1605.10.20 a 1605.10.40 a 1605.10.60 d 1605.20 shrimps and prawns,prepared or preserved 1605.20.00 d 1605.20.05 a 1605.20.01 b 1605.20.10 d 1605.30 lobster, prepared or preserved 1605.30.10 bg 1605.30.05 a 1605.30.01 b 1605.30.91 d 1605.30.10 d 1605.30.99 bg 1605.40 crustaceans nes, prepared or preserved 1605.40.10 a 1605.40.05 a 1605.40.01 a 1605.40.90 a 1605.40.10 d 1605.40.99 a 1605.90 molluscs and other aquatic invertebrates prepared or preserved 1605.90.10 a 1605.90.05 a 1605.90.99 a 1605.90.91 d 1605.90.06 a 1605.90.92 a 1605.90.10 a 1605.90.93 a 1605.90.20 a 1605.90.94 a 1605.90.30 d 1605.90.99 a 1605.90.40 d 1605.90.50 a 1605.90.55 a 1605.90.60 d 1701.11 raw sugar, cane 1701.11.10 sug 1701.11.01 sug 1701.11.01 sug 1701.11.20 sug 1701.11.02 sug 1701.11.99 sug 1701.11.30 sug 1701.11.03 sug 1701.11.40 sug 1701.11.50 sug 1701.12 raw sugar, beet 1701.12.00 sug 1701.12.01 sug 1701.12.01 sug 1701.12.02 sug 1701.12.99 sug 1701.91 refined sugar, in solid form, containing added flavouring or 1701.91.00 sug 1701.91.21 sug 1701.91.01 sug 1701.91.22 sug 1701.91.40 sug 1701.99 refined sugar, in solid form, nes 1701.99.00 sug 1701.99.01 sug 1701.99.01 sug 1701.99.02 sug 1701.99.99 sug 1702.10 lactose and lactose syrup 1702.10.00 bg 1702.10.00 a 1702.10.01 c 1702.10.02 c 1702.10.99 c 1702.20 maple sugar and maple syrup 1702.20.00 d 1702.20.20 a 1702.20.01 c 1702.20.40 d 1702.30 glucose & glucose syrup not cntg fruct or cntg in dry state < 1702.30.00 bg 1702.30.20 a 1702.30.01 c 1702.30.40 a 1702.30.99 c 1702.40 glucose inc syrup cntg in dry state at least 20% but < 50% by 1702.40.00 bg 1702.40.00 a 1702.40.01 c 1702.40.99 c 1702.50 fructose, chemically pure 1702.50.00 d 1702.50.00 c 1702.50.01 c 1702.60 fructose & fructose syrup nes, cntg in dry state > 50% by 1702.60.00 bg 1702.60.00 a 1702.60.01 c 1702.90 sugar nes, including invert sugar 1702.90.10 bg 1702.90.31 sug 1702.90.01 sug 1702.90.20 bg 1702.90.32 sug 1702.90.99 sug 1702.90.31 sug 1702.90.35 a 1702.90.32 sug 1702.90.40 a 1702.90.33 sug 1702.90.50 a 1702.90.34 sug 1702.90.35 sug 1702.90.36 sug 1702.90.37 sug 1702.90.38 sug 1702.90.40 sug 1702.90.50 bg 1702.90.60 bg 1702.90.90 bg 1703.10 cane molasses 1703.10.10 a 1703.10.30 a 1703.10.01 sug 1703.10.20 a 1703.10.50 a 1703.10.02 sug 1703.10.30 a 1703.10.90 d 1703.90 molasses nes 1703.90.10 bg 1703.90.30 a 1703.90.99 sug 1703.90.20 bg 1703.90.50 a 1703.90.90 bg 1704.10 chewing gum containing sugar, except medicinal 1704.10.00 c 1704.10.00 a 1704.10.01 c 1704.90 sugar confectionery nes (including white chocolate), not 1704.90.10 d 1704.90.10 b 1704.90.99 c 1704.90.20 c 1704.90.20 a 1704.90.30 c 1704.90.40 c 1704.90.90 c 1704.90.60 c 1801.00 cocoa beans, whole or broken, raw or roasted 1801.00.00 d 1801.00.00 d 1801.00.01 a 1802.00 cocoa shells, husks, skins and other cocoa waste 1802.00.00 d 1802.00.00 d 1802.00.01 a 1803.10 cocoa paste not defatted 1803.10.00 d 1803.10.00 d 1803.10.01 a 1803.20 cocoa paste wholly or partly defatted 1803.20.00 d 1803.20.00 a 1803.20.01 a 1804.00 cocoa butter, fat and oil 1804.00.00 d 1804.00.00 d 1804.00.01 a 1805.00 cocoa powder, not containing added sugar or other sweetening 1805.00.00 bg 1805.00.00 a 1805.00.01 a 1806.10 cocoa powder, containing added sugar or other sweetening matte 1806.10.00 sug 1806.10.20 c 1806.10.01 sug 1806.10.30 a 1806.10.41 sug 1806.10.42 sug 1806.20 chocolate and other food preparations containing cocoa weighin 1806.20.10 d 1806.20.20 d 1806.20.01 c 1806.20.20 bg 1806.20.40 a 1806.20.90 bg 1806.20.60 a 1806.20.70 a 1806.20.80 c 1806.31 choc & food prep cntg cocoa in blocks, slabs or bars,filled, 1806.31.00 bg 1806.31.00 a 1806.31.01 c 1806.32 choc & food prep cntg cocoa in blocks, slabs or bars, not 1806.32.00 bg 1806.32.20 a 1806.32.01 c 1806.32.40 a 1806.90 chocolate and other food preparations containing cocoa nes 1806.90.00 bg 1806.90.00 a 1806.90.99 c 1901.10 prep of cereals, flour, starch or milk for infant use, put up 1901.10.10 bg 1901.10.00 c 1901.10.01 c 1901.10.20 bg 1901.20 mixes & doughs for the prep of bakers' wares of heading no 1901.20.10 bg 1901.20.00 a 1901.20.01 b 1901.20.20 bg 1901.20.99 b 1901.90 malt extract & food prep of ch 19 < 50% cocoa & hd 04.01 to 1901.90.10 bg 1901.90.10 a 1901.90.01 c 1901.90.21 bg 1901.90.20 b 1901.90.02 b 1901.90.22 bg 1901.90.25 d 1901.90.99 b 1901.90.30 c 1901.90.2x a 1901.90.30 c 1901.90.40 c 1901.90.80 c 1901.90.90 c 1902.11 uncooked pasta not stuffed or otherwise prepared, containing 1902.11.00 bg 1902.11.20 d 1902.11.01 c 1902.11.40 a 1902.19 uncooked pasta, not stuffed or otherwise prepared, nes 1902.19.10 d 1902.19.20 d 1902.19.99 c 1902.19.90 bg 1902.19.40 a 1902.20 stuffed pasta, whether or not cooked or otherwise prepared 1902.20.00 bg 1902.20.00 a 1902.20.01 b 1902.30 pasta nes 1902.30.10 bg 1902.30.00 a 1902.30.01 b 1902.30.20 bg 1902.40 couscous 1902.40.10 bg 1902.40.00 a 1902.40.01 b 1902.40.20 bg 1903.00 tapioca subst prep from starch in flake, grain, pearl, sifting 1903.00.00 d 1903.00.20 d 1903.00.01 b 1903.00.40 a 1904.10 prep foods obtained by the swelling or roasting of cereal or 1904.10.00 bg 1904.10.00 a 1904.10.01 c 1904.90 cereals, exc maize (corn),in grain form, pre-cooked or 1904.90.10 bg 1904.90.00 a 1904.90.99 c 1904.90.20 bg 1905.10 crispbread 1905.10.10 d 1905.10.00 d 1905.10.01 b 1905.10.91 bg 1905.10.92 bg 1905.20 gingerbread and the like 1905.20.00 bg 1905.20.00 d 1905.20.01 b 1905.30 sweet biscuits, waffles and wafers 1905.30.10 bg 1905.30.00 d 1905.30.01 c 1905.30.90 bg 1905.40 rusks, toasted bread and similar toasted products 1905.40.10 d 1905.40.00 d 1905.40.01 c 1905.40.90 bg 1905.90 communion wafers,empty cachets for pharm use and sim prod and 1905.90.11 d 1905.90.10 d 1905.90.01 a 1905.90.12 d 1905.90.90 a 1905.90.99 c 1905.90.13 bg 1905.90.14 bg 1905.90.21 bg 1905.90.29 bg 1905.90.31 bg 1905.90.39 bg 1905.90.40 a 1905.90.50 d 1905.90.61 bg 1905.90.62 bg 1905.90.90 bg 2001.10 cucumbers and gherkins, prepared or preserved by vinegar or 2001.10.00 bg 2001.10.00 a 2001.10.01 b 2001.20 onions prepared or preserved by vinegar or acetic acid 2001.20.00 bg 2001.20.00 a 2001.20.01 c 2001.90 veg,fruit,nuts & edible parts of plants nes,prep or presvd by 2001.90.10 bg 2001.90.10 a 2001.90.9x a 2001.90.90 bg 2001.90.20 c 2001.90.9y a 2001.90.25 a 2001.90.9z a 2001.90.30 a 2001.90.99 a 2001.90.33 a 2001.90.35 c 2001.90.39 b 2001.90.42 a 2001.90.45 a 2001.90.50 a 2001.90.60 c 2002.10 tomatoes,whole or in pieces prepared or preserved o/t by 2002.10.00 bg 2002.10.00 c 2002.10.01 a 2002.90 tomatoes nes,prepared or preserved other than by vinegar or 2002.90.00 ctq 2002.90.00 c 2002.90.99 a 2003.10 mushrooms prepared or preserved other than by vinegar or aceti 2003.10.00 bg 2003.10.00 c 2003.10.01 c 2003.20 truffles prepared or preserved other than by vinegar or acetic 2003.20.00 d 2003.20.00 d 2003.20.01 a 2004.10 potatoes prepared or preserved other than by vinegar or acetic 2004.10.00 bg 2004.10.40 a 2004.10.01 ctq 2004.10.80 b 2004.90 veg nes & mx of veg prep or presvd, o/t by vinegar or acetic 2004.90.10 c 2004.90.10 a 2004.90.9x a 2004.90.20 c 2004.90.80 a 2004.90.99 a 2004.90.30 bg 2004.90.90 c 2004.90.41 bg 2004.90.49 bg 2004.90.50 d 2004.90.91 d 2004.90.99 bg 2005.10 homogenized vegetables prep or presvd, o/t by vinegar or aceti 2005.10.00 bg 2005.10.00 a 2005.10.01 c 2005.20 potatoes prepared or preserved, o/t by vinegar or acetic acid, 2005.20.00 bg 2005.20.20 a 2005.20.01 ctq 2005.20.60 a 2005.30 sauerkraut prepared or preserved, o/t by vinegar or acetic 2005.30.00 bg 2005.30.00 b 2005.30.01 a 2005.40 peas prepared or preserved, other than by vinegar or acetic 2005.40.00 bg 2005.40.00 d 2005.40.01 b 2005.51 beans, shelled prepared or preserved,o/t by vinegar or acetic 2005.51.10 bg 2005.51.20 a 2005.51.01 a 2005.51.90 bg 2005.51.40 a 2005.59 beans nes prepared or preserved, o/t by vinegar or acetic acid 2005.59.00 bg 2005.59.00 a 2005.59.99 a 2005.60 asparagus prepared or preserved, o/t by vinegar or acetic acid 2005.60.00 c 2005.60.00 c 2005.60.01 a 2005.70 olives prepared or preserved,other than by vinegar or acetic 2005.70.10 d 2005.70.11 c 2005.70.01 b 2005.70.90 bg 2005.70.13 c 2005.70.15 c 2005.70.21 c 2005.70.22 c 2005.70.25 c 2005.70.50 c 2005.70.60 c 2005.70.70 c 2005.70.75 c 2005.70.81 c 2005.70.83 c 2005.80 sweet corn prepared or preserved, o/t by vinegar or acetic aci 2005.80.00 bg 2005.80.00 a 2005.80.01 c 2005.90 veg nes & mix of veg prep or presvd o/t by vinegar or acetic 2005.90.11 bg 2005.90.10 a 2005.90.9x b 2005.90.19 bg 2005.90.20 a 2005.90.99 b 2005.90.20 d 2005.90.40 d 2005.90.91 d 2005.90.50 c 2005.90.99 bg 2005.90.55 c 2005.90.60 d 2005.90.80 c 2005.90.85 a 2005.90.87 a 2005.90.95 a 2006.00 fruits, nuts, fruit-peel & pts of plants presvd by sugar 2006.00.10 bg 2006.00.20 b 2006.00.01 b 2006.00.20 a 2006.00.30 a 2006.00.90 d 2006.00.40 b 2006.00.50 b 2006.00.60 b 2006.00.70 a 2006.00.90 a 2007.10 homo prep (jams, fruit jellies etc) ckd prep whether or not 2007.10.00 bg 2007.10.00 b 2007.10.01 c 2007.91 citrus fruit (marmalades, purâ�e,etc) ckd prep whether or not 2007.91.00 a 2007.91.10 c 2007.91.01 c 2007.91.40 c 2007.91.90 a 2007.99 jams,fruit jellies, fruit or nut purâ�e & paste, ckd 2007.99.10 c 2007.99.05 a 2007.99.01 a 2007.99.20 d 2007.99.10 a 2007.99.02 a 2007.99.90 bg 2007.99.15 b 2007.99.03 a 2007.99.20 a 2007.99.04 c 2007.99.25 a 2007.99.99 a 2007.99.30 d 2007.99.35 b 2007.99.40 a 2007.99.45 a 2007.99.48 a 2007.99.50 a 2007.99.55 b 2007.99.60 c 2007.99.65 c 2007.99.70 b 2007.99.75 a 2008.11 ground-nuts nes o/w prep or presvd, sugared, sweetened, 2008.11.10 a 2008.11.00 c+ 2008.11.01 c 2008.11.90 a 2008.19 nuts and seeds nes incl mx, o/w prep or presvd, sugared, 2008.19.10 d 2008.19.10 d 2008.19.9x a 2008.19.90 a 2008.19.15 a 2008.19.99 c 2008.19.20 a 2008.19.25 a 2008.19.30 a 2008.19.40 a 2008.19.50 b 2008.19.85 b 2008.19.90 a 2008.20 pineapples nes, o/w prep or presvd, sugared, sweetened, 2008.20.00 d 2008.20.00 a 2008.20.01 c 2008.30 citrus fruits nes, o/w prep or presvd, sugared, sweetened, 2008.30.10 d 2008.30.10 a 2008.30.0s a 2008.30.90 d 2008.30.20 b 2008.30.0t a 2008.30.30 b 2008.30.0u a 2008.30.35 c 2008.30.0v a 2008.30.37 a 2008.30.0w a 2008.30.40 c 2008.30.0x a 2008.30.52 d 2008.30.0y a 2008.30.54 a 2008.30.0z a 2008.30.55 b 2008.30.01 a 2008.30.60 a 2008.30.65 c 2008.30.70 b 2008.30.80 a 2008.30.85 c 2008.30.95 a 2008.40 pears nes, o/w prep or presvd whether or not sugared, 2008.40.10 bg 2008.40.00 b 2008.40.01 b 2008.40.90 bg 2008.50 apricots nes, o/w prep or presvd whether or not sugared, 2008.50.10 bg 2008.50.20 b 2008.50.01 b 2008.50.90 bg 2008.50.40 a 2008.60 cherries nes, o/w prep or presvd whether or not sugared, 2008.60.10 bg 2008.60.00 a 2008.60.01 a 2008.60.90 bg 2008.70 peaches nes, o/w prep or presvd whether or not sugared, 2008.70.10 bg 2008.70.00 c 2008.70.01 c 2008.70.90 bg 2008.80 strawberries nes, o/w prep or presvd, whether or not 2008.80.10 bg 2008.80.00 b 2008.80.01 a 2008.80.90 bg 2008.91 palm hearts nes, o/w prep or presvd, whether or not 2008.91.10 d 2008.91.00 a 2008.91.01 a 2008.91.90 a 2008.92 fruit mixtures nes, o/w prep or presvd, whether or not sugared 2008.92.10 d 2008.92.10 c 2008.92.01 b 2008.92.90 bg 2008.92.90 b 2008.99 fruits & other edible pts of plants nes, prep or presvd,sug, 2008.99.11 bg 2008.99.05 a 2008.99.9x b 2008.99.19 bg 2008.99.10 c 2008.99.99 b 2008.99.91 a 2008.99.13 a 2008.99.92 d 2008.99.15 a 2008.99.99 bg 2008.99.18 a 2008.99.20 a 2008.99.23 a 2008.99.25 b 2008.99.28 a 2008.99.29 a 2008.99.30 d 2008.99.35 a 2008.99.40 a 2008.99.42 c 2008.99.45 a 2008.99.50 a 2008.99.60 c 2008.99.61 a 2008.99.63 a 2008.99.65 a 2008.99.80 a 2008.99.90 a 2009.11 orange juice,unfermented & not spirited, whether or not sugare 2009.11.10 d 2009.11.00 c+ 2009.11.01 a 2009.11.90 a 2009.19 orange juice nes, unfermented and not spirited,whether or not 2009.19.10 d 2009.19.20 c+ 2009.19.99 a 2009.19.90 bg 2009.19.40 c+ 2009.20 grapefruit juice, unfermented and not spirited,whether or not 2009.20.10 d 2009.20.20 c 2009.20.01 a 2009.20.90 a 2009.20.40 c 2009.30 citrus fruit juice nes exc mx unferment unspirited, whether or 2009.30.00 d 2009.30.10 a 2009.30.0x a 2009.30.20 a 2009.30.0y a 2009.30.40 c 2009.30.01 a 2009.30.60 c 2009.40 pineapple juice, unfermented and not spirited,whether or not 2009.40.00 d 2009.40.20 c 2009.40.0x a 2009.40.40 b 2009.40.0y a 2009.50 tomato juice unfermented and not spirited,whether or not 2009.50.00 c 2009.50.00 a 2009.50.01 a 2009.60 grape juice (incl grape must) unferment & unspirited,whether o 2009.60.10 d 2009.60.00 c 2009.60.01 c 2009.60.90 bg 2009.70 apple juice unfermented and not spirited whether or not sugare 2009.70.10 bg 2009.70.00 d 2009.70.01 c 2009.70.91 bg 2009.70.99 bg 2009.80 fruit & veg juice nes (exc mx) unferment unspirited, whether o 2009.80.11 d 2009.80.20 d 2009.80.01 b 2009.80.12 bg 2009.80.40 b 2009.80.19 bg 2009.80.60 a 2009.80.20 bg 2009.80.80 a 2009.90 mixtures of juices unfermented and not spirited whether or not 2009.90.10 d 2009.90.20 a 2009.90.0x a 2009.90.20 a 2009.90.40 c 2009.90.01 a 2009.90.30 bg 2009.90.40 bg 2101.10 coffee extracts, essences & concentrates and preparations 2101.10.00 a 2101.10.20 d 2101.10.01 c 2101.10.40 a 2101.20 tea or matâ� extracts, essences and concentrates and 2101.20.00 d 2101.20.20 d 2101.20.01 c 2101.20.40 a 2101.30 chicory & other coffee substitutes roasted & extracts, ess and 2101.30.10 d 2101.30.00 a 2101.30.01 c 2101.30.90 a 2102.10 yeasts, active 2102.10.10 a 2102.10.00 a 2102.10.01 a 2102.10.20 a 2102.10.02 a 2102.10.99 a 2102.20 yeasts, inactive and other dead singlecell micro-organisms 2102.20.00 d 2102.20.20 a 2102.20.01 b 2102.20.40 d 2102.20.99 b 2102.20.60 a 2102.30 baking powders, prepared 2102.30.00 bg 2102.30.00 d 2102.30.01 a 2103.10 soya sauce 2103.10.00 bg 2103.10.00 a 2103.10.01 c 2103.20 tomato ketchup and other tomato sauces 2103.20.00 c 2103.20.20 a 2103.20.0x b 2103.20.40 c 2103.20.01 b 2103.30 mustard flour and meal and prepared mustard 2103.30.10 a 2103.30.20 d 2103.30.01 a 2103.30.20 bg 2103.30.40 a 2103.30.02 a 2103.90 sauces and preparations nes and mixed condiments and mixed 2103.90.10 bg 2103.90.20 d 2103.90.99 c 2103.90.20 bg 2103.90.40 a 2103.90.90 bg 2103.90.60 a 2104.10 soups and broths and preparations thereof 2104.10.00 bg 2104.10.00 a 2104.10.01 b 2104.20 homogenised composite food preparations put up for retail sale 2104.20.00 bg 2104.20.00 a 2104.20.01 b 2105.00 ice cream and other edible ice, whether or not containing coco 2105.00.00 ex 2105.00.00 c 2105.00.01 ex 2106.10 protein concentrates and textured protein substances 2106.10.00 a 2106.10.00 a 2106.10.01 c 2106.10.02 c 2106.10.03 c 2106.10.99 c 2106.90 food preparations nes 2106.90.10 d 2106.90.05 a 2106.90.01 c 2106.90.20 sug 2106.90.11 sug 2106.90.02 c 2106.90.30 bg 2106.90.12 sug 2106.90.03 c 2106.90.40 d 2106.90.15 c 2106.90.04 c 2106.90.50 bg 2106.90.16 c+ 2106.90.05 sug 2106.90.60 bg 2106.90.19 2106.90.9x ex 2106.90.70 ex 2106.90.20 a 2106.90.99 sug 2106.90.80 bg 2106.90.40 c 2106.90.90 bg 2106.90.50 c 2106.90.9v ex 2106.90.60 a 2201.10 mineral and aerated waters not cntg sugar or sweetening matter 2201.10.00 d 2201.10.00 a 2201.10.01 c 2201.10.02 c 2201.90 ice & snow and potable waters nes not cntg sugar or sweeteners 2201.90.00 c 2201.90.00 d 2201.90.01 c 2201.90.02 c 2201.90.99 c 2202.10 waters incl mineral & aerated,containing sugar or sweetening 2202.10.00 c 2202.10.00 c 2202.10.01 c 2202.90 non-acloholic beverages nes, excluding fruit or veg juices of 2202.90.10 a 2202.90.10 b 2202.90.01 a 2202.90.90 bg 2202.90.20 c 2202.90.99 a 2202.90.30 c+ 2202.90.35 c+ 2202.90.39 2202.90.90 a 2203.00 beer made from malt 2203.00.00 a 2203.00.00 a 2203.00.01 b+ 2204.10 grape wines, sparkling 2204.10.00 c 2204.10.00 a 2204.10.01 c 2204.21 grape wines nes, incl fort & grape must, unfermented by add al 2204.21.10 b 2204.21.20 a 2204.21.01 b 2204.21.21 b 2204.21.40 a 2204.21.02 c 2204.21.22 b 2204.21.60 a 2204.21.03 c 2204.21.23 b 2204.21.80 a 2204.21.04 a 2204.21.24 b 2204.21.99 c 2204.21.25 b 2204.21.26 b 2204.21.27 b 2204.21.28 b 2204.21.29 b 2204.21.30 b 2204.29 grape wines nes, incl fort & grape must, unfermented by add 2204.29.10 c 2204.29.20 a 2204.29.99 c 2204.29.21 c 2204.29.40 a 2204.29.22 c 2204.29.60 a 2204.29.23 c 2204.29.80 a 2204.29.24 c 2204.29.25 c 2204.29.26 c 2204.29.27 c 2204.29.28 c 2204.29.29 c 2204.29.30 c 2204.30 grape must nes, unfermented, other than that of heading no 2204.30.00 bg 2204.30.00 a 2204.30.01 c 2205.10 vermouth & other grape wines flav with plants or arom subst in 2205.10.10 bg 2205.10.30 a 2205.10.01 b 2205.10.20 bg 2205.10.60 a 2205.10.99 b 2205.90 vermouth & other grape wines flav with plants or arom subst in 2205.90.10 bg 2205.90.20 a 2205.90.01 b 2205.90.20 bg 2205.90.40 a 2205.90.99 b 2205.90.60 a 2206.00 fermented beverages nes (for example, cider, perry, mead, etc) 2206.00.11 bg 2206.00.15 a 2206.00.01 a 2206.00.19 bg 2206.00.30 a 2206.00.20 bg 2206.00.45 a 2206.00.30 bg 2206.00.60 a 2206.00.40 bg 2206.00.90 a 2206.00.50 bg 2206.00.61 bg 2206.00.62 bg 2206.00.63 bg 2206.00.64 bg 2206.00.65 bg 2206.00.66 bg 2206.00.67 bg 2206.00.68 bg 2206.00.69 bg 2206.00.70 bg 2206.00.90 bg 2207.10 undenatured ethyl alcohol of an alcohol strength by vol of 80% 2207.10.10 bg 2207.10.30 a 2207.10.01 a 2207.10.90 bg 2207.10.60 c 2207.20 ethyl alcohol and other spirits, denatured, of any strength 2207.20.11 bg 2207.20.00 c 2207.20.01 b 2207.20.19 bg 2207.20.90 bg 2208.10 compound alcoholic preparations of a kind used in manufacturin 2208.10.00 a 2208.10.30 a 2208.10.01 a 2208.10.60 a 2208.10.99 a 2208.10.90 a 2208.20 spirits obtained by distilling grape wine or grape marc 2208.20.00 a 2208.20.10 a 2208.20.01 a 2208.20.20 a 2208.20.02 b 2208.20.30 a 2208.20.03 b 2208.20.40 a 2208.20.99 c 2208.20.50 a 2208.20.60 a 2208.30 whiskies 2208.30.00 a 2208.30.30 a 2208.30.xx b 2208.30.60 a 2208.30.01 a 2208.30.02 b 2208.30.03 b 2208.30.99 b 2208.40 rum and tafia 2208.40.10 a 2208.40.00 c 2208.40.01 b 2208.40.20 a 2208.40.02 b 2208.50 gin and geneva 2208.50.00 bg 2208.50.00 a 2208.50.01 b 2208.90 undenatured ethyl alc < 80% alc cont by vol & spirits, liqueur 2208.90.10 bg 2208.90.01 a 2208.90.01 b 2208.90.20 d 2208.90.05 a 2208.90.02 b 2208.90.30 a 2208.90.10 a 2208.90.03 b 2208.90.41 bg 2208.90.12 a 2208.90.04 c 2208.90.49 bg 2208.90.14 a 2208.90.99 b 2208.90.50 d 2208.90.15 a 2208.90.91 bg 2208.90.20 a 2208.90.99 bg 2208.90.25 a 2208.90.30 a 2208.90.35 a 2208.90.40 a 2208.90.45 a 2208.90.50 a 2208.90.55 a 2208.90.60 a 2208.90.65 a 2208.90.70 a 2208.90.71 a 2208.90.72 a 2208.90.75 a 2208.90.80 a 2209.00 vinegar and substitutes for vinegar obtained from acetic acid 2209.00.00 a 2209.00.00 a 2209.00.01 b 2301.10 flours,meals & pellets of meat or meat offal unfit for human 2301.10.00 d 2301.10.00 d 2301.10.01 c 2301.10.99 c 2301.20 flours,meals & pellets of fish,crust,mol or other aqua 2301.20.10 a 2301.20.00 d 2301.20.01 c 2301.20.90 d 2301.20.99 c 2302.10 maize (corn) bran, sharps and other residues, pelleted or not 2302.10.00 d 2302.10.00 d 2302.10.01 c 2302.20 rice bran, sharps and other residues, pelleted or not 2302.20.00 d 2302.20.00 d 2302.20.01 c 2302.30 wheat bran, sharps and other residues, pelleted or not 2302.30.00 d 2302.30.00 d 2302.30.01 c 2302.40 cereal bran, sharps and other residues nes, pelleted or not 2302.40.00 d 2302.40.00 d 2302.40.01 b 2302.50 bran, sharps and other residues of leguminous plants, pelleted 2302.50.00 d 2302.50.00 a 2302.50.01 b 2303.10 residues of starch manufacture and similar residues 2303.10.00 d 2303.10.00 a 2303.10.01 c 2303.20 beet-pulp, bagasse and other waste of sugar manufacture 2303.20.10 a 2303.20.00 d 2303.20.01 b 2303.20.90 d 2303.20.99 b 2303.30 brewing or distilling dregs and waste 2303.30.00 d 2303.30.00 d 2303.30.01 a 2303.30.99 a 2304.00 soya-bean oil-cake and other solid residues,whether or not 2304.00.00 d 2304.00.00 a 2304.00.01 c 2305.00 ground-nut oil-cake and other solid residues,whether or not 2305.00.00 d 2305.00.00 a 2305.00.01 c 2306.10 cotton seed oil-cake and other solid residues,whether or not 2306.10.00 d 2306.10.00 a 2306.10.01 c 2306.20 linseed oil-cake and other solid residues,whether or not groun 2306.20.00 d 2306.20.00 a 2306.20.01 c 2306.30 sunflower seed oil-cake and other solid residues,whether or no 2306.30.00 d 2306.30.00 a 2306.30.01 c 2306.40 rape or colza seed oil-cake&other solid residues,whether or no 2306.40.00 d 2306.40.00 a 2306.40.01 c 2306.50 coconut or copra oil-cake & other solid residues,whether or no 2306.50.00 d 2306.50.00 a 2306.50.01 c 2306.60 palm nut or kernel oil-cake&other solid residues,whether or no 2306.60.00 d 2306.60.00 a 2306.60.01 c 2306.90 veg oil-cake & other solid residues nes, whether or not ground 2306.90.00 d 2306.90.00 a 2306.90.99 c 2307.00 wine lees and argol 2307.00.00 d 2307.00.00 d 2307.00.01 b 2308.10 acorns & horse-chestnuts used in animal feeding 2308.10.00 d 2308.10.00 a 2308.10.01 b 2308.90 veg mat, waste, residues & by-prod nes pelleted or not, used i 2308.90.00 d 2308.90.30 d 2308.90.99 b 2308.90.50 a 2308.90.80 a 2309.10 dog or cat food put up for retail sale 2309.10.00 a 2309.10.00 c 2309.10.01 c 2309.90 animal feed preparations nes 2309.90.10 d 2309.90.10 d 2309.90.01 c 2309.90.20 bg 2309.90.30 c 2309.90.02 b 2309.90.91 ex 2309.90.60 a 2309.90.03 a 2309.90.92 d 2309.90.90 a 2309.90.04 c 2309.90.93 d 2309.90.05 a 2309.90.99 a 2309.90.06 a 2309.90.07 c 2309.90.08 b 2309.90.09 a 2309.90.9x ex 2309.90.99 c 2401.10 tobacco, unmanufactured, not stemmed or stripped 2401.10.10 d 2401.10.20 a 2401.10.01 c 2401.10.91 a 2401.10.40 a 2401.10.99 bg 2401.10.60 c 2401.10.80 a 2401.20 tobacco, unmanufactured, partly or wholly stemmed or stripped 2401.20.10 bg 2401.20.05 c 2401.20.01 c 2401.20.90 a 2401.20.20 a 2401.20.99 c 2401.20.30 c 2401.20.50 a 2401.20.60 c 2401.20.80 c 2401.30 tobacco refuse 2401.30.00 bg 2401.30.30 d 2401.30.01 c 2401.30.60 c 2401.30.90 c 2402.10 cigars, cheroots and cigarillos, containing tobacco 2402.10.10 a 2402.10.30 c 2402.10.01 c 2402.10.90 bg 2402.10.60 c 2402.10.80 a 2402.20 cigarettes containing tobacco 2402.20.00 bg 2402.20.10 a 2402.20.0x c 2402.20.80 c 2402.20.0y c 2402.20.90 a 2402.20.01 c 2402.90 cigars, cheroots, cigarillos and cigarettes, cntg tobacco 2402.90.00 bg 2402.90.00 c 2402.90.99 c 2403.10 smoking tobacco, whether or not cntg tobacco substitutes in an 2403.10.00 bg 2403.10.00 c 2403.10.01 c 2403.91 homogenized or reconstituted tobacco 2403.91.10 a 2403.91.20 a 2403.91.01 c 2403.91.90 bg 2403.91.40 c 2403.99 tobacco extracts and essences 2403.99.10 bg 2403.99.00 c 2403.99.99 c 2403.99.90 bg 2501.00 salt (including table salt and denatured salt) pure sodium 2501.00.10 a 2501.00.00 d 2501.00.01 a 2501.00.90 d 2501.00.99 a 2502.00 unroasted iron pyrites 2502.00.00 d 2502.00.00 d 2502.00.01 a 2503.10 sulphur, crude or unrefined 2503.10.00 d 2503.10.00 d 2503.10.01 a 2503.90 sulphur nes, exc sublimated, precipitated & colloidal & crude 2503.90.00 d 2503.90.00 d 2503.90.99 a 2504.10 natural graphite in powder or flakes 2504.10.10 a 2504.10.10 a 2504.10.01 a 2504.10.20 a 2504.10.50 d 2504.90 natural graphite, nes 2504.90.00 d 2504.90.00 d 2504.90.99 a 2505.10 silica sands and quartz sands 2505.10.00 d 2505.10.10 d 2505.10.01 b 2505.10.50 d 2505.90 natural sands nes, exc metal bearing sand of chapter 26 2505.90.00 d 2505.90.00 d 2505.90.01 c 2505.90.99 c 2506.10 quartz (other than natural sands) 2506.10.00 d 2506.10.00 d 2506.10.01 a 2506.21 quartzite, crude or roughly trimmed 2506.21.00 d 2506.21.00 d 2506.21.01 a 2506.29 quartzite, nes 2506.29.00 d 2506.29.00 d 2506.29.99 a 2507.00 kaolin and other kaolinic clays, whether or not calcined 2507.00.00 d 2507.00.00 a 2507.00.01 d 2508.10 bentonite 2508.10.00 d 2508.10.00 a 2508.10.01 a 2508.20 decolourising earths and fuller's earth 2508.20.00 d 2508.20.00 b 2508.20.01 b 2508.30 fire-clay 2508.30.00 d 2508.30.00 a 2508.30.01 d 2508.40 other clays(exc expanded clays of 68.06) 2508.40.00 d 2508.40.00 a 2508.40.99 a 2508.50 andalusite, kyanite and sillimanite 2508.50.00 d 2508.50.00 d 2508.50.01 a 2508.60 mullite 2508.60.00 d 2508.60.00 a 2508.60.01 a 2508.70 chamotte or dinas earths 2508.70.00 d 2508.70.00 d 2508.70.01 a 2509.00 chalk 2509.00.10 a 2509.00.10 d 2509.00.01 a 2509.00.90 d 2509.00.20 a 2510.10 natural calcium phosphates, aluminum calcium phosphates etc, 2510.10.00 d 2510.10.00 d 2510.10.01 d 2510.10.99 a 2510.20 natural calcium phosphates, aluminum calcium phosphates etc, 2510.20.00 d 2510.20.00 d 2510.20.01 d 2510.20.99 a 2511.10 natural barium sulphate (barytes) 2511.10.00 a 2511.10.10 a 2511.10.01 a 2511.10.50 a 2511.20 natural barium carbonate (witherite) 2511.20.00 a 2511.20.00 a 2511.20.01 a 2512.00 siliceous fossil meals (ie kieselguhr etc) & similar siliceous 2512.00.00 d 2512.00.00 d 2512.00.01 a 2513.11 pumice stones, crude or in irregular pieces incl crushed 2513.11.00 d 2513.11.00 d 2513.11.01 a 2513.19 pumice stone, nes 2513.19.00 d 2513.19.00 a 2513.19.99 a 2513.21 emery, natural corundum, natural garnet etc, crude or in 2513.21.00 d 2513.21.00 d 2513.21.01 a 2513.21.02 a 2513.21.99 a 2513.29 emery, natural corundum, natural garnet etc nes 2513.29.00 d 2513.29.00 a 2513.29.99 a 2514.00 slate, whether or not roughly trimmed or merely cut etc 2514.00.10 d 2514.00.00 a 2514.00.01 a 2514.00.20 a 2514.00.90 a 2515.11 marble and travertine, crude or roughly trimmed 2515.11.00 d 2515.11.00 a 2515.11.01 a 2515.12 marble and travertine, merely cut, by sawing or otherwise into 2515.12.00 a 2515.12.10 a 2515.12.01 a 2515.12.20 a 2515.12.99 a 2515.20 ecaussine & other calcareous monumental or building stone; 2515.20.10 d 2515.20.00 a 2515.20.01 a 2515.20.20 a 2516.11 granite, crude or roughly trimmed 2516.11.00 d 2516.11.00 d 2516.11.01 a 2516.12 granite, merely cut, by sawing or otherwise, into blocks etc 2516.12.10 a 2516.12.00 a 2516.12.01 a 2516.12.90 d 2516.21 sandstone, crude or roughly trimmed 2516.21.00 d 2516.21.00 d 2516.21.01 a 2516.22 sandstone, merely cut, by sawing or otherwise, into blocks etc 2516.22.00 a 2516.22.00 a 2516.22.01 a 2516.90 monumental or building stone nes 2516.90.10 d 2516.90.00 a 2516.90.01 a 2516.90.20 a 2517.10 pebbles, gravel, broken or crushed stone used for aggregates 2517.10.00 d 2517.10.00 d 2517.10.01 a 2517.10.99 a 2517.20 macadam of slag, dross or similar industrial waste etc 2517.20.00 d 2517.20.00 a 2517.20.01 a 2517.30 tarred macadam 2517.30.00 a 2517.30.00 a 2517.30.01 a 2517.41 marble granules, chipping & powder of 25.15 or 25.16 2517.41.00 d 2517.41.00 d 2517.41.01 a 2517.49 granules, chippings & powder nes, of 25.15 or 25.16 2517.49.10 d 2517.49.00 d 2517.49.99 a 2517.49.90 a 2518.10 dolomite not calcined 2518.10.00 a 2518.10.00 d 2518.10.01 a 2518.20 calcined dolomite 2518.20.00 a 2518.20.00 a 2518.20.01 a 2518.30 agglomerated dolomite (incl tarred dolomite) 2518.30.00 a 2518.30.00 a 2518.30.01 a 2519.10 natural magnesium carbonate (magnesite) 2519.10.10 d 2519.10.00 d 2519.10.01 a 2519.10.90 a 2519.90 magnesia, fused, dead-burned etc & magnesium oxide pure or not 2519.90.10 d 2519.90.10 a 2519.90.01 c 2519.90.90 a 2519.90.20 c 2519.90.99 a 2519.90.50 d 2520.10 gypsum; anhydrite 2520.10.00 d 2520.10.00 d 2520.10.01 a 2520.20 plasters (consisting of calcined gypsum or calcium sulphate) 2520.20.10 d 2520.20.00 a 2520.20.01 a 2520.20.90 a 2521.00 limestone flux; limestone & other calcareous stone, for lime o 2521.00.00 d 2521.00.00 d 2521.00.01 a 2522.10 quicklime 2522.10.00 d 2522.10.00 d 2522.10.01 a 2522.20 slaked lime 2522.20.00 d 2522.20.00 d 2522.20.01 a 2522.30 hydraulic lime 2522.30.00 d 2522.30.00 d 2522.30.01 a 2523.10 cement clinkers 2523.10.00 d 2523.10.00 d 2523.10.01 b 2523.21 portland cement, white, whether or not artificially coloured 2523.21.00 b 2523.21.00 a 2523.21.01 b 2523.29 portland cement nes 2523.29.00 d 2523.29.00 d 2523.29.99 b 2523.30 aluminous cement (ciment fondu) 2523.30.00 d 2523.30.00 d 2523.30.01 d 2523.90 hydraulic cements nes 2523.90.00 d 2523.90.00 d 2523.90.99 b 2524.00 asbestos 2524.00.10 d 2524.00.00 d 2524.00.01 d 2524.00.90 a 2524.00.02 d 2525.10 mica crude or rifted into sheets or splittings 2525.10.00 d 2525.10.00 d 2525.10.01 a 2525.20 mica powder 2525.20.10 a 2525.20.00 a 2525.20.01 a 2525.20.20 a 2525.30 mica waste 2525.30.00 d 2525.30.00 d 2525.30.01 a 2526.10 natural steatite, not crushed/powdered 2526.10.00 a 2526.10.00 a 2526.10.01 a 2526.10.02 a 2526.20 natural steatite, crushed or powdered 2526.20.10 a 2526.20.00 a 2526.20.01 a 2526.20.90 a 2526.20.02 a 2527.00 natural cryolite; natural chiolite 2527.00.10 d 2527.00.00 d 2527.00.01 a 2527.00.20 a 2528.10 natural sodium borates 2528.10.00 d 2528.10.00 d 2528.10.01 c 2528.90 natural borates etc nes 2528.90.00 d 2528.90.00 d 2528.90.99 c 2529.10 felspar 2529.10.00 d 2529.10.00 d 2529.10.01 c 2529.21 fluorspar, containing by weight 97% or less of calcium fluorid 2529.21.00 d 2529.21.00 a 2529.21.01 a 2529.22 fluorspar, containing by weight more than 97% of calcium 2529.22.00 d 2529.22.00 a 2529.22.01 a 2529.30 leucite; nepheline and nepheline syenite 2529.30.00 a 2529.30.00 d 2529.30.01 a 2530.10 vermiculite, perlite and chlorites, unexpanded 2530.10.10 d 2530.10.00 d 2530.10.01 a 2530.10.20 a 2530.10.02 a 2530.20 kieserite, epsomite (natural magnesium sulphates) 2530.20.00 a 2530.20.10 d 2530.20.01 a 2530.20.20 a 2530.30 earth colours 2530.30.00 a 2530.30.00 d 2530.30.01 a 2530.40 natural micaceous iron oxides 2530.40.00 a 2530.40.00 a 2530.40.01 a 2530.90 mineral substances, nes 2530.90.10 d 2530.90.00 d 2530.90.01 a 2530.90.20 b 2530.90.02 a 2530.90.30 d 2530.90.03 a 2530.90.40 d 2530.90.04 a 2530.90.50 d 2530.90.05 a 2530.90.90 a 2530.90.06 a 2530.90.07 a 2530.90.99 b 2601.11 iron ores and concentrates, other than roasted iron pyrites, 2601.11.00 d 2601.11.00 d 2601.11.01 a 2601.12 iron ores and concentrates, other than roasted iron pyrites, 2601.12.00 d 2601.12.00 d 2601.12.01 a 2601.20 roasted iron pyrites 2601.20.00 d 2601.20.00 d 2601.20.01 a 2602.00 manganese ores and concentrates etc 2602.00.00 d 2602.00.00 d 2602.00.01 b 2603.00 copper ores and concentrates 2603.00.00 d 2603.00.00 a 2603.00.01 a 2604.00 nickel ores and concentrates 2604.00.00 d 2604.00.00 d 2604.00.01 a 2605.00 cobalt ores and concentrates 2605.00.00 d 2605.00.00 d 2605.00.01 a 2606.00 aluminium ores and concentrates 2606.00.00 d 2606.00.00 d 2606.00.01 a 2606.00.02 d 2606.00.99 a 2607.00 lead ores and concentrates 2607.00.00 d 2607.00.00 a 2607.00.01 a 2608.00 zinc ores and concentrates 2608.00.00 d 2608.00.00 a 2608.00.01 a 2609.00 tin ores and concentrates 2609.00.00 d 2609.00.00 d 2609.00.01 d 2610.00 chromium ores and concentrates 2610.00.00 d 2610.00.00 d 2610.00.01 d 2610.00.99 a 2611.00 tungsten ores and concentrates 2611.00.00 d 2611.00.00 a 2611.00.01 a 2612.10 uranium ores and concentrates 2612.10.00 d 2612.10.00 d 2612.10.01 a 2612.20 thorium ores and concentrates 2612.20.00 d 2612.20.00 d 2612.20.01 a 2613.10 molybdenum concentrates, roasted 2613.10.00 d 2613.10.00 a 2613.10.01 a 2613.90 molybdenum ores and concentrates nes 2613.90.00 d 2613.90.00 a 2613.90.99 a 2614.00 titanium ores and concentrates 2614.00.00 d 2614.00.30 a 2614.00.01 a 2614.00.60 d 2614.00.99 a 2615.10 zirconium ores and concentrates 2615.10.00 d 2615.10.00 d 2615.10.01 a 2615.90 niobium, tantalum and vanadium ores and concentrates 2615.90.00 d 2615.90.30 d 2615.90.99 a 2615.90.60 d 2616.10 silver ores and concentrates 2616.10.00 d 2616.10.00 a 2616.10.01 a 2616.90 precious metal ores and concentrates nes 2616.90.00 d 2616.90.00 a 2616.90.99 a 2617.10 antimony ores and concentrates 2617.10.00 d 2617.10.00 d 2617.10.01 b 2617.90 ores and concentrates nes 2617.90.00 d 2617.90.00 d 2617.90.99 b 2618.00 granulated slag (slag sand) from the manufacture of iron or 2618.00.00 d 2618.00.00 d 2618.00.01 a 2619.00 slag, dross, (exc granulated slag) scaling & other waste etc 2619.00.00 d 2619.00.30 a 2619.00.01 d 2619.00.90 d 2619.00.99 a 2620.11 ash and residues containing hard zinc spelter 2620.11.00 d 2620.11.00 c 2620.11.01 c 2620.19 ash and residues containing mainly zinc nes 2620.19.00 d 2620.19.30 a 2620.19.99 c 2620.19.60 a 2620.20 ash and residues containing mainly lead 2620.20.00 d 2620.20.00 a 2620.20.01 c 2620.30 ash and residues containing mainly copper 2620.30.00 d 2620.30.00 a 2620.30.01 c 2620.40 ash and residues containing mainly aluminium 2620.40.00 d 2620.40.00 d 2620.40.01 a 2620.40.99 a 2620.50 ash and residues containing mainly vanadium 2620.50.00 d 2620.50.00 d 2620.50.01 a 2620.90 ash and residues containing metals or metallic compounds nes 2620.90.00 d 2620.90.20 a 2620.90.01 a 2620.90.30 d 2620.90.02 c 2620.90.50 d 2620.90.03 a 2620.90.70 d 2620.90.99 a 2620.90.80 d 2620.90.90 a 2621.00 slag and ash nes, including seaweed ash (kelp) 2621.00.00 d 2621.00.00 d 2621.00.01 a 2621.00.99 a 2701.11 anthracite, whether or not pulverised but not agglomerated 2701.11.00 d 2701.11.00 d 2701.11.01 a 2701.12 bituminous coal, whether or not pulverised but not agglomerate 2701.12.00 d 2701.12.00 d 2701.12.01 a 2701.19 coal nes, whether or not pulverised but not agglomerated 2701.19.00 d 2701.19.00 d 2701.19.99 a 2701.20 coal briquettes, ovoids and similar manufactured solid fuels 2701.20.00 d 2701.20.00 d 2701.20.01 a 2702.10 lignite, whether or not pulverised, but not agglomerated 2702.10.00 d 2702.10.00 d 2702.10.01 a 2702.20 lignite, agglomerated 2702.20.00 d 2702.20.00 d 2702.20.01 a 2703.00 peat (including peat litter), whether or not agglomerated 2703.00.00 a 2703.00.00 d 2703.00.01 a 2704.00 coke and semi-coke of coal, lignite or peat, agglomerated or 2704.00.00 d 2704.00.00 d 2704.00.01 d 2704.00.02 a 2705.00 coal gas, water gas, etc, o/than petroleum gases & gaseous 2705.00.00 a 2705.00.00 d 2705.00.01 a 2706.00 tar distilled from coal, lignite or peat & other mineral tars 2706.00.00 d 2706.00.00 d 2706.00.01 a 2707.10 benzole 2707.10.00 a 2707.10.00 d 2707.10.01 a 2707.20 toluole 2707.20.00 a 2707.20.00 d 2707.20.01 a 2707.30 xylole 2707.30.00 a 2707.30.00 d 2707.30.01 a 2707.40 naphthalene 2707.40.10 d 2707.40.00 d 2707.40.01 b 2707.40.90 b 2707.40.02 a 2707.50 aromatic hydrocarbon mixtures etc nes 2707.50.10 d 2707.50.00 d 2707.50.01 a 2707.50.90 a 2707.50.99 a 2707.60 phenols 2707.60.00 c 2707.60.00 a 2707.60.01 c 2707.60.02 c 2707.60.99 c 2707.91 creosote oils 2707.91.00 a 2707.91.00 d 2707.91.01 a 2707.99 oils and other products of the distillation of high temp coal 2707.99.00 a 2707.99.10 d 2707.99.01 a 2707.99.20 d 2707.99.02 a 2707.99.30 a 2707.99.03 a 2707.99.40 a 2707.99.04 a 2707.99.50 d 2707.99.99 a 2708.10 pitch 2708.10.00 d 2708.10.00 d 2708.10.01 a 2708.20 pitch coke 2708.20.00 d 2708.20.00 d 2708.20.01 a 2709.00 petroleum oils and oils obtained from bituminous minerals, 2709.00.10 d 2709.00.10 c 2709.00.01 c 2709.00.90 c 2709.00.20 c 2710.00 petroleum oils and oils obtained from bituminous minerals, 2710.00.10 c 2710.00.05 c 2710.00.01 d 2710.00.20 c 2710.00.10 c 2710.00.02 c 2710.00.30 c 2710.00.15 c 2710.00.03 c 2710.00.40 c 2710.00.18 c 2710.00.04 a 2710.00.90 d 2710.00.20 c 2710.00.05 d 2710.00.25 c 2710.00.06 c 2710.00.30 c 2710.00.07 a 2710.00.35 a 2710.00.08 c 2710.00.40 a 2710.00.09 d 2710.00.45 c 2710.00.10 c 2710.00.60 c 2710.00.11 c 2710.00.12 c 2710.00.13 c 2710.00.14 c 2710.00.15 c 2710.00.16 c 2710.00.17 c 2710.00.18 c 2710.00.19 c 2710.00.20 c 2710.00.99 c 2711.11 natural gas, liquefied 2711.11.00 a 2711.11.00 d 2711.11.01 d 2711.12 propane, liquefied 2711.12.10 c 2711.12.00 d 2711.12.01 c 2711.12.90 d 2711.13 butanes, liquefied 2711.13.00 a 2711.13.00 d 2711.13.01 d 2711.14 ethylene, propylene, butylene and butadiene, liquefied 2711.14.00 c 2711.14.00 d 2711.14.01 c 2711.19 petroleum gases and other gaseous hydrocarbons nes, liquefied 2711.19.10 b 2711.19.00 d 2711.19.01 d 2711.19.90 d 2711.19.02 a 2711.19.99 c 2711.21 natural gas in gaseous state 2711.21.00 d 2711.21.00 d 2711.21.01 c 2711.29 petroleum gases and other gaseous hydrocarbons nes, in gaseous 2711.29.00 d 2711.29.00 d 2711.29.01 c 2711.29.02 c 2711.29.99 c 2712.10 petroleum jelly 2712.10.00 c 2712.10.00 d 2712.10.01 c 2712.20 paraffin wax containing by weight less than 0.75% of oil 2712.20.10 d 2712.20.00 d 2712.20.01 c 2712.20.90 b 2712.20.02 c 2712.90 mineral waxes nes and similar products obtained by synthesis 2712.90.10 d 2712.90.10 d 2712.90.01 a 2712.90.20 b 2712.90.20 d 2712.90.02 c 2712.90.90 b 2712.90.03 c 2712.90.04 c 2712.90.99 c 2713.11 petroleum coke, not calcined 2713.11.00 d 2713.11.00 d 2713.11.01 c 2713.12 petroleum coke, calcined 2713.12.00 d 2713.12.00 a 2713.12.01 d 2713.20 petroleum bitumen 2713.20.10 d 2713.20.00 d 2713.20.fa a 2713.20.90 a 2713.20.fb a 2713.90 residues of petroleum oils or of oils obtained from bituminous 2713.90.00 d 2713.90.00 d 2713.90.01 a 2714.10 bituminous or oil shale and tar sands 2714.10.00 c 2714.10.00 d 2714.10.01 c 2714.90 bitumen and asphalt; asphaltites and asphaltic rocks 2714.90.10 d 2714.90.00 d 2714.90.fa c 2714.90.90 a 2714.90.fb c 2714.90.99 c 2715.00 bituminous mixtures based on natural asphalt etc 2715.00.10 d 2715.00.00 d 2715.00.01 c 2715.00.20 b 2715.00.90 a 2716.00 electrical energy 2716.00.00 d 2716.00.00 d 2716.00.01 b 2801.10 chlorine 2801.10.00 d 2801.10.00 d 2801.10.01 c 2801.20 iodine 2801.20.00 d 2801.20.00 d 2801.20.01 d 2801.30 fluorine; bromine 2801.30.00 d 2801.30.10 a 2801.30.01 a 2801.30.20 a 2802.00 sulphur, sublimed or precipitated; colloidal sulphur 2802.00.00 d 2802.00.00 d 2802.00.01 a 2803.00 carbon (carbon blacks and other forms of carbon, nes) 2803.00.00 d 2803.00.00 d 2803.00.01 a 2803.00.02 c 2803.00.99 a 2804.10 hydrogen 2804.10.00 a 2804.10.00 a 2804.10.01 c 2804.21 argon 2804.21.00 a 2804.21.00 a 2804.21.01 c 2804.29 rare gases nes 2804.29.00 a 2804.29.00 a 2804.29.01 a 2804.29.99 a 2804.30 nitrogen 2804.30.00 a 2804.30.00 a 2804.30.01 c 2804.40 oxygen 2804.40.00 a 2804.40.00 a 2804.40.01 c 2804.50 boron; tellurium 2804.50.00 a 2804.50.00 d 2804.50.01 a 2804.50.02 a 2804.61 silicon containing by weight not less than 99.99% of silicon 2804.61.00 a 2804.61.00 a 2804.61.01 a 2804.69 silicon nes 2804.69.00 b 2804.69.10 a 2804.69.99 a 2804.69.50 b 2804.70 phosphorus 2804.70.00 a 2804.70.00 d 2804.70.01 d 2804.70.02 a 2804.70.03 a 2804.80 arsenic 2804.80.00 a 2804.80.00 d 2804.80.01 a 2804.90 selenium 2804.90.00 a 2804.90.00 d 2804.90.01 a 2805.11 sodium 2805.11.00 d 2805.11.00 a 2805.11.01 a 2805.19 alkali metals nes 2805.19.00 a 2805.19.00 a 2805.19.01 a 2805.19.99 a 2805.21 calcium 2805.21.00 a 2805.21.00 b 2805.21.01 a 2805.22 strontium and barium 2805.22.00 a 2805.22.10 a 2805.22.01 a 2805.22.20 d 2805.30 rare-earth metals, scandium and yttrium 2805.30.00 a 2805.30.00 b 2805.30.01 a 2805.40 mercury 2805.40.00 d 2805.40.00 a 2805.40.01 a 2806.10 hydrogen chloride (hydrochloric acid) 2806.10.00 d 2806.10.00 d 2806.10.01 a 2806.10.02 a 2806.20 chlorosulphuric acid 2806.20.00 d 2806.20.00 a 2806.20.01 c 2807.00 sulphuric acid; oleum 2807.00.00 d 2807.00.00 d 2807.00.01 c 2808.00 nitric acid; sulphonitric acids 2808.00.00 d 2808.00.00 d 2808.00.01 a 2808.00.02 a 2808.00.03 a 2809.10 diphosphorus pentaoxide 2809.10.00 a 2809.10.00 d 2809.10.01 a 2809.20 phosphoric acid and polyphosphoric acids 2809.20.00 a 2809.20.00 d 2809.20.01 c 2809.20.02 a 2809.20.03 a 2809.20.99 a 2810.00 oxides of boron; boric acids 2810.00.00 d 2810.00.00 a 2810.00.01 c 2810.00.02 a 2810.00.03 a 2810.00.99 a 2811.11 hydrogen fluoride (hydrofluoric acid) 2811.11.00 d 2811.11.00 d 2811.11.01 b 2811.11.99 a 2811.19 inorganic acids nes 2811.19.10 d 2811.19.10 a 2811.19.01 a 2811.19.90 a 2811.19.50 a 2811.19.02 b 2811.19.03 a 2811.19.04 a 2811.19.99 a 2811.21 carbon dioxide 2811.21.00 a 2811.21.00 a 2811.21.01 b 2811.21.02 a 2811.21.03 a 2811.22 silicon dioxide 2811.22.00 a 2811.22.10 a 2811.22.01 c 2811.22.50 d 2811.22.02 d 2811.22.03 a 2811.23 sulphur dioxide 2811.23.00 d 2811.23.00 a 2811.23.01 c 2811.29 inorganic oxygen compounds of non-metals nes 2811.29.10 a 2811.29.10 d 2811.29.01 a 2811.29.90 a 2811.29.20 d 2811.29.02 a 2811.29.50 a 2811.29.03 a 2811.29.04 a 2811.29.99 a 2812.10 chlorides and chloride oxides of nonmetals 2812.10.10 d 2812.10.10 d 2812.10.01 a 2812.10.90 a 2812.10.50 a 2812.10.02 a 2812.10.99 a 2812.90 halides and halide oxides of non-metals nes 2812.90.00 a 2812.90.00 a 2812.90.01 a 2813.10 carbon disulphide 2813.10.00 d 2813.10.00 a 2813.10.01 b 2813.90 sulphides of non-metals nes; commercial phosphorus trisulphide 2813.90.00 d 2813.90.10 d 2813.90.01 a 2813.90.20 d 2813.90.02 a 2813.90.50 a 2813.90.03 a 2813.90.99 a 2814.10 anhydrous ammonia 2814.10.00 d 2814.10.00 d 2814.10.01 c 2814.20 ammonia in aqueous solution 2814.20.00 d 2814.20.00 d 2814.20.01 c 2815.11 sodium hydroxide (caustic soda) solid 2815.11.00 d 2815.11.00 d 2815.11.01 c 2815.12 sodium hydroxide (caustic soda) in aqueous solution 2815.12.00 d 2815.12.00 d 2815.12.01 c 2815.20 potassium hydroxide (caustic potash) 2815.20.00 d 2815.20.00 d 2815.20.01 c 2815.20.02 c 2815.30 peroxides of sodium or potassium 2815.30.00 d 2815.30.00 a 2815.30.01 a 2815.30.02 a 2816.10 hydroxide and peroxide of magnesium 2816.10.00 d 2816.10.00 a 2816.10.01 a 2816.10.99 a 2816.20 oxide, hydroxide and peroxide of strontium 2816.20.00 d 2816.20.00 a 2816.20.01 a 2816.30 oxide, hydroxide and peroxide of barium 2816.30.00 d 2816.30.00 a 2816.30.01 a 2816.30.99 a 2817.00 zinc oxide; zinc peroxide 2817.00.00 a 2817.00.00 d 2817.00.01 c 2817.00.02 a 2818.10 artificial corundum 2818.10.00 d 2818.10.10 d 2818.10.01 a 2818.10.20 a 2818.10.99 a 2818.20 aluminium oxide nes 2818.20.00 d 2818.20.00 d 2818.20.01 d 2818.20.99 a 2818.30 aluminium hydroxide 2818.30.00 d 2818.30.00 d 2818.30.01 a 2818.30.02 c 2819.10 chromium trioxide 2819.10.00 a 2819.10.00 a 2819.10.01 a 2819.90 chromium oxides nes; chromium hydroxides 2819.90.00 a 2819.90.00 a 2819.90.99 a 2820.10 manganese dioxide 2820.10.00 d 2820.10.00 a 2820.10.01 c 2820.10.02 c 2820.90 manganese oxides nes 2820.90.00 d 2820.90.00 a 2820.90.01 b 2821.10 iron oxides and hydroxides 2821.10.00 b 2821.10.00 a 2821.10.01 c 2821.10.02 a 2821.10.03 a 2821.20 earth colours cntg 70% or more by weight of combined iron 2821.20.00 a 2821.20.00 a 2821.20.01 a 2822.00 cobalt oxides and hydroxides; commercial cobalt oxides 2822.00.10 d 2822.00.00 a 2822.00.01 a 2822.00.90 a 2823.00 titanium oxides 2823.00.00 a 2823.00.00 a 2823.00.01 a 2823.00.02 a 2824.10 lead monoxide (litharge, massicot) 2824.10.00 a 2824.10.00 a 2824.10.01 a 2824.20 red lead and orange lead 2824.20.00 a 2824.20.00 a 2824.20.01 a 2824.90 lead oxides nes 2824.90.00 a 2824.90.10 a 2824.90.99 a 2824.90.50 a 2825.10 hydrazine and hydroxylamine and their inorganic salts 2825.10.00 d 2825.10.00 a 2825.10.01 a 2825.10.02 b 2825.10.03 a 2825.10.99 a 2825.20 lithium oxide and hydroxide 2825.20.00 d 2825.20.00 a 2825.20.01 a 2825.30 vanadium oxides and hydroxides 2825.30.00 d 2825.30.00 a 2825.30.01 a 2825.30.99 a 2825.40 nickel oxides and hydroxides 2825.40.00 d 2825.40.00 d 2825.40.01 a 2825.40.99 a 2825.50 copper oxides and hydroxides 2825.50.00 d 2825.50.10 a 2825.50.01 a 2825.50.20 a 2825.50.02 a 2825.50.30 a 2825.50.99 c 2825.60 germanium oxides and zirconium dioxide 2825.60.00 d 2825.60.00 a 2825.60.01 a 2825.60.02 a 2825.70 molybdenum oxides and hydroxides 2825.70.10 a 2825.70.00 a 2825.70.01 a 2825.70.20 d 2825.70.99 a 2825.80 antimony oxides 2825.80.00 d 2825.80.00 d 2825.80.01 c 2825.90 inorganic bases nes; metal oxides, hydroxides and peroxides ne 2825.90.10 a 2825.90.10 a 2825.90.01 a 2825.90.90 d 2825.90.15 a 2825.90.02 a 2825.90.20 a 2825.90.03 a 2825.90.30 c 2825.90.04 a 2825.90.60 a 2825.90.05 c 2825.90.06 a 2825.90.99 a 2826.11 fluorides of ammonium or of sodium 2826.11.00 a 2826.11.10 a 2826.11.01 a 2826.11.50 a 2826.11.02 a 2826.11.03 c 2826.12 aluminum fluoride 2826.12.00 d 2826.12.00 d 2826.12.01 c 2826.19 fluorides of metals nes 2826.19.00 a 2826.19.00 a 2826.19.01 a 2826.19.02 a 2826.19.03 a 2826.19.04 a 2826.19.99 a 2826.20 fluorosilicates of sodium or of potassium 2826.20.00 a 2826.20.00 a 2826.20.01 a 2826.30 sodium hexafluoroaluminate (synthetic cryolite) 2826.30.00 d 2826.30.00 d 2826.30.01 a 2826.90 complex fluorine salts nes 2826.90.00 a 2826.90.00 a 2826.90.01 a 2826.90.02 a 2826.90.03 a 2826.90.99 a 2827.10 ammonium chloride 2827.10.00 a 2827.10.00 a 2827.10.01 c 2827.20 calcium chloride 2827.20.00 c 2827.20.00 d 2827.20.01 c 2827.31 magnesium chloride 2827.31.00 a 2827.31.00 a 2827.31.01 a 2827.32 aluminium chloride 2827.32.00 a 2827.32.00 d 2827.32.01 a 2827.32.99 a 2827.33 iron chlorides 2827.33.00 a 2827.33.00 a 2827.33.01 a 2827.33.99 a 2827.34 cobalt chloride 2827.34.00 a 2827.34.00 a 2827.34.01 a 2827.35 nickel chloride 2827.35.00 a 2827.35.00 a 2827.35.01 a 2827.36 zinc chloride 2827.36.00 a 2827.36.00 a 2827.36.01 a 2827.37 tin chlorides 2827.37.10 d 2827.37.00 a 2827.37.01 a 2827.37.20 a 2827.38 barium chloride 2827.38.10 d 2827.38.00 a 2827.38.01 c 2827.38.90 a 2827.39 chlorides of metals nes 2827.39.00 a 2827.39.10 a 2827.39.01 a 2827.39.20 a 2827.39.02 a 2827.39.30 a 2827.39.03 a 2827.39.40 b 2827.39.04 a 2827.39.50 a 2827.39.05 c 2827.39.06 a 2827.39.99 a 2827.41 chloride oxides and chloride hydroxides of copper 2827.41.00 a 2827.41.00 a 2827.41.01 c 2827.41.99 a 2827.49 chloride oxides and chloride hydroxides of metals nes 2827.49.00 a 2827.49.10 a 2827.49.01 a 2827.49.50 a 2827.49.99 a 2827.51 bromides of sodium or of potassium 2827.51.00 d 2827.51.10 a 2827.51.01 a 2827.51.20 a 2827.59 bromides and bromide oxides of metals nes 2827.59.00 d 2827.59.05 a 2827.59.01 a 2827.59.20 d 2827.59.02 a 2827.59.30 a 2827.59.99 a 2827.59.50 a 2827.60 iodides and iodide oxides of metals 2827.60.00 a 2827.60.10 d 2827.60.01 a 2827.60.20 a 2827.60.02 a 2827.60.50 a 2827.60.03 a 2827.60.99 a 2828.10 commercial calcium hypochlorite and other calcium hypochlorite 2828.10.00 d 2828.10.00 a 2828.10.01 c 2828.90 hypochlorites of metals nes; chlorites and hypobromites of 2828.90.10 a 2828.90.00 a 2828.90.01 a 2828.90.90 d 2828.90.02 a 2828.90.99 a 2829.11 sodium chlorate 2829.11.00 d 2829.11.00 d 2829.11.01 c 2829.11.02 c 2829.19 chlorates of metals nes 2829.19.00 a 2829.19.00 a 2829.19.01 c 2829.19.99 a 2829.90 perchlorates, bromates, perbromates, iodates and periodates of 2829.90.10 a 2829.90.10 a 2829.90.01 a 2829.90.90 d 2829.90.50 a 2829.90.02 a 2829.90.03 a 2829.90.99 a 2830.10 sodium sulphides 2830.10.00 a 2830.10.00 a 2830.10.01 a 2830.10.02 a 2830.10.03 a 2830.10.99 a 2830.20 zinc sulphide 2830.20.00 d 2830.20.00 a 2830.20.01 a 2830.30 cadmium sulphide 2830.30.00 d 2830.30.00 a 2830.30.01 a 2830.90 sulphides of metals nes; polysulphides of metals 2830.90.00 d 2830.90.00 a 2830.90.99 c 2831.10 dithionites and sulphoxylates of sodium 2831.10.00 d 2831.10.00 a 2831.10.01 c 2831.90 dithionites and sulphoxylates of metals nes 2831.90.00 d 2831.90.00 a 2831.90.01 c 2831.90.99 a 2832.10 sodium sulphites 2832.10.00 d 2832.10.00 a 2832.10.01 c 2832.10.99 a 2832.20 sulphites of metals nes 2832.20.00 d 2832.20.00 a 2832.20.01 a 2832.20.99 a 2832.30 thiosulphates of metals 2832.30.10 a 2832.30.10 a 2832.30.01 a 2832.30.90 d 2832.30.50 a 2832.30.02 a 2832.30.99 a 2833.11 disodium sulphate 2833.11.00 a 2833.11.10 d 2833.11.01 c 2833.11.50 a 2833.19 sodium sulphates nes 2833.19.10 d 2833.19.00 d 2833.19.01 a 2833.19.90 a 2833.19.99 a 2833.21 magnesium sulphate 2833.21.00 a 2833.21.00 a 2833.21.01 a 2833.22 aluminium sulphate 2833.22.10 d 2833.22.00 d 2833.22.01 c 2833.22.90 a 2833.23 chromium sulphates 2833.23.10 d 2833.23.00 a 2833.23.01 c 2833.23.90 a 2833.24 nickel sulphates 2833.24.00 a 2833.24.00 a 2833.24.01 a 2833.25 copper sulphates 2833.25.10 a 2833.25.00 a 2833.25.01 c 2833.25.90 a 2833.25.02 a 2833.26 zinc sulphate 2833.26.00 a 2833.26.00 a 2833.26.01 a 2833.27 barium sulphate 2833.27.00 a 2833.27.00 a 2833.27.01 a 2833.27.02 a 2833.29 sulphates of metal nes 2833.29.00 a 2833.29.10 a 2833.29.01 b 2833.29.20 d 2833.29.02 a 2833.29.30 a 2833.29.03 a 2833.29.50 a 2833.29.04 c 2833.29.05 a 2833.29.08 a 2833.29.99 a 2833.30 alums 2833.30.10 d 2833.30.00 a 2833.30.01 a 2833.30.90 a 2833.30.99 a 2833.40 peroxosulphates (persulphates) of metals 2833.40.00 a 2833.40.10 a 2833.40.01 c 2833.40.20 a 2833.40.02 a 2833.40.50 a 2833.40.03 a 2834.10 nitrites of metals 2834.10.00 a 2834.10.10 a 2834.10.01 a 2834.10.50 a 2834.10.99 a 2834.21 potassium nitrate 2834.21.00 d 2834.21.00 d 2834.21.01 a 2834.21.02 a 2834.22 bismuth nitrates 2834.22.00 a 2834.22.00 a 2834.22.01 c 2834.22.99 a 2834.29 nitrates of metals nes 2834.29.10 d 2834.29.10 d 2834.29.01 a 2834.29.90 a 2834.29.20 a 2834.29.02 a 2834.29.50 a 2834.29.99 a 2835.10 phosphinates (hypophosphites) and phosphonates (phosphites) of 2835.10.00 a 2835.10.00 a 2835.10.01 a 2835.10.02 a 2835.10.99 a 2835.21 triammonium phosphate (tripolyphosphate de sodium) 2835.21.00 c 2835.21.00 a 2835.21.01 c 2835.22 monoor disodium phosphates 2835.22.00 c 2835.22.00 a 2835.22.01 c 2835.22.99 c 2835.23 trisodium phosphate 2835.23.00 c 2835.23.00 a 2835.23.01 c 2835.24 potassium phosphates 2835.24.00 a 2835.24.00 a 2835.24.01 a 2835.24.02 a 2835.25 calcium hydrogenorthophosphate (dicalcium phosphate) 2835.25.00 d 2835.25.00 d 2835.25.01 d 2835.25.99 c 2835.26 calcium phosphates nes 2835.26.00 c 2835.26.00 d 2835.26.01 c 2835.29 phosphates of metals nes 2835.29.00 c 2835.29.10 d 2835.29.01 c 2835.29.50 a 2835.29.99 a 2835.31 sodium triphosphate (sodium tripolyphosphate) 2835.31.00 c 2835.31.00 a 2835.31.01 c 2835.39 polyphosphates of metals nes 2835.39.00 b 2835.39.10 a 2835.39.01 c 2835.39.50 a 2835.39.02 a 2835.39.03 a 2835.39.04 a 2835.39.05 a 2835.39.06 c 2835.39.99 a 2836.10 commercial ammonium carbonate and other ammonium carbonates 2836.10.00 a 2836.10.00 a 2836.10.01 a 2836.10.02 a 2836.20 disodium carbonate 2836.20.00 c 2836.20.00 a 2836.20.01 c 2836.30 sodium hydrogencarbonate (sodium bicarbonate) 2836.30.00 a 2836.30.00 d 2836.30.01 c 2836.40 potassium carbonates 2836.40.00 d 2836.40.10 a 2836.40.01 c 2836.40.20 a 2836.40.02 a 2836.50 calcium carbonate 2836.50.00 a 2836.50.00 d 2836.50.01 a 2836.50.02 a 2836.60 barium carbonate 2836.60.00 d 2836.60.00 a 2836.60.01 a 2836.70 lead carbonate 2836.70.00 a 2836.70.00 a 2836.70.01 a 2836.91 lithium carbonates 2836.91.00 a 2836.91.00 a 2836.91.01 a 2836.92 strontium carbonate 2836.92.00 a 2836.92.00 a 2836.92.01 a 2836.93 bismuth carbonate 2836.93.00 d 2836.93.00 a 2836.93.01 a 2836.99 carbonates of metals nes; peroxocarbonates (percarbonates) of 2836.99.00 a 2836.99.10 a 2836.99.01 a 2836.99.50 a 2836.99.02 a 2836.99.03 a 2836.99.99 a 2837.11 cyanides and cyanide oxides of sodium 2837.11.00 d 2837.11.00 d 2837.11.01 b 2837.11.99 a 2837.19 cyanides and cyanide oxides of metals nes 2837.19.00 d 2837.19.00 d 2837.19.01 a 2837.19.99 c 2837.20 complex cyanides of metals 2837.20.00 d 2837.20.10 a 2837.20.01 a 2837.20.50 a 2837.20.99 a 2838.00 fulminates, cyanates and thiocyanates of metals 2838.00.00 a 2838.00.00 a 2838.00.01 a 2839.11 sodium metasilicates 2839.11.00 a 2839.11.00 a 2839.11.01 c 2839.19 silicates of sodium nes 2839.19.00 a 2839.19.00 a 2839.19.01 c 2839.19.99 c 2839.20 potassium silicates 2839.20.00 a 2839.20.00 a 2839.20.01 b 2839.20.02 a 2839.90 silicates of metals nes; commercial alkali metal silicates 2839.90.00 d 2839.90.00 a 2839.90.01 c 2839.90.02 a 2839.90.99 b 2840.11 disodium tetraborate (refined borax) anhydrous 2840.11.00 d 2840.11.00 a 2840.11.01 a 2840.19 disodium tetraborate (refined borax) hydrated 2840.19.00 d 2840.19.00 a 2840.19.01 d 2840.20 borates of metals nes 2840.20.00 d 2840.20.00 a 2840.20.01 a 2840.30 peroxoborates (perborates) of metals 2840.30.00 d 2840.30.00 a 2840.30.01 a 2841.10 metallic aluminates 2841.10.10 a 2841.10.00 a 2841.10.01 c 2841.10.90 a 2841.20 chromates of zinc or of lead 2841.20.00 a 2841.20.00 a 2841.20.01 a 2841.30 sodium dichromate 2841.30.00 d 2841.30.00 a 2841.30.01 c 2841.40 potassium dichromate 2841.40.00 a 2841.40.00 a 2841.40.01 a 2841.50 chromates and dichromates of metals nes; peroxochromates of 2841.50.00 a 2841.50.00 a 2841.50.99 a 2841.60 manganites, manganates and permanganates of metals 2841.60.00 a 2841.60.00 a 2841.60.01 a 2841.60.99 a 2841.70 metallic molybdates 2841.70.00 a 2841.70.10 a 2841.70.01 a 2841.70.50 a 2841.70.99 a 2841.80 metallic tungstates (wolframates) 2841.80.00 a 2841.80.00 c 2841.80.01 a 2841.90 salts of oxymetallic or peroxometallic acids nes 2841.90.00 a 2841.90.10 a 2841.90.01 a 2841.90.20 a 2841.90.02 a 2841.90.30 a 2841.90.99 a 2841.90.50 a 2842.10 double or complex silicates of metals 2842.10.00 d 2842.10.00 a 2842.10.01 b 2842.10.02 a 2842.10.03 a 2842.10.99 a 2842.90 metallic salts of inorganic acids or peroxoacids nes, excl 2842.90.10 a 2842.90.00 a 2842.90.01 a 2842.90.90 d 2842.90.02 a 2842.90.03 a 2842.90.99 a 2843.10 colloidal precious metals 2843.10.00 a 2843.10.00 b 2843.10.01 a 2843.21 silver nitrate 2843.21.00 a 2843.21.00 a 2843.21.01 a 2843.29 silver compounds nes 2843.29.00 a 2843.29.00 a 2843.29.99 a 2843.30 gold compounds 2843.30.00 a 2843.30.00 a 2843.30.01 a 2843.90 precious metal compounds nes; amalgams 2843.90.00 a 2843.90.00 a 2843.90.01 a 2843.90.02 a 2843.90.03 a 2843.90.04 a 2843.90.99 a 2844.10 natural uranium and its compounds; mixtures cntg natural 2844.10.00 d 2844.10.10 a 2844.10.01 b 2844.10.20 d 2844.10.50 b 2844.20 uranium u235+ & its compds, plutonium & its compds, their mx & 2844.20.00 d 2844.20.00 d 2844.20.01 b 2844.30 uranium u235& its compds, thorium & its compds, their mx & 2844.30.00 d 2844.30.10 a 2844.30.01 b 2844.30.20 d 2844.30.50 a 2844.40 radio active elements & isotopes nes, their mixtures & 2844.40.00 d 2844.40.00 d 2844.40.01 b 2844.40.02 b 2844.40.99 b 2844.50 spent fuel elements of nuclear reactors 2844.50.00 d 2844.50.00 d 2844.50.01 b 2845.10 heavy water (deuterium oxide) 2845.10.00 d 2845.10.00 d 2845.10.01 b 2845.90 isotopes nes and their compounds 2845.90.00 d 2845.90.00 d 2845.90.99 b 2846.10 cerium compounds 2846.10.00 a 2846.10.00 a 2846.10.01 a 2846.90 compds of rare-earth met nes, of yttrium or scandium or mx of 2846.90.00 a 2846.90.20 d 2846.90.01 b 2846.90.50 a 2846.90.02 a 2846.90.99 a 2847.00 hydrogen peroxide 2847.00.00 a 2847.00.00 a 2847.00.01 c 2848.10 phosphides of copper cntg > 15% by weight of phosphorous 2848.10.00 d 2848.10.00 a 2848.10.01 a 2848.90 phosphides of other metals or of non-metals 2848.90.00 d 2848.90.00 d 2848.90.01 a 2848.90.02 a 2848.90.03 a 2848.90.99 a 2849.10 calcium carbide 2849.10.00 a 2849.10.00 a 2849.10.01 a 2849.20 silicon carbide 2849.20.00 d 2849.20.10 d 2849.20.01 a 2849.20.20 a 2849.20.02 a 2849.20.99 a 2849.90 carbides nes 2849.90.00 d 2849.90.10 a 2849.90.01 a 2849.90.20 a 2849.90.02 a 2849.90.30 a 2849.90.50 a 2850.00 hydrides, nitrides, azides, silicides & borides 2850.00.10 a 2850.00.05 d 2850.00.01 a 2850.00.90 d 2850.00.07 a 2850.00.02 a 2850.00.10 c 2850.00.99 a 2850.00.20 a 2850.00.50 a 2851.00 inorgn compds nes;liquid air;compressed air;amalgams o/t of 2851.00.00 a 2851.00.00 a 2851.00.01 a 2851.00.02 a 2851.00.03 a 2851.00.04 a 2851.00.05 a 2851.00.06 a 2851.00.99 a 2901.10 saturated acyclic hydrocarbons 2901.10.10 d 2901.10.10 d 2901.10.01 c 2901.10.90 c 2901.10.30 a 2901.10.02 c 2901.10.40 c 2901.10.03 c 2901.10.50 c 2901.10.99 c 2901.21 ethylene 2901.21.00 d 2901.21.00 d 2901.21.01 c 2901.22 propene (propylene) 2901.22.00 d 2901.22.00 d 2901.22.01 a 2901.23 butene (butylene) and isomers thereof 2901.23.00 d 2901.23.00 d 2901.23.01 c 2901.24 buta-1, 3-diene and isoprene 2901.24.10 d 2901.24.10 d 2901.24.01 d 2901.24.20 a 2901.24.20 b 2901.24.50 b 2901.29 unsaturated acyclic hydrocarbons nes 2901.29.00 a 2901.29.10 c 2901.29.01 a 2901.29.50 b 2901.29.99 c 2902.11 cyclohexane 2902.11.00 a 2902.11.00 a 2902.11.01 d 2902.19 cyclanes, cyclenes and cycloterpenes nes 2902.19.10 d 2902.19.00 a 2902.19.01 a 2902.19.90 a 2902.19.02 a 2902.19.03 a 2902.19.99 a 2902.20 benzene 2902.20.00 d 2902.20.00 d 2902.20.01 c 2902.30 toluene 2902.30.00 d 2902.30.00 d 2902.30.01 d 2902.41 o-xylene 2902.41.00 d 2902.41.00 d 2902.41.01 d 2902.42 m-xylene 2902.42.00 d 2902.42.00 d 2902.42.01 c 2902.43 p-xylene 2902.43.00 d 2902.43.00 d 2902.43.01 d 2902.44 mixed xylene isomers 2902.44.00 d 2902.44.00 d 2902.44.01 c 2902.50 styrene 2902.50.00 a 2902.50.00 a 2902.50.01 d 2902.60 ethylbenzene 2902.60.00 c 2902.60.00 c 2902.60.01 c 2902.70 cumene 2902.70.00 a 2902.70.00 d 2902.70.01 d 2902.90 cyclic hydrocarbons nes 2902.90.00 b 2902.90.10 d 2902.90.01 a 2902.90.20 d 2902.90.02 a 2902.90.30 c 2902.90.03 a 2902.90.50 c 2902.90.04 a 2902.90.05 a 2902.90.99 c 2903.11 chloromethane (methyl chloride) and chloroethane (ethyl 2903.11.00 a 2903.11.00 a 2903.11.01 c 2903.12 dichloromethane (methylene chloride) 2903.12.00 c 2903.12.00 a 2903.12.01 c 2903.13 chloroform (trichloromethane) 2903.13.00 c 2903.13.00 a 2903.13.01 c 2903.13.02 c 2903.13.03 c 2903.14 carbon tetrachloride 2903.14.00 b 2903.14.00 a 2903.14.01 b 2903.15 1,2-dichloroethane(ethylene dichloride) 2903.15.00 c 2903.15.00 a 2903.15.01 c 2903.16 1,2-dichloropropane (propylene dichloride) and dichlorobutanes 2903.16.00 a 2903.16.00 a 2903.16.01 a 2903.19 chlorinated derivatives of saturated acyclic hydrocarbons, nes 2903.19.00 a 2903.19.10 a 2903.19.01 a 2903.19.50 a 2903.19.02 a 2903.19.03 a 2903.19.99 a 2903.21 vinyl chloride (chloroethylene) 2903.21.00 a 2903.21.00 a 2903.21.01 d 2903.22 trichloroethylene 2903.22.00 a 2903.22.00 a 2903.22.01 a 2903.23 tetrachloroethylene (perchloroethylene) 2903.23.00 a 2903.23.00 a 2903.23.01 a 2903.29 chlorinated derivatives of unsaturated acyclic hydrocarbons, 2903.29.00 a 2903.29.00 a 2903.29.01 a 2903.29.99 a 2903.30 fluorinated, brominated or iodinated derivatives of acyclic 2903.30.10 d 2903.30.05 a 2903.30.01 a 2903.30.90 a 2903.30.15 a 2903.30.02 a 2903.30.20 a 2903.30.03 a 2903.30.99 a 2903.40 halogenated derivs of acyclic hydrocarbons cntg two or more 2903.40.00 c 2903.40.00 a 2903.40.01 c 2903.40.02 c 2903.40.03 c 2903.40.04 c 2903.40.05 c 2903.40.06 c 2903.40.07 c 2903.40.08 c 2903.40.09 c 2903.40.10 c 2903.40.99 c 2903.51 1,2,3,4,5,6-hexachlorocyclohexane 2903.51.00 a 2903.51.00 a 2903.51.01 a 2903.51.02 a 2903.51.99 a 2903.59 halogenated derivs of cyclanic, cyclenic or cycloterpenic 2903.59.00 a 2903.59.05 a 2903.59.01 a 2903.59.10 a 2903.59.02 a 2903.59.15 a 2903.59.03 a 2903.59.20 a 2903.59.04 a 2903.59.30 a 2903.59.05 a 2903.59.40 a 2903.59.99 a 2903.59.50 a 2903.61 chlorobenzene, o-dichlorobenzene and p-dichlorobenzene 2903.61.00 c 2903.61.10 a 2903.61.01 c 2903.61.20 c 2903.61.30 a 2903.62 hexachlorobenzene & ddt(1,1,1-trichloro-2,2-bis 2903.62.00 a 2903.62.00 a 2903.62.01 a 2903.62.02 a 2903.69 halogenated derivatives of aromatic hydrocarbons, nes 2903.69.00 a 2903.69.05 a 2903.69.01 c 2903.69.10 a 2903.69.02 a 2903.69.20 a 2903.69.03 a 2903.69.25 a 2903.69.04 a 2903.69.30 a 2903.69.05 a 2903.69.60 c 2903.69.06 a 2903.69.07 a 2903.69.99 a 2904.10 derivs of hydrocarbons cntg only sulpho groups, their salts & 2904.10.00 a 2904.10.10 a 2904.10.01 b 2904.10.15 a 2904.10.02 a 2904.10.20 a 2904.10.03 a 2904.10.30 a 2904.10.04 a 2904.10.50 a 2904.10.05 b 2904.10.99 a 2904.20 derivs of hydrocarbons cntg only nitro or only nitroso groups 2904.20.00 a 2904.20.10 c 2904.20.01 a 2904.20.15 a 2904.20.02 a 2904.20.20 d 2904.20.03 c 2904.20.30 a 2904.20.04 c 2904.20.35 c 2904.20.05 a 2904.20.40 a 2904.20.06 a 2904.20.45 a 2904.20.07 a 2904.20.50 a 2904.20.99 a 2904.90 derivs of hydrocarbons cntg mixtures of sulpho, nitro or 2904.90.00 a 2904.90.04 a 2904.90.01 a 2904.90.08 b 2904.90.02 a 2904.90.15 a 2904.90.03 a 2904.90.20 a 2904.90.04 a 2904.90.30 a 2904.90.05 a 2904.90.35 c 2904.90.06 a 2904.90.40 a 2904.90.99 a 2904.90.47 b 2904.90.50 a 2905.11 methanol (methyl alcohol) 2905.11.00 a 2905.11.10 d 2905.11.01 d 2905.11.20 a 2905.12 propan-1-ol(propyl alcohol)and propan-2ol(isopropyl alcohol) 2905.12.00 a 2905.12.00 a 2905.12.01 a 2905.12.02 d 2905.13 butan-1-ol (n-butyl alcohol) 2905.13.00 c 2905.13.00 a 2905.13.01 c 2905.14 butanols nes 2905.14.00 a 2905.14.00 a 2905.14.01 c 2905.14.02 a 2905.14.03 a 2905.14.99 c 2905.15 pentanol (amyl alcohol) and isomers thereof 2905.15.00 d 2905.15.00 a 2905.15.01 a 2905.16 octanol(octyl alcohol) and isomers thereof 2905.16.00 c 2905.16.00 a 2905.16.01 c 2905.16.02 c 2905.16.99 c 2905.17 dodecan-1-ol, hexadecan-1-ol and octadecan-1-ol 2905.17.00 c 2905.17.00 c 2905.17.01 c 2905.19 saturated monohydric acyclic alcohols nes 2905.19.00 a 2905.19.00 a 2905.19.01 a 2905.19.02 c 2905.19.03 a 2905.19.04 a 2905.19.05 a 2905.19.06 c 2905.19.07 c 2905.19.08 a 2905.19.99 c 2905.21 allyl alcohol 2905.21.00 a 2905.21.00 a 2905.21.01 a 2905.22 acyclic terpene alcohols 2905.22.00 a 2905.22.10 a 2905.22.01 a 2905.22.20 a 2905.22.02 a 2905.22.50 a 2905.22.03 d 2905.22.04 a 2905.22.05 a 2905.22.99 a 2905.29 unsaturated monohydric acyclic alcohols nes 2905.29.00 a 2905.29.00 a 2905.29.01 a 2905.29.02 a 2905.29.99 a 2905.31 ethylene glycol (ethanediol) 2905.31.00 c 2905.31.00 a 2905.31.01 c 2905.32 propylene glycol (propane-1,2-diol) 2905.32.00 c 2905.32.00 a 2905.32.01 c 2905.39 diols nes 2905.39.00 b 2905.39.10 a 2905.39.01 c 2905.39.20 a 2905.39.02 a 2905.39.50 a 2905.39.03 a 2905.39.04 a 2905.39.05 a 2905.39.99 a 2905.41 2-ethyl-2-(hydroxymethyl) propane-1,3diol (trimethylolpropane) 2905.41.00 a 2905.41.00 a 2905.41.01 a 2905.42 pentaerythritol 2905.42.00 a 2905.42.00 a 2905.42.01 d 2905.43 mannitol 2905.43.00 a 2905.43.00 a 2905.43.01 a 2905.44 d-glucitol (sorbitol) 2905.44.00 b 2905.44.00 a 2905.44.01 b 2905.49 polyhydric acyclic alcohols nes 2905.49.00 a 2905.49.10 a 2905.49.01 a 2905.49.20 a 2905.49.99 a 2905.49.50 a 2905.50 halogenated, sulphonated, nitrated or nitrosated derivs of 2905.50.00 a 2905.50.10 a 2905.50.01 a 2905.50.50 a 2905.50.02 a 2905.50.03 a 2905.50.99 a 2906.11 menthol 2906.11.00 d 2906.11.00 a 2906.11.01 a 2906.12 cyclohexanol, methylcyclohexanols and dimethylcyclohexanols 2906.12.00 a 2906.12.00 a 2906.12.01 c 2906.12.99 c 2906.13 sterols and inositols 2906.13.00 a 2906.13.10 a 2906.13.01 a 2906.13.50 a 2906.13.02 a 2906.13.99 a 2906.14 terpineols 2906.14.00 d 2906.14.00 a 2906.14.01 a 2906.19 cyclic alcohols (o/t aromatic), nes; derivs of cyclic alcohols 2906.19.00 a 2906.19.00 a 2906.19.01 a 2906.19.02 a 2906.19.99 a 2906.21 benzyl alcohol 2906.21.00 a 2906.21.00 c 2906.21.01 c 2906.29 aromatic alcohols nes; derivatives of aromatic alcohols 2906.29.00 b 2906.29.10 a 2906.29.01 a 2906.29.20 a 2906.29.02 a 2906.29.50 b 2906.29.03 a 2906.29.04 a 2906.29.05 c 2906.29.06 a 2906.29.99 a 2907.11 phenol (hdroxybenzene) and its salts 2907.11.00 a 2907.11.00 a 2907.11.01 c 2907.11.99 c 2907.12 cresols and their salts 2907.12.10 d 2907.12.00 a 2907.12.01 d 2907.12.90 a 2907.12.99 a 2907.13 octylphenol, nonylphenol and their isomers; salts thereof 2907.13.00 b 2907.13.00 b 2907.13.01 a 2907.13.02 c 2907.13.99 a 2907.14 xylenols and their salts 2907.14.00 a 2907.14.00 d 2907.14.01 a 2907.15 naphthols and their salts 2907.15.00 a 2907.15.10 a 2907.15.01 a 2907.15.50 a 2907.15.99 a 2907.19 monophenols nes 2907.19.00 b 2907.19.10 a 2907.19.01 c 2907.19.20 c 2907.19.02 a 2907.19.40 a 2907.19.03 b 2907.19.50 a 2907.19.04 a 2907.19.05 a 2907.19.06 a 2907.19.07 a 2907.19.08 a 2907.19.99 a 2907.21 resorcinol and its salts 2907.21.00 a 2907.21.00 a 2907.21.01 a 2907.22 hydroquinone (quinol) and its salts 2907.22.00 a 2907.22.10 a 2907.22.01 a 2907.22.50 c 2907.22.02 c 2907.23 4,4'-isopropylidenediphenol (bisphenol a, diphenylolpropane) 2907.23.00 a 2907.23.00 c 2907.23.01 c 2907.23.02 c 2907.29 polyphenols nes 2907.29.00 a 2907.29.10 a 2907.29.01 a 2907.29.20 a 2907.29.02 a 2907.29.30 a 2907.29.03 a 2907.29.60 a 2907.29.04 a 2907.29.99 a 2907.30 phenol-alcohols 2907.30.00 a 2907.30.00 c 2907.30.01 c 2908.10 derivs of phenols or phenol-alc cntg only halogen subst & thei 2908.10.00 a 2908.10.10 a 2908.10.01 a 2908.10.15 a 2908.10.02 a 2908.10.20 a 2908.10.03 a 2908.10.25 a 2908.10.04 a 2908.10.35 b 2908.10.05 a 2908.10.50 a 2908.10.06 c 2908.10.07 a 2908.10.08 a 2908.10.99 a 2908.20 derivs of phenols or phenol-alc cntg only sulpho groups,their 2908.20.00 a 2908.20.10 a 2908.20.01 a 2908.20.20 a 2908.20.02 a 2908.20.50 a 2908.20.03 a 2908.20.04 a 2908.20.05 a 2908.20.06 a 2908.20.07 a 2908.20.99 a 2908.90 derivs of phenols or phenol-alcohols, nes 2908.90.00 a 2908.90.04 a 2908.90.01 a 2908.90.08 a 2908.90.02 a 2908.90.20 a 2908.90.03 a 2908.90.30 a 2908.90.04 a 2908.90.40 a 2908.90.05 a 2908.90.50 a 2908.90.99 a 2909.11 diethyl ether 2909.11.00 a 2909.11.00 a 2909.11.01 a 2909.19 acyclic ethers nes; derivatives of acyclic ethers 2909.19.00 c 2909.19.10 a 2909.19.01 a 2909.19.50 a 2909.19.02 a 2909.19.03 d 2909.19.99 c 2909.20 cyclanic, cyclenic or cycloterpenic ethers and their 2909.20.00 a 2909.20.00 a 2909.20.01 a 2909.20.02 a 2909.20.99 a 2909.30 aromatic ethers and their derivatives 2909.30.00 a 2909.30.05 a 2909.30.01 a 2909.30.07 a 2909.30.02 a 2909.30.10 a 2909.30.03 a 2909.30.20 a 2909.30.04 a 2909.30.30 a 2909.30.05 a 2909.30.40 b 2909.30.06 a 2909.30.50 c 2909.30.07 a 2909.30.08 a 2909.30.09 a 2909.30.99 a 2909.41 2,2'-oxydiethanol(diethylene glycol) 2909.41.00 c 2909.41.00 a 2909.41.01 c 2909.42 monomethyl ethers of ethylene glycol or of diethylene glycol 2909.42.00 c 2909.42.00 a 2909.42.01 c 2909.43 monobutyl ethers of ethylene glycol or of diethylene glycol 2909.43.00 c 2909.43.00 a 2909.43.01 c 2909.44 monoalkylethers of ethylene glycol or of diethylene glycol, ne 2909.44.00 c 2909.44.00 a 2909.44.01 c 2909.44.02 c 2909.44.99 c 2909.49 ether-alcohols nes; derivatives of ether-alcohols 2909.49.00 c 2909.49.05 a 2909.49.01 c 2909.49.10 c 2909.49.02 c 2909.49.15 c 2909.49.03 c 2909.49.20 a 2909.49.04 c 2909.49.50 a 2909.49.05 c 2909.49.06 c 2909.49.07 c 2909.49.08 c 2909.49.99 c 2909.50 ether-phenols, ether-alcohol-phenols and their derivatives 2909.50.00 b 2909.50.10 b 2909.50.01 a 2909.50.20 a 2909.50.02 c 2909.50.40 a 2909.50.03 c 2909.50.45 c 2909.50.04 a 2909.50.50 c 2909.50.05 a 2909.50.06 c 2909.50.99 a 2909.60 alcohol peroxides, ether peroxides, ketone peroxides and their 2909.60.00 a 2909.60.10 c 2909.60.01 a 2909.60.20 b 2909.60.02 a 2909.60.50 a 2909.60.03 a 2909.60.04 a 2909.60.05 a 2909.60.99 a 2910.10 oxirane (ethylene oxide) 2910.10.00 a 2910.10.00 a 2910.10.01 d 2910.20 methyloxirane (propylene oxide) 2910.20.00 a 2910.20.00 a 2910.20.01 d 2910.30 1-chloro-2,3-epoxypropane(epichlorohydrin) 2910.30.00 d 2910.30.00 a 2910.30.01 d 2910.90 epoxides, epoxyalcohols, epoxyphenols & epoxyethers nes & thei 2910.90.00 a 2910.90.10 a 2910.90.01 a 2910.90.20 a 2910.90.02 a 2910.90.50 a 2910.90.99 a 2911.00 acetals and hemiacetals and their derivatives 2911.00.00 b 2911.00.00 a 2911.00.01 a 2911.00.02 a 2911.00.03 a 2911.00.04 a 2911.00.99 b 2912.11 methanal (formaldehyde) 2912.11.00 a 2912.11.00 a 2912.11.01 a 2912.12 ethanal (acetaldehyde) 2912.12.00 a 2912.12.00 a 2912.12.01 d 2912.13 butanal (butyraldehyde, normal isomer) 2912.13.00 a 2912.13.00 a 2912.13.01 c 2912.19 acyclic aldehydes w/out other oxygen function, nes 2912.19.10 d 2912.19.10 a 2912.19.01 a 2912.19.90 a 2912.19.20 a 2912.19.02 a 2912.19.30 a 2912.19.03 a 2912.19.40 a 2912.19.04 a 2912.19.50 a 2912.19.05 a 2912.19.06 a 2912.19.07 a 2912.19.08 a 2912.19.09 a 2912.19.10 a 2912.19.11 a 2912.19.99 a 2912.21 benzaldehyde 2912.21.00 c 2912.21.00 c 2912.21.01 c 2912.29 cyclic aldehydes w/out other oxygen function, nes 2912.29.00 b 2912.29.10 a 2912.29.01 c 2912.29.50 a 2912.29.02 a 2912.29.03 a 2912.29.99 a 2912.30 aldehyde-alcohols 2912.30.00 a 2912.30.10 a 2912.30.01 a 2912.30.20 a 2912.30.50 a 2912.41 vanillin(4-hydroxy-3-methoxybenzaldehyde) 2912.41.00 a 2912.41.00 a 2912.41.01 a 2912.42 ethylvanillin(3-ethoxy-4-hydroxybenzaldehyde) 2912.42.00 a 2912.42.00 a 2912.42.01 a 2912.49 aldehyde-ethers, aldehyde-phenols & aldehydes with other oxyge 2912.49.00 a 2912.49.10 a 2912.49.01 a 2912.49.20 a 2912.49.02 a 2912.49.50 a 2912.49.03 a 2912.49.04 a 2912.49.05 a 2912.49.06 a 2912.49.99 a 2912.50 cyclic polymers of aldehyde 2912.50.00 a 2912.50.00 a 2912.50.01 a 2912.60 paraformaldehyde 2912.60.00 a 2912.60.00 a 2912.60.01 c 2913.00 derivatives of aldehydes,of cyclic poly of aldehydes & of 2913.00.00 a 2913.00.10 a 2913.00.01 a 2913.00.50 a 2913.00.99 a 2914.11 acetone 2914.11.00 a 2914.11.10 c 2914.11.01 c 2914.11.50 d 2914.12 butanone (methyl ethyl ketone) 2914.12.00 a 2914.12.00 a 2914.12.01 c 2914.13 4-methylpentan-2-one(methyl isobutyl ketone) 2914.13.00 a 2914.13.00 a 2914.13.01 c 2914.19 acyclic ketones without other oxygen function, nes 2914.19.00 a 2914.19.00 a 2914.19.01 a 2914.19.02 c 2914.19.03 a 2914.19.04 a 2914.19.05 a 2914.19.06 a 2914.19.99 a 2914.21 camphor 2914.21.00 d 2914.21.10 d 2914.21.01 a 2914.21.20 a 2914.22 cyclohexanone and methylcyclohexanones 2914.22.00 a 2914.22.10 a 2914.22.01 c 2914.22.20 a 2914.23 ionones and methylionones 2914.23.00 b 2914.23.00 a 2914.23.01 a 2914.23.02 b 2914.29 cyclanic, cyclenic or cycloterpenic ketones w/o other oxygen 2914.29.00 b 2914.29.10 a 2914.29.01 a 2914.29.50 a 2914.29.02 a 2914.29.03 a 2914.29.99 b 2914.30 aromatic ketones without other oxygen function 2914.30.00 a 2914.30.00 a 2914.30.01 a 2914.30.02 a 2914.30.03 a 2914.30.04 a 2914.30.05 a 2914.30.06 a 2914.30.07 a 2914.30.08 a 2914.30.09 a 2914.30.99 a 2914.41 4-hydroxy-4-methylpentan-2-one(diacetone alcohol) 2914.41.00 a 2914.41.00 a 2914.41.01 c 2914.49 ketone-alcohols nes; ketone-aldehydes 2914.49.00 c 2914.49.10 c 2914.49.01 c 2914.49.50 a 2914.49.99 c 2914.50 ketone-phenols and ketones with other oxygen function 2914.50.00 b 2914.50.20 b 2914.50.01 b 2914.50.50 a 2914.50.02 a 2914.50.03 a 2914.50.99 b 2914.61 anthraquinone 2914.61.00 a 2914.61.00 a 2914.61.01 a 2914.69 quinones nes 2914.69.00 a 2914.69.10 a 2914.69.01 b 2914.69.20 a 2914.69.02 a 2914.69.50 a 2914.69.99 a 2914.70 derivatives of ketones and quinones 2914.70.00 a 2914.70.10 a 2914.70.01 a 2914.70.20 a 2914.70.02 a 2914.70.50 a 2914.70.03 a 2914.70.04 a 2914.70.99 a 2915.11 formic acid 2915.11.00 a 2915.11.00 a 2915.11.01 c 2915.12 salts of formic acid 2915.12.00 a 2915.12.00 a 2915.12.01 a 2915.12.02 a 2915.12.99 a 2915.13 esters of formic acid 2915.13.10 d 2915.13.10 a 2915.13.01 a 2915.13.90 a 2915.13.50 a 2915.13.02 a 2915.13.03 a 2915.13.04 a 2915.13.99 a 2915.21 acetic acid 2915.21.00 c 2915.21.00 a 2915.21.01 c 2915.22 sodium acetate 2915.22.00 a 2915.22.00 a 2915.22.01 a 2915.23 cobalt acetates 2915.23.00 a 2915.23.00 a 2915.23.01 a 2915.24 acetic anhydride 2915.24.00 c 2915.24.00 a 2915.24.01 c 2915.29 acetic acid salts nes 2915.29.00 a 2915.29.00 a 2915.29.99 a 2915.31 ethyl acetate 2915.31.00 c 2915.31.00 a 2915.31.01 c 2915.32 vinyl acetate 2915.32.00 c 2915.32.00 a 2915.32.01 c 2915.33 n-butyl acetate 2915.33.00 a 2915.33.00 a 2915.33.01 c 2915.34 isobutyl acetate 2915.34.00 a 2915.34.00 a 2915.34.01 c 2915.35 2-ethoxyethyl acetate 2915.35.00 a 2915.35.00 a 2915.35.01 c 2915.39 acetic acid esters nes 2915.39.00 a 2915.39.10 a 2915.39.01 c 2915.39.20 a 2915.39.02 c 2915.39.30 b 2915.39.03 c 2915.39.35 b 2915.39.04 a 2915.39.40 a 2915.39.05 a 2915.39.45 a 2915.39.06 a 2915.39.47 a 2915.39.07 b 2915.39.50 a 2915.39.08 a 2915.39.09 a 2915.39.10 c 2915.39.11 a 2915.39.12 a 2915.39.13 c 2915.39.14 b 2915.39.15 b 2915.39.16 a 2915.39.17 c 2915.39.18 a 2915.39.19 a 2915.39.99 b 2915.40 mono-,di-or trichloroacetic acids, their salts and esters 2915.40.00 a 2915.40.10 a 2915.40.01 c 2915.40.20 a 2915.40.02 a 2915.40.30 a 2915.40.03 a 2915.40.50 a 2915.40.99 a 2915.50 propionic acid, its salts and esters 2915.50.00 b 2915.50.10 a 2915.50.01 a 2915.50.20 a 2915.50.02 a 2915.50.50 a 2915.50.03 a 2915.50.04 a 2915.50.99 b 2915.60 butyric acids, valeric acids, their salts and esters 2915.60.00 a 2915.60.10 a 2915.60.01 a 2915.60.50 a 2915.60.02 b 2915.60.03 a 2915.60.04 a 2915.60.05 a 2915.60.06 a 2915.60.99 a 2915.70 palmitic acid, stearic acid, their salts and esters 2915.70.00 c 2915.70.00 a 2915.70.01 c 2915.70.02 c 2915.70.03 c 2915.70.04 c 2915.70.05 c 2915.70.06 c 2915.70.07 c 2915.70.08 c 2915.70.09 c 2915.70.10 c 2915.70.11 c 2915.70.12 c 2915.70.99 c 2915.90 saturated acyclic monocarboxylic acids and their derivatives, 2915.90.00 b 2915.90.10 a 2915.90.01 c 2915.90.15 c 2915.90.02 c 2915.90.20 a 2915.90.03 a 2915.90.50 a 2915.90.04 a 2915.90.05 a 2915.90.06 a 2915.90.07 c 2915.90.08 a 2915.90.09 a 2915.90.10 a 2915.90.11 c 2915.90.12 c 2915.90.13 a 2915.90.14 a 2915.90.15 c 2915.90.16 c 2915.90.17 c 2915.90.18 c 2915.90.19 a 2915.90.20 a 2915.90.21 c 2915.90.22 a 2915.90.23 a 2915.90.24 a 2915.90.25 a 2915.90.26 a 2915.90.27 a 2915.90.28 a 2915.90.29 c 2915.90.30 a 2915.90.99 c 2916.11 acrylic acid and its salts 2916.11.00 d 2916.11.00 c 2916.11.01 c 2916.12 acrylic acid esters 2916.12.10 d 2916.12.10 a 2916.12.01 c 2916.12.90 c 2916.12.50 a 2916.12.02 c 2916.12.03 c 2916.12.99 c 2916.13 methacrylic acid and its salts 2916.13.00 d 2916.13.00 a 2916.13.01 a 2916.14 methacrylic acid esters 2916.14.00 a 2916.14.00 a 2916.14.01 c 2916.14.02 a 2916.14.03 a 2916.14.04 a 2916.14.99 c 2916.15 oleic,linoleic or linolenic acids, their salts and esters 2916.15.00 c 2916.15.10 c 2916.15.01 c 2916.15.50 a 2916.15.02 c 2916.15.03 c 2916.15.04 c 2916.15.05 c 2916.15.99 c 2916.19 unsaturated acyclic monocarboxylic acids and their derivatives 2916.19.00 a 2916.19.10 a 2916.19.01 a 2916.19.20 a 2916.19.02 a 2916.19.30 a 2916.19.03 a 2916.19.50 a 2916.19.04 a 2916.19.05 c 2916.19.06 a 2916.19.99 a 2916.20 cyclanic, cyclenic or cycloterpenic mono carboxylic acids and 2916.20.00 a 2916.20.00 a 2916.20.01 a 2916.20.02 a 2916.20.03 a 2916.20.99 a 2916.31 benzoic acid, its salts and esters 2916.31.00 c 2916.31.10 a 2916.31.01 c 2916.31.20 a 2916.31.02 c 2916.31.30 c 2916.31.03 c 2916.31.50 c 2916.31.04 c 2916.31.99 b 2916.32 benzoyl peroxide and benzoyl chloride 2916.32.00 a 2916.32.10 c 2916.32.01 c 2916.32.20 c 2916.32.02 c 2916.33 phenylacetic acid, its salts and esters 2916.33.00 a 2916.33.10 a 2916.33.01 a 2916.33.20 a 2916.33.30 a 2916.33.50 a 2916.39 aromatic monocarboxylic acids and their derivatives, nes 2916.39.00 a 2916.39.04 c 2916.39.01 a 2916.39.08 a 2916.39.02 a 2916.39.12 a 2916.39.03 a 2916.39.15 a 2916.39.04 a 2916.39.16 a 2916.39.05 a 2916.39.20 a 2916.39.99 c 2916.39.40 c 2916.39.60 c 2917.11 oxalic acid, its salts and esters 2917.11.00 a 2917.11.00 a 2917.11.01 c 2917.11.02 c 2917.12 adipic acid, its salts and esters 2917.12.00 c 2917.12.10 c 2917.12.01 c 2917.12.20 a 2917.12.50 c 2917.13 azelaic acid, sebacic acid, their salts and esters 2917.13.00 a 2917.13.00 a 2917.13.01 a 2917.13.02 a 2917.13.99 a 2917.14 maleic anhydride 2917.14.00 c 2917.14.10 a 2917.14.01 c 2917.14.50 a 2917.19 acyclic polycarboxylic acids and their derivatives, nes 2917.19.00 a 2917.19.10 c 2917.19.01 c 2917.19.15 a 2917.19.02 a 2917.19.17 a 2917.19.03 a 2917.19.20 a 2917.19.04 a 2917.19.23 a 2917.19.05 a 2917.19.27 c 2917.19.06 a 2917.19.30 a 2917.19.07 a 2917.19.40 a 2917.19.08 a 2917.19.50 a 2917.19.09 a 2917.19.99 a 2917.20 cyclanic, cyclenic or cycloterpenic poly carboxylic acids and 2917.20.00 a 2917.20.00 c 2917.20.01 a 2917.20.99 a 2917.31 dibutyl orthophthalates 2917.31.00 c 2917.31.00 a 2917.31.01 c 2917.32 dioctyl orthophthalates 2917.32.00 c 2917.32.00 a 2917.32.01 c 2917.33 dinonyl or didecyl orthophthalates 2917.33.00 c 2917.33.00 a 2917.33.01 c 2917.34 orthophthalic acid esters, nes 2917.34.00 c 2917.34.00 a 2917.34.01 c 2917.35 phthalic anhydride 2917.35.00 c 2917.35.00 a 2917.35.01 c 2917.36 terephthalic acid and its salts 2917.36.00 d 2917.36.00 c 2917.36.01 c 2917.37 dimethyl terephthalate 2917.37.00 d 2917.37.00 a 2917.37.01 c 2917.39 aromatic polycarboxylic acids and their derivatives, nes 2917.39.00 b 2917.39.10 a 2917.39.01 a 2917.39.15 a 2917.39.02 a 2917.39.17 a 2917.39.03 a 2917.39.20 a 2917.39.04 b 2917.39.30 a 2917.39.05 a 2917.39.50 c 2917.39.06 a 2917.39.07 a 2917.39.99 c 2918.11 lactic acid, its salts and esters 2918.11.10 d 2918.11.10 a 2918.11.01 c 2918.11.20 a 2918.11.50 a 2918.12 tartaric acid 2918.12.00 a 2918.12.00 a 2918.12.01 a 2918.13 salts and esters of tartaric acid 2918.13.10 d 2918.13.10 a 2918.13.01 a 2918.13.20 a 2918.13.20 a 2918.13.02 a 2918.13.90 a 2918.13.30 a 2918.13.03 a 2918.13.50 a 2918.13.04 a 2918.13.99 c 2918.14 citric acid 2918.14.00 a 2918.14.00 a 2918.14.01 c 2918.15 salts and esters of citric acid 2918.15.10 d 2918.15.10 a 2918.15.01 c 2918.15.20 d 2918.15.50 a 2918.15.02 a 2918.15.90 a 2918.15.03 a 2918.15.04 a 2918.15.05 a 2918.15.99 a 2918.16 gluconic acid, its salts and esters 2918.16.10 d 2918.16.10 a 2918.16.01 a 2918.16.20 a 2918.16.50 a 2918.16.99 a 2918.17 phenylglycolic acid (mandelic acid), its salts and esters 2918.17.00 a 2918.17.10 a 2918.17.01 a 2918.17.50 a 2918.17.99 a 2918.19 carboxylic acids with alcohol function only and their 2918.19.10 d 2918.19.10 a 2918.19.01 a 2918.19.90 a 2918.19.20 a 2918.19.02 a 2918.19.30 a 2918.19.03 a 2918.19.60 a 2918.19.04 a 2918.19.90 a 2918.19.05 c 2918.19.06 a 2918.19.07 a 2918.19.08 a 2918.19.09 a 2918.19.10 a 2918.19.11 a 2918.19.12 a 2918.19.13 a 2918.19.14 a 2918.19.15 a 2918.19.99 a 2918.21 salicylic acid and its salts 2918.21.00 d 2918.21.10 a 2918.21.01 c 2918.21.50 c 2918.21.02 c 2918.21.99 b 2918.22 o-acetylsalicylic acid, its salts and esters 2918.22.10 d 2918.22.10 a 2918.22.01 c 2918.22.90 a 2918.22.50 a 2918.22.99 a 2918.23 salicylic acid esters, nes, and their salts 2918.23.00 a 2918.23.10 a 2918.23.01 c 2918.23.20 a 2918.23.02 a 2918.23.30 c 2918.23.03 c 2918.23.50 c 2918.23.99 c 2918.29 carboxylic acids with phenol function only and their 2918.29.00 a 2918.29.10 c 2918.29.01 c 2918.29.20 a 2918.29.02 b 2918.29.22 a 2918.29.03 a 2918.29.30 a 2918.29.04 c 2918.29.40 a 2918.29.05 a 2918.29.50 c 2918.29.06 a 2918.29.07 a 2918.29.99 a 2918.30 carboxylic acids with aldehyde or ketone function only and 2918.30.00 b 2918.30.10 a 2918.30.01 c 2918.30.20 a 2918.30.02 a 2918.30.30 a 2918.30.03 a 2918.30.50 a 2918.30.04 a 2918.30.05 a 2918.30.06 a 2918.30.07 a 2918.30.08 a 2918.30.09 c 2918.30.99 a 2918.90 carboxylic acids with additional oxygen functions, nes and 2918.90.00 a 2918.90.05 c 2918.90.01 c 2918.90.10 a 2918.90.02 a 2918.90.20 a 2918.90.03 c 2918.90.30 a 2918.90.04 c 2918.90.35 a 2918.90.05 a 2918.90.40 c 2918.90.06 a 2918.90.45 c 2918.90.07 a 2918.90.50 a 2918.90.08 a 2918.90.09 a 2918.90.10 a 2918.90.11 a 2918.90.12 a 2918.90.13 a 2918.90.14 a 2918.90.15 a 2918.90.16 a 2918.90.17 a 2918.90.18 a 2918.90.19 a 2918.90.20 a 2918.90.21 a 2918.90.22 c 2918.90.23 a 2918.90.24 c 2918.90.25 a 2918.90.99 a 2919.00 phosphoric esters, their salts and their derivatives 2919.00.10 d 2919.00.10 a 2919.00.01 a 2919.00.90 a 2919.00.30 a 2919.00.02 a 2919.00.50 a 2919.00.03 c 2919.00.04 a 2919.00.05 a 2919.00.06 a 2919.00.07 a 2919.00.08 a 2919.00.09 a 2919.00.10 a 2919.00.11 a 2919.00.12 c 2919.00.13 c 2919.00.99 a 2920.10 thiophosphoric esters(phosphorothioates) their salts and their 2920.10.00 a 2920.10.10 a 2920.10.01 a 2920.10.20 a 2920.10.02 c 2920.10.50 a 2920.10.03 a 2920.10.99 a 2920.90 esters of inorganic acids, nes, their salts and their 2920.90.10 a 2920.90.10 a 2920.90.01 a 2920.90.20 d 2920.90.20 b 2920.90.02 a 2920.90.90 a 2920.90.50 a 2920.90.03 a 2920.90.04 c 2920.90.05 a 2920.90.06 a 2920.90.07 a 2920.90.08 a 2920.90.09 c 2920.90.10 a 2920.90.11 a 2920.90.12 a 2920.90.13 a 2920.90.14 a 2920.90.15 a 2920.90.16 a 2920.90.17 a 2920.90.99 a 2921.11 methylamine, dior trimethylamine and their salts 2921.11.00 c 2921.11.00 a 2921.11.01 c 2921.11.02 c 2921.11.03 c 2921.11.99 c 2921.12 diethylamine and its salts 2921.12.00 c 2921.12.00 a 2921.12.01 c 2921.12.02 a 2921.19 acyclic monoamines nes, and their derivatives; salts thereof 2921.19.00 c 2921.19.10 a 2921.19.01 a 2921.19.50 a 2921.19.02 c 2921.19.03 c 2921.19.04 c 2921.19.05 c 2921.19.06 c 2921.19.07 c 2921.19.08 c 2921.19.09 a 2921.19.10 a 2921.19.11 a 2921.19.12 c 2921.19.99 c 2921.21 ethylenediamine and its salts 2921.21.00 c 2921.21.00 a 2921.21.01 c 2921.21.02 a 2921.22 hexamethylenediamine and its salts 2921.22.00 c 2921.22.05 a 2921.22.01 c 2921.22.10 c 2921.22.50 a 2921.29 acyclic polyamines nes, and their derivatives; salts thereof 2921.29.00 b 2921.29.00 a 2921.29.01 c 2921.29.02 c 2921.29.03 c 2921.29.04 a 2921.29.05 a 2921.29.06 a 2921.29.07 a 2921.29.08 c 2921.29.09 c 2921.29.10 a 2921.29.11 a 2921.29.99 c 2921.30 cyclanic,cyclenic or cycloterpenic monoor polyamines & derivs; 2921.30.00 b 2921.30.10 c 2921.30.01 c 2921.30.20 c 2921.30.02 a 2921.30.50 a 2921.30.99 a 2921.41 aniline and its salts 2921.41.00 c 2921.41.10 c 2921.41.01 c 2921.41.20 c 2921.42 aniline derivatives and their salts 2921.42.00 a 2921.42.10 c 2921.42.01 a 2921.42.20 a 2921.42.02 a 2921.42.23 a 2921.42.03 a 2921.42.24 a 2921.42.04 a 2921.42.25 a 2921.42.05 a 2921.42.30 a 2921.42.06 a 2921.42.70 c 2921.42.07 a 2921.42.08 a 2921.42.09 a 2921.42.10 a 2921.42.11 b 2921.42.12 a 2921.42.13 a 2921.42.14 a 2921.42.15 a 2921.42.16 a 2921.42.17 a 2921.42.18 a 2921.42.20 a 2921.42.21 a 2921.42.22 a 2921.42.99 a 2921.43 toluidines and their derivatives; salts thereof 2921.43.00 b 2921.43.10 a 2921.43.01 a 2921.43.15 c 2921.43.02 a 2921.43.18 a 2921.43.03 a 2921.43.20 c 2921.43.04 c 2921.43.60 c 2921.43.05 a 2921.43.06 a 2921.43.07 a 2921.43.09 a 2921.43.99 a 2921.44 diphenylamine and its derivatives; salts thereof 2921.44.00 b 2921.44.10 c 2921.44.01 a 2921.44.20 c 2921.44.02 d 2921.44.50 c 2921.44.03 c 2921.44.04 c 2921.44.05 a 2921.44.06 a 2921.44.99 a 2921.45 1-naphthylamine, 2-naphthylamine and their derivatives; salts 2921.45.00 a 2921.45.10 a 2921.45.01 a 2921.45.20 a 2921.45.02 a 2921.45.30 a 2921.45.03 a 2921.45.50 a 2921.45.04 a 2921.45.05 a 2921.45.06 a 2921.45.07 a 2921.45.08 a 2921.45.09 a 2921.45.99 a 2921.49 aromatic monoamines nes, and their derivatives; salts thereof 2921.49.00 a 2921.49.10 a 2921.49.01 a 2921.49.20 a 2921.49.02 a 2921.49.30 a 2921.49.03 a 2921.49.35 a 2921.49.04 a 2921.49.40 a 2921.49.05 a 2921.49.45 a 2921.49.06 a 2921.49.50 c 2921.49.07 a 2921.49.08 a 2921.49.09 d 2921.49.99 a 2921.51 o-,m-,p-phenylenediamine,diaminotoluenes and their derivatives 2921.51.00 a 2921.51.10 a 2921.51.01 a 2921.51.20 a 2921.51.02 d 2921.51.30 a 2921.51.03 a 2921.51.50 a 2921.51.04 a 2921.51.05 a 2921.51.99 a 2921.59 aromatic polyamines nes, and their derivatives; salts thereof 2921.59.00 a 2921.59.10 a 2921.59.01 a 2921.59.20 c 2921.59.02 a 2921.59.30 a 2921.59.03 a 2921.59.40 a 2921.59.04 a 2921.59.50 c 2921.59.05 a 2921.59.07 c 2921.59.08 a 2921.59.99 b 2922.11 monoethanolmine and its salts 2922.11.00 c 2922.11.00 a 2922.11.01 c 2922.11.99 c 2922.12 diethanolamine and its salts 2922.12.00 b 2922.12.00 a 2922.12.01 c 2922.12.99 a 2922.13 triethanolamine and its salts 2922.13.00 b 2922.13.00 a 2922.13.01 c 2922.13.99 a 2922.19 amino-alcohols nes, their ethers and esters; salts thereof 2922.19.00 a 2922.19.10 a 2922.19.01 a 2922.19.12 a 2922.19.02 c 2922.19.15 a 2922.19.03 a 2922.19.20 a 2922.19.04 a 2922.19.30 a 2922.19.05 a 2922.19.40 a 2922.19.06 a 2922.19.50 a 2922.19.07 c 2922.19.08 a 2922.19.09 a 2922.19.10 a 2922.19.11 a 2922.19.12 a 2922.19.13 a 2922.19.14 a 2922.19.15 a 2922.19.16 a 2922.19.17 a 2922.19.18 a 2922.19.19 a 2922.19.20 a 2922.19.21 a 2922.19.22 a 2922.19.23 a 2922.19.24 c 2922.19.99 a 2922.21 aminohydroxynaphthalenesulphonic acids and their salts 2922.21.00 a 2922.21.10 a 2922.21.01 a 2922.21.20 a 2922.21.02 a 2922.21.50 a 2922.21.03 a 2922.21.04 a 2922.21.05 a 2922.21.06 a 2922.21.99 a 2922.22 anisidines, dianisidines, phenetidines, and their salts 2922.22.00 a 2922.22.10 a 2922.22.01 a 2922.22.20 a 2922.22.02 a 2922.22.50 a 2922.22.03 a 2922.22.04 a 2922.22.05 a 2922.22.06 a 2922.22.07 a 2922.22.08 a 2922.22.99 a 2922.29 amino-naphthols & other amino-phenols, nes,their ethers & 2922.29.00 a 2922.29.10 a 2922.29.01 a 2922.29.15 a 2922.29.02 a 2922.29.20 a 2922.29.03 a 2922.29.23 a 2922.29.04 a 2922.29.25 a 2922.29.05 a 2922.29.27 a 2922.29.06 a 2922.29.29 a 2922.29.07 a 2922.29.35 c 2922.29.08 a 2922.29.50 a 2922.29.99 a 2922.30 amino-aldehydes, amino-ketones & aminoquinones; salts thereof 2922.30.00 a 2922.30.10 c 2922.30.01 a 2922.30.20 c 2922.30.02 a 2922.30.30 c 2922.30.03 a 2922.30.50 a 2922.30.04 a 2922.30.05 a 2922.30.06 a 2922.30.07 a 2922.30.08 a 2922.30.09 c 2922.30.99 a 2922.41 lysine and its esters; salts thereof 2922.41.00 c 2922.41.00 a 2922.41.01 c 2922.41.99 c 2922.42 glutamic acid and its salts 2922.42.00 a 2922.42.10 a 2922.42.01 a 2922.42.50 a 2922.42.99 a 2922.49 amino-acids nes, and their esters; salts thereof 2922.49.00 b 2922.49.10 b 2922.49.01 a 2922.49.20 b 2922.49.02 a 2922.49.30 b 2922.49.03 a 2922.49.35 b 2922.49.04 a 2922.49.40 a 2922.49.05 a 2922.49.50 a 2922.49.06 a 2922.49.08 a 2922.49.09 a 2922.49.10 a 2922.49.11 c 2922.49.12 a 2922.49.13 a 2922.49.14 a 2922.49.15 a 2922.49.16 a 2922.49.17 a 2922.49.18 a 2922.49.19 a 2922.49.20 a 2922.49.21 a 2922.49.22 a 2922.49.23 a 2922.49.24 c 2922.49.25 a 2922.49.26 a 2922.49.27 a 2922.49.99 b 2922.50 amino-alcohol-phenols,amino-acid-phenols & other amino-compds 2922.50.00 a 2922.50.10 a 2922.50.01 a 2922.50.13 a 2922.50.02 a 2922.50.15 a 2922.50.03 a 2922.50.17 a 2922.50.04 a 2922.50.19 a 2922.50.05 c 2922.50.25 a 2922.50.06 a 2922.50.30 a 2922.50.07 a 2922.50.40 a 2922.50.08 a 2922.50.50 a 2922.50.09 c 2922.50.10 a 2922.50.11 a 2922.50.12 a 2922.50.13 a 2922.50.14 a 2922.50.15 a 2922.50.16 a 2922.50.17 c 2922.50.18 a 2922.50.19 a 2922.50.20 a 2922.50.21 a 2922.50.22 a 2922.50.23 a 2922.50.24 d 2922.50.25 a 2922.50.26 a 2922.50.27 a 2922.50.28 a 2922.50.29 a 2922.50.30 a 2922.50.31 a 2922.50.32 a 2922.50.33 a 2922.50.34 a 2922.50.35 a 2922.50.36 a 2922.50.37 a 2922.50.38 c 2922.50.39 a 2922.50.40 a 2922.50.41 a 2922.50.42 a 2922.50.43 a 2922.50.44 a 2922.50.45 a 2922.50.46 a 2922.50.47 a 2922.50.48 a 2922.50.49 a 2922.50.99 a 2923.10 choline and its salts 2923.10.00 a 2923.10.00 a 2923.10.01 a 2923.10.02 a 2923.10.03 a 2923.20 lecithins and other phosphoaminolipids 2923.20.00 c 2923.20.00 a 2923.20.01 c 2923.20.99 c 2923.90 quarternary ammonium salts and hydroxides, nes 2923.90.00 a 2923.90.00 a 2923.90.01 a 2923.90.02 a 2923.90.03 c 2923.90.04 a 2923.90.05 a 2923.90.06 a 2923.90.07 a 2923.90.08 a 2923.90.09 a 2923.90.10 a 2923.90.11 a 2923.90.99 a 2924.10 acyclic amides and their derivatives; salts thereof 2924.10.00 b 2924.10.10 a 2924.10.01 b 2924.10.50 b 2924.10.02 b 2924.10.03 a 2924.10.04 a 2924.10.05 a 2924.10.06 a 2924.10.07 a 2924.10.08 a 2924.10.09 a 2924.10.10 a 2924.10.11 c 2924.10.12 a 2924.10.13 a 2924.10.14 a 2924.10.15 a 2924.10.99 a 2924.21 ureines and their derivatives; salts thereof 2924.21.00 a 2924.21.10 a 2924.21.01 a 2924.21.15 a 2924.21.02 a 2924.21.20 a 2924.21.03 a 2924.21.30 a 2924.21.04 a 2924.21.50 a 2924.21.05 a 2924.21.06 c 2924.21.99 a 2924.29 cyclic amides and their derivatives, nes; salts thereof 2924.29.00 a 2924.29.02 a 2924.29.01 c 2924.29.04 a 2924.29.02 a 2924.29.05 a 2924.29.03 a 2924.29.07 a 2924.29.04 a 2924.29.09 a 2924.29.05 a 2924.29.11 a 2924.29.06 a 2924.29.13 a 2924.29.07 a 2924.29.14 a 2924.29.08 a 2924.29.15 a 2924.29.09 c 2924.29.19 a 2924.29.10 a 2924.29.25 a 2924.29.11 d 2924.29.35 a 2924.29.12 a 2924.29.39 a 2924.29.13 c 2924.29.42 a 2924.29.14 c 2924.29.44 b 2924.29.15 a 2924.29.46 c 2924.29.16 a 2924.29.50 a 2924.29.17 a 2924.29.18 a 2924.29.19 a 2924.29.20 a 2924.29.22 a 2924.29.23 a 2924.29.24 a 2924.29.25 a 2924.29.26 a 2924.29.27 a 2924.29.28 a 2924.29.29 c 2924.29.30 a 2924.29.31 a 2924.29.32 a 2924.29.33 a 2924.29.34 c 2924.29.35 a 2924.29.36 a 2924.29.37 a 2924.29.38 a 2924.29.39 a 2924.29.40 a 2924.29.41 a 2924.29.42 a 2924.29.43 a 2924.29.44 a 2924.29.45 a 2924.29.46 a 2924.29.47 a 2924.29.99 b 2925.11 saccharin and its salts 2925.11.00 a 2925.11.00 a 2925.11.01 a 2925.19 imides and their derivatives, nes; salts thereof 2925.19.00 a 2925.19.10 a 2925.19.01 a 2925.19.20 c 2925.19.02 a 2925.19.50 a 2925.19.03 a 2925.19.04 a 2925.19.99 a 2925.20 imines and their derivatives; salts thereof 2925.20.10 d 2925.20.10 a 2925.20.01 a 2925.20.90 a 2925.20.20 a 2925.20.02 a 2925.20.30 a 2925.20.03 a 2925.20.50 a 2925.20.04 a 2925.20.99 a 2926.10 acrylonitrile 2926.10.00 a 2926.10.00 a 2926.10.01 d 2926.20 1-cyanoguanidine (dicyandiamide) 2926.20.00 a 2926.20.00 d 2926.20.01 a 2926.90 nitrile-function compounds, nes 2926.90.10 d 2926.90.10 b 2926.90.01 a 2926.90.20 a 2926.90.21 a 2926.90.02 b 2926.90.90 a 2926.90.23 a 2926.90.03 b 2926.90.25 a 2926.90.04 a 2926.90.27 a 2926.90.05 a 2926.90.35 b 2926.90.06 a 2926.90.40 a 2926.90.07 a 2926.90.50 d 2926.90.08 a 2926.90.99 a 2927.00 diazo-, azoor azoxy-compounds 2927.00.00 d 2927.00.10 a 2927.00.01 a 2927.00.15 a 2927.00.02 a 2927.00.20 a 2927.00.03 a 2927.00.30 a 2927.00.04 a 2927.00.40 a 2927.00.05 a 2927.00.50 c 2927.00.99 a 2928.00 organic derivatives of hydrazine or of hydroxylamine 2928.00.00 d 2928.00.10 a 2928.00.01 a 2928.00.20 a 2928.00.02 a 2928.00.30 a 2928.00.03 a 2928.00.50 a 2928.00.04 a 2928.00.05 a 2928.00.06 a 2928.00.99 a 2929.10 isocyanates 2929.10.00 b 2929.10.10 c 2929.10.01 a 2929.10.15 a 2929.10.02 a 2929.10.20 a 2929.10.03 a 2929.10.30 a 2929.10.04 c 2929.10.40 a 2929.10.05 a 2929.10.60 b 2929.10.99 b 2929.90 compounds with other nitrogen function, nes 2929.90.00 a 2929.90.10 a 2929.90.01 a 2929.90.20 a 2929.90.99 a 2929.90.50 a 2930.10 dithiocarbonates (xanthates) 2930.10.00 c 2930.10.00 a 2930.10.01 c 2930.10.99 c 2930.20 thiocarbamates and dithiocarbamates 2930.20.00 a 2930.20.10 a 2930.20.01 a 2930.20.20 a 2930.20.02 a 2930.20.50 a 2930.20.03 b 2930.20.04 a 2930.20.05 a 2930.20.06 a 2930.20.07 a 2930.20.08 a 2930.20.09 a 2930.20.99 a 2930.30 thiuram mono-, dior tetrasulphides 2930.30.00 b 2930.30.00 a 2930.30.01 c 2930.30.99 a 2930.40 methionine 2930.40.00 a 2930.40.00 a 2930.40.01 d 2930.90 organo-sulphur compounds, nes 2930.90.00 a 2930.90.10 a 2930.90.01 a 2930.90.20 a 2930.90.02 a 2930.90.30 a 2930.90.03 b 2930.90.40 a 2930.90.04 a 2930.90.45 a 2930.90.05 a 2930.90.50 a 2930.90.06 a 2930.90.07 a 2930.90.08 a 2930.90.09 a 2930.90.10 a 2930.90.11 a 2930.90.12 c 2930.90.13 a 2930.90.14 a 2930.90.15 c 2930.90.16 a 2930.90.17 a 2930.90.18 a 2930.90.19 a 2930.90.20 a 2930.90.21 a 2930.90.22 a 2930.90.23 a 2930.90.24 a 2930.90.25 c 2930.90.26 a 2930.90.27 a 2930.90.28 a 2930.90.29 a 2930.90.30 a 2930.90.31 a 2930.90.32 a 2930.90.33 a 2930.90.34 a 2930.90.35 a 2930.90.36 a 2930.90.37 a 2930.90.38 a 2930.90.39 a 2930.90.40 a 2930.90.41 a 2930.90.42 a 2930.90.43 a 2930.90.44 a 2930.90.45 a 2930.90.46 a 2930.90.47 a 2930.90.48 a 2930.90.49 a 2930.90.50 a 2930.90.51 a 2930.90.52 a 2930.90.53 a 2930.90.54 d 2930.90.55 a 2930.90.56 a 2930.90.57 a 2930.90.58 a 2930.90.59 a 2930.90.60 a 2930.90.61 a 2930.90.62 a 2930.90.63 a 2930.90.64 a 2930.90.99 a 2931.00 organo-inorganic compounds, nes 2931.00.10 d 2931.00.10 a 2931.00.01 a 2931.00.90 b 2931.00.15 a 2931.00.02 a 2931.00.22 a 2931.00.03 a 2931.00.25 a 2931.00.04 a 2931.00.27 a 2931.00.05 a 2931.00.30 a 2931.00.06 a 2931.00.40 a 2931.00.07 a 2931.00.50 a 2931.00.08 a 2931.00.09 a 2931.00.10 a 2931.00.11 a 2931.00.12 a 2931.00.13 a 2931.00.14 a 2931.00.15 a 2931.00.16 a 2931.00.17 a 2931.00.18 a 2931.00.19 c 2931.00.20 a 2931.00.21 c 2931.00.99 a 2932.11 tetrahydrofuran 2932.11.00 c 2932.11.00 a 2932.11.01 c 2932.12 2-furaldehyde (furfuraldehyde) 2932.12.00 b 2932.12.00 d 2932.12.01 c 2932.13 furfuryl alcohol and tetrahydrofurfuryl alcohol 2932.13.00 a 2932.13.00 a 2932.13.01 a 2932.19 heterocyclic compds cntg an unfused furan ring in the 2932.19.00 a 2932.19.10 b 2932.19.01 a 2932.19.50 a 2932.19.02 a 2932.19.03 c 2932.19.04 c 2932.19.05 a 2932.19.99 a 2932.21 coumarin, methylcoumarins and ethylcoumarins 2932.21.00 a 2932.21.00 a 2932.21.01 a 2932.29 lactones, nes 2932.29.00 b 2932.29.10 a 2932.29.01 a 2932.29.20 c 2932.29.02 a 2932.29.30 c 2932.29.03 a 2932.29.40 c 2932.29.04 a 2932.29.50 a 2932.29.05 a 2932.29.06 a 2932.29.07 a 2932.29.99 c 2932.90 heterocyclic compounds with oxygen hetero-atom(s) only, nes 2932.90.00 a 2932.90.10 a 2932.90.01 a 2932.90.20 a 2932.90.02 a 2932.90.30 a 2932.90.03 a 2932.90.32 d 2932.90.04 a 2932.90.35 a 2932.90.05 a 2932.90.37 a 2932.90.06 a 2932.90.39 a 2932.90.07 c 2932.90.41 a 2932.90.08 c 2932.90.45 a 2932.90.09 c 2932.90.50 a 2932.90.10 a 2932.90.11 a 2932.90.12 a 2932.90.15 a 2932.90.99 a 2933.11 phenazone (antipyrin) and its derivatives 2933.11.00 a 2933.11.00 a 2933.11.01 c 2933.11.02 a 2933.11.03 a 2933.11.04 c 2933.11.99 a 2933.19 heterocyclic compds cntg an unfused pyrazole ring in the 2933.19.00 a 2933.19.10 a 2933.19.01 a 2933.19.25 a 2933.19.02 a 2933.19.30 a 2933.19.03 a 2933.19.35 a 2933.19.04 c 2933.19.40 a 2933.19.05 a 2933.19.42 a 2933.19.06 a 2933.19.45 a 2933.19.99 a 2933.19.50 a 2933.21 hydantoin and its derivatives 2933.21.00 a 2933.21.00 a 2933.21.01 c 2933.29 heterocyclic compds cntg an unfused imidazole ring in the 2933.29.00 b 2933.29.10 a 2933.29.01 a 2933.29.20 a 2933.29.02 a 2933.29.30 c 2933.29.03 c 2933.29.40 a 2933.29.04 a 2933.29.45 a 2933.29.05 a 2933.29.50 a 2933.29.06 c 2933.29.07 a 2933.29.08 c 2933.29.09 a 2933.29.10 a 2933.29.11 a 2933.29.13 a 2933.29.14 c 2933.29.15 a 2933.29.16 a 2933.29.17 a 2933.29.99 a 2933.31 pyridine and its salts 2933.31.00 b 2933.31.00 d 2933.31.01 a 2933.31.02 c 2933.39 heterocyclic compds cntg an unfused pyridine ring in the 2933.39.00 b 2933.39.10 d 2933.39.01 a 2933.39.20 b 2933.39.02 a 2933.39.21 a 2933.39.03 c 2933.39.23 a 2933.39.04 a 2933.39.25 a 2933.39.05 a 2933.39.27 a 2933.39.06 a 2933.39.30 b 2933.39.07 a 2933.39.35 b 2933.39.08 a 2933.39.47 b 2933.39.09 a 2933.39.50 b 2933.39.10 a 2933.39.11 a 2933.39.12 a 2933.39.13 a 2933.39.14 a 2933.39.15 a 2933.39.16 a 2933.39.17 c 2933.39.18 a 2933.39.19 a 2933.39.20 a 2933.39.21 a 2933.39.22 c 2933.39.23 c 2933.39.24 a 2933.39.25 c 2933.39.99 c 2933.40 heterocyclic compds cntg a quinoline or isoquinoline ring-syst 2933.40.00 c 2933.40.10 a 2933.40.01 c 2933.40.15 c 2933.40.02 a 2933.40.20 c 2933.40.03 a 2933.40.25 c 2933.40.04 a 2933.40.30 a 2933.40.05 c 2933.40.45 c 2933.40.06 a 2933.40.50 c 2933.40.07 a 2933.40.08 a 2933.40.09 a 2933.40.10 c 2933.40.11 a 2933.40.99 c 2933.51 malonylurea (barbituric acid) and its derivatives; salts 2933.51.00 a 2933.51.10 a 2933.51.01 a 2933.51.50 a 2933.59 hetercycl compds cntg a pyrimidine rng or piperazine rng, nes; 2933.59.00 b 2933.59.10 a 2933.59.01 a 2933.59.15 a 2933.59.02 a 2933.59.18 a 2933.59.03 a 2933.59.20 a 2933.59.04 a 2933.59.23 a 2933.59.05 a 2933.59.25 b 2933.59.06 c 2933.59.26 b 2933.59.07 c 2933.59.27 b 2933.59.08 c 2933.59.28 b 2933.59.09 a 2933.59.29 b 2933.59.10 c 2933.59.30 a 2933.59.11 a 2933.59.35 b 2933.59.12 a 2933.59.40 b 2933.59.99 a 2933.59.50 a 2933.61 melamine 2933.61.00 a 2933.61.00 a 2933.61.01 a 2933.69 heterocyclic compds cntg an unfused triazine ring in the 2933.69.00 b 2933.69.00 a 2933.69.01 a 2933.69.02 a 2933.69.03 c 2933.69.04 a 2933.69.05 a 2933.69.06 a 2933.69.07 a 2933.69.08 a 2933.69.09 c 2933.69.10 a 2933.69.11 a 2933.69.99 c 2933.71 6-hexanelactam (epsilon-captolactam) 2933.71.00 a 2933.71.00 a 2933.71.01 c 2933.79 lactams nes 2933.79.00 a 2933.79.10 a 2933.79.01 a 2933.79.15 a 2933.79.02 a 2933.79.20 a 2933.79.99 a 2933.79.30 a 2933.79.50 a 2933.90 heterocyclic compds with nitrogen hetero-atom(s) only, nes 2933.90.00 b 2933.90.05 d 2933.90.01 a 2933.90.10 a 2933.90.02 a 2933.90.15 a 2933.90.03 c 2933.90.18 a 2933.90.05 a 2933.90.20 a 2933.90.06 c 2933.90.25 a 2933.90.07 a 2933.90.26 a 2933.90.08 a 2933.90.27 a 2933.90.09 a 2933.90.28 a 2933.90.10 a 2933.90.29 a 2933.90.11 a 2933.90.30 a 2933.90.12 a 2933.90.31 a 2933.90.13 a 2933.90.32 a 2933.90.14 a 2933.90.33 a 2933.90.15 a 2933.90.34 a 2933.90.16 c 2933.90.35 a 2933.90.17 a 2933.90.36 a 2933.90.18 c 2933.90.37 a 2933.90.19 a 2933.90.39 a 2933.90.20 a 2933.90.40 a 2933.90.21 c 2933.90.47 c 2933.90.22 a 2933.90.48 a 2933.90.23 a 2933.90.50 a 2933.90.24 a 2933.90.25 a 2933.90.26 a 2933.90.27 a 2933.90.28 c 2933.90.29 a 2933.90.30 a 2933.90.31 a 2933.90.32 a 2933.90.33 a 2933.90.34 a 2933.90.35 a 2933.90.36 a 2933.90.37 a 2933.90.38 a 2933.90.39 a 2933.90.40 a 2933.90.41 a 2933.90.42 a 2933.90.43 a 2933.90.44 a 2933.90.45 a 2933.90.47 c 2933.90.48 a 2933.90.49 a 2933.90.50 a 2933.90.51 c 2933.90.52 a 2933.90.53 a 2933.90.54 a 2933.90.55 a 2933.90.56 a 2933.90.57 c 2933.90.58 c 2933.90.59 c 2933.90.60 a 2933.90.61 a 2933.90.62 d 2933.90.63 a 2933.90.64 a 2933.90.65 a 2933.90.99 a 2934.10 heterocyclic compounds containing an unfused thiazole ring in 2934.10.00 a 2934.10.10 a 2934.10.01 a 2934.10.20 a 2934.10.02 a 2934.10.50 a 2934.10.03 a 2934.10.04 a 2934.10.99 a 2934.20 heterocyclic compounds containing a benzothiazole ring-system 2934.20.00 a 2934.20.05 a 2934.20.01 a 2934.20.10 a 2934.20.02 a 2934.20.15 a 2934.20.03 a 2934.20.20 a 2934.20.04 a 2934.20.30 a 2934.20.05 a 2934.20.35 a 2934.20.07 a 2934.20.40 a 2934.20.99 a 2934.20.60 a 2934.30 heterocyclic compounds containing a phen othiazine ring-system 2934.30.00 c 2934.30.10 c 2934.30.01 c 2934.30.20 c 2934.30.99 c 2934.30.30 c 2934.30.40 c 2934.30.50 c 2934.90 heterocyclic compounds, nes 2934.90.10 a 2934.90.05 c 2934.90.01 c 2934.90.90 b 2934.90.06 c 2934.90.02 a 2934.90.10 a 2934.90.03 a 2934.90.12 a 2934.90.04 c 2934.90.14 a 2934.90.05 c 2934.90.16 a 2934.90.06 a 2934.90.18 a 2934.90.07 c 2934.90.20 a 2934.90.08 a 2934.90.25 a 2934.90.09 a 2934.90.40 c 2934.90.10 b 2934.90.45 c 2934.90.11 a 2934.90.47 a 2934.90.12 c 2934.90.50 a 2934.90.13 a 2934.90.14 c 2934.90.15 a 2934.90.16 c 2934.90.17 a 2934.90.18 a 2934.90.19 a 2934.90.20 c 2934.90.21 a 2934.90.22 a 2934.90.23 a 2934.90.24 c 2934.90.25 a 2934.90.26 a 2934.90.27 a 2934.90.28 c 2934.90.29 a 2934.90.30 a 2934.90.31 a 2934.90.32 a 2934.90.33 a 2934.90.34 a 2934.90.35 a 2934.90.36 a 2934.90.37 a 2934.90.38 a 2934.90.39 a 2934.90.40 a 2934.90.41 a 2934.90.42 c 2934.90.43 c 2934.90.44 a 2934.90.45 a 2934.90.46 c 2934.90.47 a 2934.90.48 a 2934.90.49 a 2934.90.50 a 2934.90.51 a 2934.90.52 a 2934.90.99 c 2935.00 sulphonamides in bulk 2935.00.00 b 2935.00.05 a 2935.00.01 a 2935.00.10 c 2935.00.02 a 2935.00.15 c 2935.00.03 c 2935.00.20 a 2935.00.04 d 2935.00.30 a 2935.00.05 a 2935.00.31 a 2935.00.06 a 2935.00.33 a 2935.00.07 c 2935.00.35 c 2935.00.08 a 2935.00.37 a 2935.00.09 a 2935.00.39 c 2935.00.10 c 2935.00.43 a 2935.00.11 a 2935.00.44 a 2935.00.12 a 2935.00.46 c 2935.00.13 a 2935.00.47 c 2935.00.14 a 2935.00.50 c 2935.00.15 a 2935.00.16 a 2935.00.17 a 2935.00.18 a 2935.00.19 a 2935.00.20 c 2935.00.21 a 2935.00.22 c 2935.00.23 a 2935.00.24 a 2935.00.25 a 2935.00.26 a 2935.00.27 a 2935.00.28 c 2935.00.29 c 2935.00.30 a 2935.00.31 c 2935.00.32 a 2935.00.33 a 2935.00.34 a 2935.00.35 a 2935.00.36 a 2935.00.37 c 2935.00.99 c 2936.10 provitamins, unmixed 2936.10.00 a 2936.10.00 a 2936.10.01 a 2936.10.99 a 2936.21 vitamins a and their derivatives, unmixed 2936.21.00 a 2936.21.00 a 2936.21.01 c 2936.21.02 a 2936.21.03 a 2936.21.99 a 2936.22 vitamin b1 and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.22.00 a 2936.22.00 a 2936.22.01 a 2936.22.02 a 2936.22.03 a 2936.22.99 a 2936.23 vitamin b2 and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.23.10 d 2936.23.00 b 2936.23.01 a 2936.23.90 a 2936.23.02 a 2936.23.99 c 2936.24 d-or dl-panthothenic acid (vit b3 or b5) and its derivatives, 2936.24.00 a 2936.24.00 a 2936.24.01 a 2936.24.02 c 2936.24.99 a 2936.25 vitamin b6 and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.25.00 a 2936.25.00 a 2936.25.01 a 2936.25.99 a 2936.26 vitamin b12 and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.26.00 a 2936.26.00 c 2936.26.01 c 2936.26.99 c 2936.27 vitamin c and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.27.00 a 2936.27.00 a 2936.27.01 c 2936.27.02 a 2936.27.99 a 2936.28 vitamin e and its derivatives, unmixed 2936.28.00 a 2936.28.00 a 2936.28.01 c 2936.28.02 a 2936.28.99 a 2936.29 vitamins nes, and their derivatives, unmixed 2936.29.00 a 2936.29.10 b 2936.29.01 a 2936.29.15 a 2936.29.02 a 2936.29.20 b 2936.29.03 c 2936.29.50 a 2936.29.04 c 2936.29.05 c 2936.29.06 a 2936.29.07 a 2936.29.99 a 2936.90 vitamin concentrates; intermixtures of vitamins, of provitamin 2936.90.00 a 2936.90.00 a 2936.90.01 a 2936.90.02 a 2936.90.99 a 2937.10 pituitary anterior hormones and their derivatives, in bulk 2937.10.00 a 2937.10.00 a 2937.10.01 a 2937.10.02 a 2937.10.04 a 2937.10.99 a 2937.21 cortisone, hydrocortisone, prednisone and prednisolone, in bul 2937.21.00 a 2937.21.00 a 2937.21.01 a 2937.21.02 a 2937.21.03 a 2937.21.04 a 2937.21.05 a 2937.22 halogenated derivatives of adrenal cortical hormones, in bulk 2937.22.00 a 2937.22.00 a 2937.22.01 a 2937.29 adrenal cortical hormones nes, in bulk; derivs of adren cor 2937.29.00 b 2937.29.00 a 2937.29.01 a 2937.29.02 c 2937.29.03 c 2937.29.04 c 2937.29.05 d 2937.29.06 c 2937.29.99 a 2937.91 insulin and its salts, in bulk 2937.91.00 a 2937.91.00 a 2937.91.01 d 2937.91.02 a 2937.92 oestrogens and progestogens, in bulk 2937.92.00 b 2937.92.10 b 2937.92.01 c 2937.92.20 b 2937.92.02 a 2937.92.30 b 2937.92.03 c 2937.92.04 c 2937.92.05 c 2937.92.06 a 2937.92.07 c 2937.92.08 c 2937.92.09 a 2937.92.10 b 2937.92.11 a 2937.92.12 a 2937.92.13 c 2937.92.14 c 2937.92.15 c 2937.92.16 c 2937.92.17 c 2937.92.18 c 2937.92.19 c 2937.92.20 a 2937.92.99 c 2937.99 hormones nes, & their derivs, in bulk; steroids nes used prim 2937.99.00 b 2937.99.10 a 2937.99.01 c 2937.99.50 c 2937.99.02 c 2937.99.03 c 2937.99.04 c 2937.99.05 a 2937.99.06 c 2937.99.07 a 2937.99.08 c 2937.99.09 c 2937.99.10 a 2937.99.11 c 2937.99.12 c 2937.99.13 a 2937.99.14 c 2937.99.15 c 2937.99.16 c 2937.99.17 c 2937.99.18 a 2937.99.19 a 2937.99.20 a 2937.99.21 a 2937.99.22 c 2937.99.23 a 2937.99.24 c 2937.99.25 c 2937.99.26 c 2937.99.27 a 2937.99.28 a 2937.99.29 c 2937.99.30 c 2937.99.31 a 2937.99.32 c 2937.99.33 c 2937.99.34 a 2937.99.35 c 2937.99.36 c 2937.99.37 c 2937.99.38 c 2937.99.39 a 2937.99.40 a 2937.99.41 a 2937.99.99 a 2938.10 rutoside (rutin) and its derivatives, in bulk 2938.10.00 a 2938.10.00 a 2938.10.01 a 2938.90 glycosides and their salts, ethers, esters and other 2938.90.00 a 2938.90.00 a 2938.90.01 a 2938.90.02 a 2938.90.03 a 2938.90.04 a 2938.90.05 a 2938.90.06 a 2938.90.07 a 2938.90.08 a 2938.90.99 a 2939.10 opium alkaloids and their derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2939.10.00 a 2939.10.10 a 2939.10.01 a 2939.10.20 a 2939.10.02 a 2939.10.50 a 2939.10.03 a 2939.10.04 a 2939.10.05 a 2939.10.06 a 2939.10.07 a 2939.10.08 a 2939.10.09 a 2939.10.10 a 2939.10.11 a 2939.10.12 a 2939.10.13 a 2939.10.15 a 2939.10.16 a 2939.10.17 a 2939.10.18 a 2939.10.19 a 2939.10.20 a 2939.10.21 a 2939.10.22 a 2939.10.99 a 2939.21 quinine and its salts, in bulk 2939.21.10 a 2939.21.00 d 2939.21.01 a 2939.21.20 d 2939.29 cinchona alkaloids and their derivatives nes, in bulk; salts 2939.29.10 d 2939.29.00 d 2939.29.01 a 2939.29.90 a 2939.30 caffeine and its salts, in bulk 2939.30.00 a 2939.30.00 a 2939.30.01 c 2939.30.02 c 2939.30.03 a 2939.40 ephedrines and their salts, in bulk 2939.40.00 a 2939.40.10 a 2939.40.01 a 2939.40.50 a 2939.50 theophylline & aminophylline and their derivatives, in bulk; 2939.50.00 a 2939.50.00 a 2939.50.01 d 2939.50.02 a 2939.50.99 a 2939.60 rye ergot alkaloids and their derivatives, in bulk; salts 2939.60.00 a 2939.60.00 a 2939.60.01 a 2939.70 nicotine and its salts, in bulk 2939.70.00 d 2939.70.00 a 2939.70.01 a 2939.90 vegetable alkaloids nes, & their salts, ethers, esters and 2939.90.00 a 2939.90.10 a 2939.90.01 a 2939.90.50 a 2939.90.02 a 2939.90.03 a 2939.90.04 a 2939.90.05 a 2939.90.06 a 2939.90.07 a 2939.90.08 a 2939.90.09 a 2939.90.10 a 2939.90.11 a 2939.90.12 a 2939.90.13 a 2939.90.14 a 2939.90.15 a 2939.90.16 a 2939.90.99 c 2940.00 sugars, chemically pure, their ethers, esters and their salts 2940.00.00 a 2940.00.00 a 2940.00.01 a 2940.00.02 a 2940.00.99 a 2941.10 penicillins and their derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2941.10.00 b 2941.10.10 c 2941.10.01 c 2941.10.20 a 2941.10.02 c 2941.10.30 c 2941.10.03 c 2941.10.50 c 2941.10.04 a 2941.10.05 c 2941.10.06 c 2941.10.07 c 2941.10.08 c 2941.10.09 c 2941.10.10 c 2941.10.11 c 2941.10.99 d 2941.20 streptomycins and their derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2941.20.00 a 2941.20.00 a 2941.20.01 a 2941.30 tetracyclines and their derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2941.30.00 b 2941.30.00 a 2941.30.01 c 2941.30.02 a 2941.30.03 c 2941.30.99 d 2941.40 chloramphenicol and its derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2941.40.00 c 2941.40.00 c 2941.40.01 c 2941.50 erythromycin and its derivatives, in bulk; salts thereof 2941.50.00 c 2941.50.00 a 2941.50.01 a 2941.50.99 c 2941.90 antibiotics nes, in bulk 2941.90.00 b 2941.90.10 a 2941.90.01 a 2941.90.30 c 2941.90.02 c 2941.90.50 a 2941.90.03 a 2941.90.04 c 2941.90.05 a 2941.90.06 a 2941.90.07 a 2941.90.08 c 2941.90.09 d 2941.90.10 a 2941.90.11 a 2941.90.12 a 2941.90.13 c 2941.90.14 a 2941.90.15 a 2941.90.16 c 2941.90.17 c 2941.90.18 c 2941.90.19 c 2941.90.99 d 2942.00 organic compounds nes 2942.00.00 a 2942.00.05 a 2942.00.01 a 2942.00.10 a 2942.00.99 a 2942.00.20 a 2942.00.50 a 3001.10 glands and other organs, dried, powdered or not, for 3001.10.00 a 3001.10.00 a 3001.10.01 a 3001.20 extracts of glands or other organs or of their secretions, for 3001.20.00 bm 3001.20.00 a 3001.20.01 c 3001.20.02 c 3001.20.03 a 3001.20.04 a 3001.20.99 c 3001.90 heparin & its salts;human or animal substances for therap or 3001.90.10 bm 3001.90.00 d 3001.90.01 d 3001.90.20 d 3001.90.02 a 3001.90.90 bm 3001.90.03 a 3001.90.04 a 3001.90.05 c 3001.90.06 c 3001.90.99 c 3002.10 antisera and other blood fractions 3002.10.10 d 3002.10.00 d 3002.10.01 c 3002.10.21 d 3002.10.02 c 3002.10.29 cm 3002.10.03 c 3002.10.04 c 3002.10.05 c 3002.10.06 c 3002.10.07 c 3002.10.08 c 3002.10.99 c 3002.20 vaccines, human use 3002.20.00 d 3002.20.00 d 3002.20.01 c 3002.20.02 c 3002.20.03 c 3002.20.04 c 3002.20.05 c 3002.20.99 c 3002.31 vaccines against foot or mouth disease, veterinary use 3002.31.00 d 3002.31.00 d 3002.31.01 a 3002.39 vaccines, veterinary use, nes 3002.39.10 d 3002.39.00 d 3002.39.01 a 3002.39.90 cm 3002.39.99 c 3002.90 human blood;animal blood for therap,prophltc or diag uses; 3002.90.10 d 3002.90.10 a 3002.90.01 a 3002.90.90 bm 3002.90.50 d 3002.90.02 c 3002.90.99 c 3003.10 penicillins or streptomycins and their derivatives, formulated 3003.10.00 cm 3003.10.00 c 3003.10.01 c 3003.20 antibiotics nes, formulated, in bulk 3003.20.00 cm 3003.20.00 c 3003.20.01 c 3003.20.02 c 3003.20.99 c 3003.31 insulin, formulated, in bulk 3003.31.10 d 3003.31.00 a 3003.31.01 c 3003.31.91 cm 3003.31.99 c 3003.31.99 cm 3003.39 hormones nes, formulated, not cntg antibiotics, in bulk, o/t 3003.39.10 d 3003.39.10 a 3003.39.01 c 3003.39.91 cm 3003.39.50 c 3003.39.99 c 3003.39.99 cm 3003.40 alkaloids or their derivs, formltd, not cntg antibiotics or 3003.40.10 c 3003.40.00 a 3003.40.01 a 3003.40.90 cm 3003.40.02 a 3003.40.03 c 3003.40.99 c 3003.90 medicaments nes, formulated, in bulk 3003.90.10 d 3003.90.00 a 3003.90.01 c 3003.90.91 cm 3003.90.02 c 3003.90.99 cm 3003.90.03 c 3003.90.04 c 3003.90.05 c 3003.90.06 c 3003.90.07 c 3003.90.08 c 3003.90.09 c 3003.90.10 c 3003.90.11 c 3003.90.12 c 3003.90.13 c 3003.90.14 c 3003.90.15 c 3003.90.16 c 3003.90.17 c 3003.90.18 c 3003.90.99 c 3004.10 penicillins or streptomycins and their derivatives, in dosage 3004.10.00 cm 3004.10.10 a 3004.10.01 a 3004.10.50 c 3004.10.99 c 3004.20 antibiotics nes, in dosage 3004.20.00 cm 3004.20.00 a 3004.20.01 c 3004.31 insulin, in dosage 3004.31.10 d 3004.31.00 a 3004.31.01 c 3004.31.91 cm 3004.31.99 c 3004.31.99 cm 3004.32 adrenal cortex hormones, in dosage 3004.32.10 cm 3004.32.00 a 3004.32.01 c 3004.32.90 cm 3004.39 hormones nes, not containing antibiotics, in dosage,o/t 3004.39.10 d 3004.39.00 a 3004.39.01 c 3004.39.91 cm 3004.39.99 c 3004.39.99 cm 3004.40 alkaloids or their derivs, not cntg antibiotics or hormones, i 3004.40.10 cm 3004.40.00 a 3004.40.01 a 3004.40.90 cm 3004.40.02 a 3004.40.03 c 3004.40.99 c 3004.50 vitamins and their derivatives,in dosage 3004.50.10 d 3004.50.10 c 3004.50.01 c 3004.50.91 cm 3004.50.20 c 3004.50.02 c 3004.50.99 cm 3004.50.30 a 3004.50.99 c 3004.50.40 c 3004.50.50 a 3004.90 medicaments nes, in dosage 3004.90.10 d 3004.90.10 d 3004.90.01 c 3004.90.91 c 3004.90.30 a 3004.90.02 c 3004.90.99 c 3004.90.60 a 3004.90.03 c 3004.90.04 c 3004.90.05 c 3004.90.06 c 3004.90.07 c 3004.90.08 c 3004.90.09 c 3004.90.10 c 3004.90.11 c 3004.90.12 c 3004.90.13 c 3004.90.14 c 3004.90.15 c 3004.90.16 c 3004.90.17 c 3004.90.18 c 3004.90.19 c 3004.90.20 c 3004.90.21 c 3004.90.22 d 3004.90.99 c 3005.10 dressings and other articles having an adhesive layer 3005.10.10 c 3005.10.10 a 3005.10.01 c 3005.10.91 cm 3005.10.50 a 3005.10.02 a 3005.10.99 c 3005.10.99 c 3005.90 dressings & similar articles,impreg or coated or packaged for 3005.90.10 c 3005.90.10 a 3005.90.01 c 3005.90.20 c 3005.90.50 a 3005.90.02 c 3005.90.30 c 3005.90.03 a 3005.90.91 c 3005.90.99 c 3005.90.92 c 3005.90.93 c 3005.90.99 c 3006.10 suture materials,sterile;laminaria, sterile; haemostatics, 3006.10.00 d 3006.10.00 a 3006.10.01 c 3006.10.02 c 3006.10.99 c 3006.20 blood-grouping reagents 3006.20.10 d 3006.20.00 d 3006.20.01 a 3006.20.20 a 3006.20.99 a 3006.20.90 a 3006.30 opacifying prep, x-ray; diagnostic reagents, designed for admi 3006.30.10 c 3006.30.10 d 3006.30.01 c 3006.30.91 d 3006.30.50 c 3006.30.02 a 3006.30.99 c 3006.30.99 c 3006.40 dental cements & other dental fillings; bone reconstruction 3006.40.10 d 3006.40.00 a 3006.40.01 a 3006.40.20 a 3006.40.02 a 3006.40.90 a 3006.40.03 a 3006.40.99 a 3006.50 first-aid boxes and kits 3006.50.00 c 3006.50.00 a 3006.50.01 c 3006.60 contraceptive preparations based on hormones or spermicides 3006.60.00 c 3006.60.00 a 3006.60.01 c 3101.00 animal or vegetable fertilizers, in packages weighing more tha 3101.00.00 d 3101.00.00 d 3101.00.01 c 3102.10 urea, whether or not in aqueous solution in packages weighing 3102.10.00 d 3102.10.00 d 3102.10.01 a 3102.21 ammonium sulphate, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3102.21.00 d 3102.21.00 d 3102.21.01 b 3102.29 ammonium sulphate/nitrate mixtures or double salts in pack 3102.29.00 d 3102.29.00 d 3102.29.01 a 3102.30 ammonium nitrate, whether or not in aqeuous sol in pack 3102.30.00 d 3102.30.00 d 3102.30.01 a 3102.40 ammonium nitrate mixed with cal carb or non-frt subts in pack 3102.40.00 d 3102.40.00 a 3102.40.01 a 3102.50 sodium nitrate, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3102.50.00 d 3102.50.00 d 3102.50.01 a 3102.60 calcium nitrate/ammonium nitrate mx or double salts in pack of 3102.60.00 d 3102.60.00 d 3102.60.01 a 3102.70 calcium cyanamide in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3102.70.00 d 3102.70.00 d 3102.70.01 a 3102.80 urea/ammonium nitrate mx in aqueous or ammoniacal sol in pack 3102.80.00 d 3102.80.00 d 3102.80.01 a 3102.90 mineral or chem fertilizers nitrogenous, nes, in pack weighing 3102.90.00 d 3102.90.00 d 3102.90.01 a 3103.10 superphosphates, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3103.10.00 d 3103.10.00 d 3103.10.01 c 3103.20 basic slag, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3103.20.00 d 3103.20.00 d 3103.20.01 a 3103.90 mineral or chemical fertilizers, phosphatic, nes, in packages 3103.90.00 d 3103.90.00 d 3103.90.99 a 3104.10 carnallite, sylvite & other crude potassium salts, in package 3104.10.00 d 3104.10.00 d 3104.10.01 a 3104.20 potassium chloride, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3104.20.00 d 3104.20.00 d 3104.20.01 a 3104.30 potassium sulphate, in packages weighing more than 10 kg 3104.30.00 d 3104.30.00 d 3104.30.01 a 3104.90 mineral or chemical fertilizers, potassic, nes, in packages 3104.90.00 d 3104.90.00 d 3104.90.01 a 3104.90.02 a 3104.90.99 a 3105.10 fertilizers in tablets or similar forms or in packages not 3105.10.00 d 3105.10.00 d 3105.10.01 a 3105.20 fertilizers cntg nitrogen, phosphorus & potassium in packages 3105.20.00 d 3105.20.00 d 3105.20.01 a 3105.30 diammonium phosphate, in packages 3105.30.00 d 3105.30.00 d 3105.30.01 c 3105.40 monoammonium phosphate & mx thereof with diamonium phosphate, 3105.40.00 d 3105.40.00 d 3105.40.01 a 3105.40.99 a 3105.51 fertilizers containing nitrates and phosphates, nes, in pack 3105.51.00 d 3105.51.00 d 3105.51.01 a 3105.59 fertilizers containing nitrogen and phosphorus, nes, in pack 3105.59.00 d 3105.59.00 d 3105.59.99 a 3105.60 fertilizers containing phosphorus and popassium, in packages 3105.60.00 d 3105.60.00 d 3105.60.01 a 3105.90 fertilizers nes, in packages 3105.90.00 d 3105.90.00 d 3105.90.01 a 3105.90.02 a 3105.90.99 a 3201.10 quebracho extract 3201.10.00 d 3201.10.00 d 3201.10.01 b 3201.20 wattle extract 3201.20.00 d 3201.20.00 d 3201.20.01 b 3201.20.02 b 3201.30 oak or chestnut extract 3201.30.00 d 3201.30.00 d 3201.30.01 b 3201.30.02 b 3201.90 tanning extracts of veg orig,nes;tannins & their 3201.90.00 d 3201.90.10 a 3201.90.01 b 3201.90.20 d 3201.90.02 b 3201.90.50 a 3201.90.03 b 3201.90.99 b 3202.10 synthetic organic tanning substances 3202.10.10 a 3202.10.10 a 3202.10.01 b 3202.10.90 d 3202.10.50 b 3202.90 inorganic tanning subst; tanning preps; enzymatic preps for 3202.90.00 d 3202.90.10 d 3202.90.01 b 3202.90.50 a 3202.90.99 b 3203.00 colouring matter of vegetable or animal origin and preparation 3203.00.10 a 3203.00.10 d 3203.00.01 a 3203.00.90 d 3203.00.50 a 3203.00.02 a 3203.00.99 a 3204.11 disperse dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.11.00 d 3204.11.10 c 3204.11.01 c10 3204.11.15 c 3204.11.02 c10 3204.11.20 c 3204.11.99 d 3204.11.50 c 3204.12 acid and mordant dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.12.00 d 3204.12.10 c 3204.12.01 d 3204.12.20 c 3204.12.02 c10 3204.12.30 c 3204.12.03 c10 3204.12.40 c 3204.12.04 c10 3204.12.50 c 3204.12.99 d 3204.13 basic dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.13.00 d 3204.13.10 c 3204.13.01 c10 3204.13.20 c 3204.13.02 d 3204.13.25 c 3204.13.99 d 3204.13.30 c 3204.13.50 c 3204.14 direct dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.14.00 d 3204.14.10 c 3204.14.01 c10 3204.14.20 c 3204.14.02 c10 3204.14.25 c 3204.14.99 d 3204.14.30 c 3204.14.50 c 3204.15 vat dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.15.00 d 3204.15.10 c 3204.15.01 c10 3204.15.20 a 3204.15.99 d 3204.15.30 a 3204.15.35 a 3204.15.40 a 3204.15.50 a 3204.16 reactive dyes and preparations based thereon 3204.16.00 d 3204.16.10 c 3204.16.01 c10 3204.16.20 c 3204.16.99 d 3204.16.30 c 3204.16.50 c 3204.17 synthetic organic pigments and preparations based thereon 3204.17.10 a 3204.17.10 c 3204.17.01 d 3204.17.20 a 3204.17.20 c 3204.17.02 c10 3204.17.90 a 3204.17.30 c 3204.17.99 d 3204.17.50 c 3204.19 synthetic organic colouring matter nes, prep of syn orgn 3204.19.00 d 3204.19.11 c 3204.19.01 d 3204.19.15 c 3204.19.02 c10 3204.19.19 c 3204.19.03 c10 3204.19.30 a 3204.19.04 c10 3204.19.35 a 3204.19.99 d 3204.19.40 c 3204.19.50 c 3204.20 synthetic organic products used as fluorescent brightening 3204.20.00 d 3204.20.10 c 3204.20.01 d 3204.20.50 c 3204.20.02 d 3204.20.03 c10 3204.20.99 c10 3204.90 synthetic organic products used as luminophores 3204.90.00 d 3204.90.00 a 3204.90.01 c10 3204.90.02 c10 3204.90.03 c10 3204.90.04 c10 3204.90.05 c10 3204.90.06 c10 3204.90.07 c10 3204.90.99 c10 3205.00 colour lakes and preparations based thereon 3205.00.00 a 3205.00.20 a 3205.00.01 a 3205.00.40 c 3205.00.02 a 3205.00.50 c 3205.00.99 a 3206.10 pigments and preparations based on titanium dioxide 3206.10.00 a 3206.10.00 a 3206.10.01 a 3206.20 pigments and preparations based on chromium compounds 3206.20.00 b 3206.20.00 a 3206.20.01 b 3206.20.02 a 3206.30 pigments and preparations based on cadmium compounds 3206.30.00 a 3206.30.00 a 3206.30.01 a 3206.41 ultramarine and preparations based thereon 3206.41.00 a 3206.41.00 a 3206.41.01 d 3206.41.99 a 3206.42 pigments and preparations based on zinc sulphide incl 3206.42.00 a 3206.42.00 a 3206.42.01 a 3206.42.99 a 3206.43 pigments and preparations based on hexacyanoferrates 3206.43.00 a 3206.43.00 a 3206.43.01 b 3206.43.99 a 3206.49 inorganic colouring matter nes and preparations based thereon 3206.49.10 a 3206.49.10 a 3206.49.01 b 3206.49.80 a 3206.49.20 a 3206.49.02 a 3206.49.90 a 3206.49.30 a 3206.49.03 a 3206.49.40 d 3206.49.99 a 3206.49.50 a 3206.50 inorganic products of a kind used as luminophores 3206.50.00 d 3206.50.00 a 3206.50.01 b 3206.50.02 a 3206.50.99 a 3207.10 pigments,opacifiers,colours & sim preps for ceramic,enamelling 3207.10.00 a 3207.10.00 a 3207.10.01 b 3207.10.02 b 3207.10.99 b 3207.20 vitrifiable enamels and glazes, engobes (slips) and similar 3207.20.00 a 3207.20.00 a 3207.20.01 b 3207.30 liquid lustres and similar preparations 3207.30.00 a 3207.30.00 a 3207.30.01 b 3207.30.99 b 3207.40 glass frit and other glass, in the form of powder, granules or 3207.40.00 a 3207.40.10 b 3207.40.01 b 3207.40.50 b 3207.40.02 a 3207.40.99 b 3208.10 paints & varnishes based on polyesters, dispersed in a 3208.10.00 c 3208.10.00 a 3208.10.01 c 3208.10.99 c 3208.20 paints & varnishes based on acrylic or vinyl poly,dspr in a 3208.20.00 c 3208.20.00 a 3208.20.01 c 3208.20.02 a 3208.20.99 c 3208.90 paints & varni based on polymers dissolv in a non aqueous solv 3208.90.00 c 3208.90.00 a 3208.90.01 a 3208.90.99 c 3209.10 paints & varnishes based on acrylic or vinyl poly, dspr in an 3209.10.00 c 3209.10.00 a 3209.10.01 a 3209.10.99 c 3209.90 paints & varnishes based on polymers, dispersed in an aqueous 3209.90.00 c 3209.90.00 a 3209.90.01 a 3209.90.99 c 3210.00 paints & varnishes nes; water pigments for finishing leather 3210.00.10 d 3210.00.00 a 3210.00.01 a 3210.00.90 a 3210.00.02 a 3210.00.03 a 3210.00.04 a 3210.00.99 c 3211.00 prepared driers 3211.00.00 a 3211.00.00 a 3211.00.01 a 3211.00.99 a 3212.10 stamping foils 3212.10.00 a 3212.10.00 a 3212.10.01 a 3212.10.99 a 3212.90 pigments dspr in a non-aqueous media for mfg of paints; dyes 3212.90.00 c 3212.90.00 a 3212.90.01 c 3212.90.02 c 3212.90.99 c 3213.10 colours in sets 3213.10.00 a 3213.10.00 a 3213.10.01 c 3213.10.02 c 3213.10.99 c 3213.90 artists'students'painters' & amusement colours in tubes or 3213.90.10 c 3213.90.00 a 3213.90.99 c 3213.90.90 a 3214.10 mastics; painters' fillings 3214.10.00 c 3214.10.00 a 3214.10.01 c 3214.90 non-refractory surfacing preparations for facades, walls, 3214.90.00 c 3214.90.10 d 3214.90.01 a 3214.90.50 c 3214.90.99 c 3215.11 printing ink, black 3215.11.00 c 3215.11.00 a 3215.11.01 c 3215.19 printing ink, nes 3215.19.00 c 3215.19.00 a 3215.19.01 c 3215.19.02 a 3215.90 ink, nes 3215.90.00 c 3215.90.10 a 3215.90.01 c 3215.90.50 a 3215.90.02 c 3215.90.03 c 3215.90.04 a 3215.90.99 c 3301.11 essential oils of bergamot 3301.11.00 d 3301.11.00 d 3301.11.01 a 3301.12 essential oils of orange 3301.12.00 d 3301.12.00 a 3301.12.01 a 3301.13 essential oils of lemon 3301.13.00 d 3301.13.00 a 3301.13.01 a 3301.13.99 a 3301.14 essential oils of lime 3301.14.00 a 3301.14.00 d 3301.14.01 a 3301.14.02 a 3301.14.99 a 3301.19 essential oils of citrus fruits, nes 3301.19.00 a 3301.19.10 a 3301.19.01 a 3301.19.50 d 3301.19.02 a 3301.19.03 a 3301.19.04 a 3301.19.99 a 3301.21 essential oils of geranium 3301.21.00 d 3301.21.00 d 3301.21.01 a 3301.22 essential oils of jasmin 3301.22.00 a 3301.22.00 d 3301.22.01 a 3301.23 essential oils of lavender or of lavandin 3301.23.00 a 3301.23.00 d 3301.23.01 a 3301.24 essential oils of peppermint 3301.24.00 a 3301.24.00 a 3301.24.01 a 3301.25 essential oils of other mints 3301.25.00 a 3301.25.00 d 3301.25.01 a 3301.26 essential oils of vetiver 3301.26.00 d 3301.26.00 d 3301.26.01 a 3301.29 essential oils, nes 3301.29.10 d 3301.29.10 a 3301.29.01 b 3301.29.90 a 3301.29.20 a 3301.29.02 a 3301.29.50 d 3301.30 resinoids 3301.30.10 d 3301.30.10 a 3301.30.01 a 3301.30.90 a 3301.30.50 d 3301.90 conc & aqueous distls of essential oils; terpenic by-products 3301.90.00 bg 3301.90.00 d 3301.90.01 a 3301.90.02 a 3301.90.03 c 3301.90.04 a 3301.90.05 a 3301.90.06 a 3302.10 mixtures of odoriferous substances for the food or drink 3302.10.00 a 3302.10.10 a 3302.10.01 c 3302.10.20 a 3302.10.30 c 3302.90 mixtures of odoriferous substances for use as raw materials in 3302.90.00 a 3302.90.10 a 3302.90.99 c 3302.90.20 a 3303.00 perfumes and toilet waters 3303.00.00 a 3303.00.10 d 3303.00.01 c 3303.00.20 a 3303.00.99 c 3303.00.30 a 3304.10 lip make-up preparations 3304.10.00 c 3304.10.00 a 3304.10.01 c 3304.20 eye make-up preparations 3304.20.00 c 3304.20.00 a 3304.20.01 c 3304.30 manicure or pedicure preparations 3304.30.00 c 3304.30.00 a 3304.30.01 c 3304.91 powders, skin care, whether or not compressed 3304.91.00 cm 3304.91.00 a 3304.91.01 c 3304.99 beauty or make-up preparations nes; sunscreen or sun tan 3304.99.00 cm 3304.99.00 a 3304.99.01 c 3304.99.99 c 3305.10 hair shampoos 3305.10.00 cm 3305.10.00 a 3305.10.01 c 3305.20 hair waving or straightening preparations 3305.20.00 cm 3305.20.00 a 3305.20.01 b 3305.30 hair lacquers 3305.30.00 bm 3305.30.00 a 3305.30.01 a 3305.90 hair preparations, nes 3305.90.00 cm 3305.90.00 a 3305.90.99 c 3306.10 dentifrices 3306.10.00 bm 3306.10.00 a 3306.10.01 b 3306.90 oral or dental hygiene preparations, nes 3306.90.00 bm 3306.90.00 a 3306.90.99 b 3307.10 pre-shave, shaving or after shaving prep 3307.10.00 cm 3307.10.10 a 3307.10.01 c 3307.10.20 a 3307.20 personal deodorants & antiperspirants 3307.20.00 cm 3307.20.00 a 3307.20.01 c 3307.30 perfumed bath salts and other bath preparations 3307.30.00 a 3307.30.10 a 3307.30.01 a 3307.30.50 a 3307.41 agarbatti and other odoriferous preparations which operate by 3307.41.00 a 3307.41.00 a 3307.41.01 a 3307.49 room perfuming or deodorizing preparations, nes 3307.49.00 cm 3307.49.00 a 3307.49.99 c 3307.90 perfumery, cosmetic or toilet preparations, nes 3307.90.00 cm 3307.90.00 a 3307.90.99 c 3401.11 toilet soap & prep, shaped; papers and nonwovens impreg with 3401.11.10 a 3401.11.10 a 3401.11.01 c 3401.11.90 c 3401.11.50 a 3401.19 soap & orgn surf prep,shaped,nes;papers & nonwovens impreg wit 3401.19.00 b 3401.19.00 a 3401.19.99 b 3401.20 soap nes 3401.20.10 b 3401.20.00 a 3401.20.01 b 3401.20.90 b 3402.11 anionic surface-active agents 3402.11.00 b 3402.11.10 a 3402.11.01 b 3402.11.50 a 3402.11.02 c 3402.11.03 c 3402.11.99 c 3402.12 cationic surface-active agents 3402.12.00 b 3402.12.10 a 3402.12.01 a 3402.12.50 a 3402.12.02 c 3402.12.03 a 3402.12.99 b 3402.13 non-ionic surface active agents 3402.13.00 b 3402.13.10 a 3402.13.01 c 3402.13.20 a 3402.13.02 c 3402.13.50 a 3402.13.03 a 3402.13.99 a 3402.19 organic surface-active agents, nes 3402.19.00 a 3402.19.10 a 3402.19.01 a 3402.19.50 a 3402.19.02 a 3402.19.03 a 3402.19.99 a 3402.20 surface-active prep, washing & cleaning prep put up for retail 3402.20.10 c 3402.20.10 a 3402.20.01 a 3402.20.90 c 3402.20.50 d 3402.20.02 a 3402.20.03 c 3402.20.04 c 3402.20.05 c 3402.20.06 a 3402.20.99 c 3402.90 surface-active preparations, washing and cleaning preparations 3402.90.00 b 3402.90.10 b 3402.90.99 b 3402.90.30 a 3402.90.50 a 3403.11 lube or other prep cntg 70% pet oils for treat textiles, 3403.11.10 a 3403.11.20 a 3403.11.01 a 3403.11.90 a 3403.11.40 a 3403.11.99 a 3403.11.50 a 3403.19 lubricating & similar prep containing 70% petroleum oils, ne 3403.19.10 a 3403.19.10 a 3403.19.01 a 3403.19.90 a 3403.19.50 a 3403.19.99 a 3403.91 lub or other prep, not cntg pet oils for treat 3403.91.00 b 3403.91.10 a 3403.91.01 b 3403.91.50 b 3403.91.99 b 3403.99 lubricating preparations and similar preparations not cntg pet 3403.99.00 b 3403.99.00 b 3403.99.99 b 3404.10 artificial and prepared waxes, of chemically modified lignite 3404.10.00 a 3404.10.00 d 3404.10.01 a 3404.20 artificial and prepared waxes, of polyethylene glycol 3404.20.00 c 3404.20.00 a 3404.20.01 c 3404.20.99 c 3404.90 artificial and prepared waxes, nes 3404.90.10 d 3404.90.10 c 3404.90.01 c 3404.90.91 c 3404.90.50 d 3404.90.02 c 3404.90.92 c 3404.90.99 c 3404.90.99 a 3405.10 polishes, creams & similar preparations for footwear or leathe 3405.10.00 a 3405.10.00 a 3405.10.01 c 3405.20 polishes, creams & similar preparations for maintenance of 3405.20.00 a 3405.20.00 a 3405.20.01 a 3405.20.99 b 3405.30 polishes & similar preparations for coachwork, o/t metal 3405.30.00 a 3405.30.00 a 3405.30.01 b 3405.40 scouring pastes and powders and other scouring preparations 3405.40.00 a 3405.40.00 a 3405.40.01 a 3405.90 polishes, creams and similar preparations, nes 3405.90.00 a 3405.90.00 a 3405.90.01 c 3405.90.99 a 3406.00 candles, tapers and the like 3406.00.00 c 3406.00.00 a 3406.00.01 c 3407.00 model paste;dental impress prep retail pack; other dental prep 3407.00.10 b 3407.00.20 a 3407.00.01 a 3407.00.20 a 3407.00.40 b 3407.00.02 a 3407.00.30 d 3407.00.03 a 3407.00.90 d 3407.00.04 a 3407.00.99 c 3501.10 casein 3501.10.00 ex 3501.10.10 a 3501.10.01 ex 3501.10.50 d 3501.90 casein glues; caseinates and other casein derivatives 3501.90.00 ex 3501.90.20 a 3501.90.01 ex 3501.90.50 a 3501.90.02 ex 3501.90.99 ex 3502.10 egg albumin 3502.10.10 ex 3502.10.10 a 3502.10.01 a 3502.10.90 ex 3502.10.50 a 3502.90 albumins nes; albuminates and other albumin derivatives 3502.90.00 c 3502.90.10 d 3502.90.01 a 3502.90.50 d 3502.90.99 a 3503.00 gelatin and gelatin derivs; isinglass; glues of animal origin, 3503.00.10 d 3503.00.10 a 3503.00.01 a 3503.00.90 a 3503.00.20 a 3503.00.02 a 3503.00.40 a 3503.00.03 a 3503.00.55 a 3503.00.04 a 3503.00.99 a 3504.00 peptones & derivs;protein substances and derivs, nes; hide 3504.00.00 a 3504.00.10 a 3504.00.01 a 3504.00.50 a 3504.00.02 a 3504.00.03 a 3504.00.04 a 3504.00.05 a 3504.00.06 a 3504.00.99 a 3505.10 dextrins and other modified starches 3505.10.10 a 3505.10.00 a 3505.10.01 a 3505.10.20 a 3505.10.90 a 3505.20 glues based on starches, on dextrins or other modified 3505.20.00 a 3505.20.00 a 3505.20.01 c 3506.10 glues or adhesives of all kinds in pack of a net weight not 3506.10.00 c 3506.10.10 c 3506.10.01 c 3506.10.50 a 3506.10.02 c 3506.10.99 b 3506.91 adhesives based on rubber or plastics, nes 3506.91.10 c 3506.91.00 a 3506.91.01 b 3506.91.90 c 3506.91.02 b 3506.91.03 c 3506.91.04 c 3506.91.05 c 3506.91.06 c 3506.91.99 c 3506.99 glues or adhesives, prepared nes 3506.99.00 c 3506.99.00 a 3506.99.01 b 3506.99.99 c 3507.10 rennet and concentrates thereof 3507.10.00 d 3507.10.00 d 3507.10.01 b 3507.90 enzymes nes; prepared enzymes nes 3507.90.00 b 3507.90.00 a 3507.90.01 a 3507.90.02 c 3507.90.03 a 3507.90.04 a 3507.90.05 a 3507.90.06 b 3507.90.07 a 3507.90.08 a 3507.90.09 b 3507.90.10 a 3507.90.11 b 3507.90.99 c 3601.00 propellent powders 3601.00.00 a 3601.00.00 a 3601.00.01 a 3601.00.99 a 3602.00 prepared explosives, o/t propellent powders 3602.00.00 a 3602.00.00 d 3602.00.01 a 3602.00.02 a 3602.00.99 a 3603.00 safety or detonating fuses;percussion or detonating 3603.00.00 a 3603.00.30 a 3603.00.01 a 3603.00.60 a 3603.00.02 a 3603.00.90 a 3603.00.99 a 3604.10 fireworks 3604.10.00 a 3604.10.00 a 3604.10.01 a 3604.90 signalling flares, rain rockets, fog signals and other 3604.90.00 a 3604.90.00 a 3604.90.01 a 3605.00 matches 3605.00.10 a 3605.00.00 d 3605.00.01 c 3605.00.90 a 3606.10 lighters refill fuels in containers of a capacity not exceedin 3606.10.00 a 3606.10.00 d 3606.10.01 a 3606.90 pyrophoric alloys; solid or semi-solid fuels, put-up; 3606.90.00 a 3606.90.30 a 3606.90.01 a 3606.90.60 a 3606.90.02 a 3606.90.03 a 3606.90.99 a 3701.10 photographic plates & film in the flat, sensitised, unexposed, 3701.10.00 d 3701.10.00 a 3701.10.01 a 3701.10.02 a 3701.10.99 a 3701.20 photographic instant print film in the flat, sensitised, 3701.20.00 a 3701.20.00 a 3701.20.01 a 3701.30 photographic plates & film in the flat, sens, unexp, with any 3701.30.10 a 3701.30.00 a 3701.30.01 c 3701.30.20 a 3701.91 photographic plates & film in the flat, sens, unexposed, for 3701.91.10 a 3701.91.00 a 3701.91.01 c 3701.91.20 a 3701.99 photographic plates and film in the flat, sensitised, 3701.99.10 a 3701.99.30 a 3701.99.01 c 3701.99.20 a 3701.99.60 a 3701.99.02 c 3701.99.03 a 3701.99.04 c 3701.99.05 a 3701.99.99 a 3702.10 photographic film in rolls, sensitised, unexposed, for x-ray 3702.10.00 d 3702.10.00 a 3702.10.01 a 3702.10.99 a 3702.20 instant print film in rolls, sensitised, unexposed 3702.20.00 a 3702.20.00 a 3702.20.01 a 3702.31 colour photo film in rolls, sensitised, unexposed w/o sprocket 3702.31.00 a 3702.31.00 a 3702.31.fa a 3702.31.01 c 3702.31.99 c 3702.32 silver halide film in rolls, sensitised, unexposed w/o sprocke 3702.32.10 a 3702.32.00 a 3702.32.01 c 3702.32.90 a 3702.39 photo film, nes in rolls, sensitised, unexposed w/o sprocket 3702.39.10 a 3702.39.00 a 3702.39.01 a 3702.39.90 a 3702.39.02 a 3702.39.99 a 3702.41 colour film in rolls, sens., unexp., w/o sprocket holes, of a 3702.41.00 a 3702.41.00 a 3702.41.fa a 3702.41.01 c 3702.41.99 c 3702.42 film in rolls, w/o sprocket holes,unexp, sens, width >610mm & 3702.42.00 a 3702.42.00 a 3702.42.01 c 3702.42.02 c 3702.42.99 a 3702.43 film in rolls, w/o sprocket holes,unexp, sens, width >610mm & 3702.43.00 a 3702.43.00 a 3702.43.01 c 3702.44 film in rolls, w/o sprocket holes,unexp, sens, width >105mm bu 3702.44.10 a 3702.44.00 a 3702.44.01 c 3702.44.20 d 3702.44.30 a 3702.44.90 a 3702.51 film for colour photo sens, unexp, in rolls, width ã�16mm & le 3702.51.00 a 3702.51.00 a 3702.51.01 c 3702.51.02 c 3702.51.99 c 3702.52 film for colour photo sens, unexp, in rolls, width ã�16mm & le 3702.52.10 a 3702.52.00 a 3702.52.01 a 3702.52.90 a 3702.52.99 a 3702.53 film for col photo sens, unexp, in rolls w >16mm but ã�35mm & l 3702.53.00 a 3702.53.00 a 3702.53.01 c 3702.53.99 c 3702.54 film for col photo sens, unexp, in rolls w >16mm but ã�35mm & l 3702.54.00 a 3702.54.00 a 3702.54.01 c 3702.55 film for colour photo sens, unexp, in rolls w >16mm but ã�35 mm 3702.55.00 a 3702.55.00 d 3702.55.01 c 3702.56 photographic film in rolls, for colour photo sens, unexp, widt 3702.56.10 a 3702.56.00 d 3702.56.01 c 3702.56.90 a 3702.91 photo film in rolls, sens, unexp, width ã� 16 mm and length ã� 1 3702.91.10 a 3702.91.00 a 3702.91.01 c 3702.91.90 a 3702.91.02 c 3702.91.99 c 3702.92 photo film in rolls, sens, unexp, width ã� 16 mm and length > 1 3702.92.10 a 3702.92.00 a 3702.92.01 c 3702.92.90 a 3702.92.02 c 3702.93 photo film in rolls, sens, unexp, width >16mm but ã�35 mm and 3702.93.10 a 3702.93.00 a 3702.93.01 c 3702.93.90 a 3702.93.02 c 3702.94 photo film in rolls, sens, unexp, width >16 mm but ã�35 mm and 3702.94.10 a 3702.94.00 d 3702.94.01 c 3702.94.90 a 3702.94.02 c 3702.94.03 c 3702.95 photographic film in rolls, sensitised, unexp, of a width 3702.95.10 a 3702.95.00 a 3702.95.01 c 3702.95.20 a 3702.95.90 a 3703.10 photographic paper, paperboard & textile sens, unexp in rolls 3703.10.00 a 3703.10.30 a 3703.10.01 c 3703.10.60 a 3703.10.99 c 3703.20 photographic paper, paperboard & textile sens, unexp for colou 3703.20.00 a 3703.20.30 a 3703.20.fa a 3703.20.60 a 3703.20.01 c 3703.20.99 c 3703.90 photographic paper, paperboard and textiles, sensitised, 3703.90.00 a 3703.90.30 a 3703.90.01 a 3703.90.60 a 3703.90.02 c 3703.90.03 a 3703.90.04 a 3703.90.05 a 3703.90.06 a 3703.90.07 a 3703.90.08 a 3703.90.99 a 3704.00 photo plates, film, paper, paperboard & textiles, exposed but 3704.00.10 d 3704.00.00 d 3704.00.01 a 3704.00.90 a 3705.10 photo plates & film, exp & developed, o/t cine film, for offse 3705.10.10 d 3705.10.00 d 3705.10.01 a 3705.10.90 a 3705.10.99 a 3705.20 microfilms exposed and developed 3705.20.00 a 3705.20.10 d 3705.20.01 a 3705.20.50 d 3705.90 photographic plates and film, exposed & developed, o/t 3705.90.10 d 3705.90.00 d 3705.90.01 a 3705.90.20 d 3705.90.02 a 3705.90.90 a 3705.90.99 a 3706.10 cinematograph film, exposed & developed, of a width of 35 mm o 3706.10.11 d 3706.10.30 a 3706.10.01 a 3706.10.19 a 3706.10.60 d 3706.10.99 a 3706.10.20 d 3706.10.90 a 3706.90 cinematograph film, exposed & developed, nes 3706.90.11 d 3706.90.00 d 3706.90.01 a 3706.90.19 a 3706.90.02 a 3706.90.20 d 3706.90.03 a 3706.90.90 a 3706.90.99 a 3707.10 sensitised emulsions prepared for photograpic uses, in measure 3707.10.00 a 3707.10.00 a 3707.10.01 a 3707.10.99 a 3707.90 chemical preparations for photographic uses, put up in measure 3707.90.00 a 3707.90.30 a 3707.90.01 a 3707.90.60 a 3707.90.02 a 3707.90.03 a 3707.90.99 a 3801.10 artificial graphite 3801.10.00 b 3801.10.10 a 3801.10.01 c 3801.10.50 d 3801.10.02 a 3801.20 colloidal or semi-colloidal graphite 3801.20.00 a 3801.20.00 d 3801.20.01 a 3801.20.99 a 3801.30 carbonaceous pastes for electrodes and similar pastes for 3801.30.00 a 3801.30.00 a 3801.30.01 a 3801.30.99 a 3801.90 pastes,blocks,plates or other semi-manuf based on graphite or 3801.90.00 a 3801.90.00 a 3801.90.01 b 3801.90.02 a 3801.90.03 a 3801.90.99 a 3802.10 activated carbon 3802.10.00 d 3802.10.00 a 3802.10.01 c 3802.90 activated natural mineral products; animal black, incl spent 3802.90.10 b 3802.90.10 a 3802.90.01 c 3802.90.20 a 3802.90.20 a 3802.90.02 c 3802.90.90 d 3802.90.50 a 3802.90.03 a 3802.90.04 a 3802.90.05 a 3802.90.99 a 3803.00 tall oil, whether or not refined 3803.00.00 d 3803.00.00 d 3803.00.01 c 3804.00 residual lyes from the manufacture of wood pulp 3804.00.00 a 3804.00.10 d 3804.00.01 a 3804.00.50 a 3804.00.02 a 3804.00.99 a 3805.10 gum, wood or sulphate turpentine oils 3805.10.00 d 3805.10.00 a 3805.10.01 c 3805.10.99 a 3805.20 pine oil 3805.20.00 d 3805.20.00 d 3805.20.01 c 3805.90 terpenic oils nes; crude dipentene; sulphite turpentine and 3805.90.00 d 3805.90.00 a 3805.90.99 a 3806.10 rosin 3806.10.00 d 3806.10.00 a 3806.10.01 a 3806.20 rosin salts or resin acid salts 3806.20.00 d 3806.20.00 a 3806.20.01 a 3806.20.02 a 3806.20.03 a 3806.20.99 a 3806.30 ester gums 3806.30.00 a 3806.30.00 a 3806.30.01 b 3806.30.02 a 3806.30.99 a 3806.90 resin acids & derivs nes; rosin derivs nes; rosin spirit & 3806.90.00 d 3806.90.00 a 3806.90.01 a 3806.90.02 a 3806.90.03 a 3806.90.04 b 3806.90.05 a 3806.90.99 a 3807.00 tar,tar oils,creosote & naphta, of wood; veg pitch; brewer's 3807.00.10 a 3807.00.00 a 3807.00.01 a 3807.00.90 d 3807.00.02 a 3807.00.99 a 3808.10 insecticides, packaged for retail sale or formulated 3808.10.10 a 3808.10.10 a 3808.10.01 a 3808.10.20 d 3808.10.20 a 3808.10.02 a 3808.10.30 a 3808.10.03 a 3808.10.50 a 3808.20 fungicides, packaged for retail sale or formulated 3808.20.10 a 3808.20.10 a 3808.20.01 a 3808.20.20 d 3808.20.20 a 3808.20.99 a 3808.20.30 a 3808.20.50 c 3808.30 herbicides, anti-sprouting prod & plant growth regs, packd for 3808.30.10 a 3808.30.10 a 3808.30.01 a 3808.30.20 d 3808.30.20 a 3808.30.02 b 3808.30.50 c 3808.30.03 a 3808.30.99 c 3808.40 disinfectants, packaged for retail sale or formulated 3808.40.10 a 3808.40.10 a 3808.40.01 a 3808.40.20 d 3808.40.50 a 3808.90 pesticides including rodenticides, nes, packaged for retail 3808.90.10 a 3808.90.10 a 3808.90.01 a 3808.90.20 d 3808.90.20 a 3808.90.02 a 3808.90.50 c 3808.90.99 c 3809.10 prep with a basis of amylaceous subs for textile, paper, 3809.10.00 a 3809.10.00 a 3809.10.01 a 3809.91 finishing agents, dye carriers & other prep, nes, for use in 3809.91.10 d 3809.91.00 a 3809.91.01 a 3809.91.20 a 3809.91.90 a 3809.92 finishing agents, dye carriers & other prep, nes, for use in 3809.92.10 a 3809.92.10 a 3809.92.01 a 3809.92.90 a 3809.92.50 a 3809.92.02 a 3809.92.99 a 3809.99 finishing agents, dye carriers & other prep, for use in 3809.99.00 c 3809.99.10 c 3809.99.99 c 3809.99.50 c 3810.10 pickling prep for metal surfaces;soldering,brazing or welding 3810.10.00 c 3810.10.00 c 3810.10.01 c 3810.90 fluxes & other prep for soldering; core or coating prep for 3810.90.00 a 3810.90.10 a 3810.90.01 a 3810.90.20 d 3810.90.02 a 3810.90.50 a 3810.90.99 a 3811.11 anti-knock preparations based on lead compounds 3811.11.00 c 3811.11.10 a 3811.11.01 a 3811.11.50 a 3811.11.99 c 3811.19 anti-knock preparations, nes 3811.19.00 c 3811.19.00 c 3811.19.99 c 3811.21 lubricating oil additives cntg pet oils or oils obtained from 3811.21.00 c 3811.21.00 c 3811.21.01 c 3811.21.02 c 3811.29 lubricating oil additives, nes 3811.29.00 c 3811.29.00 c 3811.29.99 c 3811.90 prepared additives for mineral oils or for other similar 3811.90.00 c 3811.90.00 c 3811.90.01 c 3811.90.99 c 3812.10 prepared rubber accelerators 3812.10.00 c 3812.10.10 c 3812.10.01 c 3812.10.50 c 3812.20 compound plasticizers for rubber or plastics, nes 3812.20.10 d 3812.20.10 a 3812.20.01 c 3812.20.90 c 3812.20.50 c 3812.30 anti-oxidising prep & other compound stabilizers for rubber or 3812.30.10 d 3812.30.20 a 3812.30.01 c 3812.30.90 b 3812.30.40 c 3812.30.99 a 3812.30.50 a 3813.00 preparations & charges for fire-extings; charged 3813.00.00 c 3813.00.10 d 3813.00.01 c 3813.00.50 a 3813.00.02 c 3813.00.03 c 3813.00.99 c 3814.00 organic composite solvents and thinners, nes; prepared paint 3814.00.00 a 3814.00.10 a 3814.00.01 a 3814.00.20 a 3814.00.02 a 3814.00.50 a 3815.11 supported catalysts, with nickel or nickel compounds as the 3815.11.00 a 3815.11.00 d 3815.11.01 a 3815.11.02 a 3815.11.99 a 3815.12 supported catalysts, with precious metal or compds thereof as 3815.12.00 a 3815.12.00 d 3815.12.01 a 3815.12.02 a 3815.12.99 a 3815.19 supported catalysts, nes 3815.19.00 a 3815.19.00 d 3815.19.01 b 3815.19.99 a 3815.90 reaction initiators, reaction accelerator and catalytic 3815.90.00 a 3815.90.10 a 3815.90.01 a 3815.90.20 a 3815.90.02 c 3815.90.30 d 3815.90.03 a 3815.90.50 a 3815.90.99 a 3816.00 refractory cements,mortars,concretes and similar compositions, 3816.00.00 b 3816.00.00 a 3816.00.01 b 3816.00.02 c 3816.00.03 b 3816.00.04 a 3816.00.05 c 3816.00.06 a 3816.00.07 b 3816.00.99 b 3817.10 mixed alkylbenzenes, nes 3817.10.00 d 3817.10.10 c 3817.10.fa c 3817.10.50 a 3817.10.01 d 3817.10.02 a 3817.10.99 c 3817.20 mixed alkylnaphthalenes, nes 3817.20.00 a 3817.20.00 a 3817.20.01 a 3818.00 chemical compds, chem elements in the form of disc,wafer 3818.00.00 a 3818.00.00 d 3818.00.01 a 3819.00 hydraulic brake & transmis fluids not cntg or cntg <70% of 3819.00.00 b 3819.00.00 b 3819.00.01 c 3819.00.02 c 3819.00.03 b 3819.00.04 b 3819.00.99 b 3820.00 anti-freezing preparations and prepared de-icing fluids 3820.00.00 c 3820.00.00 c 3820.00.01 c 3821.00 prepared culture media for the development of micro-organisms 3821.00.00 d 3821.00.00 c 3821.00.01 c 3822.00 composite diagnostic or laboratory reagents, nes 3822.00.00 c 3822.00.10 d 3822.00.01 c 3822.00.50 c 3822.00.02 c 3822.00.03 c 3822.00.04 c 3822.00.05 c 3823.10 prepared binders for foundry moulds or cores 3823.10.00 a 3823.10.00 a 3823.10.01 a 3823.20 naphthenic acids, their water-insoluble salts and their esters 3823.20.10 d 3823.20.00 a 3823.20.01 a 3823.20.90 a 3823.20.02 a 3823.20.99 a 3823.30 non-agglomerated metal carbides mixed together or with metalli 3823.30.00 a 3823.30.00 a 3823.30.01 a 3823.30.99 a 3823.40 prepared additives for cements, mortars or concretes 3823.40.00 b 3823.40.10 b 3823.40.01 b 3823.40.20 d 3823.40.99 b 3823.40.50 b 3823.50 non-refractory mortars and concretes 3823.50.10 d 3823.50.00 d 3823.50.01 b 3823.50.90 b 3823.50.02 b 3823.50.03 b 3823.50.99 b 3823.60 sorbitol nes 3823.60.00 a 3823.60.00 a 3823.60.01 b 3823.90 chemical products,prep & residual prod of the chemical or 3823.90.10 d 3823.90.11 d 3823.90.01 a 3823.90.20 d 3823.90.19 a 3823.90.02 a 3823.90.30 b 3823.90.21 d 3823.90.03 a 3823.90.40 d 3823.90.22 a 3823.90.04 a 3823.90.50 d 3823.90.25 a 3823.90.05 a 3823.90.90 b 3823.90.27 c 3823.90.06 c 3823.90.31 a 3823.90.07 a 3823.90.32 a 3823.90.08 a 3823.90.33 a 3823.90.09 a 3823.90.34 a 3823.90.10 a 3823.90.35 a 3823.90.11 a 3823.90.36 a 3823.90.12 a 3823.90.39 d 3823.90.13 a 3823.90.40 a 3823.90.14 a 3823.90.45 a 3823.90.15 a 3823.90.46 a 3823.90.16 a 3823.90.47 a 3823.90.17 c 3823.90.50 c 3823.90.18 b 3823.90.19 a 3823.90.20 a 3823.90.21 a 3823.90.22 a 3823.90.23 c 3823.90.24 b 3823.90.25 a 3823.90.26 a 3823.90.27 a 3823.90.28 a 3823.90.29 d 3823.90.30 a 3823.90.31 a 3823.90.32 a 3823.90.33 a 3823.90.34 a 3823.90.35 a 3823.90.36 a 3823.90.37 d 3823.90.38 a 3823.90.39 a 3823.90.40 a 3823.90.41 a 3823.90.42 a 3823.90.43 b 3823.90.44 a 3823.90.45 a 3823.90.46 a 3823.90.47 a 3823.90.48 a 3823.90.49 c 3823.90.50 a 3823.90.51 a 3823.90.52 a 3823.90.53 a 3823.90.54 a 3823.90.55 c 3823.90.56 a 3823.90.57 a 3823.90.58 c 3823.90.59 c 3823.90.60 c 3823.90.61 c 3823.90.62 a 3823.90.63 a 3823.90.64 a 3823.90.65 a 3823.90.66 a 3823.90.67 a 3823.90.68 a 3823.90.69 a 3823.90.70 a 3823.90.71 a 3823.90.72 a 3823.90.73 a 3823.90.74 a 3823.90.75 a 3823.90.76 a 3823.90.77 a 3823.90.78 a 3823.90.79 a 3823.90.80 a 3823.90.81 a 3823.90.82 a 3823.90.99 c 3901.10 polyethylene having a specific gravity of less than 0.94 3901.10.00 a 3901.10.00 a 3901.10.01 d 3901.10.02 d 3901.20 polyethylene having a specific gravity of 0.94 or more 3901.20.00 a 3901.20.00 a 3901.20.01 d 3901.20.02 d 3901.30 ethylene-vinyl acetate copolymers 3901.30.00 a 3901.30.00 a 3901.30.01 a 3901.90 polymers of ethylene nes, in primary forms 3901.90.00 b 3901.90.10 d 3901.90.01 a 3901.90.50 a 3901.90.02 a 3901.90.03 a 3901.90.99 c 3902.10 polypropylene 3902.10.00 b+ 3902.10.00 b 3902.10.01 b+ 3902.10.99 c 3902.20 polyisobutylene 3902.20.00 a 3902.20.10 d 3902.20.01 d 3902.20.50 a 3902.20.99 a 3902.30 propylene copolymers 3902.30.00 c 3902.30.00 a 3902.30.01 c 3902.90 polymers of propylene nes or of olefins nes, in primary forms 3902.90.00 a 3902.90.00 a 3902.90.01 a 3903.11 polystyrene, expansible 3903.11.00 c 3903.11.00 a 3903.11.01 c 3903.19 polystyrene nes 3903.19.10 c 3903.19.00 a 3903.19.01 a 3903.19.90 c 3903.19.02 c 3903.19.99 c 3903.20 styrene-acrylonitrile (san) copolymers 3903.20.10 c 3903.20.00 a 3903.20.01 c 3903.20.90 c 3903.30 acrylonitrile-butadiene-styrene (abs) copolymers 3903.30.10 c 3903.30.00 a 3903.30.01 c 3903.30.90 c 3903.90 polymers of styrene nes, in primary forms 3903.90.00 c 3903.90.10 a 3903.90.01 c 3903.90.50 a 3903.90.02 a 3903.90.03 a 3903.90.04 c 3903.90.05 c 3903.90.99 c 3904.10 polyvinyl chloride, not mixed with any other substances 3904.10.00 b 3904.10.00 a 3904.10.01 c 3904.10.02 b 3904.10.03 b 3904.21 polyvinyl chloride nes, not plasticised 3904.21.00 b 3904.21.00 a 3904.21.01 c 3904.21.02 c 3904.21.03 a 3904.22 polyvinyl chloride nes, plasticised 3904.22.00 c 3904.22.00 a 3904.22.01 c 3904.22.02 c 3904.30 vinyl chloride-vinyl acetate copolymers 3904.30.00 c 3904.30.00 a 3904.30.01 c 3904.30.02 c 3904.40 vinyl chloride copolymers nes 3904.40.00 c 3904.40.00 a 3904.40.01 a 3904.40.99 c 3904.50 vinylidene chloride polymers 3904.50.00 a 3904.50.00 a 3904.50.01 a 3904.61 polytetrafluoroethylene 3904.61.00 a 3904.61.00 a 3904.61.01 a 3904.69 fluoro-polymers nes 3904.69.00 c 3904.69.10 d 3904.69.99 c 3904.69.50 a 3904.90 polymers of vinyl chloride nes, or of other halogenated olefin 3904.90.00 c 3904.90.10 d 3904.90.99 c 3904.90.50 a 3905.11 polyvinyl acetate, in aqueous dispersion 3905.11.00 c 3905.11.00 a 3905.11.01 c 3905.19 polyvinyl acetate nes 3905.19.00 b 3905.19.00 a 3905.19.01 c 3905.19.02 b 3905.19.03 b 3905.19.04 b 3905.19.99 b 3905.20 polyvinyl alcohols, whether or not containing unhydrolysed 3905.20.00 a 3905.20.00 a 3905.20.01 a 3905.90 polyvinyl esters nes; other vinyl polymers in primary forms 3905.90.00 a 3905.90.10 a 3905.90.01 a 3905.90.50 a 3905.90.02 a 3905.90.03 a 3905.90.04 a 3905.90.99 a 3906.10 polymethyl methacrylate 3906.10.00 b 3906.10.00 a 3906.10.01 a 3906.10.02 a 3906.10.99 c 3906.90 acrylic polymers nes, in primary forms 3906.90.00 a 3906.90.10 d 3906.90.01 a 3906.90.20 a 3906.90.02 c 3906.90.50 a 3906.90.03 a 3906.90.04 a 3906.90.05 a 3906.90.06 a 3906.90.07 a 3906.90.08 d 3906.90.09 d 3906.90.99 a 3907.10 polyacetals 3907.10.00 a 3907.10.00 a 3907.10.01 b 3907.10.02 a 3907.10.03 a 3907.10.04 a 3907.10.99 a 3907.20 polyethers nes 3907.20.10 b 3907.20.00 a 3907.20.01 a 3907.20.90 b 3907.20.02 a 3907.20.03 b 3907.20.04 a 3907.20.05 a 3907.20.06 c 3907.20.99 b 3907.30 epoxide resins 3907.30.00 c 3907.30.00 a 3907.30.01 c 3907.30.02 a 3907.30.03 a 3907.30.99 a 3907.40 polycarbonates 3907.40.10 a 3907.40.00 a 3907.40.01 a 3907.40.90 a 3907.40.02 a 3907.40.03 a 3907.40.04 a 3907.40.99 a 3907.50 alkyd resins 3907.50.00 b 3907.50.00 a 3907.50.01 b 3907.50.02 b 3907.50.99 b 3907.60 polyethylene terephthalate 3907.60.00 c 3907.60.00 a 3907.60.01 c 3907.60.02 c 3907.91 polyesters nes, unsaturated 3907.91.00 b 3907.91.10 a 3907.91.01 c 3907.91.50 a 3907.91.02 c 3907.91.99 a 3907.99 polyesters nes, in primary forms 3907.99.00 b 3907.99.00 a 3907.99.01 b 3907.99.02 c 3907.99.03 a 3907.99.04 a 3907.99.05 c 3907.99.06 b 3907.99.07 b 3907.99.08 a 3907.99.09 b 3907.99.10 b 3907.99.11 a 3907.99.12 a 3907.99.99 b 3908.10 polyamide-6, -11, -12, -6,6, -6,9, -6,10 or -6,12 3908.10.10 b 3908.10.00 a 3908.10.01 a 3908.10.90 b 3908.10.02 a 3908.10.03 a 3908.10.04 c 3908.10.05 b 3908.10.99 a 3908.90 polyamides nes, in primary forms 3908.90.00 b 3908.90.00 a 3908.90.01 a 3908.90.02 a 3908.90.99 c 3909.10 urea resins; thiourea resins 3909.10.10 b 3909.10.00 a 3909.10.01 b 3909.10.20 b 3909.10.99 b 3909.10.90 b 3909.20 melamine resins 3909.20.10 b 3909.20.00 a 3909.20.01 b 3909.20.90 b 3909.20.02 c 3909.20.99 b 3909.30 amino-resins nes 3909.30.00 b 3909.30.00 a 3909.30.01 b 3909.30.02 a 3909.30.99 b 3909.40 phenolic resins 3909.40.10 c 3909.40.00 a 3909.40.01 c 3909.40.90 c 3909.40.02 c 3909.40.03 c 3909.40.04 c 3909.40.05 c 3909.40.99 c 3909.50 polyurethanes in primary forms 3909.50.10 b 3909.50.10 d 3909.50.01 c 3909.50.90 b 3909.50.20 a 3909.50.02 c 3909.50.50 a 3909.50.03 a 3909.50.04 a 3909.50.99 c 3910.00 silicones in primary forms 3910.00.00 a 3910.00.00 a 3910.00.01 a 3910.00.02 a 3910.00.03 a 3910.00.04 a 3910.00.05 a 3910.00.06 a 3910.00.07 a 3910.00.08 a 3910.00.09 a 3910.00.10 a 3910.00.11 c 3910.00.12 d 3910.00.13 a 3910.00.99 a 3911.10 petroleum resins, coumarone, indene or coumarone-indene resins 3911.10.00 a 3911.10.00 a 3911.10.01 a 3911.10.99 a 3911.90 polysulphides, polysulphones & other products of note 3 chap 3911.90.00 b 3911.90.10 d 3911.90.01 a 3911.90.20 a 3911.90.02 a 3911.90.30 a 3911.90.03 c 3911.90.50 a 3911.90.04 c 3911.90.99 c 3912.11 cellulose acetates, non-plasticised 3912.11.00 c 3912.11.00 a 3912.11.01 c 3912.12 cellulose acetates, plasticised 3912.12.00 a 3912.12.00 a 3912.12.01 a 3912.20 cellulose nitrates (incl collodions) 3912.20.00 a 3912.20.00 a 3912.20.01 d 3912.20.02 a 3912.20.03 a 3912.20.99 a 3912.31 carboxymethylcellulose and its salts 3912.31.00 c 3912.31.00 a 3912.31.01 c 3912.31.02 c 3912.39 cellulose ethers nes, in primary forms 3912.39.10 d 3912.39.00 a 3912.39.01 c 3912.39.90 c 3912.39.02 c 3912.39.03 c 3912.39.04 c 3912.39.05 c 3912.39.99 c 3912.90 cellulose derivatives nes, in primary forms 3912.90.10 d 3912.90.00 a 3912.90.01 a 3912.90.90 a 3912.90.02 a 3912.90.99 a 3913.10 alginic acid, its salts and esters 3913.10.00 a 3913.10.00 a 3913.10.01 a 3913.10.02 a 3913.10.03 a 3913.10.04 a 3913.10.05 a 3913.10.99 a 3913.90 natural polymers, modified natural polymers nes, in primary 3913.90.10 d 3913.90.10 d 3913.90.01 c 3913.90.90 a 3913.90.20 a 3913.90.02 c 3913.90.50 a 3913.90.03 d 3913.90.04 a 3913.90.05 b 3913.90.06 a 3913.90.07 c 3913.90.08 a 3913.90.99 a 3914.00 ion-exchangers based on polymers of nos 39.01 to 39.13 in 3914.00.10 a 3914.00.00 a 3914.00.01 a 3914.00.90 a 3914.00.02 a 3914.00.99 a 3915.10 polyethylene waste and scrap 3915.10.00 a 3915.10.00 d 3915.10.01 a 3915.20 polystyrene waste and scrap 3915.20.00 a 3915.20.00 d 3915.20.01 a 3915.30 polyvinyl chloride waste and scrap 3915.30.00 a 3915.30.00 d 3915.30.01 a 3915.90 plastics waste and scrap nes 3915.90.10 a 3915.90.00 d 3915.90.01 a 3915.90.20 a 3915.90.99 a 3915.90.30 a 3915.90.40 a 3915.90.50 a 3915.90.60 a 3915.90.71 a 3915.90.79 a 3915.90.80 a 3915.90.90 a 3916.10 monofilaments >1 mm, profile shapes etc of polymers of ethylen 3916.10.00 c 3916.10.00 a 3916.10.01 c 3916.10.02 c 3916.20 monofilaments >1 mm, profile shapes etc of polymers of vinyl 3916.20.00 c 3916.20.00 a 3916.20.01 c 3916.20.02 b 3916.20.03 b 3916.20.04 c 3916.90 monofilaments >1 mm, profile shapes etc of plastics nes 3916.90.11 c 3916.90.10 a 3916.90.01 b 3916.90.19 c 3916.90.20 a 3916.90.02 b 3916.90.90 c 3916.90.30 c 3916.90.03 b 3916.90.50 a 3916.90.99 c 3917.10 sausage casings of hardened protein or of cellulosic materials 3917.10.11 a 3917.10.10 a 3917.10.01 c 3917.10.12 c 3917.10.50 a 3917.10.02 c 3917.10.90 c 3917.10.99 c 3917.21 tubes, pipes and hoses, rigid; of polyethylene 3917.21.00 c 3917.21.00 a 3917.21.01 c 3917.21.02 c 3917.21.99 c 3917.22 tubes, pipes and hoses, rigid; of polypropylene 3917.22.00 c 3917.22.00 a 3917.22.01 c 3917.22.02 c 3917.22.99 c 3917.23 tubes, pipes and hoses, rigid; of polyvinyl chloride 3917.23.00 c 3917.23.00 a 3917.23.01 c 3917.23.02 c 3917.23.03 c 3917.23.99 c 3917.29 tubes, pipes and hoses, rigid; of plastics nes 3917.29.00 b 3917.29.00 a 3917.29.01 b 3917.29.03 c 3917.29.05 b 3917.29.06 b 3917.29.07 b 3917.29.99 b 3917.31 tubes, pipes & hoses, flexible, plastic, minimum burst pressur 3917.31.00 c 3917.31.00 a 3917.31.01 c 3917.32 tubes, pipes and hoses nes, plastic, notreinforced etc, withou 3917.32.00 b 3917.32.00 a 3917.32.01 a 3917.32.02 a 3917.32.03 a 3917.32.99 a 3917.33 tubes, pipes and hoses nes, plastic, not reinforced etc, with 3917.33.00 c 3917.33.00 c 3917.33.01 c 3917.33.99 c 3917.39 tubes, pipes and hoses nes, plastic 3917.39.00 c 3917.39.00 a 3917.39.01 c 3917.39.02 c 3917.40 fittings, plastic 3917.40.00 c 3917.40.00 a 3917.40.01 c 3918.10 floor, wall and ceiling coverings etc, of polymers of vinyl 3918.10.11 c 3918.10.10 a 3918.10.01 c 3918.10.19 c 3918.10.20 a 3918.10.99 c 3918.10.90 c 3918.10.31 a 3918.10.32 c 3918.10.40 c 3918.10.50 a 3918.90 floor, wall and ceiling coverings etc, of plastics nes 3918.90.11 c 3918.90.10 a 3918.90.01 c 3918.90.19 c 3918.90.20 c 3918.90.91 c 3918.90.30 c 3918.90.99 c 3918.90.50 a 3919.10 self-adhesive plates, sheets, film etc, of plastic in rolls <2 3919.10.11 c 3919.10.10 a 3919.10.01 c 3919.10.19 c 3919.10.20 a 3919.10.02 c 3919.10.20 c 3919.10.99 c 3919.10.30 c 3919.10.91 c 3919.10.99 c 3919.90 self-adhesive plates, sheets, film etc, of plastic nes 3919.90.11 c 3919.90.10 a 3919.90.01 c 3919.90.19 c 3919.90.50 a 3919.90.91 c 3919.90.99 c 3920.10 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymers ofethylene 3920.10.00 c 3920.10.00 a 3920.10.01 c 3920.10.02 c 3920.10.03 c 3920.10.04 c 3920.10.99 c 3920.20 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymers of propylene 3920.20.00 c 3920.20.00 a 3920.20.01 c 3920.20.02 c 3920.20.03 b 3920.20.04 c 3920.20.99 c 3920.30 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymers of styrene 3920.30.00 c 3920.30.00 a 3920.30.01 c 3920.30.02 c 3920.30.03 b 3920.30.99 c 3920.41 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymers of vinyl 3920.41.00 c 3920.41.00 a 3920.41.01 c 3920.41.02 c 3920.41.03 c 3920.41.99 c 3920.42 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymers of vinyl 3920.42.00 c 3920.42.10 a 3920.42.01 c 3920.42.50 a 3920.42.02 b 3920.42.99 c 3920.51 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polymethyl 3920.51.00 c 3920.51.10 a 3920.51.01 c 3920.51.50 a 3920.59 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of acrylic polymers nes 3920.59.00 b 3920.59.10 a 3920.59.01 b 3920.59.50 a 3920.59.02 c 3920.59.99 c 3920.61 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polycarbonates 3920.61.00 b 3920.61.00 a 3920.61.01 b 3920.62 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polyethylene 3920.62.00 b 3920.62.00 a 3920.62.01 d 3920.62.02 b 3920.62.03 b 3920.62.99 b 3920.63 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of unsaturated polyester 3920.63.00 b 3920.63.10 a 3920.63.01 c 3920.63.20 a 3920.63.02 b 3920.63.99 b 3920.69 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polyesters nes 3920.69.00 b 3920.69.00 a 3920.69.01 a 3920.69.99 a 3920.71 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of regenerated cellulose 3920.71.00 c 3920.71.00 a 3920.71.01 c 3920.72 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of vulcanised rubber 3920.72.00 a 3920.72.00 a 3920.72.01 a 3920.73 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of cellulose acetate 3920.73.00 a 3920.73.00 a 3920.73.01 d 3920.73.99 a 3920.79 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of cellulose derivatives 3920.79.00 b 3920.79.10 a 3920.79.01 a 3920.79.50 a 3920.91 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polyvinyl butyral 3920.91.00 c 3920.91.00 a 3920.91.01 c 3920.92 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of polyamides 3920.92.00 b 3920.92.00 a 3920.92.01 b 3920.92.99 c 3920.93 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of amino-resins 3920.93.00 a 3920.93.00 a 3920.93.01 a 3920.94 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of phenolic resins 3920.94.00 a 3920.94.00 a 3920.94.01 a 3920.99 film and sheet etc, non-cellular etc, of plastics nes 3920.99.00 b 3920.99.10 a 3920.99.01 a 3920.99.20 a 3920.99.02 a 3920.99.50 a 3920.99.99 a 3921.11 film and sheet etc, cellular of polymers of styrene 3921.11.00 c 3921.11.00 a 3921.11.01 c 3921.12 film and sheet etc, cellular of polymers of vinyl chloride 3921.12.00 c 3921.12.11 a 3921.12.01 c 3921.12.15 c 3921.12.19 a 3921.12.50 a 3921.13 film and sheet etc, cellular of polyurethane 3921.13.00 c 3921.13.11 a 3921.13.01 c 3921.13.15 c 3921.13.19 c 3921.13.50 a 3921.14 film and sheet etc, cellular of regenerated cellulose 3921.14.00 b 3921.14.00 a 3921.14.01 a 3921.19 film and sheet etc, cellular of plastics nes 3921.19.10 c 3921.19.00 a 3921.19.01 c 3921.19.90 c 3921.19.99 c 3921.90 film and sheet etc, nes of plastics 3921.90.11 c 3921.90.11 a 3921.90.01 c 3921.90.19 c 3921.90.15 c 3921.90.02 c 3921.90.20 c 3921.90.19 c 3921.90.03 c 3921.90.90 c 3921.90.21 c 3921.90.04 c 3921.90.25 c 3921.90.05 c 3921.90.29 c 3921.90.06 c 3921.90.40 a 3921.90.07 c 3921.90.50 a 3921.90.08 c 3921.90.99 c 3922.10 baths, shower-baths and wash basins, of plastics 3922.10.00 c 3922.10.00 a 3922.10.01 c 3922.20 lavatory seats and covers of plastics 3922.20.00 c 3922.20.00 a 3922.20.01 c 3922.90 bidets, lavatory pans, flushing cisterns and similar plastic 3922.90.10 c 3922.90.00 a 3922.90.01 c 3922.90.90 c 3922.90.99 c 3923.10 boxes, cases, crates & similar articles of plastic 3923.10.00 c 3923.10.00 a 3923.10.01 c 3923.21 sacks and bags (including cones) of polymers of ethylene 3923.21.00 c 3923.21.00 a 3923.21.01 c 3923.29 sacks and bags (including cones) of plastics nes 3923.29.00 c 3923.29.00 a 3923.29.01 c 3923.29.02 c 3923.29.99 c 3923.30 carboys, bottles, flasks and similar articles of plastics 3923.30.10 c 3923.30.00 a 3923.30.01 c 3923.30.90 c 3923.30.02 c 3923.30.99 c 3923.40 spools, cops, bobbins and similar supports, of plastics 3923.40.00 c 3923.40.00 a 3923.40.01 c 3923.40.99 c 3923.50 stoppers, lids, caps and other closures of plastics 3923.50.10 c 3923.50.00 a 3923.50.01 c 3923.50.90 c 3923.90 articles for the conveyance or packing of goods nes, of 3923.90.00 c 3923.90.00 a 3923.90.99 c 3924.10 tableware and kitchenware of plastics 3924.10.10 c 3924.10.10 a 3924.10.01 c 3924.10.90 c 3924.10.20 a 3924.10.30 a 3924.10.50 a 3924.90 household and toilet articles nes, of plastics 3924.90.10 c 3924.90.10 a 3924.90.01 c 3924.90.90 cm 3924.90.20 a 3924.90.99 c 3924.90.50 a 3925.10 reservoirs, tanks, vats etc of a capacity exceeding 300 l, of 3925.10.00 c 3925.10.00 a 3925.10.01 c 3925.20 doors, windows and their frames and thresholds for doors, of 3925.20.00 c 3925.20.00 a 3925.20.01 c 3925.30 shutters, blinds (incl venetian) and similar articles & parts 3925.30.00 c 3925.30.10 a 3925.30.01 c 3925.30.50 a 3925.90 builders' ware nes, of plastics 3925.90.00 c 3925.90.00 a 3925.90.99 c 3926.10 office or school supplies, of plastics 3926.10.00 cm 3926.10.00 a 3926.10.01 c 3926.20 apparel and clothing accessories (incl gloves) of plastic 3926.20.11 cm 3926.20.10 a 3926.20.01 a 3926.20.19 cm 3926.20.20 a 3926.20.02 a 3926.20.20 cm 3926.20.30 a 3926.20.99 a 3926.20.30 cm 3926.20.40 b 3926.20.81 c 3926.20.50 a 3926.20.82 bm 3926.20.89 c 3926.20.90 cm 3926.30 fittings for furniture, coachwork or the like, of plastics 3926.30.00 bm 3926.30.10 a 3926.30.01 b 3926.30.50 b 3926.30.99 b 3926.40 statuettes and other ornamental articles, of plastics 3926.40.10 bm 3926.40.00 a 3926.40.01 b 3926.40.90 bm 3926.90 articles of plastics or of other materials of nos 39.01 to 3926.90.10 cm 3926.90.10 a 3926.90.01 c 3926.90.20 d 3926.90.15 a 3926.90.02 c 3926.90.30 cm 3926.90.20 a 3926.90.03 a 3926.90.40 cm 3926.90.25 a 3926.90.04 c 3926.90.50 cm 3926.90.30 a 3926.90.05 c 3926.90.60 d 3926.90.33 a 3926.90.06 c 3926.90.70 d 3926.90.35 a 3926.90.07 c 3926.90.80 d 3926.90.40 a 3926.90.08 c 3926.90.90 cm 3926.90.45 a 3926.90.09 a 3926.90.50 a 3926.90.10 a 3926.90.55 b 3926.90.11 c 3926.90.56 a 3926.90.12 c 3926.90.57 a 3926.90.13 c 3926.90.59 c 3926.90.14 c 3926.90.60 a 3926.90.15 c 3926.90.65 b 3926.90.16 a 3926.90.70 a 3926.90.17 c 3926.90.75 a 3926.90.18 c 3926.90.77 c 3926.90.19 c 3926.90.83 a 3926.90.20 a 3926.90.85 c 3926.90.21 c 3926.90.87 c 3926.90.22 a 3926.90.90 a 3926.90.23 c 3926.90.24 c 3926.90.26 a 3926.90.27 c 3926.90.28 a 3926.90.29 c 3926.90.30 a 3926.90.31 c 3926.90.32 c 3926.90.99 c 4001.10 natural rubber latex, whether or not prevulcanised 4001.10.00 d 4001.10.00 d 4001.10.01 d 4001.21 natural rubber in smoked sheets 4001.21.00 d 4001.21.00 d 4001.21.01 a 4001.22 technically specified natural rubber (tsnr) 4001.22.00 d 4001.22.00 d 4001.22.01 d 4001.29 natural rubber in other forms nes 4001.29.11 d 4001.29.00 d 4001.29.01 a 4001.29.19 a 4001.29.90 d 4001.30 balata, gutta-percha, guayule, chicle and similar gums 4001.30.00 d 4001.30.00 d 4001.30.01 a 4001.30.02 a 4001.30.99 a 4002.11 styrene-butadiene rubber(sbr)/carboxylated styrene-butadiene 4002.11.00 d 4002.11.00 d 4002.11.01 c 4002.11.02 c 4002.11.03 c 4002.11.99 c 4002.19 styrene-butadiene rubber(sbr)/carboxylated styrene-butadiene 4002.19.00 d 4002.19.00 d 4002.19.01 c 4002.19.02 c 4002.19.99 c 4002.20 butadiene rubber (br) 4002.20.00 d 4002.20.00 d 4002.20.01 c 4002.31 isobutene-isoprene (butyl) rubber (iir) 4002.31.00 d 4002.31.00 d 4002.31.01 d 4002.31.99 c 4002.39 halo-isobutene-isoprene rubber (ciir or biir) 4002.39.00 d 4002.39.00 d 4002.39.01 d 4002.39.99 c 4002.41 chloroprene (chlorobutadiene) rubber (cr), latex 4002.41.00 d 4002.41.00 d 4002.41.01 a 4002.49 chloroprene (chlorobutadiene) rubber (cr) nes 4002.49.00 d 4002.49.00 d 4002.49.01 d 4002.49.99 a 4002.51 acrylonitrile-butadiene rubber (nbr), latex 4002.51.00 d 4002.51.00 d 4002.51.01 c 4002.59 acrylonitrile-butadiene rubber (nbr) nes 4002.59.00 d 4002.59.00 d 4002.59.01 c 4002.59.02 c 4002.59.03 c 4002.59.04 c 4002.59.99 c 4002.60 isoprene rubber (ir) 4002.60.00 d 4002.60.00 d 4002.60.01 a 4002.60.99 a 4002.70 ethylene-propylene-non-conjugated diene rubber (epdm) 4002.70.00 d 4002.70.00 d 4002.70.01 d 4002.80 mixtures of any product of heading no 40.01 with any product o 4002.80.00 d 4002.80.00 d 4002.80.01 c 4002.91 synthetic rubber and factice derived from oils, etc, latex 4002.91.00 d 4002.91.00 d 4002.91.01 a 4002.91.02 c 4002.91.99 c 4002.99 synthetic rubber and factice derived from oils, etc, nes 4002.99.00 d 4002.99.00 d 4002.99.01 c 4002.99.02 a 4002.99.99 c 4003.00 reclaimed rubber in primary forms or in plates, sheets or stri 4003.00.00 d 4003.00.00 d 4003.00.01 b 4004.00 waste, parings & scrap (exc hard rubber) & powders/granules 4004.00.00 d 4004.00.00 d 4004.00.01 b 4004.00.02 c 4004.00.99 c 4005.10 rubber compounded with carbon black or silica (unvulcanised) 4005.10.00 bm 4005.10.00 d 4005.10.01 c 4005.10.99 c 4005.20 rubber solutions; dispersions other than those of subheading n 4005.20.00 bm 4005.20.00 d 4005.20.01 b 4005.20.02 b 4005.91 compounded rubber in plates, sheets and strip (unvulcanised) 4005.91.00 bm 4005.91.00 d 4005.91.01 a 4005.91.02 b 4005.91.03 c 4005.91.99 c 4005.99 compounded rubber, unvulcanised in primary forms nes 4005.99.00 bm 4005.99.00 d 4005.99.01 b 4005.99.99 b 4006.10 camel-back strips for retreading rubber tires 4006.10.00 b 4006.10.00 a 4006.10.01 c 4006.90 rubber unvulcanised forms nes, rods, tubes, profile shapes, 4006.90.00 bm 4006.90.10 a 4006.90.01 a 4006.90.50 a 4006.90.02 c 4006.90.03 a 4006.90.04 c 4006.90.99 c 4007.00 vulcanised rubber thread and cord 4007.00.10 a 4007.00.00 a 4007.00.01 c 4007.00.90 b 4008.11 plates, sheets and strip of cellular rubber (vulcanised) 4008.11.00 bm 4008.11.10 a 4008.11.01 c 4008.11.50 a 4008.19 rods and profile shapes of cellular rubber (vulcanised) 4008.19.00 bm 4008.19.10 a 4008.19.01 c 4008.19.50 a 4008.19.99 c 4008.21 plates, sheets and strip of non cellular rubber, other than 4008.21.10 d 4008.21.00 c 4008.21.01 a 4008.21.90 b 4008.21.99 c 4008.29 rods and profile shapes of non cellular rubber (vulcanised) 4008.29.00 bm 4008.29.00 a 4008.29.01 c 4008.29.02 c 4008.29.99 c 4009.10 tubes, pipes and hoses vulcanised rubber not reinforced etc, 4009.10.00 b 4009.10.00 a 4009.10.01 b 4009.10.02 a 4009.20 tubes, pipes and hoses vulcanised rubber reinforced with metal 4009.20.00 b 4009.20.00 a 4009.20.01 b 4009.20.02 a 4009.20.03 b 4009.20.04 b 4009.30 tubes, pipes and hoses vulc/rubber reinforced with tex mat 4009.30.00 b 4009.30.00 a 4009.30.01 b 4009.30.02 a 4009.30.03 b 4009.30.04 b 4009.30.05 b 4009.40 tubes, pipes and hoses vulcanised rubber reinforced nes, 4009.40.00 b 4009.40.00 a 4009.40.01 b 4009.40.02 a 4009.40.03 b 4009.40.99 b 4009.50 tubes, pipes and hoses vulcanised rubber reinforced or not, 4009.50.00 b 4009.50.00 a 4009.50.01 a 4009.50.02 b 4009.50.03 b 4009.50.04 b 4009.50.99 b 4010.10 transmission belts etc vulcanised rubber trapezoidal 4010.10.00 b 4010.10.10 a 4010.10.01 b 4010.10.50 a 4010.10.99 b 4010.91 conveyor belts or belting vulcanised rubber exceeding 20 cm 4010.91.10 cm 4010.91.11 a 4010.91.01 b 4010.91.90 cm 4010.91.15 a 4010.91.02 b 4010.91.19 c 4010.91.03 c 4010.91.50 a 4010.91.04 c 4010.91.99 c 4010.99 conveyor or transmission belts/belting, of vulcanised rubber 4010.99.10 cm 4010.99.11 a 4010.99.01 c 4010.99.90 c 4010.99.15 a 4010.99.02 c 4010.99.19 a 4010.99.03 c 4010.99.50 a 4010.99.99 c 4011.10 pneumatic tires new of rubber for motor cars incl station 4011.10.00 b 4011.10.00 a 4011.10.01 b 4011.20 pneumatic tires new of rubber for buses or lorries 4011.20.00 b 4011.20.00 a 4011.20.01 b 4011.30 pneumatic tires new of rubber for aircraft 4011.30.00 d 4011.30.00 d 4011.30.01 a 4011.40 pneumatic tires new of rubber for motorcycles 4011.40.00 b 4011.40.00 a 4011.40.01 b 4011.50 pneumatic tires new of rubber for bicycles 4011.50.00 bm 4011.50.00 b 4011.50.01 b 4011.91 pneumatic tires new of rubber nes, having a 'herring-bone' or 4011.91.10 d 4011.91.10 d 4011.91.01 a 4011.91.91 b 4011.91.50 a 4011.91.02 b 4011.91.99 b 4011.91.03 a 4011.91.99 b 4011.99 pneumatic tires new of rubber nes 4011.99.11 d 4011.99.10 d 4011.99.01 b 4011.99.18 b 4011.99.50 a 4011.99.02 b 4011.99.19 b 4011.99.99 b 4011.99.90 b 4012.10 retreaded tires 4012.10.10 d 4012.10.10 d 4012.10.01 c 4012.10.90 bm 4012.10.20 d 4012.10.50 a 4012.20 pneumatic tires used 4012.20.10 d 4012.20.10 d 4012.20.01 c 4012.20.90 bm 4012.20.20 d 4012.20.50 a 4012.90 solid or cushioned tires, interchangeable tire treads & tire 4012.90.11 bm 4012.90.10 d 4012.90.01 c 4012.90.19 bm 4012.90.20 a 4012.90.02 a 4012.90.81 bm 4012.90.50 a 4012.90.99 c 4012.90.89 bm 4012.90.90 bm 4013.10 inner tubes of rubber for motor cars etc buses or lorries 4013.10.00 b 4013.10.00 a 4013.10.01 b 4013.20 inner tubes of rubber for bicycles 4013.20.00 bm 4013.20.00 b 4013.20.01 b 4013.90 inner tubes of rubber nes 4013.90.10 d 4013.90.10 d 4013.90.01 a 4013.90.90 b 4013.90.50 a 4013.90.02 a 4013.90.99 c 4014.10 hygienic or pharmaceutical articles of rubber etc sheath 4014.10.00 a 4014.10.00 a 4014.10.01 c 4014.90 hygienic or pharmaceutical articles of rubber etc nes 4014.90.00 bm 4014.90.10 a 4014.90.01 a 4014.90.50 a 4014.90.02 a 4014.90.03 c 4014.90.04 c 4014.90.99 c 4015.11 gloves surgical of rubber 4015.11.00 cm 4015.11.00 a 4015.11.01 a 4015.19 gloves nes of rubber 4015.19.00 c 4015.19.10 a 4015.19.99 a 4015.19.50 a 4015.90 articles of apparel and clothing accessories nes, of vulcanise 4015.90.10 cm 4015.90.00 c 4015.90.01 c 4015.90.90 cm 4015.90.02 c 4015.90.03 c 4015.90.99 c 4016.10 articles of cellular rubber 4016.10.00 bm 4016.10.00 a 4016.10.01 c 4016.91 floor coverings and mats of rubber exc cellular and hard rubbe 4016.91.00 bm 4016.91.00 a 4016.91.01 c 4016.91.0v c 4016.92 erasers (vulcanised rubber) 4016.92.00 bm 4016.92.00 a 4016.92.01 b 4016.92.99 c 4016.93 gaskets, washers and other seals of vulcanised rubber 4016.93.00 bm 4016.93.00 a 4016.93.01 c 4016.93.02 b 4016.93.03 c 4016.93.99 c 4016.94 boat and dock fenders, whether or not inflatable, of vulcanise 4016.94.00 bm 4016.94.00 a 4016.94.01 c 4016.94.02 c 4016.94.99 c 4016.95 rubber articles inflatable nes, vulcanised rubber 4016.95.10 bm 4016.95.00 a 4016.95.01 c 4016.95.90 bm 4016.95.99 c 4016.99 articles of vulcanised rubber nes, other than hard rubber 4016.99.10 bm 4016.99.03 a 4016.99.01 c 4016.99.20 d 4016.99.05 a 4016.99.02 c 4016.99.90 cm 4016.99.10 a 4016.99.03 c 4016.99.15 a 4016.99.04 c 4016.99.20 a 4016.99.05 c 4016.99.25 a 4016.99.06 c 4016.99.50 a 4016.99.07 c 4016.99.08 a 4016.99.09 c 4016.99.99 c 4017.00 hard rubber in all forms, incl waste & scrap; articles of hard 4017.00.10 d 4017.00.00 a 4017.00.01 c 4017.00.90 bm 4017.00.02 c 4017.00.99 c 4101.10 bovine skins, whole, raw 4101.10.00 d 4101.10.00 d 4101.10.01 d 4101.21 bovine hides, whole, fresh or wet-salted 4101.21.00 d 4101.21.00 d 4101.21.01 d 4101.22 butts and bends, bovine, fresh or wet-salted 4101.22.00 d 4101.22.00 d 4101.22.01 d 4101.29 hide sections, bovine, nes, fresh or wet-salted 4101.29.00 d 4101.29.00 d 4101.29.99 a 4101.30 bovine hides, raw, nes 4101.30.00 d 4101.30.00 d 4101.30.01 a 4101.40 equine hides and skins, raw 4101.40.00 d 4101.40.00 d 4101.40.01 a 4102.10 sheep or lamb skins, raw, with wool on, nes 4102.10.00 d 4102.10.00 d 4102.10.01 a 4102.21 sheep or lamb skins, pickled, without wool on 4102.21.00 d 4102.21.00 d 4102.21.01 a 4102.29 sheep or lamb skins, raw, o/t pickled, without wool on 4102.29.00 d 4102.29.00 d 4102.29.99 a 4103.10 goat or kid hides and skins, raw, nes 4103.10.00 d 4103.10.00 d 4103.10.01 a 4103.20 reptile skins, raw 4103.20.00 d 4103.20.00 d 4103.20.01 a 4103.90 raw hides and skins of animals, nes 4103.90.00 d 4103.90.00 d 4103.90.01 b 4103.90.99 a 4104.10 bovine skin leather, whole 4104.10.10 a 4104.10.20 a 4104.10.01 c 4104.10.91 c 4104.10.40 a 4104.10.99 c 4104.10.60 c 4104.10.80 c 4104.21 bovine leather, vegetable pre-tanned, nes 4104.21.00 a 4104.21.00 a 4104.21.01 a 4104.22 bovine leather, otherwise pre-tanned, nes 4104.22.00 a 4104.22.00 a 4104.22.01 a 4104.22.99 a 4104.29 bovine and equine leather, tanned or retanned, nes 4104.29.10 b 4104.29.30 a 4104.29.99 b 4104.29.20 b 4104.29.50 a 4104.29.90 b 4104.29.90 a 4104.31 bovine and equine leather, full/split grains, nes 4104.31.10 b 4104.31.20 a 4104.31.01 b 4104.31.90 b 4104.31.40 a 4104.31.50 a 4104.31.60 a 4104.31.80 a 4104.39 bovine and equine leather, nes 4104.39.10 c 4104.39.20 a 4104.39.01 b 4104.39.90 c 4104.39.40 a 4104.39.02 c 4104.39.50 a 4104.39.99 c 4104.39.60 a 4104.39.80 a 4105.11 sheep or lamb skin leather, vegetable pre-tanned 4105.11.00 a 4105.11.00 a 4105.11.01 a 4105.12 sheep or lamb skin leather, otherwise pre-tanned 4105.12.00 a 4105.12.00 a 4105.12.01 a 4105.19 sheep or lamb skin leather, tanned or retanned, nes 4105.19.00 a 4105.19.00 a 4105.19.01 a 4105.19.99 a 4105.20 sheep or lamb skin leather, nes 4105.20.00 a 4105.20.30 a 4105.20.01 a 4105.20.60 a 4105.20.02 a 4105.20.99 a 4106.11 goat or kid skin leather, vegetable pre-tanned 4106.11.00 a 4106.11.00 d 4106.11.01 a 4106.12 goat or kid skin leather, otherwise pre-tanned 4106.12.00 a 4106.12.00 a 4106.12.01 a 4106.19 goat or kid skin leather, tanned or retanned, nes 4106.19.00 a 4106.19.00 a 4106.19.01 a 4106.19.99 a 4106.20 goat or kid skin leather, nes 4106.20.00 a 4106.20.30 a 4106.20.01 c 4106.20.60 a 4106.20.99 c 4107.10 swine leather, nes 4107.10.00 a 4107.10.00 b 4107.10.01 b 4107.10.02 a 4107.10.99 b 4107.21 reptile leather, vegetable pre-tanned, nes 4107.21.00 d 4107.21.00 a 4107.21.01 a 4107.29 reptile leather, nes 4107.29.00 d 4107.29.30 a 4107.29.01 b 4107.29.60 a 4107.29.99 b 4107.90 leather, nes 4107.90.10 d 4107.90.30 b 4107.90.01 b 4107.90.91 b 4107.90.60 a 4107.90.99 b 4107.90.99 b 4108.00 chamois (including combination chamois) leather 4108.00.00 c 4108.00.00 a 4108.00.01 c 4109.00 patent leather and patent laminated leather; metallised leathe 4109.00.00 c 4109.00.30 c 4109.00.01 c 4109.00.40 c 4109.00.70 a 4110.00 parings and other waste of leather; leather dust, powder and 4110.00.00 d 4110.00.00 d 4110.00.01 c 4111.00 composition leather, in slabs, sheets or strip 4111.00.00 c 4111.00.00 a 4111.00.01 c 4201.00 saddlery and harness for any animal, of any material 4201.00.10 a 4201.00.30 a 4201.00.01 a 4201.00.90 b 4201.00.60 a 4201.00.99 a 4202.11 trunks, suit-cases and similar containers with outer surface o 4202.11.00 c 4202.11.00 c 4202.11.01 c 4202.12 trunks, suit-cases and similar container w/outer surface of 4202.12.00 c 4202.12.20 c 4202.12.01 c 4202.12.40 c 4202.12.60 c 4202.12.80 c 4202.19 trunks, suit-cases and similar containers, nes 4202.19.00 c 4202.19.00 c 4202.19.99 c 4202.21 handbags with outer surface of leather 4202.21.00 c 4202.21.30 c 4202.21.01 c 4202.21.60 c 4202.21.90 c 4202.22 handbags with outer surface of sheeting of plastics or of 4202.22.00 c 4202.22.15 c 4202.22.01 c 4202.22.35 a 4202.22.40 c 4202.22.45 c 4202.22.60 c 4202.22.70 c 4202.22.80 c 4202.29 handbags, of vulcanised fibre or of paperboard 4202.29.00 c 4202.29.00 c 4202.29.99 c 4202.31 articles carried in pocket or handbag, with outer surface of 4202.31.00 c 4202.31.30 a 4202.31.01 c 4202.31.60 c 4202.32 articles carried in pocket or handbag, w/outer surface sheetin 4202.32.00 c 4202.32.10 a 4202.32.01 c 4202.32.20 a 4202.32.40 c 4202.32.80 c 4202.32.85 c 4202.32.95 c 4202.39 articles carried in pocket or handbag, nes 4202.39.00 c 4202.39.00 a 4202.39.99 c 4202.91 containers, with outer surface of leather, nes 4202.91.10 c 4202.91.00 c 4202.91.01 c 4202.91.20 d 4202.91.90 c 4202.92 containers, with outer surface of sheeting of plas or tex 4202.92.10 c 4202.92.15 c 4202.92.01 c 4202.92.20 d 4202.92.20 c 4202.92.90 c 4202.92.30 c 4202.92.45 c 4202.92.50 a 4202.92.60 c 4202.92.90 c 4202.99 containers, nes 4202.99.10 d 4202.99.00 c 4202.99.99 c 4202.99.90 c 4203.10 articles of apparel of leather or of composition leather 4203.10.00 c 4203.10.20 a 4203.10.01 c 4203.10.40 c 4203.10.99 c 4203.21 gloves, mittens and mitts, for sports, of leather or of 4203.21.10 a 4203.21.20 a 4203.21.01 a 4203.21.90 cm 4203.21.40 a 4203.21.55 a 4203.21.60 a 4203.21.70 d 4203.21.80 a 4203.29 gloves mittens and mitts, o/t for sport, of leather or of 4203.29.10 cm 4203.29.05 c 4203.29.01 c 4203.29.90 cm 4203.29.08 c 4203.29.99 c 4203.29.15 c 4203.29.18 c 4203.29.20 c 4203.29.30 c 4203.29.40 c 4203.29.50 c 4203.30 belts and bandoliers of leather or of composition leather 4203.30.00 b 4203.30.00 a 4203.30.01 a 4203.30.99 a 4203.40 clothing accessories nes, of leather or of composition leather 4203.40.00 b 4203.40.30 a 4203.40.01 a 4203.40.60 d 4203.40.99 a 4204.00 articles of leather or of composition leather, for technical 4204.00.00 a 4204.00.30 a 4204.00.01 a 4204.00.60 d 4205.00 articles of leather or of composition leather, nes 4205.00.00 cm 4205.00.20 d 4205.00.01 c 4205.00.40 a 4205.00.60 a 4205.00.80 d 4206.10 catgut 4206.10.00 d 4206.10.30 a 4206.10.01 a 4206.10.90 a 4206.90 articles of gut (o/t catgut), of goldbeater's skin, of bladder 4206.90.00 a 4206.90.00 a 4206.90.01 a 4206.90.99 a 4301.10 raw mink furskins, whole 4301.10.00 d 4301.10.00 d 4301.10.01 a 4301.20 raw rabbit or hare furskins, whole 4301.20.00 d 4301.20.00 d 4301.20.01 a 4301.30 raw persian and similar lamb furskins, whole 4301.30.00 d 4301.30.00 d 4301.30.01 a 4301.40 raw beaver furskins, whole 4301.40.00 d 4301.40.00 d 4301.40.01 a 4301.50 raw musk-rat furskins, whole 4301.50.00 d 4301.50.00 d 4301.50.01 a 4301.60 raw fox furskins, whole 4301.60.00 d 4301.60.30 a 4301.60.01 a 4301.60.60 d 4301.70 raw seal furskins, whole 4301.70.00 d 4301.70.00 d 4301.70.01 a 4301.80 raw furskins nes, whole 4301.80.00 d 4301.80.00 d 4301.80.01 a 4301.80.02 a 4301.80.03 a 4301.80.99 a 4301.90 raw furskin pieces (e.g. heads, tails, paws), suitable for 4301.90.00 d 4301.90.00 d 4301.90.01 a 4302.11 tanned or dressed mink furskins, whole, not assembled 4302.11.00 a 4302.11.00 a 4302.11.01 a 4302.12 tanned or dressed rabbit or hare furskins, whole, not assemble 4302.12.00 a 4302.12.00 a 4302.12.01 a 4302.13 tanned or dressed persian and similar lamb furskins, whole, no 4302.13.00 a 4302.13.00 a 4302.13.01 a 4302.19 tanned or dressed furskins nes, whole, not assembled 4302.19.10 d 4302.19.15 a 4302.19.01 a 4302.19.20 a 4302.19.30 a 4302.19.02 a 4302.19.90 a 4302.19.45 a 4302.19.99 a 4302.19.60 a 4302.19.75 a 4302.20 tanned or dressed furskin pieces (e.g. heads, tails, paws), no 4302.20.00 a 4302.20.30 a 4302.20.01 a 4302.20.60 a 4302.20.90 a 4302.30 tanned or dressed whole furskins and furskins pieces, 4302.30.10 d 4302.30.00 a 4302.30.01 a 4302.30.90 a 4303.10 articles of apparel and clothing accessories of furskin 4303.10.10 cm 4303.10.00 a 4303.10.01 a 4303.10.20 cm 4303.10.90 cm 4303.90 articles of furskin nes 4303.90.00 cm 4303.90.00 a 4303.90.99 a 4304.00 artificial fur and articles thereof 4304.00.00 c 4304.00.00 a 4304.00.01 a 4401.10 fuel wood 4401.10.00 d 4401.10.00 d 4401.10.01 b 4401.21 wood in chips, coniferous 4401.21.00 d 4401.21.00 d 4401.21.01 cq 4401.22 wood in chips, non-coniferous 4401.22.00 d 4401.22.00 d 4401.22.01 b 4401.30 sawdust and wood waste and scrap 4401.30.00 d 4401.30.20 a 4401.30.01 c 4401.30.40 d 4402.00 wood charcoal (incl shell or nut charcoal) 4402.00.10 d 4402.00.00 d 4402.00.01 c 4402.00.90 a 4403.10 poles, treated/painted etc 4403.10.00 d 4403.10.00 d 4403.10.01 cq 4403.20 logs, poles, coniferous nes 4403.20.00 d 4403.20.00 d 4403.20.01 c 4403.31 logs, meranti, light & dark red & bakau 4403.31.00 d 4403.31.00 d 4403.31.01 a 4403.32 logs, white lauan, meranti, seraya yellow meranti & alan 4403.32.00 d 4403.32.00 d 4403.32.01 a 4403.33 logs, keruing, ramin, kapur, teak, jongkong, merbau, etc 4403.33.00 d 4403.33.00 d 4403.33.01 a 4403.34 logs, okoumâ�, obeche, sapelli, sipo, acajou d'afrique, etc 4403.34.00 d 4403.34.00 d 4403.34.01 c 4403.35 logs, tiama, mansonia, llomba, dibâ�tou, limba and azobâ� 4403.35.00 d 4403.35.00 d 4403.35.01 c 4403.91 logs, oak 4403.91.00 d 4403.91.00 d 4403.91.01 b 4403.92 logs, beech 4403.92.00 d 4403.92.00 d 4403.92.01 b 4403.99 logs, non-coniferous nes 4403.99.00 d 4403.99.00 d 4403.99.99 c 4404.10 poles, piles etc, coniferous, pointed but not sawn 4404.10.00 d 4404.10.00 d 4404.10.01 c 4404.10.02 b 4404.20 poles, piles etc, non-coniferous, pointed but not sawn 4404.20.00 d 4404.20.00 d 4404.20.01 a 4404.20.02 b 4404.20.03 a 4404.20.04 b 4404.20.99 b 4405.00 wood wool; wood flour 4405.00.00 d 4405.00.00 c 4405.00.01 c 4405.00.02 c 4406.10 ties, railway/tramway, wood not impregnated 4406.10.00 d 4406.10.00 d 4406.10.01 c 4406.90 ties, railway/tramway, wood nes 4406.90.00 d 4406.90.00 d 4406.90.99 b 4407.10 lumber, coniferous (softwood) 6 mm and thicker 4407.10.00 d 4407.10.00 d 4407.10.fa a 4407.10.01 cq 4407.10.02 cq 4407.10.03 cq 4407.10.99 c 4407.21 lumber, meranti red (light & dark), meranti bakau, white lauan 4407.21.00 d 4407.21.00 d 4407.21.01 b 4407.21.99 b 4407.22 lumber, okoumâ�, obeche, sapelli, sipo, acajou d'afrique, makor 4407.22.00 d 4407.22.00 d 4407.22.01 b 4407.22.99 b 4407.23 lumber, baboen, mahogany (swietenia spp), imbuia and balsa 4407.23.00 d 4407.23.00 d 4407.23.01 c 4407.23.99 b 4407.91 lumber, oak 4407.91.00 d 4407.91.00 d 4407.91.01 cq 4407.92 lumber, beech 4407.92.00 d 4407.92.00 d 4407.92.01 a 4407.92.99 b 4407.99 lumber, non-coniferous nes 4407.99.00 d 4407.99.00 d 4407.99.fa b 4407.99.fb b 4407.99.01 c 4407.99.02 c 4407.99.03 b 4407.99.99 cq 4408.10 veneer, coniferous (softwood) less than 6 mm thick 4408.10.00 d 4408.10.00 d 4408.10.01 a 4408.20 veneer, tropical woods, less than 6 mm thick 4408.20.00 d 4408.20.00 d 4408.20.01 a 4408.90 veneer, non-coniferous nes, less than 6 mm thick 4408.90.00 d 4408.90.00 d 4408.90.99 a 4409.10 wood (lumber) continuously shaped coniferous (softwood) 4409.10.00 d 4409.10.10 d 4409.10.01 a 4409.10.20 a 4409.10.02 a 4409.10.40 a 4409.10.99 a 4409.10.45 d 4409.10.50 a 4409.10.60 a 4409.10.65 b 4409.10.90 d 4409.20 wood (lumber) continuously shaped non-coniferous (hardwood) 4409.20.11 a 4409.20.10 d 4409.20.01 a 4409.20.19 d 4409.20.25 d 4409.20.99 a 4409.20.90 d 4409.20.40 d 4409.20.50 a 4409.20.60 d 4409.20.65 a 4409.20.90 d 4410.10 particle board of wood 4410.10.10 c 4410.10.00 a 4410.10.01 c 4410.10.91 c 4410.10.99 c 4410.90 particle board of other ligneous materials 4410.90.10 c 4410.90.00 d 4410.90.01 c 4410.90.90 c 4410.90.02 c 4410.90.99 c 4411.11 fibreboard >0.8 g/cmãº not worked or surface covered 4411.11.00 b 4411.11.00 a 4411.11.01 b 4411.19 fibreboard >0.8 g/cmãº nes 4411.19.00 b 4411.19.20 a 4411.19.99 b 4411.19.30 d 4411.19.40 a 4411.21 fibreboard >0.5 g/cmãº <0.8 g/cmãº not worked or surface covered 4411.21.00 bm 4411.21.00 a 4411.21.01 b 4411.29 fibreboard >0.5 g/cmãº <0.8 g/cmãº nes 4411.29.00 bm 4411.29.20 a 4411.29.99 b 4411.29.30 d 4411.29.60 a 4411.29.90 a 4411.31 fibreboard >0.35 g/cmãº <0.5 g/cmãº not worked or surface covere 4411.31.00 bm 4411.31.00 d 4411.31.01 b 4411.39 fibreboard >0.35 g/cmãº <0.5 g/cmãº nes 4411.39.00 bm 4411.39.00 d 4411.39.99 b 4411.91 fibreboard not worked or surface covered nes (0.35 g/cmãº & 4411.91.00 bm 4411.91.00 d 4411.91.01 b 4411.99 fibreboard nes (0.35 g/cmãº & less) 4411.99.00 bm 4411.99.00 d 4411.99.99 b 4412.11 plywood, at least 1 outer ply of tropical woods (ply's <6 mm) 4412.11.10 c 4412.11.10 a 4412.11.01 c 4412.11.90 c 4412.11.20 a 4412.11.50 a 4412.12 plywood, at least 1 outer ply of non-coniferous wood nes (ply' 4412.12.10 c 4412.12.10 a 4412.12.01 c 4412.12.90 c 4412.12.15 a 4412.12.20 a 4412.12.50 a 4412.19 plywood nes, at least 1 outer ply of coniferous wood (ply's <6 4412.19.10 cm 4412.19.10 a 4412.19.01 c 4412.19.90 cm 4412.19.30 a 4412.19.02 c 4412.19.40 a 4412.19.99 c 4412.19.50 c 4412.21 panels, 1 outer ply non-coniferous & 1 ply of particle board 4412.21.10 c 4412.21.00 a 4412.21.01 c 4412.21.90 c 4412.29 panels, 1 outer ply non-coniferous wood nes 4412.29.10 c 4412.29.10 a 4412.29.99 c 4412.29.90 c 4412.29.30 a 4412.29.40 a 4412.29.50 a 4412.91 panels, 1 outer ply coniferous wood, & 1 ply of particle board 4412.91.10 c 4412.91.00 a 4412.91.01 c 4412.91.90 c 4412.99 panels, 1 outer ply coniferous wood nes 4412.99.10 cm 4412.99.10 a 4412.99.99 c 4412.99.90 cm 4412.99.30 a 4412.99.40 a 4412.99.50 a 4412.99.90 a 4413.00 densified wood, in blocks, plates, strips or profile shapes 4413.00.00 a 4413.00.00 a 4413.00.01 a 4413.00.02 a 4413.00.99 a 4414.00 wooden frames for paintings, photographs mirrors or similar 4414.00.00 b 4414.00.00 a 4414.00.01 b 4415.10 cases, boxes, crates, drums & similar packings; cable-drums, 4415.10.10 b 4415.10.30 d 4415.10.01 b 4415.10.90 b 4415.10.60 d 4415.10.99 b 4415.10.90 a 4415.20 pallets, box pallets and other load boards, wooden 4415.20.00 c 4415.20.40 d 4415.20.01 c 4415.20.80 a 4416.00 casks, barrels etc (cooper's prods) & parts of wood, incl 4416.00.10 d 4416.00.30 a 4416.00.01 b 4416.00.90 b 4416.00.60 d 4416.00.02 b 4416.00.90 a 4416.00.03 b 4416.00.04 b 4416.00.05 b 4416.00.99 b 4417.00 tools, tool bodies & handles, brooms or brush bodies & handles 4417.00.11 d 4417.00.20 d 4417.00.01 b 4417.00.19 b 4417.00.40 d 4417.00.02 b 4417.00.20 b 4417.00.60 a 4417.00.99 b 4417.00.90 b 4417.00.80 a 4418.10 windows, french-windows and their frames, of wood 4418.10.10 b 4418.10.00 a 4418.10.01 b 4418.10.90 b 4418.20 doors and their frames and thresholds, of wood 4418.20.10 b 4418.20.00 a 4418.20.01 b 4418.20.20 a 4418.30 parquet panels, including tiles of wood 4418.30.00 a 4418.30.00 a 4418.30.01 b 4418.40 shuttering for concrete constructional work, of wood 4418.40.00 b 4418.40.00 a 4418.40.01 b 4418.50 shingles and shakes, of wood 4418.50.00 d 4418.50.00 d 4418.50.01 a 4418.90 builder's joinery and carpentery of wood nes 4418.90.10 b 4418.90.20 d 4418.90.01 b 4418.90.90 c 4418.90.40 a 4418.90.99 c 4419.00 tableware and kitchenware, of wood 4419.00.00 b 4419.00.40 a 4419.00.01 b 4419.00.80 a 4420.10 statuettes and other ornaments of wood 4420.10.00 b 4420.10.00 a 4420.10.01 b 4420.90 wood marquetry and inlaid wood; caskets and cases for jeweller 4420.90.00 b 4420.90.20 a 4420.90.99 b 4420.90.40 a 4420.90.60 b 4420.90.80 a 4421.10 clothes hangers of wood 4421.10.00 cm 4421.10.00 c 4421.10.01 c 4421.90 wood articles nes 4421.90.10 d 4421.90.10 a 4421.90.01 c 4421.90.20 cm 4421.90.15 d 4421.90.02 c 4421.90.30 a 4421.90.20 c 4421.90.03 c 4421.90.40 cm 4421.90.30 a 4421.90.04 c 4421.90.50 cm 4421.90.40 c 4421.90.05 c 4421.90.60 a 4421.90.50 a 4421.90.06 c 4421.90.90 cm 4421.90.60 a 4421.90.99 c 4421.90.70 d 4421.90.80 c 4421.90.85 c 4421.90.88 d 4421.90.90 a 4501.10 natural cork, raw or simply prepared 4501.10.00 d 4501.10.00 d 4501.10.01 a 4501.90 waste cork; crushed, granulated or ground 4501.90.00 d 4501.90.20 d 4501.90.99 a 4501.90.40 a 4502.00 natural cork, debacked/roughly squared or in rectangular block 4502.00.00 d 4502.00.00 a 4502.00.01 a 4503.10 corks and stoppers, natural cork 4503.10.00 d 4503.10.20 a 4503.10.01 a 4503.10.30 a 4503.10.40 a 4503.10.60 a 4503.90 natural cork articles nes 4503.90.00 d 4503.90.20 a 4503.90.01 a 4503.90.40 d 4503.90.99 a 4503.90.60 a 4504.10 blocks/plates/sheets/strip/tiles, solid cylinders, incl discs, 4504.10.00 d 4504.10.10 a 4504.10.01 b 4504.10.20 d 4504.10.02 b 4504.10.30 d 4504.10.03 b 4504.10.40 d 4504.10.99 b 4504.10.45 a 4504.10.47 a 4504.10.50 a 4504.90 articles of agglomerated cork nes, with or without binder 4504.90.00 d 4504.90.20 a 4504.90.99 a 4504.90.40 a 4601.10 plaits and similar products of plaiting materials 4601.10.00 a 4601.10.00 a 4601.10.01 a 4601.20 mats, matting and screens of vegetable plaiting materials 4601.20.10 d 4601.20.20 a 4601.20.01 a 4601.20.90 a 4601.20.40 a 4601.20.99 a 4601.20.60 a 4601.20.80 a 4601.20.90 a 4601.91 products of vegetable plaiting materials other than mats, 4601.91.00 a 4601.91.20 a 4601.91.01 a 4601.91.40 a 4601.99 products of plaiting materials, nes 4601.99.00 a 4601.99.00 a 4601.99.99 a 4602.10 basketwork, wickerwork and other article made up from plaited 4602.10.10 a 4602.10.05 a 4602.10.01 a 4602.10.91 a 4602.10.11 a 4602.10.92 a 4602.10.12 a 4602.10.93 d 4602.10.13 a 4602.10.99 a 4602.10.19 a 4602.10.21 a 4602.10.22 a 4602.10.23 a 4602.10.25 a 4602.10.29 a 4602.10.40 a 4602.10.50 a 4602.90 basketwork, wickerwork and other article made up from other 4602.90.10 a 4602.90.00 a 4602.90.99 a 4602.90.90 a 4701.00 mechanical wood pulp 4701.00.00 d 4701.00.00 d 4701.00.01 c 4702.00 chemical wood pulp, dissolving grades 4702.00.00 d 4702.00.00 d 4702.00.01 d 4702.00.02 d 4702.00.99 d 4703.11 chemical wood pulp, soda or sulphate, coniferous, unbleached 4703.11.00 d 4703.11.00 d 4703.11.01 d 4703.11.02 a 4703.11.99 a 4703.19 chemical wood pulp, soda or sulphate, non-coniferous, 4703.19.00 d 4703.19.00 d 4703.19.01 a 4703.19.02 a 4703.21 chemical wood pulp, soda or sulphate, coniferous, semi-bl or 4703.21.00 d 4703.21.00 d 4703.21.01 d 4703.21.02 a 4703.21.03 d 4703.29 chemical wood pulp, soda or sulphate, non-coniferous, semi-bl 4703.29.00 d 4703.29.00 d 4703.29.01 d 4703.29.02 d 4704.11 chemical wood pulp, sulphite, coniferous unbleached 4704.11.00 d 4704.11.00 d 4704.11.01 a 4704.19 chemical wood pulp, sulphite, nonconiferous, unbleached 4704.19.00 d 4704.19.00 d 4704.19.01 a 4704.21 chemical wood pulp, sulphite, coniferous semi-bleached or 4704.21.00 d 4704.21.00 d 4704.21.01 d 4704.29 chemical wood pulp, sulphite, nonconiferous, semi-bl or 4704.29.00 d 4704.29.00 d 4704.29.01 a 4705.00 semi-chemical wood pulp 4705.00.00 d 4705.00.00 d 4705.00.01 c 4706.10 cotton linters pulp 4706.10.00 d 4706.10.00 d 4706.10.01 a 4706.91 mechanical pulps of other fibrous material (o/t cotton linters 4706.91.00 d 4706.91.00 d 4706.91.01 a 4706.92 chemical pulps of other fibrous material (o/t cotton linters) 4706.92.00 d 4706.92.00 d 4706.92.01 a 4706.93 semi-chemical pulps of other fibrous material (o/t cotton 4706.93.00 d 4706.93.00 d 4706.93.01 a 4707.10 waste and scrap of unbleached kraft or corrugated paper and 4707.10.00 d 4707.10.00 d 4707.10.01 d 4707.20 waste and scrap of paper/paperboard made of bl chem pulp, not 4707.20.00 d 4707.20.00 d 4707.20.01 d 4707.30 waste and scrap of paper/paperboard made mainly of mechanical 4707.30.00 d 4707.30.00 d 4707.30.01 a 4707.30.99 d 4707.90 waste and scrap of paper or paperboard, nes (including unsorte 4707.90.00 d 4707.90.00 d 4707.90.01 d 4801.00 newsprint, in rolls or sheets 4801.00.00 d 4801.00.00 d 4801.00.01 bp 4801.00.02 a 4801.00.03 b 4801.00.04 bp 4801.00.99 bp 4802.10 paper, hand-made, uncoated, in rolls or sheets 4802.10.00 a 4802.10.00 a 4802.10.01 a 4802.20 paper, sensitising base stock, in rolls or sheets, uncoated 4802.20.00 a 4802.20.00 d 4802.20.01 b 4802.20.02 a 4802.20.99 b 4802.30 paper, carbonising base, in rolls or sheets, uncoated 4802.30.00 a 4802.30.20 a 4802.30.01 b 4802.30.40 a 4802.30.02 a 4802.40 paper, wallpaper base, in rolls or sheets, uncoated 4802.40.00 d 4802.40.00 d 4802.40.01 a 4802.40.02 a 4802.40.99 b 4802.51 paper, fine, woodfree, in rolls or sheets, <40 g/mo, uncoated, 4802.51.11 a 4802.51.10 a 4802.51.01 a 4802.51.19 a 4802.51.40 a 4802.51.02 c 4802.51.90 a 4802.51.90 d 4802.51.03 b 4802.51.04 a 4802.51.05 d 4802.51.06 b 4802.51.07 c 4802.51.99 c 4802.52 paper, fine, woodfree, in rolls or sheets, 40 g/mo, ã�150 4802.52.10 b 4802.52.10 a 4802.52.01 bp 4802.52.90 b 4802.52.15 a 4802.52.02 b 4802.52.20 a 4802.52.03 d 4802.52.40 a 4802.52.04 bp 4802.52.90 d 4802.52.05 bp 4802.52.99 bp 4802.53 paper, fine, woodfree, in rolls or sheets, >150 g/mo, uncoated 4802.53.10 b 4802.53.10 a 4802.53.01 b 4802.53.90 b 4802.53.15 a 4802.53.02 b 4802.53.20 a 4802.53.03 b 4802.53.90 a 4802.53.04 c 4802.53.99 c 4802.60 paper, fine, woodcontaining, in rolls or sheets, uncoated, nes 4802.60.11 d 4802.60.10 a 4802.60.01 b 4802.60.19 a 4802.60.20 a 4802.60.02 a 4802.60.90 a 4802.60.90 d 4802.60.99 a 4803.00 paper, household/sanitary, rolls of a width >36 cm, sheets one 4803.00.10 d 4803.00.20 a 4803.00.01 bp 4803.00.20 bm 4803.00.40 d 4803.00.02 c 4803.00.90 a 4803.00.03 a 4803.00.99 b 4804.11 paper, kraftliner, in rolls, unbleached, uncoated 4804.11.00 b 4804.11.00 d 4804.11.01 bp 4804.19 paper, kraftliner, in rolls, o/t unbleached, uncoated 4804.19.00 b 4804.19.00 d 4804.19.01 b 4804.19.02 bp 4804.19.99 b 4804.21 paper, sack kraft, in rolls, unbleached, uncoated 4804.21.10 d 4804.21.00 d 4804.21.01 c 4804.21.90 c 4804.29 paper, sack kraft, in rolls, o/t unbl, uncoated 4804.29.00 c 4804.29.00 d 4804.29.99 c 4804.31 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, ã�150g/mo, unbleached, uncoated, 4804.31.10 a 4804.31.10 a 4804.31.01 b 4804.31.21 d 4804.31.20 a 4804.31.02 b 4804.31.29 b 4804.31.40 d 4804.31.03 a 4804.31.91 a 4804.31.60 a 4804.31.99 b 4804.31.99 b 4804.39 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, ã�150g/mo, uncoated, nes 4804.39.10 b 4804.39.20 a 4804.39.01 b 4804.39.90 b 4804.39.40 d 4804.39.99 b 4804.39.60 a 4804.41 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, >150g/mo, <225 g/mo, unbleached 4804.41.11 d 4804.41.20 d 4804.41.01 bp 4804.41.19 b 4804.41.40 a 4804.41.21 a 4804.41.29 b 4804.41.30 d 4804.41.90 b 4804.42 paper, kraft, rolls/sheets, >150g/mo but <225 g/mo, bl, >95% 4804.42.11 a 4804.42.00 d 4804.42.01 a 4804.42.19 a 4804.42.90 a 4804.49 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, >150g/mo, <225 g/mo, uncoated, 4804.49.10 b 4804.49.00 a 4804.49.01 b 4804.49.90 b 4804.49.02 b 4804.49.99 bp 4804.51 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, 225g/mo, unbleached, uncoated, 4804.51.10 a 4804.51.00 d 4804.51.01 a 4804.51.90 a 4804.51.99 b 4804.52 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, 225g/mo, bl, >95% chemical 4804.52.10 d 4804.52.00 d 4804.52.01 a 4804.52.90 a 4804.52.99 a 4804.59 paper, kraft, rolls or sheets, 225g/mo, uncoated, nes 4804.59.00 a 4804.59.00 a 4804.59.01 a 4804.59.02 a 4804.59.99 a 4805.10 paper, fluting (corrugating medium), in rolls, semi-chemical, 4805.10.00 b 4805.10.00 a 4805.10.01 c 4805.21 paper, multi-ply, each layer bleached, in rolls or sheets, 4805.21.00 b 4805.21.00 d 4805.21.01 b 4805.22 paper, multi-ply, with only one layer bleached, rolls or 4805.22.00 c 4805.22.00 d 4805.22.01 c 4805.23 paper, multi-ply, 3 layers, only 2 outer layers bl, 4805.23.00 b 4805.23.00 d 4805.23.01 b 4805.29 paper, multi-ply, rolls/sheets, uncoated, nes 4805.29.10 d 4805.29.00 d 4805.29.99 c 4805.29.20 c 4805.29.90 c 4805.30 paper, wrapping, sulphite, rolls/sheets, uncoated 4805.30.10 d 4805.30.00 a 4805.30.01 a 4805.30.90 a 4805.40 paper, filter, in rolls or sheets, uncoated 4805.40.10 a 4805.40.00 a 4805.40.01 a 4805.40.20 a 4805.40.99 a 4805.40.90 a 4805.50 paper, felt, in rolls or sheets, uncoated 4805.50.10 d 4805.50.00 d 4805.50.01 a 4805.50.20 a 4805.50.90 a 4805.60 paper, in rolls or sheets, weighing 150 g/mo or less, uncoated 4805.60.10 a 4805.60.20 a 4805.60.99 c 4805.60.21 d 4805.60.30 d 4805.60.29 c 4805.60.40 d 4805.60.30 b 4805.60.50 a 4805.60.91 c 4805.60.70 d 4805.60.99 c 4805.60.90 a 4805.70 paper, in rolls or sheets, weighing >150 g/mo, <225 g/mo, 4805.70.10 d 4805.70.20 a 4805.70.01 c 4805.70.20 a 4805.70.40 d 4805.70.30 d 4805.70.41 d 4805.70.49 c 4805.70.50 c 4805.70.90 c 4805.80 paper, in rolls or sheets, weighing 225 g/mo or more, uncoated 4805.80.10 d 4805.80.20 a 4805.80.01 c 4805.80.20 a 4805.80.40 d 4805.80.31 d 4805.80.39 c 4805.80.91 a 4805.80.99 c 4806.10 paper, vegetable parchment, in rolls or sheets 4806.10.00 a 4806.10.00 d 4806.10.01 a 4806.20 paper, greaseproof, in rolls or sheets 4806.20.00 c 4806.20.00 d 4806.20.01 c 4806.30 paper, tracing, in rolls or sheets 4806.30.10 a 4806.30.00 d 4806.30.01 a 4806.30.90 a 4806.40 paper, glassine, other glazed transparent or translucent, in 4806.40.00 b 4806.40.00 d 4806.40.01 b 4807.10 paper, laminated internally with bitumen tar/asphalt, 4807.10.00 a 4807.10.00 d 4807.10.01 a 4807.91 paper, straw, in rolls or sheets, not coated 4807.91.00 a 4807.91.00 a 4807.91.01 a 4807.99 paper, composite, in rolls or sheets, nes, not coated 4807.99.10 d 4807.99.20 a 4807.99.99 c 4807.99.90 c 4807.99.40 d 4808.10 paper, corrugated, in rolls or sheets 4808.10.00 b 4808.10.00 a 4808.10.01 bp 4808.20 paper, sack kraft, creped or crinkled, in rolls or sheets 4808.20.10 d 4808.20.00 d 4808.20.01 b 4808.20.90 b 4808.30 paper, kraft, creped or crinkled, in rolls or sheets, nes 4808.30.10 d 4808.30.00 d 4808.30.01 a 4808.30.90 a 4808.30.02 b 4808.30.99 b 4808.90 paper, creped, crinkled, embossed or perforated, in rolls or 4808.90.10 d 4808.90.20 a 4808.90.01 a 4808.90.90 a 4808.90.40 a 4808.90.02 a 4808.90.60 a 4808.90.99 a 4809.10 paper, carbon or similar copying, rolls width >36 cm, sheets 4809.10.00 c 4809.10.20 a 4809.10.01 c 4809.10.40 d 4809.10.99 c 4809.20 paper, self-copy, in rolls of a width > 36 cm, sheets at least 4809.20.10 b 4809.20.20 a 4809.20.01 bp 4809.20.90 b 4809.20.40 d 4809.20.99 bp 4809.90 paper, copying/transfer, rolls of a width >36 cm, sheets one 4809.90.10 d 4809.90.20 a 4809.90.01 c 4809.90.90 c 4809.90.40 a 4809.90.99 c 4809.90.60 d 4809.90.70 d 4809.90.80 a 4810.11 paper, fine, woodfree, in rolls or sheets, ã�150 g/mo, clay 4810.11.11 d 4810.11.20 a 4810.11.01 b 4810.11.12 b 4810.11.30 a 4810.11.02 b 4810.11.19 b 4810.11.90 a 4810.11.03 b 4810.11.20 b 4810.11.04 b 4810.11.05 b 4810.11.06 b 4810.11.99 bp 4810.12 paper, fine, woodfree, in rolls or sheets, >150 g/mo, clay 4810.12.11 a 4810.12.00 a 4810.12.01 a 4810.12.19 a 4810.12.02 a 4810.12.20 a 4810.12.03 a 4810.12.04 a 4810.12.05 a 4810.12.99 bp 4810.21 paper, fine, light weight coated, in rolls or sheets 4810.21.10 a 4810.21.00 a 4810.21.01 bp 4810.21.90 b 4810.21.99 bp 4810.29 paper, fine, woodcontaining, in rolls or sheets, clay coated, 4810.29.10 a 4810.29.00 a 4810.29.01 bp 4810.29.21 b 4810.29.02 b 4810.29.29 b 4810.29.03 b 4810.29.30 b 4810.29.04 b 4810.29.05 b 4810.29.06 b 4810.29.99 b 4810.31 paper, kraft, in rolls/sheets, bl, >95% chemical pulp, ã�150 4810.31.10 a 4810.31.00 d 4810.31.01 b 4810.31.90 a 4810.31.02 a 4810.31.03 a 4810.31.99 b 4810.32 paper, kraft, in rolls/sheets, bl, >95% chemical pulp, >150 4810.32.10 b 4810.32.00 d 4810.32.01 b 4810.32.90 b 4810.32.02 b 4810.32.99 b 4810.39 paper, kraft, in rolls or sheets, clay coated, nes 4810.39.00 b 4810.39.20 d 4810.39.01 b 4810.39.40 a 4810.39.02 b 4810.39.03 b 4810.39.99 b 4810.91 paper, multi-ply, in rolls or sheets, clay coated, nes 4810.91.00 b 4810.91.20 d 4810.91.01 b 4810.91.40 a 4810.99 paper, in rolls or sheets, clay coated, nes 4810.99.00 a 4810.99.00 a 4810.99.01 a 4810.99.02 a 4810.99.03 a 4810.99.04 a 4810.99.99 a 4811.10 paper, tarred, bituminised or asphalted, in rolls or sheets, 4811.10.00 a 4811.10.00 d 4811.10.01 a 4811.10.02 a 4811.10.03 a 4811.10.99 a 4811.21 paper, self-adhesive, in rolls or sheets, nes 4811.21.00 c 4811.21.00 a 4811.21.01 c 4811.29 paper, gummed or adhesive, in rolls or sheets, nes 4811.29.00 b 4811.29.00 d 4811.29.01 b 4811.31 paper, in rolls or sheets, bl, >150g/mo, ctd, impreg or cov 4811.31.10 a 4811.31.20 d 4811.31.01 a 4811.31.90 a 4811.31.40 a 4811.31.02 a 4811.31.03 a 4811.31.04 bp 4811.31.05 a 4811.31.99 b 4811.39 paper, in rolls or sheets, coated/impregnated or covered with 4811.39.00 a 4811.39.20 a 4811.39.01 b 4811.39.40 d 4811.39.02 a 4811.39.03 bp 4811.39.04 bp 4811.39.05 a 4811.39.99 b 4811.40 paper, in rolls or sheets ctd impreg or cov with wax,stearin 4811.40.00 c 4811.40.00 a 4811.40.01 c 4811.40.99 c 4811.90 paper, in rolls or sheets, ctd, impreg, cov, surf-col, surf-de 4811.90.00 a 4811.90.10 a 4811.90.01 b 4811.90.20 a 4811.90.02 a 4811.90.30 d 4811.90.03 a 4811.90.40 a 4811.90.04 c 4811.90.60 d 4811.90.05 c 4811.90.80 a 4811.90.06 a 4811.90.07 a 4811.90.08 b 4811.90.09 c 4811.90.99 c 4812.00 filter blocks, slabs and plates, of paper pulp 4812.00.00 a 4812.00.00 a 4812.00.01 a 4813.10 paper, cigarette, in the form of booklets or tubes 4813.10.00 a 4813.10.00 a 4813.10.01 a 4813.20 paper, cigarette, in rolls of a width not exceeding 5 cm 4813.20.00 c 4813.20.00 a 4813.20.01 c 4813.90 paper, cigarette, nes 4813.90.00 c 4813.90.00 a 4813.90.01 c 4813.90.99 c 4814.10 paper "ingrain" 4814.10.00 a 4814.10.00 d 4814.10.01 a 4814.20 wallpaper, coated or covered on the face side with a decorated 4814.20.00 a 4814.20.00 d 4814.20.01 a 4814.30 wallpaper, covered on the face side with plaiting material 4814.30.00 a 4814.30.00 d 4814.30.01 a 4814.90 wallpaper and similar wall coverings, nes 4814.90.10 c 4814.90.00 d 4814.90.99 c 4814.90.90 a 4815.00 floor coverings on a base of paper, whether or not cut to size 4815.00.00 a 4815.00.00 a 4815.00.01 a 4815.00.99 c 4816.10 paper, carbon or similar copying, nes 4816.10.00 b 4816.10.00 a 4816.10.01 b 4816.10.99 c 4816.20 paper, self-copy, nes 4816.20.00 c 4816.20.00 a 4816.20.01 c 4816.30 duplicator stencils 4816.30.00 a 4816.30.00 a 4816.30.01 a 4816.90 paper, copying/transfer, nes 4816.90.00 c 4816.90.00 a 4816.90.99 c 4817.10 envelopes of paper 4817.10.00 c 4817.10.00 a 4817.10.01 c 4817.20 cards, letter or correspondence, plain postcards, of paper 4817.20.00 b 4817.20.20 a 4817.20.01 b 4817.20.40 a 4817.30 paper stationery, nes 4817.30.00 c 4817.30.00 a 4817.30.01 c 4818.10 toilet paper 4818.10.00 c 4818.10.00 a 4818.10.01 c 4818.20 handkerchiefs, cleansing or facial tissues and towels, of pape 4818.20.00 c 4818.20.00 a 4818.20.01 c 4818.30 tablecloths and serviettes, of paper 4818.30.00 c 4818.30.00 a 4818.30.01 c 4818.40 sanitary articles of paper, incl sanit towels & napkins 4818.40.10 c 4818.40.20 d 4818.40.01 c 4818.40.90 c 4818.40.40 a 4818.40.02 c 4818.40.99 c 4818.50 articles of apparel and clothing accessories, of paper, nes 4818.50.00 a 4818.50.00 a 4818.50.01 a 4818.90 household or hospital supplies, of paper, nes 4818.90.10 c 4818.90.00 a 4818.90.99 c 4818.90.90 c 4819.10 cartons, boxes and cases, of corrugated paper or paperboard 4819.10.00 a 4819.10.00 a 4819.10.01 b8 4819.20 cartons, boxes and cases, folding, of non-corrugated paper or 4819.20.00 a 4819.20.00 a 4819.20.01 b8 4819.20.99 b8 4819.30 sacks and bags, of paper, having a base of a width of 40 cm or 4819.30.00 a 4819.30.00 a 4819.30.01 c 4819.40 sacks and bags, of paper, nes; including cones 4819.40.10 c 4819.40.00 a 4819.40.01 c 4819.40.91 a 4819.40.02 c 4819.40.99 a 4819.40.99 c 4819.50 containers, packing, nes (including record sleeves) of paper 4819.50.00 a 4819.50.20 a 4819.50.99 b8 4819.50.30 a 4819.50.40 a 4819.60 box files, letter trays and similar articles of paper, used in 4819.60.00 c 4819.60.00 a 4819.60.01 c 4820.10 registers, account books, note books, diaries and similar 4820.10.00 c 4820.10.20 a 4820.10.01 c 4820.10.40 d 4820.10.99 c 4820.20 exercise books of paper 4820.20.00 c 4820.20.00 d 4820.20.01 c 4820.30 binders, folders and file covers, of paper 4820.30.00 b 4820.30.00 a 4820.30.01 b 4820.40 manifold business forms and interleaved carbon sets, of paper 4820.40.00 c 4820.40.00 a 4820.40.01 c 4820.50 albums for samples or for collections, of paper 4820.50.10 a 4820.50.00 a 4820.50.01 a 4820.50.90 a 4820.90 office supplies nes, of paper 4820.90.10 d 4820.90.00 a 4820.90.01 b 4820.90.90 b 4820.90.99 b 4821.10 paper labels of all kinds, printed 4821.10.00 a 4821.10.20 a 4821.10.01 c 4821.10.40 a 4821.90 paper labels of all kinds, not printed 4821.90.00 a 4821.90.20 a 4821.90.99 b 4821.90.40 a 4822.10 bobbins, spools and similar supports of paper, used for windin 4822.10.00 d 4822.10.00 a 4822.10.01 c 4822.90 bobbins, spools and similar supports of paper, nes 4822.90.00 c 4822.90.00 a 4822.90.99 c 4823.11 paper, self-adhesive, cut to size, in strips or rolls 4823.11.00 a 4823.11.00 a 4823.11.01 a 4823.19 paper, gummed or adhesive (o/t self-adhesive), cut to size, in 4823.19.00 b 4823.19.00 a 4823.19.99 b 4823.20 paper, filter, cut to size or shape 4823.20.10 a 4823.20.10 a 4823.20.01 a 4823.20.90 a 4823.20.90 a 4823.20.99 c 4823.30 cards, not punched, for punch card machines, of paper,whether 4823.30.00 c 4823.30.00 a 4823.30.01 c 4823.40 rolls, sheets and dials, of paper, printed, for self-recording 4823.40.10 d 4823.40.00 a 4823.40.01 a 4823.40.90 a 4823.51 paper, fine, cut to size or shape, printed, embossed or 4823.51.00 a 4823.51.00 a 4823.51.01 c 4823.59 paper, fine, cut to size or shape, nes 4823.59.00 a 4823.59.20 a 4823.59.99 bp 4823.59.40 a 4823.60 trays, dishes, plates, cups and the like, of paper 4823.60.00 c 4823.60.00 a 4823.60.01 c 4823.70 moulded or pressed articles of paper pulp, nes 4823.70.10 d 4823.70.00 d 4823.70.01 c 4823.70.20 d 4823.70.02 a 4823.70.90 a 4823.70.03 c 4823.70.99 c 4823.90 paper and paper articles, nes 4823.90.10 d 4823.90.10 d 4823.90.01 c 4823.90.91 a 4823.90.20 a 4823.90.02 a 4823.90.99 a 4823.90.40 a 4823.90.03 c 4823.90.50 a 4823.90.04 a 4823.90.60 a 4823.90.05 c 4823.90.65 a 4823.90.06 c 4823.90.70 a 4823.90.07 c 4823.90.80 a 4823.90.08 c 4823.90.85 a 4823.90.09 a 4823.90.10 c 4823.90.11 c 4823.90.12 c 4823.90.13 c 4823.90.14 c 4823.90.15 c 4823.90.16 a 4823.90.17 c 4823.90.99 c 4901.10 brochures, leaflets and similar printed matter, in single 4901.10.00 d 4901.10.00 d 4901.10.01 d 4901.91 dictionaries and encyclopaedias, and serial instalments thereo 4901.91.00 d 4901.91.00 d 4901.91.01 d 4901.91.02 d 4901.91.03 d 4901.91.04 d 4901.91.99 d 4901.99 books, brochures, leaflets and similar printed matter, nes 4901.99.00 d 4901.99.00 d 4901.99.01 d 4901.99.02 d 4901.99.03 d 4901.99.04 d 4901.99.05 d 4901.99.06 d 4901.99.99 d 4902.10 newspapers, journals and periodicals, appearing at least four 4902.10.00 d 4902.10.00 d 4902.10.01 d 4902.10.02 d 4902.90 newspapers, journals and periodicals, nes 4902.90.00 d 4902.90.10 a 4902.90.01 d 4902.90.20 d 4902.90.02 d 4903.00 children's picture, drawing or colouring books 4903.00.10 d 4903.00.00 d 4903.00.01 a 4903.00.20 a 4903.00.99 a 4904.00 music, printed or in manuscript, whether or not bound or 4904.00.00 d 4904.00.00 d 4904.00.01 d 4905.10 globes, topographical, printed 4905.10.00 d 4905.10.00 a 4905.10.01 a 4905.91 maps and hydrographic or similar charts of all kinds, printed, 4905.91.00 d 4905.91.00 d 4905.91.01 a 4905.91.02 a 4905.91.99 a 4905.99 maps and hydrographic or similar charts of all kinds, printed, 4905.99.10 d 4905.99.00 d 4905.99.01 a 4905.99.90 a 4905.99.02 a 4905.99.99 a 4906.00 plans and drawings for architectural etc originals drawn by 4906.00.00 d 4906.00.00 d 4906.00.01 a 4907.00 unused postage, revenue stamps; cheque forms, banknotes, bond 4907.00.10 d 4907.00.00 d 4907.00.01 d 4907.00.20 d 4907.00.02 d 4907.00.90 a 4907.00.03 d 4907.00.04 d 4907.00.99 a 4908.10 transfers (decalcomanias), vitrifiable 4908.10.00 d 4908.10.00 a 4908.10.01 c 4908.10.99 c 4908.90 transfers (decalcomanias), nes 4908.90.00 a 4908.90.00 a 4908.90.01 c 4908.90.02 c 4908.90.03 c 4908.90.04 c 4908.90.05 a 4908.90.99 a 4909.00 postcards, printed or illustrated; printed greeting cards 4909.00.00 a 4909.00.20 a 4909.00.01 a 4909.00.40 a 4909.00.99 a 4910.00 calendars of any kind, printed, including calendar blocks 4910.00.10 d 4910.00.20 d 4910.00.01 a 4910.00.20 a 4910.00.40 a 4910.00.99 a 4910.00.90 a 4910.00.60 a 4911.10 trade advertising material, commercial catalogue and the like 4911.10.10 d 4911.10.00 d 4911.10.01 a 4911.10.20 d 4911.10.02 a 4911.10.91 d 4911.10.03 a 4911.10.92 a 4911.10.04 a 4911.10.99 a 4911.10.99 a 4911.91 pictures, designs and photographs 4911.91.10 d 4911.91.10 d 4911.91.01 a 4911.91.90 a 4911.91.15 d 4911.91.02 a 4911.91.20 a 4911.91.03 a 4911.91.30 d 4911.91.04 a 4911.91.40 a 4911.91.05 a 4911.91.06 a 4911.91.99 a 4911.99 printed matter, nes 4911.99.10 d 4911.99.20 d 4911.99.01 a 4911.99.20 d 4911.99.60 a 4911.99.02 a 4911.99.30 d 4911.99.80 a 4911.99.03 a 4911.99.40 d 4911.99.04 a 4911.99.50 a 4911.99.05 a 4911.99.90 a 4911.99.06 a 4911.99.99 a 5001.00 silk-worm cocoons suitable for reeling 5001.00.00 d 5001.00.00 d 5001.00.01 a 5002.00 raw silk (not thrown) 5002.00.00 d 5002.00.00 d 5002.00.01 a 5003.10 silk waste, not carded or combed 5003.10.00 d 5003.10.00 d 5003.10.01 a 5003.90 silk waste, nes 5003.90.00 d 5003.90.00 a 5003.90.99 a 5004.00 silk yarn (other than yarn spun from silk waste) not put up fo 5004.00.00 d 5004.00.00 a 5004.00.01 a 5005.00 yarn spun from silk waste, not put up for retail sale 5005.00.00 d 5005.00.00 a 5005.00.01 a 5006.00 silk yarn and yarn spun from wilk waste, put up for retail 5006.00.00 d 5006.00.10 a 5006.00.01 a 5006.00.90 a 5007.10 woven fabrics of noil silk 5007.10.00 d 5007.10.30 a 5007.10.01 a 5007.10.60 a 5007.10.02 a 5007.10.99 a 5007.20 woven fabrics of silk/silk waste, o/t noil silk, 85% or more o 5007.20.00 d 5007.20.00 a 5007.20.01 a 5007.20.02 a 5007.20.03 a 5007.20.99 a 5007.90 woven fabrics of silk, nes 5007.90.00 d 5007.90.30 a 5007.90.01 a 5007.90.60 a 5007.90.99 a 5101.11 greasy shorn wool, not carded or combed 5101.11.00 d 5101.11.10 d 5101.11.01 d 5101.11.20 a 5101.11.02 d 5101.11.40 a 5101.11.50 a 5101.11.60 a 5101.19 greasy wool (other than shorn wool) not carded or combed 5101.19.00 d 5101.19.10 d 5101.19.01 c 5101.19.20 a 5101.19.02 c 5101.19.40 a 5101.19.50 a 5101.19.60 a 5101.21 degreased shorn wool, not carded, combed or carbonised 5101.21.00 d 5101.21.10 d 5101.21.01 c 5101.21.15 a 5101.21.02 c 5101.21.30 a 5101.21.35 a 5101.21.40 a 5101.21.60 a 5101.29 degreased wool (other than shorn wool), not carded, combed or 5101.29.00 d 5101.29.10 d 5101.29.01 c 5101.29.15 a 5101.29.02 c 5101.29.30 a 5101.29.35 a 5101.29.40 a 5101.29.60 b 5101.30 carbonised wool, not carded or combed 5101.30.00 d 5101.30.10 b 5101.30.01 c 5101.30.15 b 5101.30.02 c 5101.30.30 b 5101.30.40 a 5101.30.60 a 5102.10 fine animal hair, not carded or combed 5102.10.00 d 5102.10.20 a 5102.10.01 a 5102.10.40 a 5102.10.02 c 5102.10.60 a 5102.10.99 c 5102.10.80 d 5102.10.90 b 5102.20 coarse animal hair, not carded or combed 5102.20.00 d 5102.20.00 d 5102.20.01 c 5102.20.99 c 5103.10 noils of wool or of fine animal hair 5103.10.00 d 5103.10.00 a 5103.10.01 a 5103.10.02 c 5103.10.99 c 5103.20 waste (other than noils) of wool or of fine animal hair, exc 5103.20.00 d 5103.20.00 a 5103.20.01 c 5103.20.02 c 5103.20.99 a 5103.30 waste of coarse animal hair, excluding garnetted stock 5103.30.00 d 5103.30.00 b 5103.30.01 c 5104.00 garnetted stock of wool or of fine or coarse animal hair 5104.00.00 d 5104.00.00 b 5104.00.01 c 5105.10 carded wool 5105.10.10 d 5105.10.00 a 5105.10.01 a 5105.10.90 a 5105.21 combed wool in fragments 5105.21.00 d 5105.21.00 a 5105.21.01 a 5105.29 wool tops and other combed wool, other than combed wool in 5105.29.10 d 5105.29.00 a 5105.29.01 a 5105.29.90 a 5105.29.99 a 5105.30 fine animal hair, carded or combed 5105.30.10 d 5105.30.00 a 5105.30.01 a 5105.30.90 a 5105.30.99 a 5105.40 coarse animal hair, carded or combed 5105.40.10 d 5105.40.00 a 5105.40.01 a 5105.40.90 a 5105.40.02 a 5105.40.99 a 5106.10 yarn of carded wool, 85% by weight of wool, not put up for 5106.10.00 bl 5106.10.00 a 5106.10.01 bl 5106.20 yarn of carded, wool, <85% by weight of wool, not put up for 5106.20.00 bl 5106.20.00 a 5106.20.01 bl 5107.10 yarn of combed wool, 85% by weight of wool, not put up for 5107.10.00 bl 5107.10.00 a 5107.10.01 bl 5107.20 yarn of combed wool, <85% by weight of wool, not put up for 5107.20.00 bl 5107.20.00 a 5107.20.01 bl 5108.10 yarn of carded fine animal hair, not put up for retail sale 5108.10.10 bl 5108.10.30 a 5108.10.01 bl 5108.10.20 bl 5108.10.60 a 5108.10.99 bl 5108.20 yarn of combed fine animal hair, not put up for retail sale 5108.20.10 bl 5108.20.30 a 5108.20.01 bl 5108.20.20 bl 5108.20.60 a 5108.20.99 bl 5109.10 yarn of wool or of fine animal hair, 85% by weight of such 5109.10.00 bl 5109.10.20 d 5109.10.01 bl 5109.10.40 a 5109.10.60 a 5109.90 yarn of wool or of fine animal hair, <85% by weight of such 5109.90.00 bl 5109.90.20 d 5109.90.99 bl 5109.90.40 a 5109.90.60 a 5110.00 yarn of coarse animal hair or of horsehair 5110.00.00 bl 5110.00.00 a 5110.00.01 bl 5111.11 woven fabrics of carded wool/fine animal hair, 85% by weight, 5111.11.10 bl 5111.11.20 b 5111.11.fa bl 5111.11.90 bl 5111.11.30 b 5111.11.01 bl 5111.11.70 b 5111.19 woven fabrics of carded wool/fine animal hair, 85% by weight, 5111.19.00 bl 5111.19.10 b 5111.19.fa bl 5111.19.20 b 5111.19.99 bl 5111.19.60 b 5111.20 woven fabrics of carded wool/fine animal hair, mixed with m-m 5111.20.10 bl 5111.20.05 b 5111.20.fa bl 5111.20.91 bl 5111.20.10 b 5111.20.99 bl 5111.20.92 bl 5111.20.90 b 5111.30 woven fabrics of carded wool/fine animal hair, mixed with m-m 5111.30.10 bl 5111.30.05 b 5111.30.fa bl 5111.30.91 bl 5111.30.10 b 5111.30.99 bl 5111.30.92 bl 5111.30.90 b 5111.90 woven fabrics of carded wool/fine animal hair, nes 5111.90.10 bl 5111.90.30 b 5111.90.99 bl 5111.90.91 bl 5111.90.40 b 5111.90.92 bl 5111.90.50 b 5111.90.90 b 5112.11 woven fabrics of combed wool/fine animal hair, 85% by weight, 5112.11.10 bl 5112.11.10 b 5112.11.fa bl 5112.11.90 bl 5112.11.20 b 5112.11.01 bl 5112.19 woven fabrics of combed wool/fine animal hair, 85% by weight, 5112.19.10 a 5112.19.20 b 5112.19.fa a 5112.19.91 bl 5112.19.90 b 5112.19.fb bl 5112.19.92 bl 5112.19.99 bl 5112.20 woven fabrics of combed wool/fine animal hair, <85% by wt, 5112.20.10 bl 5112.20.10 b 5112.20.fa bl 5112.20.91 bl 5112.20.20 b 5112.20.01 bl 5112.20.92 bl 5112.20.30 b 5112.30 woven fabrics of combed wool/fine animal hair, <85% by wt, 5112.30.10 a 5112.30.10 b 5112.30.fa a 5112.30.20 bl 5112.30.20 b 5112.30.fb bl 5112.30.91 bl 5112.30.30 b 5112.30.01 bl 5112.30.92 bl 5112.90 woven fabrics of combed wool/fine animal hair, <85% by weight, 5112.90.10 bl 5112.90.30 b 5112.90.99 bl 5112.90.91 bl 5112.90.40 b 5112.90.92 bl 5112.90.50 b 5112.90.90 b 5113.00 woven fabrics of coarse animal hair or of horsehair 5113.00.00 bl 5113.00.00 a 5113.00.01 bl 5113.00.02 bl 5201.00 cotton, not carded or combed 5201.00.00 d 5201.00.10 c 5201.00.01 c 5201.00.20 c 5201.00.02 c 5201.00.50 c 5201.00.03 d 5202.10 cotton yarn waste (including thread waste) 5202.10.00 d 5202.10.00 d 5202.10.01 b 5202.10.02 b 5202.10.99 b 5202.91 garnetted stock of cotton 5202.91.00 d 5202.91.00 a 5202.91.01 b 5202.99 cotton waste, nes 5202.99.00 d 5202.99.00 c 5202.99.01 c 5202.99.99 b 5203.00 cotton, carded or combed 5203.00.10 d 5203.00.00 c 5203.00.01 c 5203.00.90 c 5204.11 cotton sewing thread 85% by weight of cotton, not put up for 5204.11.00 b+ 5204.11.00 a 5204.11.01 b+ 5204.19 cotton sewing thread, <85% by weight of cotton, not put up for 5204.19.00 b+ 5204.19.00 a 5204.19.99 b+ 5204.20 cotton sewing thread, put up for retail sale 5204.20.00 b+ 5204.20.00 a 5204.20.01 b+ 5205.11 cotton yarn, 85%, single, uncombed, 714.29 dtex, not put up 5205.11.00 b+ 5205.11.10 b 5205.11.01 b+ 5205.11.20 b 5205.12 cotton yarn, 85%, single, uncombed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5205.12.00 b+ 5205.12.10 b 5205.12.01 b+ 5205.12.20 b 5205.13 cotton yarn, 85%, single, uncombed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5205.13.00 b+ 5205.13.10 b 5205.13.01 b+ 5205.13.20 b 5205.14 cotton yarn, 85%, single, uncombed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not pu 5205.14.00 b+ 5205.14.10 b 5205.14.01 b+ 5205.14.20 b 5205.15 cotton yarn, 85%, single, uncombed, <125 dtex, not put up for 5205.15.00 b+ 5205.15.10 b 5205.15.01 b+ 5205.15.20 b 5205.21 cotton yarn, 85%, single, combed, 714.29, not put up 5205.21.00 b+ 5205.21.00 b 5205.21.01 b+ 5205.22 cotton yarn, 85%, single, combed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5205.22.00 b+ 5205.22.00 b 5205.22.01 b+ 5205.23 cotton yarn, 85%, single, combed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5205.23.00 b+ 5205.23.00 b 5205.23.01 b+ 5205.24 cotton yarn, 85%, single, combed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not put 5205.24.00 b+ 5205.24.00 b 5205.24.01 b+ 5205.25 cotton yarn, 85%, single, combed, <125 dtex, not put up for 5205.25.00 b+ 5205.25.00 b 5205.25.01 b+ 5205.31 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, uncombed, 714.29 dtex, not put up, 5205.31.00 b+ 5205.31.00 b 5205.31.01 b+ 5205.32 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, uncombed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5205.32.00 b+ 5205.32.00 b 5205.32.01 b+ 5205.33 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, uncombed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5205.33.00 b+ 5205.33.00 b 5205.33.01 b+ 5205.34 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, uncombed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not put 5205.34.00 b+ 5205.34.00 b 5205.34.01 b+ 5205.35 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, uncombed, <125 dtex, not put up, nes 5205.35.00 b+ 5205.35.00 b 5205.35.01 b+ 5205.41 cotton yarn, 85%, multiple, combed, 714.29 dtex, not put up, 5205.41.00 b+ 5205.41.00 b 5205.41.01 b+ 5205.42 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, combed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not pu 5205.42.00 b+ 5205.42.00 b 5205.42.01 b+ 5205.43 cotton yarn, 85%, multi, combed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not pu 5205.43.00 b+ 5205.43.00 b 5205.43.01 b+ 5205.44 cotton yarn, 85%, multiple, combed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not pu 5205.44.00 b+ 5205.44.00 b 5205.44.01 b+ 5205.45 cotton yarn, 85%, multiple, combed, <125 dtex, not put up, ne 5205.45.10 d 5205.45.00 b 5205.45.01 b+ 5205.45.90 b+ 5206.11 cotton yarn, <85%, single, uncombed, 714.29, not put up 5206.11.00 b+ 5206.11.00 b 5206.11.01 b+ 5206.12 cotton yarn, <85%, single, uncombed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5206.12.00 b+ 5206.12.00 b 5206.12.01 b+ 5206.13 cotton yarn, <85%, single, uncombed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5206.13.00 b+ 5206.13.00 b 5206.13.01 b+ 5206.14 cotton yarn, <85%, single, uncombed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not pu 5206.14.00 b+ 5206.14.00 b 5206.14.01 b+ 5206.15 cotton yarn, <85%, single, uncombed, <125 dtex, not put up for 5206.15.00 b+ 5206.15.00 b 5206.15.01 b+ 5206.21 cotton yarn, <85%, single, combed, 714.29 dtex, not put up 5206.21.00 b+ 5206.21.00 b 5206.21.01 b+ 5206.22 cotton yarn, <85%, single, combed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5206.22.00 b+ 5206.22.00 b 5206.22.01 b+ 5206.23 cotton yarn, <85%, single, combed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5206.23.00 b+ 5206.23.00 b 5206.23.01 b+ 5206.24 cotton yarn, <85%, single, combed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not put 5206.24.00 b+ 5206.24.00 b 5206.24.01 b+ 5206.25 cotton yarn, <85%, single, combed, <125 dtex, not put up for 5206.25.00 b+ 5206.25.00 b 5206.25.01 b+ 5206.31 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, uncombed, 714.29, not put up, ne 5206.31.00 b+ 5206.31.00 b 5206.31.01 b+ 5206.32 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, uncombed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, 5206.32.00 b+ 5206.32.00 b 5206.32.01 b+ 5206.33 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, uncombed, 232.56 >dex 192.31, no 5206.33.00 b+ 5206.33.00 b 5206.33.01 b+ 5206.34 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, uncombed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not 5206.34.00 b+ 5206.34.00 b 5206.34.01 b+ 5206.35 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, uncombed, <125 dtex, not put up, 5206.35.00 b+ 5206.35.00 b 5206.35.01 b+ 5206.41 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, combed, 714.29, not put up, nes 5206.41.00 b+ 5206.41.00 b 5206.41.01 b+ 5206.42 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, combed, 714.29 >dtex 232.56, not 5206.42.00 b+ 5206.42.00 b 5206.42.01 b+ 5206.43 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, combed, 232.56 >dtex 192.31, not 5206.43.00 b+ 5206.43.00 b 5206.43.01 b+ 5206.44 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, combed, 192.31 >dtex 125, not pu 5206.44.00 b+ 5206.44.00 b 5206.44.01 b+ 5206.45 cotton yarn, <85%, multiple, combed, <125 dtex, not put up, ne 5206.45.00 b+ 5206.45.00 b 5206.45.01 b+ 5207.10 cotton yarn (o/t sewing thread) 85% by weight of cotton, put 5207.10.00 b+ 5207.10.00 b 5207.10.01 b+ 5207.90 cotton yarn (o/t sewing thread) <85% by wt of cotton, put up 5207.90.00 b+ 5207.90.00 b 5207.90.99 b+ 5208.11 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 100 g/mo, 5208.11.10 d 5208.11.20 b 5208.11.01 b+ 5208.11.90 b+ 5208.11.40 b 5208.11.60 b 5208.11.80 b 5208.12 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, >100 g/mo to 200 g/mo, 5208.12.00 b+ 5208.12.40 b 5208.12.01 b+ 5208.12.60 b 5208.12.80 b 5208.13 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, 5208.13.00 b+ 5208.13.00 a 5208.13.01 b+ 5208.19 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, 5208.19.00 b+ 5208.19.20 b 5208.19.fa b+ 5208.19.2v a 5208.19.01 b+ 5208.19.40 b 5208.19.60 b 5208.19.80 b 5208.21 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 100 g/mo, 5208.21.00 b+ 5208.21.20 b 5208.21.01 b+ 5208.21.40 b 5208.21.60 b 5208.22 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, >100 g/mo to 200 g/mo, 5208.22.10 d 5208.22.40 b 5208.22.01 b+ 5208.22.90 b+ 5208.22.60 b 5208.22.80 b 5208.23 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, 5208.23.00 b+ 5208.23.00 a 5208.23.01 b+ 5208.29 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, 5208.29.00 b+ 5208.29.20 b 5208.29.fa b+ 5208.29.2v a 5208.29.01 b+ 5208.29.40 b 5208.29.60 b 5208.29.80 b 5208.31 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 100 g/mo, dyed 5208.31.00 b+ 5208.31.20 a 5208.31.01 b+ 5208.31.40 b 5208.31.60 b 5208.31.80 b 5208.32 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, >100 g/mo to 200 g/mo, dyed 5208.32.10 d 5208.32.10 a 5208.32.01 b+ 5208.32.90 b+ 5208.32.30 b 5208.32.40 b 5208.32.50 b 5208.33 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, dyed 5208.33.00 b+ 5208.33.00 a 5208.33.01 b+ 5208.39 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, dyed, 5208.39.00 b+ 5208.39.20 b 5208.39.fa b+ 5208.39.2v a 5208.39.01 b+ 5208.39.40 b 5208.39.60 b 5208.39.80 b 5208.41 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 100 g/mo, yarn 5208.41.00 b+ 5208.41.20 a 5208.41.01 b+ 5208.41.40 b 5208.41.60 b 5208.41.80 b 5208.42 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, >100 g/mo to 200 g/mo, yarn 5208.42.10 d 5208.42.10 a 5208.42.01 b+ 5208.42.90 b+ 5208.42.30 b 5208.42.40 b 5208.42.50 b 5208.43 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, yarn 5208.43.00 b+ 5208.43.00 b 5208.43.01 b+ 5208.49 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, yarn 5208.49.00 b+ 5208.49.20 b 5208.49.01 b+ 5208.49.40 b 5208.49.60 b 5208.49.80 b 5208.51 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 100 g/mo, 5208.51.00 b+ 5208.51.20 a 5208.51.01 b+ 5208.51.40 b 5208.51.60 b 5208.51.80 b 5208.52 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, >100 g/mo to 200 g/mo, 5208.52.10 d 5208.52.10 a 5208.52.01 b+ 5208.52.90 b+ 5208.52.30 b 5208.52.40 b 5208.52.50 b 5208.53 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, 5208.53.00 b+ 5208.53.00 a 5208.53.01 b+ 5208.59 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, not more than 200 g/mo, printed 5208.59.00 b+ 5208.59.20 b 5208.59.fa b+ 5208.59.2v a 5208.59.01 b+ 5208.59.40 a 5208.59.60 a 5208.59.80 a 5209.11 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, 5209.11.00 b+ 5209.11.00 b 5209.11.01 b+ 5209.12 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, 5209.12.00 b+ 5209.12.00 a 5209.12.01 b+ 5209.19 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, unbleached, 5209.19.00 b+ 5209.19.00 b 5209.19.fa b+ 5209.19.0v a 5209.19.01 b+ 5209.21 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, bleached 5209.21.00 b+ 5209.21.00 b 5209.21.01 b+ 5209.22 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, bleached 5209.22.00 b+ 5209.22.00 a 5209.22.01 b+ 5209.29 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, bleached, 5209.29.00 b+ 5209.29.00 b 5209.29.fa b+ 5209.29.0v a 5209.29.01 b+ 5209.31 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, dyed 5209.31.00 b+ 5209.31.30 a 5209.31.01 b+ 5209.31.60 b 5209.32 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, dyed 5209.32.00 b+ 5209.32.00 a 5209.32.01 b+ 5209.39 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, dyed, nes 5209.39.00 b+ 5209.39.00 b 5209.39.fa b+ 5209.39.0v a 5209.39.01 b+ 5209.41 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, yarn dye 5209.41.00 b+ 5209.41.30 a 5209.41.01 b+ 5209.41.60 b 5209.42 denim fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo 5209.42.00 a 5209.42.00 a 5209.42.01 a 5209.43 twill weave cotton fabrics, o/t denim, 85%, more than 200 5209.43.00 b+ 5209.43.00 b 5209.43.01 b+ 5209.49 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, yarn dyed, 5209.49.00 b+ 5209.49.00 b 5209.49.01 b+ 5209.51 plain weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, printed 5209.51.00 b+ 5209.51.30 a 5209.51.01 b+ 5209.51.60 b 5209.52 twill weave cotton fabrics, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, printed 5209.52.00 b+ 5209.52.00 a 5209.52.01 b+ 5209.59 woven fabrics of cotton, 85%, more than 200 g/mo, printed, ne 5209.59.00 b+ 5209.59.00 b 5209.59.fa b+ 5209.59.0v a 5209.59.01 b+ 5210.11 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.11.00 b+ 5210.11.40 b 5210.11.01 b+ 5210.11.60 b 5210.11.99 b+ 5210.11.80 b 5210.12 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.12.00 b+ 5210.12.00 a 5210.12.01 b+ 5210.19 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, ã� 200 g/mo, 5210.19.00 b+ 5210.19.20 b 5210.19.fa b+ 5210.19.2v a 5210.19.01 b+ 5210.19.40 a 5210.19.60 a 5210.19.80 a 5210.21 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.21.00 b+ 5210.21.40 b 5210.21.01 b+ 5210.21.60 b 5210.21.80 b 5210.22 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.22.00 b+ 5210.22.00 a 5210.22.01 b+ 5210.29 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, ã� 200 g/mo, 5210.29.00 b+ 5210.29.20 b 5210.29.fa b+ 5210.29.2v a 5210.29.99 b+ 5210.29.40 a 5210.29.60 a 5210.29.80 a 5210.31 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.31.00 b+ 5210.31.40 b 5210.31.01 b+ 5210.31.60 b 5210.31.80 b 5210.32 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, not more than 5210.32.00 b+ 5210.32.00 a 5210.32.01 b+ 5210.39 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, ã� 200 g/mo, 5210.39.00 b+ 5210.39.20 b 5210.39.fa b+ 5210.39.2v a 5210.39.99 b+ 5210.39.40 b 5210.39.60 b 5210.39.80 b 5210.41 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed w m-m fib, not more than 20 5210.41.00 b+ 5210.41.40 b 5210.41.01 b+ 5210.41.60 b 5210.41.80 b 5210.42 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed w m-m fib, not more than 20 5210.42.00 b+ 5210.42.00 b 5210.42.01 b+ 5210.49 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed w m-m fib, ã� 200 g/mo, yar 5210.49.00 b+ 5210.49.20 b 5210.49.99 b+ 5210.49.40 b 5210.49.60 b 5210.49.80 b 5210.51 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed w m-m fib, not more than 20 5210.51.00 b+ 5210.51.40 b 5210.51.01 b+ 5210.51.60 b 5210.51.80 b 5210.52 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed w m-m fib, not more than 20 5210.52.00 b+ 5210.52.00 a 5210.52.01 b+ 5210.59 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, ã� 200 g/mo, 5210.59.00 b+ 5210.59.20 b 5210.59.fa b+ 5210.59.2v a 5210.59.01 b+ 5210.59.40 b 5210.59.60 b 5210.59.80 b 5211.11 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.11.00 b+ 5211.11.00 b 5211.11.01 b+ 5211.11.99 b+ 5211.12 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.12.00 b+ 5211.12.00 a 5211.12.01 b+ 5211.19 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 20 5211.19.00 b+ 5211.19.00 b 5211.19.fa b+ 5211.19.0v a 5211.19.01 b+ 5211.21 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.21.00 b+ 5211.21.00 b 5211.21.01 b+ 5211.22 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.22.00 b+ 5211.22.00 a 5211.22.01 b+ 5211.29 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 20 5211.29.00 b+ 5211.29.00 b 5211.29.fa b+ 5211.29.0v a 5211.29.99 b+ 5211.31 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.31.00 b+ 5211.31.00 b 5211.31.01 b+ 5211.32 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.32.00 b+ 5211.32.00 a 5211.32.01 b+ 5211.39 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 20 5211.39.00 b+ 5211.39.00 b 5211.39.fa b+ 5211.39.0v a 5211.39.01 b+ 5211.41 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.41.00 b+ 5211.41.00 b 5211.41.01 b+ 5211.42 denim fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 20 5211.42.00 a 5211.42.00 a 5211.42.01 a 5211.43 twill weave cotton fab, o/t denim, <85% mixed w m-m fib, >200 5211.43.00 b+ 5211.43.00 b 5211.43.99 b+ 5211.49 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed with m-m fib, >200 g/mo, 5211.49.00 b+ 5211.49.00 b 5211.49.01 b+ 5211.51 plain weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.51.00 b+ 5211.51.00 b 5211.51.01 b+ 5211.52 twill weave cotton fab, <85% mixed with m-m fib, more than 200 5211.52.00 b+ 5211.52.00 a 5211.52.01 b+ 5211.59 woven fabrics of cotton, <85% mixed w m-m fib, more than 200 5211.59.00 b+ 5211.59.00 b 5211.59.fa b+ 5211.59.0v a 5211.59.01 b+ 5212.11 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing not more than 200 g/mo, 5212.11.10 b+ 5212.11.10 b 5212.11.01 b+ 5212.11.20 b+ 5212.11.60 b 5212.11.90 b+ 5212.12 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing not more than 200 g/mo, 5212.12.10 b+ 5212.12.10 b 5212.12.01 b+ 5212.12.20 b+ 5212.12.60 b 5212.12.90 b+ 5212.13 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing not more than 200 g/mo, dyed 5212.13.10 b+ 5212.13.10 b 5212.13.01 b+ 5212.13.20 b+ 5212.13.60 b 5212.13.90 b+ 5212.14 woven fabrics of cotton, ã� 200 g/mo, of yarns of different 5212.14.10 b+ 5212.14.10 b 5212.14.01 b+ 5212.14.20 b+ 5212.14.60 b 5212.14.90 b+ 5212.15 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing not more than 200 g/mo, 5212.15.10 b+ 5212.15.10 b 5212.15.01 b+ 5212.15.20 b+ 5212.15.60 b 5212.15.90 b+ 5212.21 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing more than 200 g/mo, 5212.21.10 b+ 5212.21.10 b 5212.21.01 b+ 5212.21.20 b+ 5212.21.60 b 5212.21.90 b+ 5212.22 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing more than 200 g/mo, bleached 5212.22.10 b+ 5212.22.10 b 5212.22.01 b+ 5212.22.20 b+ 5212.22.60 b 5212.22.90 b+ 5212.23 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing more than 200 g/mo, dyed, ne 5212.23.10 b+ 5212.23.10 b 5212.23.01 b+ 5212.23.20 b+ 5212.23.60 b 5212.23.90 b+ 5212.24 woven fabrics of cotton, >200 g/mo, of yarns of different 5212.24.10 b+ 5212.24.10 b 5212.24.fa a 5212.24.20 b+ 5212.24.60 b 5212.24.01 b+ 5212.24.90 b+ 5212.24.9v a 5212.25 woven fabrics of cotton, weighing more than 200 g/mo, printed, 5212.25.10 b+ 5212.25.10 b 5212.25.01 b+ 5212.25.20 b+ 5212.25.60 b 5212.25.90 b+ 5301.10 flax fibre, raw or retted 5301.10.00 d 5301.10.00 d 5301.10.01 c 5301.21 flax fibre, broken or scutched 5301.21.00 d 5301.21.00 a 5301.21.01 c 5301.29 flax fibre, otherwise processed but not spun 5301.29.00 d 5301.29.00 a 5301.29.99 c 5301.30 flax tow and waste (including yarn waste and garnetted stock) 5301.30.00 d 5301.30.00 d 5301.30.01 c 5301.30.99 c 5302.10 true hemp fibre (cannabis sativa l), raw or retted 5302.10.00 d 5302.10.00 d 5302.10.01 c 5302.90 true hemp fibre otherwise processed but not spun; tow and wast 5302.90.00 d 5302.90.00 d 5302.90.01 c 5302.90.99 c 5303.10 jute and other textile bast fibres, raw or retted 5303.10.00 d 5303.10.00 d 5303.10.01 c 5303.10.99 c 5303.90 jute and other tex bast fib, not spun, nes; tow and waste of 5303.90.00 d 5303.90.00 d 5303.90.01 c 5303.90.99 c 5304.10 sisal and other textile fibres of the genus agave, raw 5304.10.00 d 5304.10.00 d 5304.10.01 c 5304.90 sisal textile fibres processed but not spun; tow and waste of 5304.90.00 d 5304.90.00 d 5304.90.99 c 5305.11 coconut (coir) fibre, raw 5305.11.00 d 5305.11.00 d 5305.11.01 c 5305.19 coconut (coir) fibre,processed not spun; tow, noils and waste 5305.19.00 d 5305.19.00 d 5305.19.99 c 5305.21 abaca fibre, raw 5305.21.00 d 5305.21.00 d 5305.21.01 c 5305.29 abaca fibre, processed but not spun; tow, noils and waste of 5305.29.00 d 5305.29.00 d 5305.29.99 c 5305.91 vegetable textile fibres nes, raw 5305.91.00 d 5305.91.00 d 5305.91.01 c 5305.91.99 c 5305.99 vegetable tex fib nes, processed not spun;tow,noils and waste 5305.99.00 d 5305.99.00 d 5305.99.01 c 5305.99.99 c 5306.10 flax yarn, single 5306.10.10 d 5306.10.00 a 5306.10.01 a 5306.10.20 a 5306.20 flax yarn, multile (folded) or cabled 5306.20.10 d 5306.20.00 a 5306.20.01 a 5306.20.20 a 5307.10 yarn of jute or of other textile bast fibres, single 5307.10.00 a 5307.10.00 a 5307.10.01 a 5307.10.99 a 5307.20 yarn of jute or of other textile bast fibres, multiple (folded 5307.20.00 a 5307.20.00 a 5307.20.01 a 5308.10 coir yarn 5308.10.00 d 5308.10.00 d 5308.10.01 a 5308.20 true hemp yarn 5308.20.00 a 5308.20.00 a 5308.20.01 a 5308.20.99 a 5308.30 paper yarn 5308.30.00 a 5308.30.00 a 5308.30.01 a 5308.90 yarn of other vegetable textile fibres 5308.90.10 a 5308.90.00 a 5308.90.01 a 5308.90.20 a 5308.90.99 a 5309.11 woven fabrics, containing 85% or more by weight of flax, 5309.11.00 a 5309.11.00 a 5309.11.01 a 5309.19 woven fabrics, containing 85% or more by weight of flax, o/t 5309.19.00 a 5309.19.00 a 5309.19.99 a 5309.21 woven fabrics of flax, containing <85% by weight of flax, 5309.21.00 a 5309.21.20 a 5309.21.01 a 5309.21.30 a 5309.21.40 a 5309.29 woven fabrics of flax, containing <85% by weight of flax, o/t 5309.29.00 a 5309.29.20 a 5309.29.99 a 5309.29.30 a 5309.29.40 a 5310.10 woven fabrics of jute or of other textile bast fibres, 5310.10.10 d 5310.10.00 d 5310.10.01 a 5310.10.90 a 5310.90 woven fabrics of jute or of other textile bast fibres, o/t 5310.90.10 d 5310.90.00 a 5310.90.99 a 5310.90.90 a 5311.00 woven fabrics of other vegetable textile fibres; woven fabrics 5311.00.00 a 5311.00.20 a 5311.00.01 a 5311.00.30 a 5311.00.02 a 5311.00.40 a 5311.00.03 a 5311.00.60 a 5311.00.99 a 5401.10 sewing thread of synthetic filaments 5401.10.00 b+ 5401.10.00 a 5401.10.01 b+ 5401.20 sewing thread of artificial filaments 5401.20.00 b+ 5401.20.00 a 5401.20.01 b+ 5402.10 high tenacity yarn (o/t sewing thread), nylon/other polyamides 5402.10.00 b+ 5402.10.30 b 5402.10.fa a 5402.10.0v a 5402.10.60 b 5402.10.01 b+ 5402.10.0w a 5402.10.02 a 5402.20 high tenacity yarn (o/t sewing thread), of polyester filaments 5402.20.00 b+ 5402.20.30 b 5402.20.fa a 5402.20.0v a 5402.20.60 b 5402.20.01 a 5402.31 textured yarn nes, of nylon or other polyamides fi, ã�50 5402.31.00 b+ 5402.31.30 b 5402.31.01 b+ 5402.31.60 b 5402.32 textured yarn nes, of nylon or other polyamides fi, >50 5402.32.00 b+ 5402.32.30 b 5402.32.fa a 5402.32.0v a 5402.32.60 b 5402.32.01 b+ 5402.33 textured yarn nes, of polyester filaments, not put up for 5402.33.00 b+ 5402.33.30 b 5402.33.01 b+ 5402.33.60 b 5402.39 textured yarn of synthetic filaments, nes, not put up 5402.39.00 b+ 5402.39.30 b 5402.39.01 b+ 5402.39.60 b 5402.39.02 b+ 5402.39.03 b+ 5402.39.99 b+ 5402.41 yarn of nylon or other polyamides fi, single, untwisted, nes, 5402.41.00 b+ 5402.41.00 b 5402.41.fa a 5402.41.0v a 5402.41.fb a 5402.41.0w a 5402.41.01 b+ 5402.41.02 b+ 5402.41.03 b+ 5402.42 yarn of polyester filaments, partially oriented, single, nes, 5402.42.00 a 5402.42.00 b 5402.42.01 a 5402.43 yarn of polyester filaments, single, untwisted, nes, not put u 5402.43.00 b+ 5402.43.00 b 5402.43.fa a 5402.43.0v a 5402.43.01 b+ 5402.49 yarn of synthetic filaments, single, untwisted, nes, not put u 5402.49.00 b+ 5402.49.00 a 5402.49.fa a 5402.49.0v a 5402.49.01 b+ 5402.49.02 b+ 5402.49.03 b+ 5402.49.04 b+ 5402.49.05 b+ 5402.49.06 bl 5402.49.07 b+ 5402.49.99 b+ 5402.51 yarn of nylon or other polyamides fi, single, >50 turns/m, not 5402.51.00 b+ 5402.51.00 a 5402.51.01 b+ 5402.51.02 b+ 5402.52 yarn of polyester filaments, single, >50 turns per metre, not 5402.52.00 b+ 5402.52.00 a 5402.52.01 b+ 5402.52.99 b+ 5402.59 yarn of synthetic filaments, single, >50 turns per metre, nes, 5402.59.00 b+ 5402.59.00 b 5402.59.01 b+ 5402.59.02 b+ 5402.59.03 b+ 5402.59.04 b+ 5402.59.05 b+ 5402.59.99 b+ 5402.61 yarn of nylon or other polyamides fi, multiple, nes, not put u 5402.61.00 b+ 5402.61.00 b 5402.61.01 b+ 5402.61.02 b+ 5402.62 yarn of polyester filaments, multiple, nes, not put up 5402.62.00 b+ 5402.62.00 b 5402.62.01 b+ 5402.62.99 b+ 5402.69 yarn of synthetic filaments, multiple, nes, not put up 5402.69.00 b+ 5402.69.00 b 5402.69.01 b+ 5402.69.02 b+ 5402.69.03 b+ 5402.69.04 b+ 5402.69.05 b+ 5402.69.99 b+ 5403.10 high tenacity yarn (o/t sewing thread), of viscose rayon 5403.10.00 b+ 5403.10.30 c 5403.10.01 b+ 5403.10.60 c 5403.20 textured yarn nes, of artificial filaments, not put up for 5403.20.00 b+ 5403.20.30 b 5403.20.01 b+ 5403.20.60 c 5403.20.99 b+ 5403.31 yarn of viscose rayon filaments, single, untwisted, nes, not 5403.31.00 a 5403.31.00 c 5403.31.01 a 5403.31.99 a 5403.32 yarn of viscose rayon filaments, single, >120 turns per metre, 5403.32.00 a 5403.32.00 c 5403.32.01 a 5403.32.99 a 5403.33 yarn of cellulose acetate filaments, single, nes, not put up 5403.33.00 b+ 5403.33.00 a 5403.33.01 b+ 5403.39 yarn of artificial filaments, single, nes, not put up 5403.39.00 b+ 5403.39.00 b 5403.39.99 b+ 5403.41 yarn of viscose rayon filaments, multiple, nes, not put up 5403.41.00 a 5403.41.00 c 5403.41.01 a 5403.41.99 a 5403.42 yarn of cellulose acetate filaments, multiple, nes, not put up 5403.42.00 b+ 5403.42.00 a 5403.42.01 b+ 5403.49 yarn of artificial filaments, multiple, nes, not put up 5403.49.00 b+ 5403.49.00 b 5403.49.99 b+ 5404.10 synthetic mono, 67 dtex, no cross sectional dimension exceeds 5404.10.00 b+ 5404.10.10 a 5404.10.fa a 5404.10.0v a 5404.10.20 b 5404.10.01 b+ 5404.10.0w a 5404.10.2v a 5404.10.02 b+ 5404.10.2w a 5404.10.03 b+ 5404.10.04 b+ 5404.10.99 b+ 5404.90 strip and the like of syn tex materials of an apparent width 5404.90.00 b+ 5404.90.00 a 5404.90.fa a 5404.90.0v a 5404.90.99 b+ 5405.00 artificial mono 67 dtex, cross-sect >1 mm; strip of arti tex 5405.00.00 b+ 5405.00.30 b 5405.00.01 b+ 5405.00.60 a 5405.00.02 b+ 5405.00.03 b+ 5405.00.04 b+ 5405.00.99 b+ 5406.10 yarn of synthetic filament (o/t sewing thread), put up for 5406.10.00 b+ 5406.10.00 b 5406.10.01 b+ 5406.10.02 b+ 5406.10.03 b+ 5406.10.99 b+ 5406.20 yarn of artificial filament (o/t sewing thread), put up for 5406.20.00 b+ 5406.20.00 b 5406.20.01 b+ 5407.10 woven fabrics of high tenacity fi yarns of nylon other 5407.10.00 b+ 5407.10.00 c 5407.10.01 b+ 5407.10.02 b+ 5407.10.99 b+ 5407.20 woven fabrics obtained from strip or the like of synthetic 5407.20.00 b+ 5407.20.00 b 5407.20.01 b+ 5407.20.99 b+ 5407.30 fabrics specified in note 9 to section xi (layers of parallel 5407.30.00 b+ 5407.30.10 b 5407.30.01 b+ 5407.30.90 b 5407.30.02 b+ 5407.30.03 b+ 5407.30.99 b+ 5407.41 woven fabrics, 85% of nylon/other polyamides filaments, unbl 5407.41.00 b+ 5407.41.00 a 5407.41.01 b+ 5407.42 woven fabrics, 85% of nylon/other polyamides filaments, dyed, 5407.42.00 b+ 5407.42.00 b 5407.42.01 b+ 5407.43 woven fabrics, 85% of nylon/other polyamides filaments, yarn 5407.43.00 b+ 5407.43.10 b 5407.43.01 b+ 5407.43.20 b 5407.43.02 b+ 5407.43.04 b+ 5407.43.99 b+ 5407.44 woven fabrics, 85% of nylon/other polyamides filaments, 5407.44.00 b+ 5407.44.00 b 5407.44.01 b+ 5407.51 woven fabrics, 85% of textured polyester filaments, unbl or 5407.51.00 b+ 5407.51.00 a 5407.51.01 b+ 5407.52 woven fabrics, 85% of textured polyester filaments, dyed, nes 5407.52.00 b+ 5407.52.05 a 5407.52.01 b+ 5407.52.20 a 5407.53 woven fabrics, 85% of textured polyester filaments, yarn dyed 5407.53.00 b+ 5407.53.10 b 5407.53.01 b+ 5407.53.20 b 5407.53.02 b+ 5407.53.03 b+ 5407.53.99 b+ 5407.54 woven fabrics, 85% of textured polyester filaments, printed, 5407.54.00 b+ 5407.54.00 a 5407.54.01 b+ 5407.60 woven fabrics, 85% of non-textured polyester filaments, nes 5407.60.00 b+ 5407.60.05 b 5407.60.01 b+ 5407.60.10 b 5407.60.99 b+ 5407.60.20 b 5407.71 woven fabrics, 85% of synthetic filaments, unbleached or 5407.71.00 b+ 5407.71.00 b 5407.71.01 b+ 5407.72 woven fabrics, 85% of synthetic filaments, dyed, nes 5407.72.00 b+ 5407.72.00 b 5407.72.01 b+ 5407.73 woven fabrics, 85% of synthetic filaments, yarn dyed, nes 5407.73.00 b+ 5407.73.10 b 5407.73.01 b+ 5407.73.20 b 5407.73.02 b+ 5407.73.03 b+ 5407.73.99 b+ 5407.74 woven fabrics, 85% of synthetic filaments, printed, nes 5407.74.00 b+ 5407.74.00 b 5407.74.01 b+ 5407.81 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, <85% mixed with cotton, 5407.81.00 b+ 5407.81.00 b 5407.81.01 b+ 5407.82 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, <85% mixed with cotton, 5407.82.00 b+ 5407.82.00 b 5407.82.01 b+ 5407.82.02 b+ 5407.82.03 b+ 5407.82.99 b+ 5407.83 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, <85% mixed with cotton, 5407.83.00 b+ 5407.83.00 b 5407.83.01 b+ 5407.84 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, <85% mixed with cotton, 5407.84.00 b+ 5407.84.00 b 5407.84.01 b+ 5407.91 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, unbleached or bleached, 5407.91.00 b+ 5407.91.05 b 5407.91.fa b+ 5407.91.10 b 5407.91.01 b+ 5407.91.20 b 5407.91.02 b+ 5407.91.03 b+ 5407.91.04 b+ 5407.91.05 b+ 5407.91.06 b+ 5407.91.99 b+ 5407.92 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, dyed, nes 5407.92.00 b+ 5407.92.05 b 5407.92.fa b+ 5407.92.10 b 5407.92.01 b+ 5407.92.20 b 5407.92.02 b+ 5407.92.03 b+ 5407.92.04 b+ 5407.92.05 b+ 5407.92.99 b+ 5407.93 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, yarn dyed, nes 5407.93.00 b+ 5407.93.05 b 5407.93.fa b+ 5407.93.10 b 5407.93.01 b+ 5407.93.15 b 5407.93.02 b+ 5407.93.20 b 5407.93.03 b+ 5407.93.04 b+ 5407.93.05 b+ 5407.93.06 b+ 5407.93.99 b+ 5407.94 woven fabrics of synthetic filaments, printed, nes 5407.94.00 b+ 5407.94.05 b 5407.94.fa b+ 5407.94.10 b 5407.94.01 b+ 5407.94.20 b 5407.94.02 b+ 5407.94.03 b+ 5407.94.04 b+ 5407.94.05 b+ 5407.94.06 b+ 5407.94.99 b+ 5408.10 woven fabrics of high tenacity filament yarns of viscose rayon 5408.10.00 b+ 5408.10.00 b 5408.10.01 b+ 5408.10.02 b+ 5408.10.03 b+ 5408.10.04 b+ 5408.10.99 b+ 5408.21 woven fabrics, 85% of artificial fi or strip of art tex mat, 5408.21.00 b+ 5408.21.00 b 5408.21.01 b+ 5408.21.02 b+ 5408.21.03 b+ 5408.21.99 b+ 5408.22 woven fabrics, 85% of artificial fi or strip of art tex mat, 5408.22.00 b+ 5408.22.00 b 5408.22.01 b+ 5408.22.02 b+ 5408.22.03 b+ 5408.22.99 b+ 5408.23 woven fabrics, 85% of artificial fi or strip of art tex mat, 5408.23.00 b+ 5408.23.10 b 5408.23.01 b+ 5408.23.20 b 5408.23.02 b+ 5408.23.03 b+ 5408.23.04 b+ 5408.23.99 b+ 5408.24 woven fabrics, 85% of artificial fi or strip of art tex mat, 5408.24.00 b+ 5408.24.00 b 5408.24.01 b+ 5408.31 woven fabrics of artificial filaments, unbleached or bleached, 5408.31.00 b+ 5408.31.05 b 5408.31.fa b+ 5408.31.10 b 5408.31.01 b+ 5408.31.20 b 5408.31.02 b+ 5408.31.03 b+ 5408.31.99 b+ 5408.32 woven fabrics of artificial filaments, dyed, nes 5408.32.00 b+ 5408.32.05 b 5408.32.fa b+ 5408.32.10 b 5408.32.01 b+ 5408.32.30 b 5408.32.02 b+ 5408.32.90 b 5408.32.03 b+ 5408.32.04 b+ 5408.32.99 b+ 5408.33 woven fabrics of artificial filaments, yarn dyed, nes 5408.33.00 b+ 5408.33.05 b 5408.33.fa b+ 5408.33.10 b 5408.33.01 b+ 5408.33.15 b 5408.33.02 b+ 5408.33.30 b 5408.33.03 b+ 5408.33.90 b 5408.33.99 b+ 5408.34 woven fabrics of artificial filaments, printed, nes 5408.34.00 b+ 5408.34.05 b 5408.34.fa b+ 5408.34.10 b 5408.34.01 b+ 5408.34.30 b 5408.34.02 b+ 5408.34.90 b 5408.34.99 b+ 5501.10 filament tow of nylon or other polyamides 5501.10.00 b+ 5501.10.00 b 5501.10.01 b+ 5501.20 filament tow of polyesters 5501.20.00 b+ 5501.20.00 b 5501.20.01 b+ 5501.20.02 b+ 5501.20.03 b+ 5501.20.99 b+ 5501.30 filament tow of acrylic or modacrylic 5501.30.00 a 5501.30.00 a 5501.30.01 a 5501.90 synthetic filament tow, nes 5501.90.00 b+ 5501.90.00 b 5501.90.01 b+ 5501.90.99 b+ 5502.00 artificial filament tow 5502.00.00 b+ 5502.00.00 a 5502.00.fa b+ 5502.00.0v c 5502.00.01 b+ 5503.10 staple fibres of nylon or other polyamides, not carded or 5503.10.00 b 5503.10.00 b 5503.10.01 b+ 5503.10.99 b+ 5503.20 staple fibres of polyesters, not carded or combed 5503.20.00 bl 5503.20.00 b 5503.20.01 bl 5503.20.02 bl 5503.20.03 bl 5503.20.99 bl 5503.30 staple fibres of acrylic or modacrylic, not carded or combed 5503.30.00 a 5503.30.00 a 5503.30.01 a 5503.40 staple fibres of polypropylene, not carded or combed 5503.40.00 b+ 5503.40.00 b 5503.40.01 d 5503.40.99 d 5503.90 synthetic staple fibres, not carded or combed, nes 5503.90.00 b+ 5503.90.00 b 5503.90.01 b+ 5503.90.99 b+ 5504.10 staple fibres of viscose, not carded or combed 5504.10.00 a 5504.10.00 a 5504.10.01 d 5504.10.99 a 5504.90 artificial staple fibres, o/t viscose, not carded or combed 5504.90.00 b+ 5504.90.00 a 5504.90.01 b+ 5505.10 waste of synthetic fibres 5505.10.00 d 5505.10.00 a 5505.10.01 b+ 5505.20 waste of artificial fibres 5505.20.00 d 5505.20.00 b 5505.20.01 b+ 5506.10 staple fibres of nylon or other polyamides, carded or combed 5506.10.00 b 5506.10.00 b 5506.10.01 bl 5506.20 staple fibres of polyesters, carded or combed 5506.20.00 b 5506.20.00 b 5506.20.01 bl 5506.30 staple fibres of acrylic or modacrylic, carded or combed 5506.30.00 a 5506.30.00 a 5506.30.01 a 5506.90 synthetic staple fibres, carded or combed, nes 5506.90.00 b+ 5506.90.00 b 5506.90.99 b+ 5507.00 artificial staple fibres, carded or combed 5507.00.00 a 5507.00.00 b 5507.00.01 a 5508.10 sewing thread of synthetic staple fibres 5508.10.00 b+ 5508.10.00 a 5508.10.01 b+ 5508.20 sewing thread of artificial staple fibres 5508.20.00 b+ 5508.20.00 a 5508.20.01 b+ 5509.11 yarn, 85% of nylon or other polyamides staple fibres, single, 5509.11.00 b+ 5509.11.00 b 5509.11.01 b+ 5509.12 yarn, 85% of nylon or other polyamides staple fibres, multi, 5509.12.00 b+ 5509.12.00 b 5509.12.01 b+ 5509.21 yarn, 85% of polyester staple fibres, single, not put up 5509.21.00 b+ 5509.21.00 b 5509.21.01 b+ 5509.22 yarn, 85% of polyester staple fibres, multiple, not put up, 5509.22.10 b+ 5509.22.00 b 5509.22.01 b+ 5509.22.90 b+ 5509.31 yarn, 85% of acrylic or modacrylic staple fibres, single, not 5509.31.00 b+ 5509.31.00 b 5509.31.01 b+ 5509.32 yarn, 85% of acrylic or modacrylic staple fibres, multiple, 5509.32.00 b+ 5509.32.00 b 5509.32.01 b+ 5509.41 yarn, 85% of other synthetic staple fibres, single, not put u 5509.41.00 b+ 5509.41.00 b 5509.41.01 b+ 5509.42 yarn, 85% of other synthetic staple fibres, multiple, not put 5509.42.00 b+ 5509.42.00 b 5509.42.01 b+ 5509.51 yarn of polyester staple fibres mixed w/ arti staple fib, not 5509.51.00 b+ 5509.51.30 b 5509.51.01 b+ 5509.51.60 b 5509.52 yarn of polyester staple fib mixed w/ wool or fine animal 5509.52.00 b+ 5509.52.00 b 5509.52.01 b+ 5509.53 yarn of polyester staple fibres mixed with cotton, not put up, 5509.53.00 b+ 5509.53.00 b 5509.53.01 b+ 5509.59 yarn of polyester staple fibres, not put up, nes 5509.59.00 b+ 5509.59.00 b 5509.59.01 b+ 5509.61 yarn of acrylic staple fib mixed with wool or fine animal 5509.61.00 b+ 5509.61.00 b 5509.61.01 b+ 5509.62 yarn of acrylic staple fibres mixed with cotton, not put up, 5509.62.00 b+ 5509.62.00 b 5509.62.01 b+ 5509.69 yarn of acrylic staple fibres, not put up, nes 5509.69.00 b+ 5509.69.20 b 5509.69.01 b+ 5509.69.40 b 5509.69.60 b 5509.91 yarn of other synthetic staple fibres mixed w/wool/fine animal 5509.91.00 b+ 5509.91.00 b 5509.91.01 b+ 5509.92 yarn of other synthetic staple fibres mixed with cotton, not 5509.92.00 b+ 5509.92.00 b 5509.92.01 b+ 5509.99 yarn of other synthetic staple fibres, not put up, nes 5509.99.00 b+ 5509.99.20 b 5509.99.01 b+ 5509.99.40 b 5509.99.60 b 5510.11 yarn, 85% of artificial staple fibres, single, not put up 5510.11.00 b+ 5510.11.00 c 5510.11.01 b+ 5510.12 yarn, 85% of artificial staple fibres, multiple, not put up, 5510.12.00 b+ 5510.12.00 c 5510.12.01 b+ 5510.20 yarn of artificial staple fibres mixed w/wool/fine animal hair 5510.20.00 b+ 5510.20.00 b 5510.20.01 b+ 5510.30 yarn of artificial staple fibres mixed with cotton, not put up 5510.30.00 b+ 5510.30.00 b 5510.30.01 b+ 5510.90 yarn of artificial staple fibres, not put up, nes 5510.90.00 b+ 5510.90.20 b 5510.90.01 b+ 5510.90.40 b 5510.90.60 b 5511.10 yarn, 85% of synthetic staple fibres, o/t sewing thread, put 5511.10.00 b+ 5511.10.00 b 5511.10.01 b+ 5511.20 yarn, <85% of synthetic staple fibres, put up for retail sale, 5511.20.00 b+ 5511.20.00 b 5511.20.01 b+ 5511.30 yarn of artificial fibres (o/t sewing thread), put up for 5511.30.00 b+ 5511.30.00 b 5511.30.01 b+ 5512.11 woven fabrics, containing 85% of polyester staple fibres, unb 5512.11.00 b+ 5512.11.00 b 5512.11.01 b+ 5512.19 woven fabrics, containing 85% of polyester staple fibres, o/t 5512.19.00 b+ 5512.19.00 b 5512.19.fa a 5512.19.0v a 5512.19.99 b+ 5512.21 woven fabrics, containing 85% of acrylic staple fibres, 5512.21.00 b+ 5512.21.00 a 5512.21.01 b+ 5512.29 woven fabrics, containing 85% of acrylic staple fibres, o/t 5512.29.00 b+ 5512.29.00 a 5512.29.99 b+ 5512.91 woven fabrics, containing 85% of other synthetic staple 5512.91.00 b+ 5512.91.00 b 5512.91.01 b+ 5512.99 woven fabrics, containing 85% of other synthetic staple fib, 5512.99.00 b+ 5512.99.00 b 5512.99.99 b+ 5513.11 plain weave polyester staple fib fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5513.11.00 b+ 5513.11.00 b 5513.11.01 b+ 5513.12 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5513.12.00 b+ 5513.12.00 b 5513.12.01 b+ 5513.13 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, 5513.13.00 b+ 5513.13.00 b 5513.13.99 b+ 5513.19 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.19.00 b+ 5513.19.00 b 5513.19.01 b+ 5513.21 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5513.21.00 b+ 5513.21.00 b 5513.21.01 b+ 5513.22 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5513.22.00 b+ 5513.22.00 b 5513.22.01 b+ 5513.23 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.23.00 b+ 5513.23.00 b 5513.23.01 b+ 5513.29 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85% mixed w/cotton, 5513.29.00 b+ 5513.29.00 b 5513.29.01 b+ 5513.31 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85% mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.31.00 b+ 5513.31.00 b 5513.31.01 b+ 5513.32 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85% mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.32.00 b+ 5513.32.00 b 5513.32.01 b+ 5513.33 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.33.00 b+ 5513.33.00 b 5513.33.99 b+ 5513.39 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.39.00 b+ 5513.39.00 b 5513.39.01 b+ 5513.41 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�17 5513.41.00 b+ 5513.41.00 b 5513.41.01 b+ 5513.42 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�17 5513.42.00 b+ 5513.42.00 b 5513.42.01 b+ 5513.43 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.43.00 b+ 5513.43.00 b 5513.43.01 b+ 5513.49 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, ã�170 5513.49.00 b+ 5513.49.00 b 5513.49.01 b+ 5514.11 plain weave polyester staple fib fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5514.11.00 b+ 5514.11.00 b 5514.11.01 b+ 5514.12 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5514.12.00 b+ 5514.12.00 b 5514.12.01 b+ 5514.13 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, 5514.13.00 b+ 5514.13.00 b 5514.13.01 b+ 5514.19 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, >170 5514.19.00 b+ 5514.19.00 b 5514.19.99 b+ 5514.21 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5514.21.00 b+ 5514.21.00 b 5514.21.01 b+ 5514.22 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cotton, 5514.22.00 b+ 5514.22.00 b 5514.22.01 b+ 5514.23 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, >170 5514.23.00 b+ 5514.23.00 b 5514.23.01 b+ 5514.29 woven fabrics of other synthetic staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot 5514.29.00 b+ 5514.29.00 b 5514.29.99 b+ 5514.31 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85% mixed w/cot, >170 5514.31.00 b+ 5514.31.00 b 5514.31.01 b+ 5514.32 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85% mixed w/cot, >170 5514.32.00 b+ 5514.32.00 b 5514.32.fa a 5514.32.0v a 5514.32.01 b+ 5514.33 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, 5514.33.00 b+ 5514.33.00 b 5514.33.99 b+ 5514.39 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85% mixed w/cot, >170 5514.39.00 b+ 5514.39.00 b 5514.39.99 b+ 5514.41 plain weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cot, >17 5514.41.00 b+ 5514.41.00 b 5514.41.01 b+ 5514.42 twill weave polyester staple fibre fab, <85%, mixed w/cot, >17 5514.42.00 b+ 5514.42.00 b 5514.42.01 b+ 5514.43 woven fabrics of polyester staple fibres <85%, mixed w/cot, 5514.43.00 b+ 5514.43.00 b 5514.43.01 b+ 5514.49 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, <85%, mixed w/cot, >170 5514.49.00 b+ 5514.49.00 b 5514.49.99 b+ 5515.11 woven fabrics of polyester staple fib mixed with viscose rayon 5515.11.00 b+ 5515.11.00 b 5515.11.01 b+ 5515.12 woven fabrics of polyester staple fibres mixed with man-made 5515.12.00 b+ 5515.12.00 c 5515.12.01 b+ 5515.13 woven fabrics of polyester staple fibres mixed w/wool or fine 5515.13.00 b+ 5515.13.05 b 5515.13.fa b+ 5515.13.10 c 5515.13.fb b+ 5515.19 woven fabrics of polyester staple fibres, nes 5515.19.00 b+ 5515.19.00 b 5515.19.01 b+ 5515.21 woven fabrics of acrylic staple fibres, mixed with man-made 5515.21.00 b+ 5515.21.00 b 5515.21.01 b+ 5515.22 woven fabrics of acrylic staple fibres, mixed w/wool or fine 5515.22.00 b+ 5515.22.05 b 5515.22.fa b+ 5515.22.10 c 5515.22.fb b+ 5515.29 woven fabrics of acrylic or modacrylic staple fibres, nes 5515.29.00 b+ 5515.29.00 b 5515.29.01 b+ 5515.91 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, mixed with man-made 5515.91.00 b+ 5515.91.00 c 5515.91.01 b+ 5515.92 woven fabrics of other syn staple fib, mixed w/wool or fine 5515.92.00 b+ 5515.92.05 b 5515.92.fa b+ 5515.92.10 c 5515.92.fb b+ 5515.99 woven fabrics of synthetic staple fibres, nes 5515.99.00 b+ 5515.99.00 b 5515.99.99 b+ 5516.11 woven fabrics, containing 85% of artificial staple fibres, 5516.11.00 b+ 5516.11.00 c 5516.11.01 b+ 5516.12 woven fabrics, containing 85% of artificial staple fibres, 5516.12.00 b+ 5516.12.00 c 5516.12.01 b+ 5516.13 woven fabrics, containing 85% of artificial staple fib, yarn 5516.13.00 b+ 5516.13.00 c 5516.13.01 b+ 5516.14 woven fabrics, containing 85% of artificial staple fibres, 5516.14.00 b+ 5516.14.00 c 5516.14.01 b+ 5516.21 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85%, mixed with 5516.21.00 b+ 5516.21.00 b 5516.21.01 b+ 5516.22 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85%, mixed with 5516.22.00 b+ 5516.22.00 b 5516.22.01 b+ 5516.23 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85%, mixed with m-m 5516.23.00 b+ 5516.23.00 b 5516.23.01 b+ 5516.24 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85%, mixed with 5516.24.00 b+ 5516.24.00 b 5516.24.01 b+ 5516.31 woven fabrics of arti staple fib, <85% mixed w/wool/fine anima 5516.31.00 b+ 5516.31.05 b 5516.31.fa b+ 5516.31.10 c 5516.31.fb b+ 5516.32 woven fabrics of arti staple fib, <85% mixed w/wool/fine anima 5516.32.00 b+ 5516.32.05 b 5516.32.fa b+ 5516.32.10 c 5516.32.fb b+ 5516.33 woven fabrics of arti staple fib, <85% mixed w/wool/fine anima 5516.33.00 b+ 5516.33.05 b 5516.33.fa b+ 5516.33.10 c 5516.33.fb b+ 5516.34 woven fabrics of arti staple fib, <85% mixed w/wool/fine anima 5516.34.00 b+ 5516.34.05 a 5516.34.fa b+ 5516.34.10 a 5516.34.01 b+ 5516.41 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85% mixed with cotton 5516.41.00 b+ 5516.41.00 b 5516.41.01 b+ 5516.42 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85% mixed with cotton 5516.42.00 b+ 5516.42.00 b 5516.42.01 b+ 5516.43 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85% mixed with cotton 5516.43.00 b+ 5516.43.00 b 5516.43.01 b+ 5516.44 woven fabrics of artificial staple fib, <85% mixed with cotton 5516.44.00 b+ 5516.44.00 b 5516.44.01 b+ 5516.91 woven fabrics of artificial staple fibres, unbleached or 5516.91.00 b+ 5516.91.00 b 5516.91.01 b+ 5516.92 woven fabrics of artificial staple fibres, dyed, nes 5516.92.00 b+ 5516.92.00 b 5516.92.01 b+ 5516.93 woven fabrics of artificial staple fibres, yarn dyed, nes 5516.93.00 b+ 5516.93.00 b 5516.93.01 b+ 5516.94 woven fabrics of artificial staple fibres, printed, nes 5516.94.00 b+ 5516.94.00 b 5516.94.01 b+ 5601.10 sanitary articles of wadding of textile materials i.e. sanitar 5601.10.10 bl 5601.10.10 b 5601.10.01 bl 5601.10.90 bl 5601.10.20 b 5601.21 wadding of cotton and articles thereof, o/t sanitary articles 5601.21.10 b+ 5601.21.00 a 5601.21.01 b+ 5601.21.20 b+ 5601.21.99 b+ 5601.22 wadding of man-made fibres and articles thereof, o/t sanitary 5601.22.10 b+ 5601.22.00 a 5601.22.01 b+ 5601.22.20 b+ 5601.22.99 b+ 5601.23 5601.23.01 b+ 5601.23.02 b+ 5601.29 wadding of other textile materials and articles thereof, o/t 5601.29.10 b+ 5601.29.00 a 5601.29.20 b+ 5601.30 textile flock and dust and mill neps 5601.30.11 d 5601.30.00 a 5601.30.01 b+ 5601.30.12 b+ 5601.30.99 b+ 5601.30.20 d 5602.10 needleloom felt and stitch-bonded fibre fabrics 5602.10.10 b+ 5602.10.10 a 5602.10.01 b+ 5602.10.91 b+ 5602.10.90 a 5602.10.02 b+ 5602.10.99 b+ 5602.10.03 b+ 5602.10.04 b+ 5602.10.99 b+ 5602.21 felt o/t needleloom, of wool or fine animal hair, not impreg, 5602.21.00 b+ 5602.21.00 b 5602.21.01 b+ 5602.21.02 b+ 5602.21.99 b+ 5602.29 felt o/t needleloom, of other textile materials, not impreg, 5602.29.00 b+ 5602.29.00 a 5602.29.01 b+ 5602.29.02 b+ 5602.29.03 b+ 5602.29.99 b+ 5602.90 felt of textile materials, nes 5602.90.00 b+ 5602.90.30 a 5602.90.99 b+ 5602.90.60 a 5602.90.90 a 5603.00 nonwovens, whether or not impregnated, coated, covered or 5603.00.10 b+ 5603.00.10 b 5603.00.fa a 5603.00.1v a 5603.00.30 b 5603.00.fb a 5603.00.20 b+ 5603.00.90 b 5603.00.fc bl 5603.00.90 b+ 5603.00.fd a 5603.00.9v a 5603.00.01 b+ 5603.00.9w a 5603.00.99 b+ 5603.00.9x b 5604.10 rubber thread and cord, textile covered 5604.10.00 b+ 5604.10.00 b 5604.10.01 b+ 5604.20 high tenacity yarn of polyesters, nylon other polyamides, 5604.20.10 b+ 5604.20.00 b 5604.20.01 b+ 5604.20.20 b+ 5604.20.02 b+ 5604.20.03 b+ 5604.20.04 b+ 5604.20.99 b+ 5604.90 textile yarn, strips & the like, impreg ctd/cov with rubber or 5604.90.00 b+ 5604.90.00 b 5604.90.01 b+ 5604.90.02 b+ 5604.90.03 b+ 5604.90.04 b+ 5604.90.05 b+ 5604.90.06 b+ 5604.90.07 b+ 5604.90.08 b+ 5604.90.09 b+ 5604.90.99 b+ 5605.00 metallised yarn, being textile yarn combined with metal thread 5605.00.00 b+ 5605.00.00 b 5605.00.01 b+ 5606.00 gimped yarn nes; chenille yarn; loop wale-yarn 5606.00.11 b+ 5606.00.00 a 5606.00.01 b+ 5606.00.12 d 5606.00.02 b+ 5606.00.13 b+ 5606.00.99 b+ 5606.00.19 b+ 5606.00.21 d 5606.00.29 b+ 5606.00.31 b+ 5606.00.39 b+ 5607.10 twine, cordage, ropes and cables, of jute or other textile bas 5607.10.10 b+ 5607.10.00 a 5607.10.01 b+ 5607.10.20 b+ 5607.21 binder or baler twine, of sisal or other textile fibres of the 5607.21.00 d 5607.21.00 d 5607.21.01 b+ 5607.29 twine nes, cordage, ropes and cables, of sisal textile fibres 5607.29.10 b+ 5607.29.00 a 5607.29.99 b+ 5607.29.20 b+ 5607.30 twine, cordage, ropes and cables, of abaca or other hard (leaf 5607.30.10 b+ 5607.30.10 d 5607.30.01 b+ 5607.30.20 b+ 5607.30.20 a 5607.41 binder or baler twine, of polyethylene or polypropylene 5607.41.00 d 5607.41.10 a 5607.41.01 b+ 5607.41.30 a 5607.49 twine nes, cordage, ropes and cables, of polyethylene or 5607.49.10 b+ 5607.49.10 a 5607.49.99 b+ 5607.49.20 b+ 5607.49.15 b 5607.49.25 b 5607.49.30 b 5607.50 twine, cordage, ropes and cables, of other synthetic fibres 5607.50.10 b+ 5607.50.20 b 5607.50.01 b+ 5607.50.20 b+ 5607.50.40 b 5607.50.99 b+ 5607.90 twine, cordage, ropes and cables, of other materials 5607.90.10 b+ 5607.90.10 d 5607.90.99 b+ 5607.90.20 b+ 5607.90.20 a 5608.11 made up fishing nets, of man-made textile materials 5608.11.00 b+ 5608.11.00 b 5608.11.01 b+ 5608.11.02 b+ 5608.19 knotted netting of twine/cordage/rope, and other made up nets 5608.19.10 d 5608.19.10 b 5608.19.99 b+ 5608.19.90 b+ 5608.19.20 b 5608.90 knotted netting of twine/cordage/rope, nes, and made up nets o 5608.90.00 b+ 5608.90.10 b 5608.90.01 b+ 5608.90.23 a 5608.90.02 b+ 5608.90.27 b 5608.90.99 b+ 5608.90.30 a 5609.00 articles of yarn, strip, twine, cordage, rope and cables, nes 5609.00.00 b+ 5609.00.10 b 5609.00.01 b+ 5609.00.20 a 5609.00.99 b+ 5609.00.30 b 5609.00.40 b 5701.10 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, knotted 5701.10.10 b+ 5701.10.13 a 5701.10.01 b+ 5701.10.90 b+ 5701.10.16 c 5701.10.99 b+ 5701.10.20 c 5701.90 carpets of other textile materials, knotted 5701.90.10 b+ 5701.90.10 c 5701.90.99 b+ 5701.90.90 b+ 5701.90.20 c 5702.10 "kelem", "schumacks", "karamanie" and similar textile 5702.10.00 b+ 5702.10.10 a 5702.10.01 b+ 5702.10.90 c 5702.20 floor coverings of coconut fibres (coir) 5702.20.00 d 5702.20.10 a 5702.20.01 b+ 5702.20.20 d 5702.31 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, of woven pile 5702.31.00 b+ 5702.31.10 c 5702.31.01 b+ 5702.31.20 c 5702.32 carpets of man-made textile mat, of woven pile construction, 5702.32.00 b+ 5702.32.10 c 5702.32.01 b+ 5702.32.20 c 5702.39 carpets of other textile materials, of woven pile construction 5702.39.00 b+ 5702.39.10 a 5702.39.99 b+ 5702.39.20 c 5702.41 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, of woven pile 5702.41.00 b+ 5702.41.10 c 5702.41.01 b+ 5702.41.20 c 5702.42 carpets of man-made textile mat, of woven pile construction, 5702.42.00 b+ 5702.42.10 c 5702.42.01 b+ 5702.42.20 c 5702.49 carpets of other textile materials, of woven pile construction 5702.49.00 b+ 5702.49.10 c 5702.49.99 b+ 5702.49.15 a 5702.49.20 c 5702.51 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, woven, not made up, nes 5702.51.00 b+ 5702.51.20 c 5702.51.01 b+ 5702.51.40 c 5702.52 carpets of man-made textile materials, woven, not made up, nes 5702.52.00 b+ 5702.52.00 c 5702.52.01 b+ 5702.59 carpets of other textile materials, woven, not made up, nes 5702.59.10 b+ 5702.59.10 c 5702.59.99 b+ 5702.59.90 b+ 5702.59.20 c 5702.91 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, woven, made up, nes 5702.91.00 b+ 5702.91.20 a 5702.91.01 b+ 5702.91.30 c 5702.91.40 c 5702.92 carpets of man-made textile materials, woven, made up, nes 5702.92.00 b+ 5702.92.00 c 5702.92.01 b+ 5702.99 carpets of other textile materials, woven, made up, nes 5702.99.10 b+ 5702.99.10 c 5702.99.99 b+ 5702.99.90 b+ 5702.99.20 a 5703.10 carpets of wool or fine animal hair, tufted 5703.10.10 b+ 5703.10.00 c 5703.10.01 b+ 5703.10.90 b+ 5703.20 carpets of nylon or other polyamides, tufted 5703.20.10 b+ 5703.20.10 c 5703.20.fa b+ 5703.20.90 b+ 5703.20.20 b 5703.20.01 b+ 5703.30 carpets of other man-made textile materials, tufted 5703.30.10 b+ 5703.30.00 b 5703.30.fa b+ 5703.30.90 b+ 5703.30.01 b+ 5703.90 carpets of other textile materials, tufted 5703.90.10 b+ 5703.90.00 a 5703.90.99 b+ 5703.90.90 b+ 5704.10 tiles of felt of textile materials, having a maximum surface 5704.10.00 b+ 5704.10.00 c 5704.10.01 b+ 5704.90 carpets of felt of textile materials, nes 5704.90.00 b+ 5704.90.00 c 5704.90.99 b+ 5705.00 carpets and other textile floor coverings, nes 5705.00.00 b+ 5705.00.10 d 5705.00.01 b+ 5705.00.20 c draft nafta tariff phasing (preliminary) 09-03-92 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ subhead description canada usa mexico 5801.10 woven pile fabrics of wool or fine animal hair, o/t terry and 5801.10.00 b+ 5801.10.00 b 5801.10.01 b+ 5801.21 woven uncut weft pile fabrics of cotton, o/t terry and narrow 5801.21.00 b+ 5801.21.00 b 5801.21.01 b+ 5801.22 cut corduroy fabrics of cotton, o/t narrow fabrics 5801.22.10 bl 5801.22.00 b 5801.22.01 bl 5801.22.90 bl 5801.23 woven weft pile fabrics of cotton, nes 5801.23.10 b+ 5801.23.00 b 5801.23.01 b+ 5801.23.20 b+ 5801.24 woven warp pile fabrics of cotton, â�pinglâ� (uncut), o/t terry 5801.24.00 b+ 5801.24.00 b 5801.24.01 b+ 5801.25 woven warp pile fabrics of cotton, cut, o/t terry and narrow 5801.25.10 a 5801.25.00 a 5801.25.01 a 5801.25.20 a 5801.26 chenille fabrics of cotton, o/t narrow fabrics 5801.26.00 b+ 5801.26.00 b 5801.26.01 b+ 5801.31 woven uncut weft pile fabrics of manmade fibres, o/t terry and 5801.31.00 b+ 5801.31.00 b 5801.31.01 b+ 5801.32 cut corduroy fabrics of man-made fibres, o/t narrow fabrics 5801.32.00 bl 5801.32.00 b 5801.32.01 bl 5801.33 woven weft pile fabrics of man-made fibres, nes 5801.33.00 b+ 5801.33.00 b 5801.33.01 b+ 5801.34 woven warp pile fabrics of man-made fib, â�pinglâ� (uncut), o/t 5801.34.00 b+ 5801.34.00 b 5801.34.01 b+ 5801.35 woven warp pile fabrics of man-made fib, cut, o/t terry and 5801.35.00 a 5801.35.00 a 5801.35.01 a 5801.36 chenille fabrics of man-made fibres, o/t narrow fabrics 5801.36.00 b+ 5801.36.00 b 5801.36.01 b+ 5801.90 woven pile fab and chenille fab of other tex mat, o/t terry an 5801.90.10 d 5801.90.10 a 5801.90.01 b+ 5801.90.90 b+ 5801.90.20 a 5802.11 terry towelling and similar woven terry fab of cotton, o/t 5802.11.10 b+ 5802.11.00 b 5802.11.01 b+ 5802.11.90 b+ 5802.19 terry towelling and similar woven terry fab of cotton, o/t unb 5802.19.00 b+ 5802.19.00 b 5802.19.99 b+ 5802.20 terry towelling and similar woven terry fab of other tex mat, 5802.20.00 b+ 5802.20.00 b 5802.20.01 b+ 5802.30 tufted textile fabrics, o/t products of heading no 57.03 5802.30.00 b+ 5802.30.00 b 5802.30.01 b+ 5803.10 gauze of cotton, o/t narrow fabrics 5803.10.10 d 5803.10.00 b 5803.10.01 b+ 5803.10.90 b+ 5803.90 gauze of other textile material, o/t narrow fabrics 5803.90.11 b+ 5803.90.11 b 5803.90.01 b+ 5803.90.19 b+ 5803.90.12 b 5803.90.02 b+ 5803.90.90 b+ 5803.90.20 b 5803.90.03 b+ 5803.90.30 b 5803.90.99 b+ 5803.90.40 b 5804.10 tulles and other net fabrics, not incl woven, knitted or 5804.10.10 b+ 5804.10.00 a 5804.10.01 b+ 5804.10.90 b+ 5804.21 mechanically made lace of man-made fib, in the piece, in strip 5804.21.00 b+ 5804.21.00 a 5804.21.01 b+ 5804.29 mechanically made lace of other tex mat, in the piece, in 5804.29.00 b+ 5804.29.00 a 5804.29.01 b+ 5804.30 hand-made lace, in the piece, in strips or in motifs 5804.30.10 b+ 5804.30.00 b 5804.30.01 b+ 5804.30.90 b+ 5805.00 hand-woven tapestries and needle-worked tapestries, whether or 5805.00.10 d 5805.00.10 d 5805.00.01 b+ 5805.00.90 b+ 5805.00.20 a 5805.00.25 a 5805.00.30 b 5805.00.40 b 5806.10 narrow woven pile fabrics and narrow chenille fabrics 5806.10.10 b+ 5806.10.10 b 5806.10.01 b+ 5806.10.90 b+ 5806.10.20 b 5806.10.99 b+ 5806.10.30 b 5806.20 narrow woven fab, cntg by wt 5% of elastomeric yarn or rubber 5806.20.00 b+ 5806.20.00 b 5806.20.01 b+ 5806.20.99 b+ 5806.31 narrow woven fabrics of cotton, nes 5806.31.10 b+ 5806.31.00 b 5806.31.01 b+ 5806.31.20 b+ 5806.31.30 b+ 5806.31.90 b+ 5806.32 narrow woven fabrics of man-made fibres, nes 5806.32.00 b+ 5806.32.10 b 5806.32.01 b+ 5806.32.20 b 5806.32.99 b+ 5806.39 narrow woven fabrics of other textile materials, nes 5806.39.10 d 5806.39.10 a 5806.39.01 b+ 5806.39.90 b+ 5806.39.20 a 5806.39.99 b+ 5806.39.30 a 5806.40 fabrics consisting of warp w/o weft assembled by means of an 5806.40.00 b+ 5806.40.00 b 5806.40.01 b+ 5806.40.99 b+ 5807.10 labels, badges and similar woven articles of textile materials 5807.10.10 b+ 5807.10.10 b 5807.10.01 b+ 5807.10.20 b+ 5807.10.20 b 5807.10.99 b+ 5807.90 labels, badges and similar articles, not woven, of textile 5807.90.00 b+ 5807.90.10 b 5807.90.01 b+ 5807.90.20 b 5807.90.99 b+ 5808.10 braids in the piece 5808.10.00 b+ 5808.10.10 d 5808.10.01 b+ 5808.10.20 a 5808.10.99 b+ 5808.10.30 b 5808.90 ornamental trimmings in the piece, o/t knit; tassels, pompons 5808.90.00 b+ 5808.90.00 b 5808.90.01 b+ 5808.90.99 b+ 5809.00 woven fabrics of metal thread or of metallised yarn, for 5809.00.00 b+ 5809.00.00 b 5809.00.01 b+ 5810.10 embroidery without visible ground, in the piece, in strips or 5810.10.00 b+ 5810.10.00 b 5810.10.01 b+ 5810.91 embroidery of cotton, in the piece, in strips or in motifs, ne 5810.91.10 b+ 5810.91.00 b 5810.91.01 b+ 5810.91.90 b+ 5810.91.99 b+ 5810.92 embroidery of man-made fibres, in the piece, in strips or in 5810.92.00 b+ 5810.92.00 c 5810.92.01 b+ 5810.92.99 b+ 5810.99 embroidery of other textile materials, in the piece, in strips 5810.99.00 b+ 5810.99.00 b 5810.99.01 b+ 5810.99.99 b+ 5811.00 quilted textile products in the piece 5811.00.00 b+ 5811.00.10 b 5811.00.01 b+ 5811.00.20 b 5811.00.30 b 5811.00.40 b 5901.10 textile fabrics coated with gum, of a kind used for outer 5901.10.00 b+ 5901.10.10 b 5901.10.01 b+ 5901.10.20 b 5901.90 tracing cloth; prepared painting canvas; stiffened textile fab 5901.90.10 b+ 5901.90.20 b 5901.90.01 b+ 5901.90.90 b+ 5901.90.40 b 5901.90.02 b+ 5901.90.99 b+ 5902.10 tire cord fabric made of nylon or other polyamides high 5902.10.00 b+ 5902.10.00 c 5902.10.01 b+ 5902.20 tire cord fabric made of polyester high tenacity yarns 5902.20.00 b+ 5902.20.00 c 5902.20.01 b+ 5902.90 tire cord fabric made of viscose rayon high tenacity yarns 5902.90.00 b+ 5902.90.00 c 5902.90.99 b+ 5903.10 textile fabrics impregnated, ctd, cov, or laminated with 5903.10.10 b+ 5903.10.10 a 5903.10.01 b+ 5903.10.20 b+ 5903.10.15 a 5903.10.18 b 5903.10.20 a 5903.10.25 b 5903.10.30 b 5903.20 textile fabrics impregnated, ctd, cov, or laminated with 5903.20.10 b+ 5903.20.10 b 5903.20.01 b+ 5903.20.20 b+ 5903.20.15 a 5903.20.18 b 5903.20.20 a 5903.20.25 b 5903.20.30 b 5903.90 textile fabrics impregnated, ctd, cov, or laminated with 5903.90.11 b+ 5903.90.10 a 5903.90.01 b+ 5903.90.12 b+ 5903.90.15 a 5903.90.99 b+ 5903.90.19 b+ 5903.90.18 b 5903.90.20 b+ 5903.90.20 a 5903.90.25 b 5903.90.30 b 5904.10 lineoleum, whether or not cut to shape 5904.10.00 b+ 5904.10.00 a 5904.10.01 b+ 5904.91 floor coverings, o/t linoleum, with a base of needleloom felt 5904.91.10 b+ 5904.91.00 a 5904.91.01 b+ 5904.91.90 b+ 5904.92 floor coverings, o/t linoleum, with other textile base 5904.92.00 b+ 5904.92.00 a 5904.92.01 b+ 5905.00 textile wall coverings 5905.00.10 b+ 5905.00.10 d 5905.00.01 b+ 5905.00.91 b+ 5905.00.90 b 5905.00.99 b+ 5906.10 rubberised textile adhesive tape of a width not exceeding 20 c 5906.10.10 b+ 5906.10.00 a 5906.10.01 b+ 5906.10.20 b+ 5906.91 rubberised textile knitted or crocheted fabrics, nes 5906.91.10 b+ 5906.91.10 b 5906.91.01 b+ 5906.91.20 b+ 5906.91.20 a 5906.91.25 b 5906.91.30 b 5906.99 rubberised textile fabrics, nes 5906.99.10 b+ 5906.99.10 b 5906.99.01 b+ 5906.99.20 b+ 5906.99.20 a 5906.99.02 b+ 5906.99.25 b 5906.99.99 b+ 5906.99.30 b 5907.00 textile fabrics impreg, ctd, cov nes; painted canvas 5907.00.11 b+ 5907.00.10 b 5907.00.01 b+ 5907.00.12 b+ 5907.00.90 b 5907.00.02 b+ 5907.00.13 b+ 5907.00.03 b+ 5907.00.21 d 5907.00.04 b+ 5907.00.29 b+ 5907.00.05 b+ 5907.00.99 b+ 5908.00 textile wicks for lamps, stoves,etc; gas mantles and knitted 5908.00.10 b+ 5908.00.00 b 5908.00.01 b+ 5908.00.90 b+ 5908.00.02 b+ 5908.00.03 b+ 5908.00.99 b+ 5909.00 textile hosepiping and similar textile tubing 5909.00.10 b+ 5909.00.10 a 5909.00.01 b+ 5909.00.90 b+ 5909.00.20 b 5909.00.02 b+ 5909.00.99 b+ 5910.00 transmission or conveyor belts or belting of textile material 5910.00.10 b+ 5910.00.10 a 5910.00.01 b+ 5910.00.90 b+ 5910.00.90 b 5910.00.02 b+ 5910.00.99 b+ 5911.10 textile fabrics used for card clothing, and similar fabric for 5911.10.11 b+ 5911.10.10 a 5911.10.01 b+ 5911.10.19 d 5911.10.20 a 5911.10.90 b+ 5911.20 textile bolting cloth, whether or not made up 5911.20.00 b+ 5911.20.10 a 5911.20.01 b+ 5911.20.20 d 5911.20.30 a 5911.31 textile fabrics used in paper-making or similar machines, <650 5911.31.00 b+ 5911.31.00 b 5911.31.01 b+ 5911.31.02 b+ 5911.31.99 b+ 5911.32 textile fabrics used in paper-making or similar machines, 5911.32.00 b+ 5911.32.00 b 5911.32.01 b+ 5911.32.02 b+ 5911.32.99 b+ 5911.40 textile straining cloth used in oil presses or the like, incl 5911.40.00 b+ 5911.40.00 a 5911.40.01 b+ 5911.90 textile products and articles for technical uses, nes 5911.90.10 d 5911.90.00 a 5911.90.01 b+ 5911.90.20 b+ 5911.90.02 b+ 5911.90.90 b+ 5911.90.03 b+ 5911.90.04 b+ 5911.90.05 b+ 5911.90.99 b+ 6001.10 "long pile" knitted or crocheted textile fabrics 6001.10.00 b+ 6001.10.20 b 6001.10.01 b+ 6001.10.60 b 6001.10.99 b+ 6001.21 looped pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of cotton 6001.21.00 b+ 6001.21.00 b 6001.21.01 b+ 6001.22 looped pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of man-made fibres 6001.22.00 b+ 6001.22.00 b 6001.22.01 b+ 6001.29 looped pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of other textile 6001.29.00 b+ 6001.29.00 b 6001.29.01 b+ 6001.29.02 b+ 6001.29.99 b+ 6001.91 pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of cotton, nes 6001.91.00 b+ 6001.91.00 b 6001.91.01 b+ 6001.92 pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of man-made fibres, nes 6001.92.00 b+ 6001.92.00 b 6001.92.01 b+ 6001.99 pile knitted or crocheted fabrics, of other textile materials, 6001.99.00 b+ 6001.99.00 b 6001.99.01 b+ 6001.99.02 b+ 6001.99.99 b+ 6002.10 knitted or crocheted tex fab, width ã�30 cm, 5% of 6002.10.10 b+ 6002.10.40 b 6002.10.01 b+ 6002.10.20 b+ 6002.10.80 b 6002.10.02 b+ 6002.10.90 b+ 6002.10.03 b+ 6002.10.04 b+ 6002.10.99 b+ 6002.20 knitted or crocheted textile fabrics, of a width not exceeding 6002.20.10 b+ 6002.20.10 b 6002.20.01 b+ 6002.20.20 b+ 6002.20.30 b 6002.20.02 b+ 6002.20.90 b+ 6002.20.60 b 6002.20.03 b+ 6002.20.90 b 6002.20.04 b+ 6002.20.99 b+ 6002.30 knitted or crocheted tex fab, width > 30 cm, 5% of elastomeri 6002.30.10 b+ 6002.30.20 b 6002.30.01 b+ 6002.30.20 b+ 6002.30.90 b 6002.30.02 b+ 6002.30.90 b+ 6002.30.03 b+ 6002.30.04 b+ 6002.30.99 b+ 6002.41 warp knitted fabrics, of wool or fine animal hair, nes 6002.41.00 b+ 6002.41.00 b 6002.41.01 b+ 6002.42 warp knitted fabrics, of cotton, nes 6002.42.10 b+ 6002.42.00 b 6002.42.01 b+ 6002.42.20 b+ 6002.42.90 b+ 6002.43 warp knitted fabrics, of man-made fibres, nes 6002.43.10 b+ 6002.43.00 b 6002.43.01 b+ 6002.43.20 d 6002.43.90 b+ 6002.49 warp knitted fabrics, of other materials, nes 6002.49.10 b+ 6002.49.00 b 6002.49.01 b+ 6002.49.20 b+ 6002.49.99 b+ 6002.49.30 d 6002.49.90 b+ 6002.91 knitted or crocheted fabrics, of wool or of fine animal hair, 6002.91.00 b+ 6002.91.00 b 6002.91.01 b+ 6002.92 knitted or crocheted fabrics, of cotton, nes 6002.92.00 b+ 6002.92.00 b 6002.92.01 b+ 6002.93 knitted or crocheted fabrics, of manmade fibres, nes 6002.93.00 b+ 6002.93.00 b 6002.93.01 b+ 6002.99 knitted or crocheted fabrics, of other materials, nes 6002.99.00 b+ 6002.99.00 b 6002.99.01 b+ 6002.99.99 b+ 6101.10 mens/boys overcoats, anoraks etc, of wool or fine animal hair, 6101.10.00 c 6101.10.00 b 6101.10.01 c 6101.20 mens/boys overcoats, anoraks etc, of cotton, knitted 6101.20.00 c 6101.20.00 b 6101.20.01 c 6101.30 mens/boys overcoats, anoraks etc, of man-made fibres, knitted 6101.30.00 c 6101.30.10 a 6101.30.fa c 6101.30.15 b 6101.30.01 c 6101.30.20 a 6101.90 mens/boys overcoats, anoraks etc, of other textile materials, 6101.90.00 c 6101.90.00 b 6101.90.99 c 6102.10 womens/girls overcoats, anoraks etc, of wool or fine animal 6102.10.00 c 6102.10.00 c 6102.10.01 c 6102.20 womens/girls overcoats, anoraks etc, of cotton, knitted 6102.20.00 c 6102.20.00 b 6102.20.01 c 6102.30 womens/girls overcoats, anoraks etc, of man-made fibres, 6102.30.00 c 6102.30.05 a 6102.30.fa c 6102.30.10 c 6102.30.01 c 6102.30.20 a 6102.90 womens/girls overcoats, anoraks etc, of other textile 6102.90.00 c 6102.90.00 b 6102.90.99 c 6103.11 mens/boys suits, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6103.11.00 c 6103.11.00 b 6103.11.01 c 6103.12 mens/boys suits, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6103.12.00 c 6103.12.10 b 6103.12.01 c 6103.12.20 b 6103.19 mens/boys suits, of other textile materials, knitted 6103.19.00 c 6103.19.10 b 6103.19.99 c 6103.19.15 b 6103.19.20 b 6103.19.40 b 6103.21 mens/boys ensembles, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6103.21.00 c 6103.21.00 b 6103.21.01 c 6103.22 mens/boys ensembles, of cotton, knitted 6103.22.00 c 6103.22.00 b 6103.22.01 c 6103.23 mens/boys ensembles, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6103.23.00 c 6103.23.00 b 6103.23.01 c 6103.29 mens/boys ensembles, of other textile materials, knitted 6103.29.00 c 6103.29.10 b 6103.29.99 c 6103.29.20 b 6103.31 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of wool or fine animal hair, 6103.31.00 c 6103.31.00 c 6103.31.01 c 6103.32 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of cotton, knitted 6103.32.00 c 6103.32.00 b 6103.32.01 c 6103.33 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6103.33.00 c 6103.33.10 c 6103.33.fa c 6103.33.20 b 6103.33.01 c 6103.39 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of other textile materials, 6103.39.00 c 6103.39.10 b 6103.39.fa c 6103.39.20 b 6103.39.99 c 6103.39.2v b 6103.39.2w a 6103.41 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of wool or fine animal hair, 6103.41.00 c 6103.41.10 b 6103.41.01 c 6103.41.20 b 6103.42 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of cotton, knitted 6103.42.00 c 6103.42.10 b 6103.42.fa c 6103.42.20 a 6103.42.01 c 6103.43 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6103.43.00 c 6103.43.10 b 6103.43.fa c 6103.43.15 a 6103.43.fb c 6103.43.20 a 6103.43.01 c 6103.49 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of other textile materials, 6103.49.00 c 6103.49.10 6103.49.fa c 6103.49.20 a 6103.49.fb c 6103.49.30 b 6103.49.fc c 6103.49.3v b 6103.49.fd c 6103.49.3w a 6103.49.99 c 6103.49.3x b 6103.49.3y b 6103.49.3z a 6104.11 womens/girls suits, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6104.11.00 c 6104.11.00 c 6104.11.01 c 6104.12 womens/girls suits, of cotton, knitted 6104.12.00 c 6104.12.00 b 6104.12.01 c 6104.13 womens/girls suits, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.13.00 c 6104.13.10 c 6104.13.fa c 6104.13.20 b 6104.13.01 c 6104.19 womens/girls suits, of other textile materials, knitted 6104.19.00 c 6104.19.10 c 6104.19.fa c 6104.19.15 b 6104.19.fb c 6104.19.20 b 6104.19.99 c 6104.19.2v a 6104.21 womens/girls ensembles, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6104.21.00 c 6104.21.00 b 6104.21.01 c 6104.22 womens/girls ensembles, of cotton, knitted 6104.22.00 c 6104.22.00 b 6104.22.01 c 6104.23 womens/girls ensembles, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.23.00 c 6104.23.00 b 6104.23.01 c 6104.29 womens/girls ensembles, of other textile materials, knitted 6104.29.00 c 6104.29.10 b 6104.29.99 c 6104.29.20 b 6104.31 womens/girls jackets, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6104.31.00 c 6104.31.00 c 6104.31.01 c 6104.32 womens/girls jackets, of cotton, knitted 6104.32.00 c 6104.32.00 b 6104.32.01 c 6104.33 womens/girls jackets, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.33.00 c 6104.33.10 c 6104.33.fa c 6104.33.20 b 6104.33.01 c 6104.39 womens/girls jackets, of other textile materials, knitted 6104.39.00 c 6104.39.10 b 6104.39.fa c 6104.39.20 b 6104.39.99 c 6104.39.2v a 6104.41 womens/girls dresses, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6104.41.00 c 6104.41.00 c 6104.41.01 c 6104.42 womens/girls dresses, of cotton, knitted 6104.42.00 c 6104.42.00 b 6104.42.01 c 6104.43 womens/girls dresses, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.43.00 c 6104.43.10 c 6104.43.fa c 6104.43.20 b 6104.43.01 c 6104.44 womens/girls dresses, of artificial fibres, knitted 6104.44.00 c 6104.44.10 c 6104.44.fa c 6104.44.20 b 6104.44.01 c 6104.49 womens/girls dresses, of other textile materials, knitted 6104.49.00 c 6104.49.00 b 6104.49.fa c 6104.49.0v a 6104.49.99 c 6104.51 womens/girls skirts, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6104.51.00 c 6104.51.00 c 6104.51.01 c 6104.52 womens/girls skirts, of cotton, knitted 6104.52.00 c 6104.52.00 b 6104.52.01 c 6104.53 womens/girls skirts, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.53.00 c 6104.53.10 c 6104.53.fa c 6104.53.20 b 6104.53.01 c 6104.59 womens/girls skirts, of other textile materials, knitted 6104.59.00 c 6104.59.10 b 6104.59.fa c 6104.59.20 b 6104.59.99 c 6104.59.2v a 6104.61 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of wool or fine animal hair, 6104.61.00 c 6104.61.00 c 6104.61.01 c 6104.62 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of cotton, knitted 6104.62.00 c 6104.62.10 a 6104.62.fa c 6104.62.20 b 6104.62.01 c 6104.63 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6104.63.00 c 6104.63.10 a 6104.63.fa c 6104.63.15 c 6104.63.01 c 6104.63.20 a 6104.69 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of other textile materials, 6104.69.00 c 6104.69.10 a 6104.69.fa c 6104.69.20 a 6104.69.fb c 6104.69.30 b 6104.69.fc c 6104.69.3v a 6104.69.fd c 6104.69.3w a 6104.69.99 c 6105.10 mens/boys shirts, of cotton, knitted 6105.10.00 c 6105.10.00 b 6105.10.01 c 6105.20 mens/boys shirts, of man-made fibres, knitted 6105.20.00 c 6105.20.10 b 6105.20.01 c 6105.20.20 b 6105.90 mens/boys shirts, of other textile materials, knitted 6105.90.00 c 6105.90.10 b 6105.90.fa c 6105.90.30 a 6105.90.99 c 6106.10 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of cotton, knitted 6106.10.00 c 6106.10.00 b 6106.10.01 c 6106.20 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of man-made fibres, knitted 6106.20.00 c 6106.20.10 c 6106.20.fa c 6106.20.20 b 6106.20.01 c 6106.90 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of other materials, knitted 6106.90.00 c 6106.90.10 c 6106.90.fa c 6106.90.20 a 6106.90.fb c 6106.90.30 b 6106.90.99 c 6107.11 mens/boys underpants and briefs, of cotton, knitted 6107.11.00 c 6107.11.00 a 6107.11.01 c 6107.12 mens/boys underpants and briefs, of man-made fibres, knitted 6107.12.00 c 6107.12.00 a 6107.12.01 c 6107.19 mens/boys underpants and briefs, of other textile materials, 6107.19.00 c 6107.19.00 a 6107.19.99 c 6107.21 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of cotton, knitted 6107.21.00 c 6107.21.00 b 6107.21.01 c 6107.22 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of man-made fibres, knitted 6107.22.00 c 6107.22.00 b 6107.22.01 c 6107.29 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of other textile materials, 6107.29.00 c 6107.29.20 b 6107.29.fa c 6107.29.40 a 6107.29.99 c 6107.91 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns etc of cotton, knitted 6107.91.00 c 6107.91.00 b 6107.91.01 c 6107.92 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc of man-made fibres, 6107.92.00 c 6107.92.00 b 6107.92.01 c 6107.99 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc of other textile 6107.99.00 c 6107.99.20 b 6107.99.fa c 6107.99.40 a 6107.99.99 c 6108.11 womens/girls slips and petticoats, of man-made fibres, knitted 6108.11.00 c 6108.11.00 a 6108.11.01 c 6108.19 womens/girls slips and petticoats, of other textile materials, 6108.19.00 c 6108.19.00 a 6108.19.99 c 6108.21 womens/girls briefs and panties, of cotton, knitted 6108.21.00 c 6108.21.00 a 6108.21.01 c 6108.22 womens/girls briefs and panties, of man-made fibres, knitted 6108.22.00 c 6108.22.00 a 6108.22.01 c 6108.29 womens/girls briefs and panties, of other textile materials, 6108.29.00 c 6108.29.00 a 6108.29.99 c 6108.31 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of cotton, knitted 6108.31.00 c 6108.31.00 b 6108.31.01 c 6108.32 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of man-made fibres, 6108.32.00 c 6108.32.00 b 6108.32.01 c 6108.39 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of other textile 6108.39.00 c 6108.39.10 c 6108.39.fa c 6108.39.20 a 6108.39.99 c 6108.91 womens/girls bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc, of cotton, knitte 6108.91.00 c 6108.91.00 b 6108.91.fa c 6108.91.01 c 6108.92 womens/girls bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc, of man-made 6108.92.00 c 6108.92.00 b 6108.92.fa c 6108.92.0v a 6108.92.01 c 6108.92.0w a 6108.92.0x a 6108.99 womens/girls bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc, of other textile 6108.99.00 c 6108.99.20 c 6108.99.fa c 6108.99.40 a 6108.99.99 c 6109.10 t-shirts, singlets and other vests, of cotton, knitted 6109.10.00 c 6109.10.00 a 6109.10.01 c 6109.90 t-shirts, singlets and other vests, of other textile materials 6109.90.00 c 6109.90.10 a 6109.90.fa c 6109.90.15 b 6109.90.fb c 6109.90.20 a 6109.90.99 c 6109.90.2v b 6109.90.2w b 6110.10 pullovers, cardigans and similar article of wool or fine anima 6110.10.10 c 6110.10.10 c 6110.10.01 c 6110.10.90 c 6110.10.20 c 6110.20 pullovers, cardigans and similar articles of cotton, knitted 6110.20.00 c 6110.20.10 c 6110.20.fa c 6110.20.1v a 6110.20.01 c 6110.20.1w a 6110.20.20 c 6110.20.2v a 6110.20.2w a 6110.20.2x a 6110.20.2y a 6110.30 pullovers, cardigans and similar articles of man-made fibres, 6110.30.00 c 6110.30.10 a 6110.30.fa c 6110.30.15 c 6110.30.01 c 6110.30.20 a 6110.30.30 a 6110.90 pullovers, cardigans and similar articles of other textile 6110.90.00 c 6110.90.00 c 6110.90.fa c 6110.90.0v a 6110.90.99 c 6110.90.0w a 6110.90.0x a 6110.90.0y a 6110.90.0z a 6111.10 babies garments and clothing accessories of wool or fine anima 6111.10.00 c 6111.10.00 b 6111.10.01 c 6111.20 babies garments and clothing accessories of cotton, knitted 6111.20.00 c 6111.20.10 b 6111.20.01 c 6111.20.20 b 6111.20.30 b 6111.20.40 b 6111.20.50 b 6111.20.60 b 6111.30 babies garments and clothing accessories of synthetic fibres, 6111.30.00 c 6111.30.10 b 6111.30.01 c 6111.30.20 b 6111.30.30 b 6111.30.40 b 6111.30.50 b 6111.90 babies garments and clothing accessories of other textile 6111.90.00 c 6111.90.10 b 6111.90.99 c 6111.90.20 b 6111.90.30 b 6111.90.40 b 6111.90.50 b 6111.90.60 b 6112.11 track suits, of cotton, knitted 6112.11.00 c 6112.11.00 b 6112.11.fa c 6112.11.0v a 6112.11.01 c 6112.11.0w a 6112.12 track suits, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6112.12.00 c 6112.12.00 a 6112.12.01 c 6112.19 track suits, of other textile materials, knitted 6112.19.00 c 6112.19.10 a 6112.19.fa c 6112.19.20 b 6112.19.fb c 6112.19.2v a 6112.19.99 c 6112.19.2w a 6112.19.2x a 6112.20 ski suits, of textile materials, knitted 6112.20.00 c 6112.20.10 a 6112.20.fa c 6112.20.20 b 6112.20.01 c 6112.31 mens/boys swimwear, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6112.31.00 c 6112.31.00 a 6112.31.01 c 6112.39 mens/boys swimwear, of other textile materials, knitted 6112.39.00 c 6112.39.00 a 6112.39.99 c 6112.41 womens/girls swimwear, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6112.41.00 c 6112.41.00 a 6112.41.01 c 6112.49 womens/girls swimwear, of other textile materials, knitted 6112.49.00 c 6112.49.00 a 6112.49.99 c 6113.00 garments made up of impreg, coated, covered or laminated 6113.00.10 c 6113.00.00 b 6113.00.01 c 6113.00.90 c 6113.00.99 c 6114.10 garments nes, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6114.10.00 c 6114.10.00 c 6114.10.01 c 6114.20 garments nes, of cotton, knitted 6114.20.00 c 6114.20.00 a 6114.20.fa c 6114.20.0v b 6114.20.01 c 6114.20.0w b 6114.20.0x b 6114.20.0y b 6114.30 garments nes, of man-made fibres, knitted 6114.30.00 c 6114.30.10 a 6114.30.fa c 6114.30.20 a 6114.30.fb c 6114.30.30 a 6114.30.fc c 6114.30.3v b 6114.30.01 c 6114.30.3w b 6114.30.3x b 6114.90 garments nes, of other textile materials, knitted 6114.90.00 c 6114.90.00 b 6114.90.fa c 6114.90.0v a 6114.90.99 c 6115.11 panty hose and tights, of synthetic fibre yarns <67 dtex/singl 6115.11.00 c 6115.11.00 b 6115.11.01 c 6115.12 panty hose and tights, of synthetic fibre yarns 67 dtex/singl 6115.12.00 c 6115.12.00 b 6115.12.01 c 6115.19 panty hose and tights, of other textile materials, knitted 6115.19.00 c 6115.19.00 b 6115.19.99 c 6115.20 womens full-l or knee-l hosiery, of textile yarns <67 6115.20.00 c 6115.20.00 b 6115.20.01 c 6115.91 hosiery nes, of wool or fine animal hair, knitted 6115.91.00 c 6115.91.00 c 6115.91.01 c 6115.92 hosiery nes, of cotton, knitted 6115.92.00 c 6115.92.10 b 6115.92.01 c 6115.92.20 b 6115.93 hosiery nes, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6115.93.00 c 6115.93.10 b 6115.93.01 c 6115.93.20 b 6115.99 hosiery nes, of other textile materials, knitted 6115.99.00 c 6115.99.14 b 6115.99.99 c 6115.99.18 b 6115.99.20 b 6116.10 gloves impregnated, coated or covered with plastics or rubber, 6116.10.00 c 6116.10.05 d 6116.10.01 c 6116.10.08 a 6116.10.18 b 6116.10.45 b 6116.10.70 b 6116.10.90 b 6116.91 gloves, mittens and mitts, nes, of wool or fine animal hair, 6116.91.00 c 6116.91.00 a 6116.91.01 c 6116.92 gloves, mittens and mitts, nes, of cotton, knitted 6116.92.00 c 6116.92.05 d 6116.92.01 c 6116.92.08 a 6116.92.60 b 6116.92.90 b 6116.93 gloves, mittens and mitts, nes, of synthetic fibres, knitted 6116.93.00 c 6116.93.05 d 6116.93.01 c 6116.93.08 a 6116.93.60 a 6116.93.90 b 6116.99 gloves, mittens and mitts, nes, of other textile materials, 6116.99.00 c 6116.99.20 d 6116.99.99 c 6116.99.35 a 6116.99.50 b 6116.99.80 a 6116.99.8v b 6116.99.8w b 6117.10 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of textile materials, 6117.10.00 c 6117.10.10 c 6117.10.fa c 6117.10.20 b 6117.10.01 c 6117.10.40 a 6117.10.60 b 6117.20 ties, bow ties and cravats, of textile materials, knitted 6117.20.00 c 6117.20.00 b 6117.20.01 c 6117.80 clothing accessories nes, of textile materials, knitted 6117.80.10 c 6117.80.00 b 6117.80.99 c 6117.80.90 c 6117.90 parts of garments or of clothing accessories, of textile 6117.90.10 c 6117.90.00 b 6117.90.99 c 6117.90.20 c 6117.90.90 c 6201.11 mens/boys overcoats and similar articles of wool or fine anima 6201.11.00 c 6201.11.00 b 6201.11.01 c 6201.12 mens/boys overcoats and similar articles of cotton, not knitte 6201.12.00 c 6201.12.10 a 6201.12.fa c 6201.12.20 b 6201.12.01 c 6201.13 mens/boys overcoats and similar articles of man-made fibres, 6201.13.00 c 6201.13.10 a 6201.13.fa c 6201.13.30 b 6201.13.fb c 6201.13.40 a 6201.13.01 c 6201.19 mens/boys overcoats and similar articles of other textile 6201.19.00 c 6201.19.00 a 6201.19.99 c 6201.91 mens/boys anoraks and similar articles, of wool or fine animal 6201.91.00 c 6201.91.10 b 6201.91.01 c 6201.91.20 b 6201.92 mens/boys anoraks and similar articles, of cotton, not knitted 6201.92.10 c 6201.92.10 a 6201.92.fa c 6201.92.90 c 6201.92.15 b 6201.92.01 c 6201.92.20 b 6201.93 mens/boys anoraks and similar articles, of man-made fibres, no 6201.93.00 c 6201.93.10 a 6201.93.fa c 6201.93.20 a 6201.93.01 c 6201.93.25 b 6201.93.30 a 6201.93.35 a 6201.99 mens/boys anoraks and similar articles, of other textile 6201.99.00 c 6201.99.00 a 6201.99.99 c 6202.11 womens/girls overcoats and similar articles of wool/fine anima 6202.11.00 c 6202.11.00 c 6202.11.01 c 6202.12 womens/girls overcoats and similar articles of cotton, not 6202.12.00 c 6202.12.10 a 6202.12.fa c 6202.12.20 b 6202.12.01 c 6202.13 womens/girls overcoats and similar articles of man-made fibres 6202.13.00 c 6202.13.10 a 6202.13.fa c 6202.13.30 c 6202.13.01 c 6202.13.40 a 6202.19 womens/girls overcoats and similar articles of other textile 6202.19.00 c 6202.19.00 a 6202.19.01 c 6202.91 womens/girls anoraks and similar article of wool or fine anima 6202.91.00 c 6202.91.10 c 6202.91.01 c 6202.91.20 c 6202.92 womens/girls anoraks and similar article of cotton, not knitte 6202.92.00 c 6202.92.10 a 6202.92.fa c 6202.92.15 b 6202.92.01 c 6202.92.20 b 6202.93 womens/girls anoraks and similar article of man-made fibres, 6202.93.00 c 6202.93.10 a 6202.93.fa c 6202.93.20 a 6202.93.01 c 6202.93.40 c 6202.93.45 a 6202.93.50 a 6202.99 womens/girls anoraks and similar article of other textile 6202.99.00 c 6202.99.00 a 6202.99.01 c 6203.11 mens/boys suits, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6203.11.00 c 6203.11.10 b 6203.11.01 c 6203.11.20 b 6203.12 mens/boys suits, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6203.12.00 c 6203.12.10 b 6203.12.01 c 6203.12.20 b 6203.13 6203.13.01 c 6203.19 mens/boys suits, of other textile materials, not knitted 6203.19.00 c 6203.19.10 b 6203.19.fa c 6203.19.20 b 6203.19.30 b 6203.19.40 b 6203.19.4v a 6203.21 mens/boys ensembles, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6203.21.00 c 6203.21.00 b 6203.21.01 c 6203.22 mens/boys ensembles, of cotton, not knitted 6203.22.00 c 6203.22.10 b 6203.22.01 c 6203.22.30 b 6203.23 mens/boys ensembles, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6203.23.00 c 6203.23.00 b 6203.23.01 c 6203.29 mens/boys ensembles, of other textile materials, not knitted 6203.29.00 c 6203.29.20 b 6203.29.01 c 6203.29.30 b 6203.31 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of wool or fine animal hair, no 6203.31.00 c 6203.31.00 c 6203.31.01 c 6203.32 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of cotton, not knitted 6203.32.00 c 6203.32.10 b 6203.32.01 c 6203.32.20 b 6203.33 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of synthetic fibres, not knitte 6203.33.00 c 6203.33.10 c 6203.33.fa c 6203.33.20 b 6203.33.01 c 6203.39 mens/boys jackets and blazers, of other textile materials, not 6203.39.00 c 6203.39.10 c 6203.39.fa c 6203.39.20 b 6203.39.fb c 6203.39.40 b 6203.39.01 c 6203.39.4v a 6203.41 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of wool or fine animal hair, no 6203.41.00 c 6203.41.10 b 6203.41.01 c 6203.41.20 b 6203.42 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of cotton, not knitted 6203.42.00 c 6203.42.10 a 6203.42.fa c 6203.42.20 a 6203.42.fb c 6203.42.40 b 6203.42.01 c 6203.43 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of synthetic fibres, not knitte 6203.43.00 c 6203.43.10 a 6203.43.fa c 6203.43.15 a 6203.43.01 c 6203.43.20 a 6203.43.25 a 6203.43.30 b 6203.43.35 a 6203.43.40 a 6203.49 mens/boys trousers and shorts, of other textile materials, not 6203.49.00 c 6203.49.10 a 6203.49.01 c 6203.49.15 a 6203.49.20 a 6203.49.30 a 6204.11 womens/girls suits, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6204.11.00 c 6204.11.00 c 6204.11.01 c 6204.12 womens/girls suits, of cotton, not knitted 6204.12.00 c 6204.12.00 b 6204.12.01 c 6204.13 womens/girls suits, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6204.13.00 c 6204.13.10 c 6204.13.fa c 6204.13.20 b 6204.13.01 c 6204.19 womens/girls suits, of other textile materials, not knitted 6204.19.00 c 6204.19.10 c 6204.19.fa c 6204.19.20 b 6204.19.fb c 6204.19.30 b 6204.19.01 c 6204.19.3v a 6204.21 womens/girls ensembles, of wool or fine animal hair, not 6204.21.00 c 6204.21.00 6204.21.01 c 6204.21.0w b 6204.21.0x b 6204.22 womens/girls ensembles, of cotton, not knitted 6204.22.00 c 6204.22.10 b 6204.22.01 c 6204.22.30 b 6204.23 womens/girls ensembles, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6204.23.00 c 6204.23.00 b 6204.23.01 c 6204.29 womens/girls ensembles, of other textile materials, not knitte 6204.29.00 c 6204.29.20 b 6204.29.01 c 6204.29.40 b 6204.31 womens/girls jackets, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6204.31.00 c 6204.31.10 c 6204.31.01 c 6204.31.20 c 6204.32 womens/girls jackets, of cotton, not knitted 6204.32.00 c 6204.32.10 b 6204.32.01 c 6204.32.20 b 6204.33 womens/girls jackets, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6204.33.00 c 6204.33.10 b 6204.33.fa c 6204.33.20 a 6204.33.fb c 6204.33.40 c 6204.33.01 c 6204.33.50 b 6204.39 womens/girls jackets, of other textile materials, not knitted 6204.39.00 c 6204.39.20 c 6204.39.fa c 6204.39.30 b 6204.39.fb c 6204.39.60 a 6204.39.01 c 6204.39.80 b 6204.41 womens/girls dresses, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6204.41.00 c 6204.41.10 c 6204.41.01 c 6204.41.20 c 6204.42 womens/girls dresses, of cotton, not knitted 6204.42.00 c 6204.42.10 a 6204.42.fa c 6204.42.20 b 6204.42.01 c 6204.42.30 b 6204.43 womens/girls dresses, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6204.43.00 c 6204.43.10 a 6204.43.fa c 6204.43.20 b 6204.43.fb c 6204.43.30 c 6204.43.01 c 6204.43.40 b 6204.44 womens/girls dresses, of artificial fibres, not knitted 6204.44.00 c 6204.44.20 a 6204.44.fa c 6204.44.30 c 6204.44.fb c 6204.44.40 b 6204.44.01 c 6204.49 womens/girls dresses, of other textile materials, not knitted 6204.49.00 c 6204.49.10 a 6204.49.fa c 6204.49.50 b 6204.49.01 c 6204.51 womens/girls skirts, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6204.51.00 c 6204.51.00 c 6204.51.01 c 6204.52 womens/girls skirts, of cotton, not knitted 6204.52.00 c 6204.52.10 a 6204.52.fa c 6204.52.20 b 6204.52.01 c 6204.53 womens/girls skirts, of synthetic fibres, not knitted 6204.53.00 c 6204.53.10 a 6204.53.fa c 6204.53.20 c 6204.53.fb c 6204.53.30 b 6204.53.01 c 6204.59 womens/girls skirts, of other textile materials, not knitted 6204.59.00 c 6204.59.10 a 6204.59.fa c 6204.59.20 c 6204.59.fb c 6204.59.30 b 6204.59.fc c 6204.59.40 b 6204.59.01 c 6204.59.4v a 6204.61 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of wool or fine animal hair, 6204.61.00 c 6204.61.00 c 6204.61.01 c 6204.62 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of cotton, not knitted 6204.62.00 c 6204.62.10 a 6204.62.fa c 6204.62.20 a 6204.62.01 c 6204.62.30 a 6204.62.40 b 6204.63 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of synthetic fibres, not 6204.63.00 c 6204.63.10 a 6204.63.fa c 6204.63.12 a 6204.63.01 c 6204.63.15 6204.63.20 a 6204.63.25 c 6204.63.30 a 6204.63.35 a 6204.69 womens/girls trousers and shorts, of other textile materials, 6204.69.00 c 6204.69.10 a 6204.69.fa c 6204.69.20 c 6204.69.01 c 6204.69.25 a 6204.69.30 b 6204.69.3v a 6204.69.3w a 6204.69.90 a 6205.10 mens/boys shirts, of wool or fine animal hair, not knitted 6205.10.00 c 6205.10.10 a 6205.10.fa c 6205.10.20 b 6205.10.01 c 6205.20 mens/boys shirts, of cotton, not knitted 6205.20.00 c 6205.20.10 a 6205.20.fa c 6205.20.20 b 6205.20.01 c 6205.30 mens/boys shirts, of man-made fibres, not knitted 6205.30.00 c 6205.30.10 a 6205.30.fa c 6205.30.15 b 6205.30.01 c 6205.30.20 b 6205.90 mens/boys shirts, of other textile materials, not knitted 6205.90.00 c 6205.90.20 b 6205.90.fa c 6205.90.2v a 6205.90.99 c 6205.90.2w a 6205.90.2x a 6205.90.40 a 6206.10 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of silk or silk waste, not 6206.10.00 c 6206.10.00 c 6206.10.fa c 6206.10.0v a 6206.10.01 c 6206.10.0w a 6206.20 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of wool or fine animal hair, 6206.20.00 c 6206.20.10 a 6206.20.fa c 6206.20.20 c 6206.20.01 c 6206.20.30 c 6206.30 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of cotton, not knitted 6206.30.00 c 6206.30.10 a 6206.30.01 c 6206.30.20 a 6206.30.30 a 6206.40 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of man-made fibres, not 6206.40.00 c 6206.40.10 a 6206.40.fa c 6206.40.20 b 6206.40.fb c 6206.40.25 c 6206.40.01 c 6206.40.30 b 6206.90 womens/girls blouses and shirts, of other textile materials, 6206.90.00 c 6206.90.00 a 6206.90.fa c 6206.90.0v b 6206.90.99 c 6207.11 mens/boys underpants and briefs, of cotton, not knitted 6207.11.00 c 6207.11.00 a 6207.11.01 c 6207.19 mens/boys underpants and briefs, of other textile materials, 6207.19.00 c 6207.19.00 a 6207.19.01 c 6207.21 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of cotton, not knitted 6207.21.00 c 6207.21.00 b 6207.21.01 c 6207.22 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of man-made fibres, not 6207.22.00 c 6207.22.00 b 6207.22.01 c 6207.29 mens/boys nightshirts and pyjamas, of other textile materials, 6207.29.00 c 6207.29.00 b 6207.29.fa c 6207.29.0v a 6207.29.99 c 6207.91 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc of cotton, not knitte 6207.91.00 c 6207.91.10 b 6207.91.01 c 6207.91.30 b 6207.92 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc of man-made fibres, 6207.92.00 c 6207.92.20 b 6207.92.01 c 6207.92.40 b 6207.99 mens/boys bathrobes, dressing gowns, etc of other textile 6207.99.00 c 6207.99.20 b 6207.99.fa c 6207.99.40 b 6207.99.99 c 6207.99.60 b 6207.99.6v a 6208.11 womens/girls slips and petticoats, of man-made fibres, not 6208.11.00 c 6208.11.00 b 6208.11.01 c 6208.19 womens/girls slips and petticoats, of other textile materials, 6208.19.00 c 6208.19.20 a 6208.19.01 c 6208.19.40 a 6208.21 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of cotton, not knitted 6208.21.00 c 6208.21.00 b 6208.21.01 c 6208.22 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of man-made fibres, not 6208.22.00 c 6208.22.00 b 6208.22.01 c 6208.29 womens/girls nightdresses and pyjamas, of other textile 6208.29.00 c 6208.29.00 b 6208.29.fa c 6208.29.0v a 6208.29.01 c 6208.91 womens/girls panties, bathrobes, etc, of cotton, not knitted 6208.91.00 c 6208.91.10 b 6208.91.01 c 6208.91.30 b 6208.92 womens/girls panties, bathrobes, etc, of man-made fibres, not 6208.92.00 c 6208.92.00 b 6208.92.fa c 6208.92.0v b 6208.92.01 c 6208.92.0w b 6208.92.0x b 6208.92.0y a 6208.92.0z a 6208.99 womens/girls panties, bathrobes, etc, of other textile 6208.99.00 c 6208.99.20 c 6208.99.fa c 6208.99.60 b 6208.99.fb c 6208.99.6v a 6208.99.01 c 6208.99.6w a 6208.99.80 a 6209.10 babies garments and clothing accessories of wool or fine anima 6209.10.00 c 6209.10.00 b 6209.10.01 c 6209.20 babies garments and clothing accessories of cotton, not knitte 6209.20.00 c 6209.20.10 b 6209.20.01 c 6209.20.20 b 6209.20.30 b 6209.20.50 b 6209.30 babies garments and clothing accessories of synthetic fibres, 6209.30.00 c 6209.30.10 b 6209.30.01 c 6209.30.20 b 6209.30.30 b 6209.90 babies garments and clothing accessories of other textile 6209.90.00 c 6209.90.10 b 6209.90.01 c 6209.90.20 b 6209.90.30 b 6209.90.40 b 6210.10 garments made up of textile felts and of nonwoven textile 6210.10.00 c 6210.10.20 b 6210.10.01 c 6210.10.40 b 6210.20 mens/boys overcoats and similar articles of impreg, ctd, cov 6210.20.00 c 6210.20.10 b 6210.20.99 c 6210.20.20 b 6210.30 womens/girls overcoats and similar articles, of impreg, ctd, 6210.30.00 c 6210.30.10 b 6210.30.99 c 6210.30.20 b 6210.40 mens/boys garments nes, made up of impreg, ctd, cov,etc,textil 6210.40.00 c 6210.40.10 b 6210.40.01 c 6210.40.20 b 6210.50 womens/girls garments nes, of impregnated, ctd, cov, 6210.50.00 c 6210.50.10 b 6210.50.99 c 6210.50.20 b 6211.11 mens/boys swimwear, of textile materials not knitted 6211.11.00 c 6211.11.10 a 6211.11.01 c 6211.11.20 a 6211.12 womens/girls swimwear, of textile materials, not knitted 6211.12.00 c 6211.12.10 a 6211.12.01 c 6211.12.30 a 6211.20 ski suits, of textile materials, not knitted 6211.20.00 c 6211.20.10 a 6211.20.fa c 6211.20.15 b 6211.20.fb c 6211.20.20 a 6211.20.fc c 6211.20.30 a 6211.20.01 c 6211.20.40 b 6211.20.50 a 6211.20.60 a 6211.20.70 b 6211.31 mens/boys garments nes, of wool or fine animal hair, not 6211.31.00 c 6211.31.00 b 6211.31.01 c 6211.32 mens/boys garments nes, of cotton, not knitted 6211.32.00 c 6211.32.00 a 6211.32.fa c 6211.32.0v b 6211.32.01 c 6211.33 mens/boys garments nes, of man-made fibres, not knitted 6211.33.00 c 6211.33.00 a 6211.33.fa c 6211.33.0v b 6211.33.01 c 6211.39 mens/boys garments nes, of other textile materials, not knitte 6211.39.00 c 6211.39.00 b 6211.39.fa c 6211.39.0v a 6211.39.99 c 6211.39.0w a 6211.39.0x a 6211.39.0y a 6211.41 womens/girls garments nes, of wool or fine animal hair, not 6211.41.00 c 6211.41.00 c 6211.41.01 c 6211.42 womens/girls garments nes, of cotton, not knitted 6211.42.00 c 6211.42.00 a 6211.42.fa c 6211.42.0v b 6211.42.fb c 6211.42.0w b 6211.42.01 c 6211.42.0x b 6211.42.0y b 6211.42.0z b 6211.43 womens/girls garments nes, of man-made fibres, not knitted 6211.43.10 c 6211.43.00 a 6211.43.fa c 6211.43.90 c 6211.43.0v b 6211.43.fb c 6211.43.0w b 6211.43.01 c 6211.43.0x b 6211.43.0y b 6211.49 womens/girls garments nes, of other textile materials, not 6211.49.10 c 6211.49.00 b 6211.49.99 c 6211.49.90 c 6212.10 brassieres and parts thereof, of textile materials 6212.10.00 c 6212.10.10 a 6212.10.01 c 6212.10.20 a 6212.20 girdles, panty girdles and parts thereof, of textile materials 6212.20.00 c 6212.20.00 a 6212.20.01 c 6212.30 corselettes and parts thereof, of textile materials 6212.30.00 c 6212.30.00 a 6212.30.01 c 6212.90 corsets, braces and similar articles and parts thereof, of 6212.90.00 c 6212.90.00 b 6212.90.01 c 6212.90.99 c 6213.10 handkerchiefs, of silk or silk waste, not knitted 6213.10.00 c 6213.10.10 a 6213.10.01 c 6213.10.20 b 6213.20 handkerchiefs, of cotton, not knitted 6213.20.00 c 6213.20.10 a 6213.20.01 c 6213.20.20 a 6213.90 handkerchiefs, of other textile materials, not knitted 6213.90.00 c 6213.90.10 b 6213.90.99 c 6213.90.20 b 6214.10 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of silk or silk waste, no 6214.10.00 c 6214.10.10 a 6214.10.01 c 6214.10.20 b 6214.20 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of wool or fine animal 6214.20.00 c 6214.20.00 c 6214.20.01 c 6214.30 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of synthetic fibres, not 6214.30.00 c 6214.30.00 b 6214.30.01 c 6214.40 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of artificial fibres, not 6214.40.00 c 6214.40.00 b 6214.40.01 c 6214.90 shawls, scarves, veils and the like, of other textile 6214.90.00 c 6214.90.00 b 6214.90.99 c 6215.10 ties, bow ties and cravats, of silk or silk waste, not knitted 6215.10.00 c 6215.10.00 b 6215.10.01 c 6215.20 ties, bow ties and cravats, of man-made fibres, not knitted 6215.20.00 c 6215.20.00 b 6215.20.01 c 6215.90 ties, bow ties and cravats, of other textile materials, not 6215.90.00 c 6215.90.00 b 6215.90.99 c 6216.00 gloves, mittens and mitts, of textile materials, not knitted 6216.00.00 c 6216.00.05 d 6216.00.01 c 6216.00.08 a 6216.00.12 b 6216.00.18 b 6216.00.28 b 6216.00.32 b 6216.00.33 d 6216.00.35 a 6216.00.39 b 6216.00.43 d 6216.00.46 a 6216.00.52 a 6216.00.80 a 6216.00.90 a 6217.10 clothing accessories nes, of textile materials, not knitted 6217.10.00 c 6217.10.00 b 6217.10.01 c 6217.90 parts of garments or of clothing accessories nes, of tex mat, 6217.90.00 c 6217.90.00 b 6217.90.99 c 6301.10 electric blankets, of textile materials 6301.10.00 b+ 6301.10.00 b 6301.10.01 b+ 6301.20 blankets (o/t electric) and travelling rugs, of wool or fine 6301.20.00 b+ 6301.20.00 b 6301.20.01 b+ 6301.30 blankets (o/t electric) and travelling rugs, of cotton 6301.30.00 b+ 6301.30.00 b 6301.30.01 b+ 6301.40 blankets (o/t electric) and travelling rugs, of synthetic 6301.40.00 b+ 6301.40.00 b 6301.40.01 b+ 6301.90 blankets (o/t electric) and travelling rugs, of other textile 6301.90.00 b+ 6301.90.00 b 6301.90.99 b+ 6302.10 bed linen, of textile knitted or crocheted materials 6302.10.00 b+ 6302.10.00 b 6302.10.01 b+ 6302.21 bed linen, of cotton, printed, not knitted 6302.21.00 b+ 6302.21.10 b 6302.21.01 b+ 6302.21.20 b 6302.22 bed linen, of man-made fibres, printed, not knitted 6302.22.00 b+ 6302.22.10 b 6302.22.01 b+ 6302.22.20 b 6302.29 bed linen, of other textile materials, printed, not knitted 6302.29.00 b+ 6302.29.00 b 6302.29.99 b+ 6302.31 bed linen, of cotton, nes 6302.31.00 b+ 6302.31.10 b 6302.31.01 b+ 6302.31.20 b 6302.32 bed linen, of man-made fibres, nes 6302.32.00 b+ 6302.32.10 b 6302.32.01 b+ 6302.32.20 b 6302.39 bed linen, of other textile materials, nes 6302.39.00 b+ 6302.39.00 b 6302.39.99 b+ 6302.40 table linen, of textile knitted or crocheted materials 6302.40.00 b+ 6302.40.10 b 6302.40.01 b+ 6302.40.20 b 6302.51 table linen, of cotton, not knitted 6302.51.00 b+ 6302.51.10 c 6302.51.01 b+ 6302.51.20 c 6302.51.30 c 6302.51.40 c 6302.52 table linen, of flax, not knitted 6302.52.00 b+ 6302.52.10 b 6302.52.01 b+ 6302.52.20 b 6302.53 table linen, of man-made fibres, not knitted 6302.53.00 b+ 6302.53.00 b 6302.53.01 b+ 6302.59 table linen, of other textile materials, not knitted 6302.59.00 b+ 6302.59.00 b 6302.59.99 b+ 6302.60 toilet and kitchen linen, of terry towelling or similar terry 6302.60.00 b+ 6302.60.00 a 6302.60.01 b+ 6302.91 toilet and kitchen linen, of cotton, nes 6302.91.00 b+ 6302.91.00 c 6302.91.01 b+ 6302.92 toilet and kitchen linen, of flax 6302.92.00 b+ 6302.92.00 b 6302.92.01 b+ 6302.93 toilet and kitchen linen, of man-made fibres 6302.93.00 b+ 6302.93.10 b 6302.93.01 b+ 6302.93.20 b 6302.99 toilet and kitchen linen, of other textile materials 6302.99.00 b+ 6302.99.10 a 6302.99.01 b+ 6302.99.20 b 6303.11 curtains, drapes, interior blinds & curtain or bed valances, o 6303.11.00 b+ 6303.11.00 a 6303.11.01 b+ 6303.12 curtains, drapes, interior blinds & curtain/bed valances, of 6303.12.00 b+ 6303.12.00 a 6303.12.01 b+ 6303.19 curtains, drapes, interior blinds & curtain/bed valances, othe 6303.19.00 b+ 6303.19.00 a 6303.19.99 b+ 6303.91 curtains/drapes/interior blinds & curtain/bed valances, of 6303.91.00 b+ 6303.91.00 a 6303.91.01 b+ 6303.92 curtains/drapes/interior blinds curtain/ bed valances, of syn 6303.92.00 b+ 6303.92.00 a 6303.92.01 b+ 6303.99 curtains/drapes/interior blinds curtain/ bed valances, of othe 6303.99.00 b+ 6303.99.00 a 6303.99.99 b+ 6304.11 bedspreads of textile materials, nes, knitted or crocheted 6304.11.00 b+ 6304.11.10 b 6304.11.01 b+ 6304.11.20 b 6304.11.30 b 6304.19 bedspreads of textile materials, nes, not knitted or crocheted 6304.19.00 b+ 6304.19.05 b 6304.19.99 b+ 6304.19.10 b 6304.19.15 b 6304.19.20 b 6304.19.30 b 6304.91 furnishing articles nes, of textile materials, knitted or 6304.91.00 b+ 6304.91.00 b 6304.91.01 b+ 6304.92 furnishing articles nes, of cotton, not knitted or crocheted 6304.92.00 b+ 6304.92.00 c 6304.92.01 b+ 6304.93 furnishing articles nes, of synthetic fibres, not knitted or 6304.93.00 b+ 6304.93.00 b 6304.93.01 b+ 6304.99 furnishing articles nes, of other textile materials, not 6304.99.00 b+ 6304.99.10 a 6304.99.99 b+ 6304.99.15 b 6304.99.25 a 6304.99.35 b 6304.99.40 a 6304.99.60 b 6305.10 sacks and bags, for packing of goods, of jute or of other 6305.10.00 b+ 6305.10.00 d 6305.10.01 b+ 6305.20 sacks and bags, for packing of goods, of cotton 6305.20.00 b+ 6305.20.00 b 6305.20.01 b+ 6305.31 sacks and bags, for packing of goods, of polyethylene or 6305.31.00 b+ 6305.31.00 b 6305.31.01 b+ 6305.39 sacks and bags, for packing of goods, of other man-made textil 6305.39.00 b+ 6305.39.00 b 6305.39.01 b+ 6305.90 sacks and bags, for packing of goods, of other textile 6305.90.00 b+ 6305.90.00 a 6305.90.01 b+ 6306.11 tarpaulins, awnings and sunblinds, of cotton 6306.11.00 b+ 6306.11.00 b 6306.11.01 b+ 6306.12 tarpaulins, awnings and sunblinds, of synthetic fibres 6306.12.00 b+ 6306.12.00 b 6306.12.01 b+ 6306.19 tarpaulins, awnings and sunblinds, of other textile materials 6306.19.00 b+ 6306.19.00 b 6306.19.99 b+ 6306.21 tents, of cotton 6306.21.00 b+ 6306.21.00 b 6306.21.01 b+ 6306.22 tents, of synthetic fibres 6306.22.00 b+ 6306.22.10 a 6306.22.01 b+ 6306.22.90 b 6306.29 tents, of other textile materials 6306.29.00 b+ 6306.29.00 b 6306.29.99 b+ 6306.31 sails, of synthetic fibres 6306.31.00 b+ 6306.31.00 a 6306.31.01 b+ 6306.31.99 b+ 6306.39 sails, of other textile materials 6306.39.00 b+ 6306.39.00 a 6306.39.01 b+ 6306.39.99 b+ 6306.41 pneumatic mattresses, of cotton 6306.41.00 b+ 6306.41.00 b 6306.41.01 b+ 6306.49 pneumatic mattresses, of other textile materials 6306.49.00 b+ 6306.49.00 a 6306.49.99 b+ 6306.91 camping goods nes, of cotton 6306.91.00 b+ 6306.91.00 b 6306.91.01 b+ 6306.99 camping goods nes, of other textile materials 6306.99.00 b+ 6306.99.00 b 6306.99.99 b+ 6307.10 floor-cloths, dish-cloths, dusters and similar cleaning cloths 6307.10.10 b+ 6307.10.10 c 6307.10.01 b+ 6307.10.90 b+ 6307.10.20 c 6307.20 life jackets and life belts, of textile materials 6307.20.00 b+ 6307.20.00 b 6307.20.01 b+ 6307.20.99 b+ 6307.90 made up articles, of textile materials, nes, including dress 6307.90.10 b+ 6307.90.30 b 6307.90.fa b+ 6307.90.20 d 6307.90.40 b 6307.90.01 b+ 6307.90.91 b+ 6307.90.50 b 6307.90.92 b+ 6307.90.60 b 6307.90.93 b+ 6307.90.70 b 6307.90.99 b+ 6307.90.75 b 6307.90.85 a 6307.90.86 c 6307.90.94 a 6308.00 sets consisting of woven fab and yarn, for making up into rugs 6308.00.00 b+ 6308.00.00 b 6308.00.01 b+ 6309.00 worn clothing and other worn articles 6309.00.00 b+ 6309.00.00 6309.00.01 b+ 6310.10 used or new rags of textile materials, sorted 6310.10.00 d 6310.10.10 c 6310.10.01 b+ 6310.10.20 d 6310.10.02 b+ 6310.10.99 b+ 6310.90 used or new rags of textile materials, not sorted 6310.90.00 d 6310.90.10 c 6310.90.01 b+ 6310.90.20 d 6310.90.99 b+ 6401.10 waterproof footwear, outer soles and uppers of rubber/plastics 6401.10.10 c 6401.10.00 c+ 6401.10.01 c 6401.10.20 c 6401.91 waterproof footwear, outer soles/uppers of rubber/plastics, 6401.91.10 c 6401.91.00 c+ 6401.91.01 c 6401.91.20 c 6401.92 waterproof footwear, outer soles/uppers of rbr/plas, covg ankl 6401.92.11 a 6401.92.30 a 6401.92.fa b 6401.92.12 c 6401.92.60 b 6401.92.fb c 6401.92.91 c 6401.92.90 c+ 6401.92.92 c 6401.92.9v a 6401.92.9w a 6401.99 waterproof footwear, outer soles/uppers of rubber or plastics, 6401.99.10 c 6401.99.30 c+ 6401.99.fa a 6401.99.20 c 6401.99.60 c+ 6401.99.fb c 6401.99.80 a 6401.99.90 c+ 6402.11 ski-boots and cross-country ski footwear outer soles/uppers of 6402.11.10 a 6402.11.00 a 6402.11.01 a 6402.11.20 c 6402.19 sports footwear, outer soles and uppers of rubber or plastics, 6402.19.00 c 6402.19.10 b 6402.19.99 b 6402.19.0v a 6402.19.1v c10 6402.19.0w a 6402.19.30 a 6402.19.0x a 6402.19.50 b 6402.19.0y a 6402.19.70 b 6402.19.90 b 6402.20 footwear of rubber or plastics, upper straps assembled to sole 6402.20.10 c 6402.20.00 a 6402.20.01 a 6402.20.20 b 6402.30 footwear, outer soles/uppers of rubber or plastics, with metal 6402.30.00 c 6402.30.30 c10 6402.30.99 c 6402.30.50 c+ 6402.30.60 a 6402.30.70 c+ 6402.30.80 c+ 6402.30.90 c10 6402.91 footwear, outer soles/uppers of rubber or plastics, covering 6402.91.00 c 6402.91.40 c10 6402.91.01 c 6402.91.50 c+ 6402.91.60 c10 6402.91.70 c10 6402.91.80 c+ 6402.91.90 c+ 6402.99 footwear, outer soles/uppers of rubber or plastics, nes 6402.99.00 c 6402.99.05 c10 6402.99.fa a 6402.99.10 c10 6402.99.fb c10 6402.99.15 c10 6402.99.1v a 6402.99.20 c+ 6402.99.30 c+ 6402.99.60 c10 6402.99.70 c10 6402.99.80 c+ 6402.99.90 c+ 6403.11 ski footwear, with outer soles of rbr/ plas/leather and uppers 6403.11.10 a 6403.11.30 d 6403.11.01 a 6403.11.20 c 6403.11.60 a 6403.19 sports footwear, o/t ski, outer soles of rbr/plas/leather and 6403.19.00 b 6403.19.15 a 6403.19.99 a 6403.19.0v a 6403.19.1v b 6403.19.0w a 6403.19.1w c10 6403.19.0x c 6403.19.45 a 6403.19.4v c10 6403.19.60 a 6403.19.6v c10 6403.20 footwear, outer soles/uppers of leather, straps across the 6403.20.00 c 6403.20.00 a 6403.20.01 c 6403.30 footwear, wooden, outer soles of rubber/ plas/leather and 6403.30.00 c 6403.30.00 a 6403.30.01 c 6403.40 footwear, outer soles of rubber/plastic/ leathr, uppers of 6403.40.00 c 6403.40.30 c10 6403.40.01 c10 6403.40.60 c10 6403.51 footwear, outer soles and uppers of leather, covering the 6403.51.00 c 6403.51.30 c10 6403.51.01 c10 6403.51.60 c10 6403.51.90 c10 6403.59 footwear, outer soles and uppers of leather, nes 6403.59.00 b+ 6403.59.15 b 6403.59.99 b+ 6403.59.30 c10 6403.59.60 c10 6403.59.90 c 6403.91 footwear, outer soles of rubber/plastics uppers of leather cov 6403.91.00 c10 6403.91.30 c10 6403.91.01 c10 6403.91.60 c+ 6403.91.90 c10 6403.99 footwear, outer soles of rubber/plastics uppers of leather, ne 6403.99.00 c 6403.99.20 c10 6403.99.99 c10 6403.99.0v b 6403.99.40 c10 6403.99.60 c10 6403.99.75 c10 6403.99.90 c10 6404.11 sports footwear with outer soles of rubber or plastics and 6404.11.10 cm 6404.11.20 c10 6404.11.fa b 6404.11.1v a 6404.11.40 b 6404.11.fb c10 6404.11.1w a 6404.11.50 c+ 6404.11.fc c 6404.11.1x a 6404.11.60 c+ 6404.11.1y a 6404.11.70 c+ 6404.11.90 c 6404.11.80 c+ 6404.11.9v a 6404.11.90 b 6404.11.9w a 6404.11.9x a 6404.11.9y a 6404.19 footwear o/t sports, with outer soles of rubber/plastics and 6404.19.10 cm 6404.19.15 c10 6404.19.fa a 6404.19.90 c 6404.19.20 c+ 6404.19.fb c 6404.19.25 c10 6404.19.30 c10 6404.19.35 c+ 6404.19.40 a 6404.19.50 c+ 6404.19.60 c10 6404.19.70 c+ 6404.19.80 c10 6404.19.90 a 6404.20 footwear with outer soles of leather and uppers of textile 6404.20.00 c 6404.20.20 c10 6404.20.01 c10 6404.20.40 c10 6404.20.60 c10 6405.10 footwear with uppers of leather or composition leather, nes 6405.10.00 c 6405.10.00 c10 6405.10.01 c10 6405.10.99 c10 6405.20 footwear with uppers of textile materials, nes 6405.20.00 c 6405.20.30 c10 6405.20.fa c 6405.20.60 a 6405.20.fb c10 6405.20.90 c10 6405.90 footwear, nes 6405.90.00 c 6405.90.20 a 6405.90.fa a 6405.90.90 c10 6405.90.fb c10 6406.10 uppers and parts thereof, other than stiffeners 6406.10.10 c 6406.10.05 c10 6406.10.fa c 6406.10.90 cm 6406.10.10 c10 6406.10.fb c 6406.10.20 c10 6406.10.fc c10 6406.10.25 b 6406.10.30 b 6406.10.35 b 6406.10.40 b 6406.10.45 c10 6406.10.50 b 6406.10.60 a 6406.10.65 a 6406.10.70 d 6406.10.72 a 6406.10.77 a 6406.10.85 a 6406.10.90 a 6406.20 outer soles and heels, of rubber or plastics 6406.20.10 cm 6406.20.00 a 6406.20.01 c 6406.20.20 cm 6406.91 parts of footwear of wood 6406.91.10 d 6406.91.00 a 6406.91.01 a 6406.91.90 bm 6406.91.99 a 6406.99 parts of footwear nes 6406.99.10 d 6406.99.15 a 6406.99.01 a 6406.99.20 cm 6406.99.30 a 6406.99.02 a 6406.99.90 cm 6406.99.60 a 6406.99.03 a 6406.99.90 a 6406.99.99 a 6501.00 hat-forms, hat bodies and hoods of felt; plateaux and manchons 6501.00.00 d 6501.00.30 a 6501.00.01 b 6501.00.60 a 6501.00.90 b 6502.00 hat-shapes, plaited or made by assembling strips of any 6502.00.00 d 6502.00.20 a 6502.00.01 b 6502.00.40 a 6502.00.60 a 6502.00.90 b 6503.00 felt hats and other felt headgear 6503.00.00 bm 6503.00.30 a 6503.00.01 b 6503.00.60 a 6503.00.90 b 6504.00 hats and other headgear, plaited or made by assembling strips 6504.00.00 b 6504.00.30 a 6504.00.01 b 6504.00.60 a 6504.00.99 b 6504.00.90 b 6505.10 hair-nets of any material 6505.10.00 b 6505.10.00 a 6505.10.01 b 6505.90 hats and other headgear, knitted or made up from lace, or othe 6505.90.10 b 6505.90.15 b 6505.90.01 b 6505.90.90 b 6505.90.20 b 6505.90.99 b 6505.90.25 b 6505.90.30 b 6505.90.40 b 6505.90.50 b 6505.90.60 b 6505.90.70 b 6505.90.80 b 6505.90.90 b 6506.10 safety headgear, nes 6506.10.10 d 6506.10.30 a 6506.10.01 a 6506.10.90 a 6506.10.60 a 6506.10.99 a 6506.91 headgear nes, of rubber or plastics 6506.91.00 bm 6506.91.00 a 6506.91.01 a 6506.91.99 a 6506.92 headgear nes, of furskin 6506.92.00 a 6506.92.00 a 6506.92.01 a 6506.99 headgear nes, of other materials 6506.99.10 bm 6506.99.00 a 6506.99.99 a 6506.99.90 bm 6507.00 head-bands, linings, covers, hat foundations, hat frames, etc, 6507.00.00 d 6507.00.00 a 6507.00.01 a 6601.10 garden and similar umbrellas 6601.10.00 a 6601.10.00 a 6601.10.01 a 6601.91 umbrellas nes, having a telescopic shaft 6601.91.00 a 6601.91.00 a 6601.91.01 a 6601.99 umbrellas nes 6601.99.00 a 6601.99.00 a 6601.99.01 a 6601.99.99 a 6602.00 walking-sticks, seat-sticks, whips, riding-crops and the like 6602.00.00 a 6602.00.00 a 6602.00.01 a 6603.10 handle and knobs of umbrellas, walkingsticks, whips, riding 6603.10.00 d 6603.10.00 a 6603.10.01 a 6603.20 umbrella frames, including frames mounted on shafts (sticks) 6603.20.00 d 6603.20.30 a 6603.20.01 a 6603.20.90 a 6603.20.99 a 6603.90 parts, trimmings, accessories nes, of umbrellas, 6603.90.00 d 6603.90.00 a 6603.90.99 a 6701.00 skins/other pts of birds w/feather/down, feathers and pts, 6701.00.00 a 6701.00.00 a 6701.00.01 a 6701.00.99 a 6702.10 artificial flowers, foliage, fruit and parts and articles 6702.10.00 bm 6702.10.20 a 6702.10.01 a 6702.10.40 a 6702.10.99 a 6702.90 artificial flowers/foliage/fruit and pts and articles thereof, 6702.90.00 bm 6702.90.10 a 6702.90.01 a 6702.90.35 a 6702.90.99 a 6702.90.65 a 6703.00 human hair, worked; wool/animal hair and other tex mat, 6703.00.00 d 6703.00.30 a 6703.00.01 a 6703.00.60 a 6704.11 complete wigs of synthetic textile materials 6704.11.00 a 6704.11.00 a 6704.11.01 a 6704.19 false beard, eyebrows and the like, of synthetic textile 6704.19.10 a 6704.19.00 a 6704.19.99 a 6704.19.90 a 6704.20 articles of human hair, nes 6704.20.00 a 6704.20.00 a 6704.20.01 a 6704.90 wigs, false beards, eyebrows and the like, of other materials 6704.90.00 a 6704.90.00 a 6704.90.99 a 6801.00 setts, curbstones and flagstones of natural stone (except 6801.00.00 a 6801.00.00 a 6801.00.01 b 6802.10 tiles etc rect or not >7 cm etc; arti coloured 6802.10.10 d 6802.10.00 a 6802.10.01 a 6802.10.90 a 6802.10.02 b 6802.21 monumental/building stone, cut/sawn flat or even, 6802.21.00 a 6802.21.10 a 6802.21.01 a 6802.21.50 a 6802.22 monumental/building stone, cut/sawn flat or even, other 6802.22.00 b 6802.22.00 a 6802.22.01 b 6802.23 monumental/building stone, cut/sawn flat or even, granite 6802.23.00 a 6802.23.00 a 6802.23.01 a 6802.23.99 b 6802.29 monumental/building stone, cut/sawn flat or even nes 6802.29.00 a 6802.29.00 a 6802.29.01 b 6802.91 worked monumental/building stone nes, marble, travertine and 6802.91.00 a 6802.91.05 a 6802.91.01 a 6802.91.15 a 6802.91.20 a 6802.91.25 a 6802.91.30 a 6802.92 worked monumental/building stone nes, calcareous stone nes 6802.92.00 a 6802.92.00 a 6802.92.01 a 6802.93 worked monumental/building stone nes, granite 6802.93.00 b 6802.93.00 a 6802.93.01 b 6802.99 worked monumental/building stone nes 6802.99.00 a 6802.99.00 a 6802.99.01 b 6803.00 worked slate and articles of slate or of agglomerated slate 6803.00.10 d 6803.00.10 a 6803.00.01 b 6803.00.90 b 6803.00.50 a 6803.00.99 b 6804.10 millstones and grindstones for milling, grinding or pulping 6804.10.00 a 6804.10.00 d 6804.10.01 b 6804.10.99 a 6804.21 millstones,grindstones etc of agglomerated synthetic or natura 6804.21.10 d 6804.21.00 a 6804.21.01 a 6804.21.90 bm 6804.21.02 b 6804.21.99 a 6804.22 millstones, grindstones etc of other agglomerated abrasives or 6804.22.10 d 6804.22.10 a 6804.22.01 b 6804.22.90 b 6804.22.40 a 6804.22.02 b 6804.22.60 a 6804.22.03 b 6804.22.99 b 6804.23 millstones, grindstones etc of natural stone 6804.23.00 a 6804.23.00 d 6804.23.01 b 6804.23.99 a 6804.30 hand sharpening or polishing stones 6804.30.00 bm 6804.30.00 d 6804.30.01 b 6805.10 natural or artificial abrasive powder or grain on a woven 6805.10.10 a 6805.10.00 a 6805.10.01 c 6805.10.90 a 6805.10.99 c 6805.20 natural or artificial abrasive powder or grain on a paper or 6805.20.10 a 6805.20.00 a 6805.20.01 c 6805.20.90 c 6805.30 natural or artificial abrasive powder or grain on a base of 6805.30.10 a 6805.30.10 a 6805.30.01 c 6805.30.90 c 6805.30.50 d 6806.10 slag wool, rock wool & similar mineral wools in bulk, sheets o 6806.10.10 a 6806.10.00 a 6806.10.01 b 6806.10.20 a 6806.10.99 b 6806.10.90 a 6806.20 exfoliated vermiculite, expanded clays, foamed slag & sim 6806.20.00 a 6806.20.00 a 6806.20.01 a 6806.90 articles of heat/sound insulating, etc, nes, mineral mat exc 6806.90.10 a 6806.90.00 a 6806.90.99 a 6806.90.20 a 6806.90.90 a 6807.10 asphalt or similar material articles, in rolls 6807.10.00 a 6807.10.00 a 6807.10.01 b 6807.90 asphalt or similar material articles nes 6807.90.00 a 6807.90.00 a 6807.90.99 a 6808.00 panels, boards etc of veg fibre, straw etc agglomerated 6808.00.10 bm 6808.00.00 d 6808.00.01 b 6808.00.90 a 6809.11 plaster boards etc not ornamental faced or reinforced with 6809.11.10 a 6809.11.00 a 6809.11.01 b 6809.11.90 a 6809.19 plaster boards etc not ornamental faced or reinforced nes 6809.19.00 bm 6809.19.00 a 6809.19.01 b 6809.19.99 b 6809.90 articles of plaster or compositions based on plaster nes 6809.90.10 d 6809.90.00 a 6809.90.01 a 6809.90.90 a 6810.11 building blocks and bricks of cement, concrete or artificial 6810.11.00 a 6810.11.00 a 6810.11.01 a 6810.19 tiles, flagstones and similar articles of cement/concrete or 6810.19.00 a 6810.19.12 a 6810.19.99 b 6810.19.14 a 6810.19.50 a 6810.20 pipes of cement or concrete 6810.20.00 b 6810.20.00 a 6810.20.01 b 6810.91 prefabricated structural components of buildings etc of 6810.91.10 a 6810.91.00 a 6810.91.01 b 6810.91.90 a 6810.91.99 a 6810.99 articles of cement, of concrete or of artificial stone nes 6810.99.00 a 6810.99.00 a 6810.99.99 b 6811.10 corrugated sheets of asbestos-cement, of cellulose fibre-cemen 6811.10.00 a 6811.10.00 d 6811.10.01 a 6811.20 sheets nes, panels/tiles etc of asbestos-cement, cellulose 6811.20.00 a 6811.20.00 d 6811.20.01 a 6811.20.99 a 6811.30 tubes, pipes & tube or pipe fittings of asbestos-cellulose 6811.30.00 b 6811.30.00 a 6811.30.01 b 6811.30.99 b 6811.90 articles nes, of asbestos-cement of cellulose fibre-cement or 6811.90.00 b 6811.90.00 d 6811.90.99 b 6812.10 asbestos fibres etc 6812.10.00 a 6812.10.00 d 6812.10.01 a 6812.20 asbestos yarn and thread 6812.20.00 a 6812.20.00 d 6812.20.01 a 6812.30 asbestos cords and string, whether or not plaited 6812.30.00 a 6812.30.00 d 6812.30.01 a 6812.40 asbestos woven or knitted fabric 6812.40.00 a 6812.40.00 d 6812.40.01 a 6812.50 asbestos clothing, clothing accessories, footwear and headgear 6812.50.00 a 6812.50.10 a 6812.50.01 a 6812.50.50 a 6812.60 asbestos paper, millboard and felt 6812.60.00 a 6812.60.00 d 6812.60.01 a 6812.60.02 a 6812.70 compressed asbestos fibre jointing, in sheets or rolls 6812.70.00 a 6812.70.00 d 6812.70.01 a 6812.70.99 b 6812.90 asbestos fabricated products nes 6812.90.10 a 6812.90.00 d 6812.90.01 b 6812.90.90 a 6812.90.99 a 6813.10 asbestos brake linings and pads 6813.10.10 a 6813.10.00 d 6813.10.01 b 6813.10.90 b 6813.10.99 b 6813.90 asbestos friction material and articles nes 6813.90.10 a 6813.90.00 d 6813.90.01 b 6813.90.90 a 6813.90.02 a 6813.90.03 a 6813.90.99 a 6814.10 mica plates, sheets and strips, agglomerated/reconstituted on 6814.10.00 a 6814.10.00 a 6814.10.01 a 6814.10.99 a 6814.90 worked mica and articles of mica nes 6814.90.00 a 6814.90.00 a 6814.90.99 a 6815.10 non-electrical articles of graphite or other carbon 6815.10.10 a 6815.10.00 a 6815.10.01 b 6815.10.90 bm 6815.10.02 b 6815.10.03 b 6815.10.04 a 6815.10.99 b 6815.20 articles of peat 6815.20.00 a 6815.20.00 d 6815.20.01 a 6815.91 articles containing magnesite, dolomite or chromite 6815.91.00 a 6815.91.00 a 6815.91.01 a 6815.91.02 a 6815.91.99 a 6815.99 articles of stone or of other mineral substances nes 6815.99.10 d 6815.99.20 d 6815.99.01 a 6815.99.20 a 6815.99.40 a 6815.99.02 a 6815.99.30 a 6815.99.99 a 6815.99.40 a 6815.99.91 a 6815.99.99 a 6901.00 bricks, blocks etc & ceramic goods of siliceous fossil meals o 6901.00.00 d 6901.00.00 c 6901.00.01 c 6901.00.99 c 6902.10 refractory bricks etc >50% mg, ca or cr expressed as mgo, cao 6902.10.00 d 6902.10.10 d 6902.10.01 b 6902.10.50 a 6902.10.99 b 6902.20 refractory bricks etc >50% alumina al2o3, silica sio2 or 6902.20.00 d 6902.20.10 d 6902.20.01 c 6902.20.50 a 6902.20.02 c 6902.20.99 c 6902.90 refractory bricks etc nes 6902.90.10 bm 6902.90.10 d 6902.90.01 b 6902.90.90 d 6902.90.50 a 6902.90.02 b 6902.90.03 b 6902.90.04 b 6902.90.99 b 6903.10 refractory ceramic goods nes, >50% of graphite or other forms 6903.10.10 a 6903.10.00 a 6903.10.01 a 6903.10.91 a 6903.10.02 a 6903.10.99 d 6903.10.03 a 6903.10.04 a 6903.10.05 a 6903.10.99 a 6903.20 refractory ceramic goods nes, >50% of al2o3 or mx/compds 6903.20.10 a 6903.20.00 a 6903.20.01 a 6903.20.90 a 6903.20.02 a 6903.20.03 a 6903.20.04 a 6903.20.05 a 6903.20.06 a 6903.20.07 a 6903.20.99 a 6903.90 refractory ceramic goods nes 6903.90.10 a 6903.90.00 a 6903.90.01 a 6903.90.90 a 6903.90.99 a 6904.10 building bricks 6904.10.00 a 6904.10.00 d 6904.10.01 a 6904.90 ceramic flooring blocks, support or filler tiles and the like 6904.90.10 a 6904.90.00 a 6904.90.99 a 6904.90.20 a 6905.10 roofing tiles, ceramic 6905.10.00 a 6905.10.00 a 6905.10.01 a 6905.90 chimney-pots, cowls, chimney liners etc & other ceramic 6905.90.00 a 6905.90.00 a 6905.90.01 a 6905.90.99 a 6906.00 ceramic pipes, conduits, guttering and pipe fittings 6906.00.00 a 6906.00.00 a 6906.00.01 a 6907.10 tiles, cubes and sim <7 cm rect or not etc, unglazed ceramics 6907.10.00 bm 6907.10.00 c+ 6907.10.01 b 6907.90 tiles, cubes and sim nes, unglazed ceramics 6907.90.10 a 6907.90.00 c+ 6907.90.01 a 6907.90.90 bm 6907.90.99 a 6908.10 tiles, cubes and sim <7 cm rect or not etc, glazed ceramics 6908.10.00 bm 6908.10.10 c+ 6908.10.01 b 6908.10.20 a 6908.10.50 c+ 6908.90 tiles, cubes and sim nes, glazed ceramics 6908.90.10 a 6908.90.00 c+ 6908.90.01 a 6908.90.90 bm 6908.90.99 a 6909.11 ceramic wares laboratory, chemical/other technical uses of 6909.11.00 a 6909.11.20 a 6909.11.01 a 6909.11.40 a 6909.11.02 a 6909.11.03 a 6909.11.04 a 6909.11.05 a 6909.11.06 a 6909.11.07 a 6909.11.08 a 6909.11.09 a 6909.11.10 a 6909.11.99 a 6909.19 ceramic wares laboratory, chemical/other technical uses nes 6909.19.00 a 6909.19.10 a 6909.19.01 a 6909.19.50 a 6909.19.99 a 6909.90 ceramic troughs, tubes etc used in agriculture, ceramic pots 6909.90.00 a 6909.90.00 a 6909.90.99 a 6910.10 ceramic sinks, wash basins etc & similar sanitary fixtures of 6910.10.10 cm 6910.10.00 c 6910.10.01 c 6910.10.90 a 6910.90 ceramic sinks, wash basins etc & similar sanitary fixtures nes 6910.90.00 a 6910.90.00 a 6910.90.01 a 6910.90.99 c 6911.10 tableware and kitchenware of porcelain or china 6911.10.00 a 6911.10.10 c 6911.10.fa a 6911.10.20 a 6911.10.fb a 6911.10.35 a 6911.10.39 a 6911.10.41 a 6911.10.45 a 6911.10.49 a 6911.10.60 a 6911.10.80 c 6911.90 household articles nes & toilet articles of porcelain or china 6911.90.00 bm 6911.90.00 a 6911.90.01 a 6912.00 ceramic tableware, kitchenware, other household & toilet 6912.00.00 b 6912.00.10 a 6912.00.fa b 6912.00.20 c 6912.00.fb a 6912.00.35 a 6912.00.fc b 6912.00.39 b 6912.00.41 a 6912.00.44 a 6912.00.45 b 6912.00.46 a 6912.00.48 b 6912.00.50 a 6913.10 statuettes and other ornamental articles of porcelain or china 6913.10.10 a 6913.10.10 a 6913.10.01 b 6913.10.90 bm 6913.10.20 a 6913.10.50 a 6913.90 statuettes and other ornamental articles of ceramics nes 6913.90.10 a 6913.90.10 a 6913.90.99 b 6913.90.90 bm 6913.90.20 a 6913.90.30 a 6913.90.50 a 6914.10 articles of porcelain or china nes 6914.10.00 bm 6914.10.00 a 6914.10.01 a 6914.90 articles of ceramics nes 6914.90.00 bm 6914.90.00 a 6914.90.99 a 7001.00 cullet and other waste and scrap of glass; glass in the mass 7001.00.10 d 7001.00.10 a 7001.00.01 a 7001.00.20 a 7001.00.20 a 7001.00.02 a 7001.00.50 d 7001.00.99 a 7002.10 balls, glass exc microspheres of no 70.18 7002.10.10 d 7002.10.10 a 7002.10.01 a 7002.10.90 a 7002.10.20 a 7002.20 rods, glass 7002.20.00 a 7002.20.10 a 7002.20.01 a 7002.20.50 a 7002.20.02 a 7002.20.03 a 7002.20.04 a 7002.20.05 a 7002.20.99 a 7002.31 tubes of fused quartz or other fused silica 7002.31.00 d 7002.31.00 a 7002.31.01 a 7002.31.02 a 7002.31.03 a 7002.31.99 a 7002.32 tubes of glass linear coef of exp ã�5x10-6 per kelvin within 0c 7002.32.00 d 7002.32.00 a 7002.32.01 a 7002.39 tubes of glass nes 7002.39.00 d 7002.39.00 a 7002.39.99 a 7003.11 cast glass sheets non-wired coloured etc having an 7003.11.10 a 7003.11.00 a 7003.11.01 b 7003.11.20 a 7003.11.02 b 7003.11.99 b 7003.19 cast glass sheets non-wired nes 7003.19.00 a 7003.19.00 a 7003.19.01 b 7003.19.99 b 7003.20 cast glass sheets wired 7003.20.00 a 7003.20.00 a 7003.20.01 b 7003.30 cast glass profiles 7003.30.00 a 7003.30.00 a 7003.30.01 b 7004.10 drawn glass sheets, coloured etc having an absorbing or 7004.10.00 a 7004.10.10 a 7004.10.01 c 7004.10.20 a 7004.10.02 b 7004.10.50 a 7004.10.99 c 7004.90 drawn glass in sheets nes 7004.90.00 a 7004.90.05 c 7004.90.01 c 7004.90.10 c 7004.90.02 b 7004.90.15 c 7004.90.99 c 7004.90.20 c 7004.90.25 a 7004.90.30 a 7004.90.40 a 7004.90.50 a 7005.10 float glass etc in sheets, non-wired having an absorbent or 7005.10.10 a 7005.10.00 a 7005.10.01 c 7005.10.20 a 7005.10.02 c 7005.10.99 c 7005.21 float glass etc in sheets, non-wired coloured throughout the 7005.21.00 a 7005.21.10 c 7005.21.01 c 7005.21.20 c 7005.21.02 c 7005.21.99 c 7005.29 float glass etc in sheets, non-wired nes 7005.29.00 a 7005.29.05 c 7005.29.01 b 7005.29.15 c 7005.29.02 c8 7005.29.25 a 7005.29.03 b+ 7005.29.99 c 7005.30 float glass etc in sheets, wired 7005.30.00 a 7005.30.00 a 7005.30.01 b 7005.30.99 b 7006.00 glass of 70.03, 70.04, 70.05 bent, edgeworked etc not framed 7006.00.10 a 7006.00.10 a 7006.00.01 c 7006.00.90 a 7006.00.20 a 7006.00.02 c 7006.00.40 a 7006.00.03 c 7006.00.04 c 7006.00.99 c 7007.11 safety glass toughened (tempered) for vehicles, aircraft, 7007.11.11 b 7007.11.00 a 7007.11.01 c 7007.11.19 a 7007.11.02 c 7007.11.20 d 7007.11.03 c 7007.11.30 b 7007.11.04 a 7007.11.05 c 7007.11.06 c 7007.11.99 c 7007.19 safety glass toughened (tempered) nes 7007.19.00 b 7007.19.00 a 7007.19.01 c 7007.19.02 c 7007.19.99 c 7007.21 safety glass laminated for vehicles, aircraft, spacecraft or 7007.21.11 b 7007.21.10 a 7007.21.01 c 7007.21.19 a 7007.21.50 a 7007.21.02 c 7007.21.20 d 7007.21.03 a 7007.21.30 a 7007.21.04 c 7007.21.99 c 7007.29 safety glass laminated nes 7007.29.00 a 7007.29.00 a 7007.29.99 c 7008.00 multiple-walled insulating units of glass 7008.00.00 a 7008.00.00 a 7008.00.01 c 7008.00.99 c 7009.10 rear-view mirrors for vehicles 7009.10.00 a 7009.10.00 a 7009.10.01 b 7009.10.02 b 7009.10.03 b 7009.10.04 b 7009.10.99 a 7009.91 glass mirrors, unframed 7009.91.00 bm 7009.91.10 a 7009.91.01 b 7009.91.50 a 7009.91.99 c 7009.92 glass mirrors, framed 7009.92.00 b 7009.92.10 a 7009.92.01 c 7009.92.50 a 7010.10 ampoules of glass conveyance or packing 7010.10.00 d 7010.10.00 a 7010.10.01 a 7010.10.99 c 7010.90 carboys/bottles/flasks etc for conveyance of goods etc stopper 7010.90.10 d 7010.90.05 d 7010.90.01 c 7010.90.90 bm 7010.90.20 a 7010.90.02 c 7010.90.30 a 7010.90.03 c 7010.90.50 d 7010.90.04 c 7010.90.99 c 7011.10 glass envelopes (including bulbs/tubes) for electric lighting 7011.10.00 a 7011.10.10 a 7011.10.01 a 7011.10.50 a 7011.10.02 a 7011.10.03 a 7011.10.04 a 7011.10.05 a 7011.10.99 a 7011.20 glass envelopes (including bulbs/tubes) for cathode-ray tubes 7011.20.00 d 7011.20.00 a 7011.20.01 a 7011.20.02 a 7011.20.03 a 7011.20.04 a 7011.20.99 a 7011.90 glass envelopes (including bulbs/tubes) nes 7011.90.10 d 7011.90.00 a 7011.90.01 a 7011.90.90 a 7011.90.99 a 7012.00 glass inners for vacuum flasks or for other vacuum vessels 7012.00.00 d 7012.00.00 a 7012.00.01 a 7012.00.99 a 7013.10 glassware of a kind used for table kitchen, etc of 7013.10.00 d 7013.10.10 a 7013.10.01 a 7013.10.50 c+ 7013.21 drinking glasses other than glassceramics, of lead crystal 7013.21.00 a 7013.21.10 c+ 7013.21.01 a 7013.21.20 c+ 7013.21.99 a 7013.21.30 c+ 7013.21.50 a 7013.29 drinking glasses other than glassceramics nes 7013.29.10 bm 7013.29.05 c+ 7013.29.fa b 7013.29.90 bm 7013.29.10 c+ 7013.29.fb b 7013.29.20 c+ 7013.29.30 c+ 7013.29.40 b 7013.29.50 c+ 7013.29.60 b 7013.31 table/kitchenware (exc drinking glasses) o/t glass-ceramics of 7013.31.00 a 7013.31.10 c+ 7013.31.01 a 7013.31.20 c+ 7013.31.99 a 7013.31.30 c+ 7013.31.50 a 7013.32 table/kitchenware (exc drinking glasses) o/t glass ceramics 7013.32.00 d 7013.32.10 c+ 7013.32.01 a 7013.32.20 c+ 7013.32.99 a 7013.32.30 c+ 7013.32.40 c+ 7013.39 table/kitchenware (exc drinking glasses) other than 7013.39.10 bm 7013.39.10 c+ 7013.39.01 b 7013.39.20 d 7013.39.20 c+ 7013.39.03 b 7013.39.90 b 7013.39.30 c+ 7013.39.04 b 7013.39.40 c+ 7013.39.99 b 7013.39.50 c+ 7013.39.60 c+ 7013.91 glassware nes of lead crystal (other than that of 70.10 or 7013.91.10 a 7013.91.10 c+ 7013.91.01 a 7013.91.90 a 7013.91.20 c+ 7013.91.99 a 7013.91.30 c+ 7013.91.50 a 7013.99 glassware nes (other than that of 70.10 or 70.18) 7013.99.10 bm 7013.99.10 c+ 7013.99.01 b 7013.99.90 bm 7013.99.20 c+ 7013.99.99 b 7013.99.30 a 7013.99.35 a 7013.99.40 c+ 7013.99.50 c+ 7013.99.60 c+ 7013.99.70 c+ 7013.99.80 c+ 7013.99.90 c+ 7014.00 signalling glassware & optical elements glass (o/t 70.15) not 7014.00.00 d 7014.00.10 a 7014.00.02 a 7014.00.20 a 7014.00.03 a 7014.00.30 a 7014.00.05 a 7014.00.50 a 7014.00.06 a 7014.00.07 a 7014.00.08 a 7014.00.99 a 7015.10 glasses for corrective spectacles, not optically worked glass 7015.10.10 d 7015.10.00 a 7015.10.01 a 7015.10.90 a 7015.10.99 a 7015.90 clock or watch glasses etc curved/bent not optically worked, 7015.90.10 d 7015.90.10 a 7015.90.01 a 7015.90.90 bm 7015.90.20 a 7015.90.99 a 7015.90.50 a 7016.10 glass cubes & other glass smallwares backed or not for mosaics 7016.10.00 a 7016.10.00 a 7016.10.01 a 7016.90 paving blocks etc for building/const etc, leaded lights, 7016.90.10 a 7016.90.10 a 7016.90.01 a 7016.90.90 a 7016.90.50 a 7016.90.02 a 7016.90.99 a 7017.10 laboratory, hygienic or pharmaceutical glassware etc fused 7017.10.10 d 7017.10.00 a 7017.10.01 a 7017.10.90 bm 7017.10.02 c 7017.10.03 c 7017.10.04 a 7017.10.05 b 7017.10.06 a 7017.10.07 a 7017.10.08 a 7017.10.09 a 7017.10.10 a 7017.10.11 c 7017.10.12 a 7017.10.13 a 7017.10.99 c 7017.20 laboratory glassware etc of other glass linear expa etc ã�5 x 7017.20.10 d 7017.20.00 a 7017.20.01 b 7017.20.90 a 7017.20.02 a 7017.20.03 a 7017.20.04 a 7017.20.05 a 7017.20.06 c 7017.20.99 c 7017.90 laboratory, hygienic or pharmaceutical glassware etc nes 7017.90.10 bm 7017.90.00 a 7017.90.01 a 7017.90.90 bm 7017.90.02 b 7017.90.03 a 7017.90.04 a 7017.90.05 c 7017.90.99 c 7018.10 glass beads, imitation pearls, imitation precious or 7018.10.10 a 7018.10.10 a 7018.10.01 a 7018.10.20 d 7018.10.20 a 7018.10.02 a 7018.10.30 d 7018.10.50 a 7018.10.99 a 7018.10.40 a 7018.10.90 a 7018.20 glass microspheres not exceeding 1 mm in diameter 7018.20.00 a 7018.20.00 a 7018.20.01 a 7018.20.99 a 7018.90 articles of glass etc exc jewellery, glass eyes exc prosthetic 7018.90.10 d 7018.90.10 a 7018.90.01 a 7018.90.90 a 7018.90.50 a 7018.90.02 a 7018.90.99 a 7019.10 slivers, rovings, yarn and chopped strands of glass 7019.10.10 cm 7019.10.10 b 7019.10.01 c 7019.10.21 a 7019.10.20 b 7019.10.02 c 7019.10.29 cm 7019.10.30 a 7019.10.03 c 7019.10.40 a 7019.10.04 c 7019.10.60 b 7019.10.99 c 7019.20 woven fabrics, including narrow fabrics of glass fibres 7019.20.10 a 7019.20.10 b 7019.20.01 c 7019.20.90 c 7019.20.20 b 7019.20.02 c 7019.20.50 b 7019.20.03 c 7019.20.04 c 7019.20.05 c 7019.20.99 c 7019.31 mats of glass fibres 7019.31.10 cm 7019.31.00 a 7019.31.01 c 7019.31.90 c 7019.32 thin sheets (voiles) of glass fibres 7019.32.10 bm 7019.32.00 a 7019.32.01 a 7019.32.90 b 7019.39 webs, mattresses, boards and similar nonwoven products of glas 7019.39.00 bm 7019.39.10 a 7019.39.01 a 7019.39.50 a 7019.39.99 c 7019.90 glass fibres (including glass wool) and articles thereof nes 7019.90.10 c 7019.90.10 a 7019.90.01 c 7019.90.90 bm 7019.90.50 a 7019.90.02 c 7019.90.03 c 7019.90.04 c 7019.90.05 c 7019.90.06 c 7019.90.07 c 7019.90.08 c 7019.90.09 c 7019.90.10 c 7019.90.11 c 7019.90.99 c 7020.00 articles of glass nes 7020.00.10 bm 7020.00.00 a 7020.00.01 a 7020.00.20 d 7020.00.02 a 7020.00.90 bm 7020.00.03 a 7020.00.04 a 7020.00.06 a 7020.00.07 a 7020.00.08 a 7020.00.09 a 7020.00.99 a 7101.10 pearls natural whether or not worked or graded 7101.10.00 d 7101.10.00 d 7101.10.01 a 7101.10.99 a 7101.21 pearls cultured unworked 7101.21.00 d 7101.21.00 a 7101.21.01 a 7101.21.99 a 7101.22 pearls cultured worked 7101.22.00 d 7101.22.00 a 7101.22.01 a 7102.10 diamonds unsorted whether or not worked 7102.10.00 d 7102.10.00 d 7102.10.01 a 7102.21 diamonds industrial unworked or simply sawn, cleaved or bruted 7102.21.10 d 7102.21.10 d 7102.21.01 a 7102.21.90 a 7102.21.30 a 7102.21.40 d 7102.29 diamonds industrial nes excluding mounted or set diamonds 7102.29.10 d 7102.29.00 d 7102.29.99 a 7102.29.90 a 7102.31 diamonds non-industrial unworked or simply sawn, cleaved or 7102.31.00 d 7102.31.00 d 7102.31.01 a 7102.39 diamonds non-industrial nes excluding mounted or set diamonds 7102.39.00 d 7102.39.00 d 7102.39.01 a 7102.39.99 a 7103.10 prec or semi-prec stones (o/t diamonds) unworked or simply saw 7103.10.00 d 7103.10.20 d 7103.10.01 a 7103.10.40 a 7103.91 rubies, sapphires and emeralds further worked than sawn or 7103.91.00 d 7103.91.00 d 7103.91.01 a 7103.99 precious or semi-precious stones nes further worked than sawn 7103.99.00 d 7103.99.10 a 7103.99.99 a 7103.99.50 a 7104.10 piezo-electric quartz whether or not worked or graded 7104.10.00 d 7104.10.00 a 7104.10.01 a 7104.20 syn or reconstr prec/semi-prec stones unworked (simply sawn or 7104.20.00 d 7104.20.00 a 7104.20.01 a 7104.90 syn or reconstr prec/semi-prec stones further worked than sawn 7104.90.00 d 7104.90.10 a 7104.90.99 a 7104.90.50 a 7105.10 diamond dust or powder 7105.10.10 d 7105.10.00 d 7105.10.01 a 7105.10.91 a 7105.10.92 d 7105.90 natural or synthetic precious or semiprecious stone dust and 7105.90.00 d 7105.90.00 a 7105.90.99 b 7106.10 silver powder 7106.10.10 a 7106.10.00 d 7106.10.01 b 7106.10.20 a 7106.91 silver in unwrought forms 7106.91.10 d 7106.91.10 d 7106.91.01 a 7106.91.20 a 7106.91.50 a 7106.92 silver in other semi-manufactured forms (incl silver plated 7106.92.11 d 7106.92.00 a 7106.92.01 a 7106.92.19 a 7106.92.02 a 7106.92.21 a 7106.92.99 a 7106.92.22 a 7107.00 base metals clad with silver, not further worked than 7107.00.00 a 7107.00.00 a 7107.00.01 b 7108.11 gold powder non-monetary 7108.11.00 a 7108.11.00 d 7108.11.01 a 7108.12 gold in unwrought forms non-monetary 7108.12.00 d 7108.12.10 d 7108.12.01 a 7108.12.50 a 7108.13 gold in other semi-manufactured forms non-monetary(inc gold 7108.13.10 d 7108.13.10 a 7108.13.01 a 7108.13.20 a 7108.13.50 a 7108.13.99 a 7108.20 monetary gold 7108.20.00 d 7108.20.00 d 7108.20.01 d 7108.29 7108.29.99 a 7109.00 base metals or silver, clad with gold, not further worked than 7109.00.00 a 7109.00.00 a 7109.00.01 b 7110.11 platinum unwrought or in powder form 7110.11.00 d 7110.11.00 d 7110.11.01 a 7110.19 platinum in other semi-manufactured forms 7110.19.00 d 7110.19.00 d 7110.19.01 a 7110.19.02 a 7110.19.99 a 7110.21 palladium unwrought or in powder form 7110.21.00 d 7110.21.00 d 7110.21.01 a 7110.29 palladium in other semi-manufactured forms 7110.29.00 d 7110.29.00 d 7110.29.01 a 7110.29.99 a 7110.31 rhodium unwrought or in powder form 7110.31.00 d 7110.31.00 d 7110.31.01 a 7110.31.99 a 7110.39 rhodium in other semi-manufactured forms 7110.39.00 d 7110.39.00 d 7110.39.99 a 7110.41 iridium, osmium and ruthenium unwrought or in powder form 7110.41.00 d 7110.41.00 d 7110.41.01 a 7110.49 iridium, osmium and ruthenium in other semi-manufactured forms 7110.49.00 d 7110.49.00 d 7110.49.99 a 7111.00 base metals, silver or gold clad with platinum in 7111.00.00 a 7111.00.00 a 7111.00.01 a 7112.10 waste&scrap of gold,incl met clad w gold but exc sweepings 7112.10.00 d 7112.10.00 d 7112.10.01 b 7112.20 waste&scrap of platinum,incl met clad w plat exc sweepings 7112.20.00 d 7112.20.00 d 7112.20.01 a 7112.90 waste&scrap of precious metal or of metal clad with precious 7112.90.00 d 7112.90.00 d 7112.90.99 a 7113.11 articles of jewellery and pts thereof of silver w/n plated or 7113.11.00 cm 7113.11.10 a 7113.11.01 c 7113.11.20 a 7113.11.50 a 7113.19 articles of jewellery and pts thereof of/o prec met w/n 7113.19.00 cm 7113.19.10 a 7113.19.01 c 7113.19.21 a 7113.19.02 c 7113.19.25 a 7113.19.29 a 7113.19.30 a 7113.19.50 a 7113.20 articles of jewellery and pts thereof of base metal clad with 7113.20.00 c 7113.20.10 a 7113.20.01 c 7113.20.21 a 7113.20.25 a 7113.20.29 a 7113.20.30 a 7113.20.50 a 7114.11 articles of gold or silversmiths & parts of silver w/n 7114.11.00 b 7114.11.10 a 7114.11.01 b 7114.11.20 a 7114.11.30 a 7114.11.40 a 7114.11.45 b 7114.11.50 a 7114.11.60 a 7114.11.70 a 7114.19 articles of gold or silversmiths & parts of prec met w/n 7114.19.00 a 7114.19.00 a 7114.19.01 b 7114.20 articles of gold or silversmiths & parts of base metal clad 7114.20.00 a 7114.20.00 a 7114.20.01 b 7115.10 catalysts in the form of wire cloth or grill, of platinum 7115.10.00 a 7115.10.00 a 7115.10.01 a 7115.90 articles of precious metal or of metal clad with precious meta 7115.90.10 d 7115.90.10 a 7115.90.01 a 7115.90.90 a 7115.90.20 a 7115.90.02 a 7115.90.50 a 7115.90.03 a 7115.90.04 a 7115.90.05 d 7115.90.99 a 7116.10 articles of natural or cultured pearls 7116.10.10 d 7116.10.10 a 7116.10.01 a 7116.10.90 a 7116.10.15 a 7116.10.20 a 7116.20 articles of precious or semi-precious stones, natural, syn or 7116.20.00 a 7116.20.10 a 7116.20.01 a 7116.20.20 a 7116.20.02 a 7116.20.50 a 7116.20.03 a 7117.11 imitation jewellery cuff-links and studs of base metal w/n 7117.11.00 bm 7117.11.00 a 7117.11.01 a 7117.19 imitation jewellery nes of base metal whether or not plated 7117.19.00 bm 7117.19.10 a 7117.19.01 a 7117.19.20 a 7117.19.99 a 7117.19.30 a 7117.19.50 a 7117.90 imitation jewellery nes 7117.90.00 bm 7117.90.10 d 7117.90.01 a 7117.90.20 a 7117.90.99 a 7117.90.30 a 7117.90.40 a 7117.90.50 a 7118.10 coin (other than gold coin) not being legal tender 7118.10.00 a 7118.10.00 d 7118.10.01 d 7118.10.02 d 7118.10.03 d 7118.10.04 d 7118.90 coin nes 7118.90.00 d 7118.90.00 d 7118.90.01 d 7118.90.02 d 7118.90.03 d 7118.90.04 d 7118.90.05 d 7118.90.06 d 7201.10 pig iron, non-alloy,containing by weight ã�0.5% of phosphorus i 7201.10.00 d 7201.10.00 d 7201.10.01 b 7201.20 pig iron, non-alloy,containing by weight >0.5% of phosphorus i 7201.20.00 d 7201.20.00 d 7201.20.01 b 7201.30 pig iron, alloy in primary forms 7201.30.00 d 7201.30.00 d 7201.30.01 b 7201.40 spiegeleisen in primary forms 7201.40.00 a 7201.40.00 a 7201.40.01 a 7202.11 ferro-manganese, containing by weight more than 2% of carbon 7202.11.10 a 7202.11.10 c 7202.11.01 c 7202.11.20 a 7202.11.50 c 7202.11.99 c 7202.19 ferro-manganese, nes 7202.19.10 a 7202.19.10 a 7202.19.01 c 7202.19.20 a 7202.19.50 c 7202.19.02 c 7202.19.99 c 7202.21 ferro-silicon, containing by weight more than 55% of silicon 7202.21.10 d 7202.21.10 a 7202.21.01 a 7202.21.20 a 7202.21.50 a 7202.21.99 a 7202.21.30 a 7202.21.75 a 7202.21.90 a 7202.29 ferro-silicon, nes 7202.29.00 d 7202.29.00 d 7202.29.01 a 7202.29.99 a 7202.30 ferro-silico-manganese 7202.30.00 a 7202.30.00 c 7202.30.01 c 7202.41 ferro-chromium containing by weight more than 4% of carbon 7202.41.00 a 7202.41.00 c 7202.41.01 c 7202.41.99 c 7202.49 ferro-chromium, nes 7202.49.00 a 7202.49.10 c 7202.49.01 c 7202.49.50 c 7202.49.99 c 7202.50 ferro-silico-chromium 7202.50.00 a 7202.50.00 a 7202.50.01 a 7202.60 ferro-nickel 7202.60.00 a 7202.60.00 d 7202.60.01 a 7202.70 ferro-molybdenum 7202.70.00 a 7202.70.00 a 7202.70.01 a 7202.80 ferro-tungsten and ferro-silico-tungsten 7202.80.00 a 7202.80.00 a 7202.80.01 a 7202.91 ferro-titanium and ferro-silico-titanium 7202.91.00 a 7202.91.00 a 7202.91.01 a 7202.91.02 a 7202.91.99 a 7202.92 ferro-vanadium 7202.92.00 a 7202.92.00 c 7202.92.01 a 7202.93 ferro-niobium 7202.93.00 a 7202.93.00 a 7202.93.01 a 7202.99 ferro-alloys, nes 7202.99.10 a 7202.99.10 a 7202.99.01 a 7202.99.90 a 7202.99.50 a 7202.99.02 a 7202.99.03 a 7202.99.99 a 7203.10 ferrous products obtained by direct reduction of iron ore, nes 7203.10.00 d 7203.10.00 d 7203.10.01 a 7203.90 spongy ferrous products, or iron having a minimum purity by 7203.90.00 a 7203.90.00 d 7203.90.99 a 7204.10 waste and scrap, cast iron 7204.10.00 d 7204.10.00 d 7204.10.01 d 7204.21 waste and scrap, stainless steel 7204.21.00 d 7204.21.00 d 7204.21.01 d 7204.29 waste and scrap, of alloy steel, other than stainless 7204.29.00 d 7204.29.00 d 7204.29.99 d 7204.30 waste and scrap, of tinned iron or steel 7204.30.00 d 7204.30.00 d 7204.30.01 c 7204.30.99 c 7204.41 ferrous waste and scrap, i or s, from the mechanical working o 7204.41.00 d 7204.41.00 d 7204.41.01 d 7204.49 ferrous waste and scrap, iron or steel, nes 7204.49.00 d 7204.49.00 d 7204.49.99 d 7204.50 remelting scrap ingots, of iron or steel 7204.50.00 d 7204.50.00 d 7204.50.01 c 7204.50.99 c 7205.10 granules of pig iron or spiegeleisen 7205.10.11 a 7205.10.00 a 7205.10.01 a 7205.10.19 a 7205.10.90 a 7205.21 powders, alloy steel 7205.21.10 d 7205.21.00 a 7205.21.01 a 7205.21.90 a 7205.29 powders, iron or steel, other than alloy 7205.29.00 a 7205.29.00 d 7205.29.99 a 7206.10 ingots, iron or non-alloy steel, of a purity of less than 7206.10.00 d 7206.10.00 c 7206.10.01 c 7206.90 primary forms, iron or non-alloy steel, nes, of a purity less 7206.90.00 a 7206.90.00 a 7206.90.99 c 7207.11 semi-fin prod, i/nas, rect/sq cross-sect cntg by wght <.25% c, 7207.11.00 c 7207.11.00 c 7207.11.01 c 7207.11.02 c 7207.11.99 c 7207.12 semi-fin prod, iron or n-al steel, rect/ sq cross sect, cntg b 7207.12.00 c 7207.12.00 c 7207.12.01 c 7207.12.02 c 7207.12.99 c 7207.19 semi-fin prod, iron or non-alloy steel, cntg by wght <.25% 7207.19.10 c 7207.19.00 c 7207.19.01 c 7207.19.90 c 7207.19.02 c 7207.19.99 c 7207.20 semi-fin prod, iron or non-alloy steel, containing by weight 7207.20.10 c 7207.20.00 c 7207.20.01 c 7207.20.90 c 7207.20.02 c 7207.20.99 c 7208.11 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, >10mm thk, 7208.11.00 c 7208.11.00 c 7208.11.01 c 7208.12 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, 4.75mm ã�thk 7208.12.00 c 7208.12.00 c 7208.12.01 c 7208.13 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, 3mm ã�thk 7208.13.00 c 7208.13.10 c 7208.13.01 c 7208.13.50 c 7208.14 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, <3mm thk, 7208.14.00 c 7208.14.10 c 7208.14.01 c 7208.14.50 c 7208.21 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, >10mm thk, 7208.21.00 c 7208.21.10 c 7208.21.01 c 7208.21.50 c 7208.22 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, 4.75mm ã�thk 7208.22.00 c 7208.22.10 c 7208.22.01 c 7208.22.50 c 7208.23 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, 3mm ã�thk 7208.23.00 c 7208.23.10 c 7208.23.01 c 7208.23.50 c 7208.24 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, hr, 600mm wide, less than 7208.24.00 c 7208.24.10 c 7208.24.01 c 7208.24.50 c 7208.31 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr, 600mm ã�width, ã�1,250mm 4mm 7208.31.00 c 7208.31.00 c 7208.31.01 c 7208.32 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr 600mm wide, >10mm thk, myp 7208.32.00 c 7208.32.00 c 7208.32.01 c 7208.33 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr 600mm wide, 4.75mm ã�thk 7208.33.00 c 7208.33.10 c 7208.33.01 c 7208.33.50 c 7208.34 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr 600mm wide, 3mm ã�thk <4.75mm 7208.34.00 c 7208.34.10 c 7208.34.01 c 7208.34.50 c 7208.35 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr 600mm wide, less than 3mm 7208.35.00 c 7208.35.10 c 7208.35.01 c 7208.35.50 c 7208.41 flat rolled prod, i/nas, nic, hr, 600mm ã�width ã�1,250mm, 4mm 7208.41.00 c 7208.41.00 c 7208.41.01 c 7208.42 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, hr 600mm wide, >10mm 7208.42.00 c 7208.42.00 c 7208.42.01 c 7208.43 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, hr 600mm wide, 4.75mm 7208.43.00 c 7208.43.00 c 7208.43.01 c 7208.44 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, hr 600mm wide, 3mm ã�thk 7208.44.00 c 7208.44.00 c 7208.44.01 c 7208.45 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, hr 600mm wide, <3mm thk 7208.45.00 c 7208.45.00 c 7208.45.01 c 7208.90 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not further worked than hot rolled, 7208.90.00 c 7208.90.00 c 7208.90.99 c 7209.11 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 3mm thk, 7209.11.00 c 7209.11.00 c 7209.11.01 c 7209.12 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 1mm <thk 7209.12.00 c 7209.12.00 c 7209.12.01 c 7209.13 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 0.5mm ã�thk 7209.13.00 c 7209.13.00 c 7209.13.01 c 7209.14 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, <0.5mm thk, 7209.14.00 c 7209.14.00 c 7209.14.01 c 7209.21 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 3mm or more 7209.21.00 c 7209.21.00 c 7209.21.01 c 7209.22 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 1mm <thk 7209.22.00 c 7209.22.00 c 7209.22.01 c 7209.23 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, 0.5mm ã�thk 7209.23.00 c 7209.23.00 c 7209.23.01 c 7209.24 flat rolled prod, i/nas, in coil, cr, 600mm wide, less than 7209.24.00 c 7209.24.10 c 7209.24.01 c 7209.24.50 c 7209.31 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, 3mm thk 7209.31.00 c 7209.31.00 c 7209.31.01 c 7209.32 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, 1mm <thk 7209.32.00 c 7209.32.00 c 7209.32.01 c 7209.33 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm w, 0.5mm ã�thk 7209.33.00 c 7209.33.00 c 7209.33.01 c 7209.34 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, <0.5mm 7209.34.00 c 7209.34.00 c 7209.34.01 c 7209.41 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, 3mm or 7209.41.00 c 7209.41.00 c 7209.41.01 c 7209.42 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, 1mm <thk 7209.42.00 c 7209.42.00 c 7209.42.01 c 7209.43 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, 0.5mm 7209.43.00 c 7209.43.00 c 7209.43.01 c 7209.44 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, less tha 7209.44.00 c 7209.44.00 c 7209.44.01 c 7209.90 flat rolled prod, i/nas, not in coil, cr 600mm wide, nes 7209.90.00 c 7209.90.00 c 7209.90.99 c 7210.11 flat rolled prod, i/nas, plated or coated with tin, 600mm 7210.11.00 c 7210.11.00 c 7210.11.01 d 7210.12 flat rolled prod, i/nas, plated or coated with tin, 600mm 7210.12.00 c 7210.12.00 c 7210.12.01 d 7210.20 flat rolled prod, plated or coated with lead, 600mm wide, 7210.20.10 d 7210.20.00 c 7210.20.01 a 7210.20.20 c 7210.31 flat rolled prod, steel, electro pltd/ ctd w zinc, <3mm thk 7210.31.00 b 7210.31.00 c 7210.31.01 a 7210.31.99 a 7210.39 flat rolled prod, i/nas, electro pltd or ctd w zinc, 600mm 7210.39.00 c 7210.39.00 c 7210.39.01 c 7210.39.99 c 7210.41 flat rolled prod, i/nas, pltd or ctd w zinc, corrugated, 600m 7210.41.00 c 7210.41.00 c 7210.41.01 c 7210.41.99 c 7210.49 flat rolled prod, i/nas, plated or coated with zinc, 600mm 7210.49.00 c 7210.49.00 c 7210.49.01 c 7210.49.99 c 7210.50 flat rolled prod, i/nas, pltd or ctd w chrom oxides/chrom w 7210.50.00 c 7210.50.00 c 7210.50.01 d 7210.50.99 c 7210.60 flat rolled prod, i/nas, plated or coated with aluminium, 7210.60.00 c 7210.60.00 c 7210.60.01 c 7210.70 flat rolled prod, i/nas, painted, varnished or plast coated, 7210.70.00 c 7210.70.30 c 7210.70.01 c 7210.70.60 c 7210.70.99 c 7210.90 flat rolled prod, i/nas, clad, plated or coated, 600mm wide, 7210.90.00 c 7210.90.10 c 7210.90.01 c 7210.90.60 c 7210.90.99 c 7210.90.90 c 7211.11 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, rolled on 4 face, 150mm 7211.11.00 c 7211.11.00 c 7211.11.01 c 7211.12 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, <600mm wide 4.75mm thk, myp 355 7211.12.00 c 7211.12.00 c 7211.12.01 c 7211.12.02 c 7211.12.03 c 7211.12.99 c 7211.19 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, <600mm wide <3mm thk myp 275, 3mm 7211.19.00 c 7211.19.10 c 7211.19.01 c 7211.19.50 c 7211.19.02 c 7211.19.99 c 7211.21 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, rolled on 4 faces, 150mm <w 7211.21.00 c 7211.21.00 c 7211.21.01 c 7211.21.99 c 7211.22 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, <600mm wide, 4.75mm thk, nes 7211.22.00 c 7211.22.00 c 7211.22.01 c 7211.22.02 c 7211.22.99 c 7211.29 flat rolled prod, i/nas, hr, <600mm wide nes 7211.29.00 c 7211.29.10 c 7211.29.01 c 7211.29.30 c 7211.29.02 c 7211.29.50 c 7211.29.03 c 7211.29.70 c 7211.29.99 c 7211.30 flat rolled prod, i/nas, cr, <600mm wide <3mm thk myp 275mpa o 7211.30.00 c 7211.30.10 c 7211.30.01 c 7211.30.30 c 7211.30.02 c 7211.30.50 c 7211.30.03 c 7211.30.04 c 7211.30.05 c 7211.30.99 c 7211.41 flat rolled prod, i/nas, cr, <600mm wide cntg by wght less tha 7211.41.00 c 7211.41.10 c 7211.41.01 c 7211.41.30 c 7211.41.02 c 7211.41.50 c 7211.41.03 c 7211.41.70 c 7211.41.99 c 7211.49 flat rolled prod, i/nas, cold rolled or cold reduced, <600mm 7211.49.00 c 7211.49.10 c 7211.49.01 c 7211.49.30 c 7211.49.02 c 7211.49.50 c 7211.49.03 c 7211.49.99 c 7211.90 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, not clad, plated or 7211.90.00 c 7211.90.00 c 7211.90.99 c 7212.10 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, plated or coated with 7212.10.00 c 7212.10.00 c 7212.10.01 c 7212.10.02 d 7212.10.99 c 7212.21 flat rolled prod, steel, <600mm wide, <3mm thk myp 275mpa or 7212.21.00 c 7212.21.00 c 7212.21.01 c 7212.21.02 c 7212.21.99 c 7212.29 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, clad, plated or coated, 7212.29.00 c 7212.29.00 c 7212.29.01 c 7212.29.02 c 7212.29.99 c 7212.30 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, o/w plated or coated wit 7212.30.00 c 7212.30.10 c 7212.30.01 c 7212.30.30 c 7212.30.02 c 7212.30.50 c 7212.30.99 c 7212.40 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, painted, varnished or 7212.40.00 c 7212.40.10 c 7212.40.01 c 7212.40.50 c 7212.40.02 c 7212.40.03 c 7212.40.99 c 7212.50 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, plated or coated, nes 7212.50.10 d 7212.50.00 c 7212.50.01 c 7212.50.90 c 7212.60 flat rolled prod, i/nas, <600mm wide, clad 7212.60.00 c 7212.60.00 c 7212.60.01 c 7212.60.02 c 7212.60.03 a 7212.60.04 d 7212.60.99 c 7213.10 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, in irreg wound coils, cntg indent, 7213.10.00 c 7213.10.00 c 7213.10.01 c 7213.20 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, in irreg wound coils, of free cutting 7213.20.00 c 7213.20.00 c 7213.20.01 c 7213.31 bars/rods, i/nas, hr, in irreg wnd coils of circ c sect, <14mm 7213.31.00 c 7213.31.30 c 7213.31.01 c 7213.31.60 c 7213.39 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, containing by weight less than 0.25% 7213.39.00 c 7213.39.00 c 7213.39.99 c 7213.41 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, of circ cross sect <14mm dia, cntg by 7213.41.00 c 7213.41.30 c 7213.41.01 c 7213.41.60 c 7213.49 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, containing by wght 0.25% ã� carbon <0.6 7213.49.00 c 7213.49.00 c 7213.49.99 c 7213.50 bars & rods, iron or non-alloy steel, hr containing by wght 7213.50.00 c 7213.50.00 c 7213.50.99 c 7214.10 bars & rods, iron or non-alloy steel forged 7214.10.00 c 7214.10.00 c 7214.10.01 c 7214.20 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, hd or he, cntg indent, ribs, etc, prod 7214.20.00 c 7214.20.00 c 7214.20.01 c 7214.20.02 c 7214.20.99 c 7214.30 bars & rods, i/nas, hot rolled drawn or extruded of free 7214.30.00 c 7214.30.00 c 7214.30.01 c 7214.30.99 c 7214.40 bars & rods, i/nas, hot rolled, drawn or extruded, cntg by wgh 7214.40.00 c 7214.40.00 c 7214.40.01 c 7214.50 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, hd or he, cntg by wght 0.25% ã� carbon 7214.50.00 c 7214.50.00 c 7214.50.01 c 7214.60 bars & rods, i/nas, hr, hd or he, cntg by wght 0.6% or more 7214.60.00 c 7214.60.00 c 7214.60.01 c 7215.10 bars & rods, i/nas, nfw than cold formed or finished of free 7215.10.00 c 7215.10.00 c 7215.10.01 c 7215.10.99 c 7215.20 bars & rods, i/nas, nfw than cold formed or finished, cntg by 7215.20.00 c 7215.20.00 c 7215.20.01 a 7215.20.99 c 7215.30 bars & rods, i/nas, nfw than cold formed or finished, cntg by 7215.30.00 c 7215.30.00 c 7215.30.01 a 7215.30.99 c 7215.40 bars & rods, i/nas, nfw than cold formed or finished, cntg by 7215.40.00 c 7215.40.00 c 7215.40.01 c 7215.90 bars & rods, i/nas, nes 7215.90.00 c 7215.90.10 c 7215.90.99 c 7215.90.30 c 7215.90.50 a 7216.10 sections, u, i or h, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled/drawn or 7216.10.00 c 7216.10.00 c 7216.10.01 c 7216.21 sections, l, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or extruded, of 7216.21.00 c 7216.21.00 c 7216.21.01 c 7216.22 sections, t, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or extruded, of 7216.22.00 c 7216.22.00 c 7216.22.01 c 7216.31 sections, u, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or extruded, 7216.31.00 c 7216.31.00 c 7216.31.01 c 7216.31.02 c 7216.31.99 c 7216.32 sections, i, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or extruded, 7216.32.00 c 7216.32.00 c 7216.32.01 c 7216.32.02 c 7216.32.99 c 7216.33 sections, h, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or extruded, 7216.33.00 c 7216.33.00 c 7216.33.01 c 7216.33.99 c 7216.40 sections, l or t, i/nas, nfw than hot rolled, drawn or 7216.40.00 c 7216.40.00 c 7216.40.01 c 7216.40.99 c 7216.50 angles, shapes and sect, i/nas, nfw than hot 7216.50.00 c 7216.50.00 c 7216.50.01 c 7216.50.99 c 7216.60 angles, shapes and sections, i/nas, nfw than cold formed or 7216.60.00 c 7216.60.00 c 7216.60.01 c 7216.60.02 c 7216.60.99 c 7216.90 angles, shapes and sections, iron or non-alloy steel, nes 7216.90.11 d 7216.90.00 c 7216.90.99 c 7216.90.19 c 7216.90.90 c 7217.11 wire, i/nas, polished or not, but not plated or coated, cntg b 7217.11.00 c 7217.11.10 c 7217.11.01 c 7217.11.20 c 7217.11.02 c 7217.11.30 c 7217.11.50 c 7217.11.70 c 7217.11.90 c 7217.12 wire, i/nas, plated or coated with zinc, containing by wght 7217.12.00 c 7217.12.10 c 7217.12.01 c 7217.12.30 c 7217.12.02 c 7217.12.50 c 7217.12.70 c 7217.13 wire, i/nas, plated or coated with other base metals nes, cntg 7217.13.00 c 7217.13.10 c 7217.13.01 c 7217.13.30 c 7217.13.02 c 7217.13.50 c 7217.13.03 c 7217.13.70 c 7217.13.04 c 7217.13.99 c 7217.19 wire, i/nas, containing by weight less than 0.25% carbon, nes 7217.19.00 c 7217.19.10 c 7217.19.99 c 7217.19.50 c 7217.21 wire, i/nas, polished or not, but not pltd or ctd, cntg by wgh 7217.21.00 c 7217.21.10 c 7217.21.01 c 7217.21.30 c 7217.21.02 c 7217.21.50 c 7217.22 wire, i/nas, plated or coated with zinc containing by wght 7217.22.00 c 7217.22.10 c 7217.22.01 c 7217.22.50 c 7217.22.02 c 7217.23 wire, i/nas, pltd or ctd with other base metals nes, cntg by 7217.23.00 c 7217.23.10 c 7217.23.01 c 7217.23.50 c 7217.23.99 c 7217.29 wire, iron or non-alloy steel, nes containing by wght 0.25% 7217.29.00 c 7217.29.10 c 7217.29.01 c 7217.29.50 c 7217.31 wire, i/nas, polished or not, but not pltd or ctd, containing 7217.31.00 c 7217.31.10 c 7217.31.01 c 7217.31.30 c 7217.31.02 c 7217.31.50 c 7217.32 wire, i/nas, plated or coated with zinc containing by wght 0.6 7217.32.00 c 7217.32.10 c 7217.32.01 c 7217.32.50 c 7217.32.02 c 7217.33 wire, i/nas, pltd or ctd with other base metals nes, cntg by 7217.33.00 c 7217.33.10 c 7217.33.01 c 7217.33.50 c 7217.33.99 c 7217.39 wire, iron or non-alloy steel, nes containing by weight 0.6% o 7217.39.00 c 7217.39.10 c 7217.39.99 c 7217.39.50 c 7218.10 ingots and other primary forms, stainless steel 7218.10.00 d 7218.10.00 c 7218.10.01 c 7218.10.02 c 7218.10.99 c 7218.90 semi-finished products, stainless steel 7218.90.10 c 7218.90.00 c 7218.90.01 c 7218.90.90 c 7218.90.99 c 7219.11 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, in coil, 600mm wide, 7219.11.00 b 7219.11.00 a 7219.11.01 a 7219.12 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, in coil, 600mm wide, 7219.12.00 b 7219.12.00 a 7219.12.01 d 7219.12.99 a 7219.13 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr in coil, 600mm wide, 3m 7219.13.00 b 7219.13.00 a 7219.13.01 d 7219.14 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr in coil, 600mm wide, 7219.14.00 c 7219.14.00 c 7219.14.01 c 7219.21 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, nic, 600mm wide, 7219.21.00 c 7219.21.00 c 7219.21.01 c 7219.22 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, nic, >600mm wide, 4.75m 7219.22.00 c 7219.22.00 c 7219.22.01 c 7219.23 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, nic, >600mm wide, 3mm 7219.23.00 c 7219.23.00 c 7219.23.01 c 7219.24 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr, nic, >600mm wide, less 7219.24.00 c 7219.24.00 c 7219.24.01 c 7219.31 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr, >600mm wide, 4.75mm or 7219.31.00 c 7219.31.00 c 7219.31.01 c 7219.32 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr, >600mm wide, 3mm ã�thick 7219.32.00 c 7219.32.00 c 7219.32.01 c 7219.32.99 c 7219.33 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr, 600mm wide, 1mm <thick 7219.33.00 c 7219.33.00 c 7219.33.01 c 7219.34 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr, >600mm wide, 0.5mm 7219.34.00 c 7219.34.00 c 7219.34.01 c 7219.35 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr, >600mm wide, less than 7219.35.00 c 7219.35.00 c 7219.35.01 c 7219.35.99 c 7219.90 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, 600mm or more wide, nes 7219.90.10 c 7219.90.00 c 7219.90.01 c 7219.90.90 c 7220.11 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr <600mm wide, exceeding 7220.11.00 c 7220.11.00 c 7220.11.01 c 7220.12 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, hr <600mm wide, less than 7220.12.00 c 7220.12.10 c 7220.12.01 c 7220.12.50 c 7220.20 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, <600mm wide, cold rolled or 7220.20.10 c 7220.20.10 c 7220.20.01 c 7220.20.21 d 7220.20.60 c 7220.20.02 c 7220.20.29 c 7220.20.70 c 7220.20.99 c 7220.20.80 c 7220.20.90 c 7220.90 flat rolled prod, stainless steel, cr <600mm wide, nes 7220.90.00 c 7220.90.00 c 7220.90.01 c 7221.00 bars & rods, stainless steel, hot rolled in irregularly wound 7221.00.00 c 7221.00.00 c 7221.00.01 c 7221.00.02 c 7221.00.99 c 7222.10 bars & rods, stainless steel, nfw than hot rolled, hot drawn o 7222.10.00 c 7222.10.00 c 7222.10.01 c 7222.10.02 c 7222.10.99 c 7222.20 bars & rods, stainless steel, nfw than cold formed or cold 7222.20.00 c 7222.20.00 c 7222.20.01 c 7222.20.02 c 7222.20.03 c 7222.20.99 c 7222.30 bars & rods, stainless steel, nes 7222.30.00 c 7222.30.00 c 7222.30.01 c 7222.30.02 c 7222.30.03 a 7222.30.99 c 7222.40 angles, shapes and sections, stainless steel 7222.40.10 c 7222.40.30 c 7222.40.01 c 7222.40.90 c 7222.40.60 c 7223.00 wire of stainless steel 7223.00.11 d 7223.00.10 c 7223.00.01 c 7223.00.19 c 7223.00.50 c 7223.00.02 c 7223.00.20 c 7223.00.90 c 7224.10 ingots & other primary forms of alloy steel, o/t stainless 7224.10.00 d 7224.10.00 c 7224.10.01 c 7224.10.02 c 7224.10.03 c 7224.10.04 c 7224.10.05 c 7224.10.06 c 7224.10.99 c 7224.90 semi-finished products of alloy steel o/t stainless 7224.90.10 c 7224.90.00 c 7224.90.01 a 7224.90.90 c 7224.90.02 c 7224.90.03 c 7224.90.04 c 7224.90.99 c 7225.10 flat rolled products of siliconelectrical steel, 600mm wide 7225.10.10 a 7225.10.00 a 7225.10.01 a 7225.10.90 a 7225.20 flat rolled products of high speed steel 600mm wide 7225.20.10 a 7225.20.00 a 7225.20.01 a 7225.20.90 a 7225.30 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, in coils, nfw than hr 7225.30.00 c 7225.30.10 c 7225.30.01 c 7225.30.30 c 7225.30.50 c 7225.30.70 c 7225.40 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, nic nfw than hr, 600mm 7225.40.00 c 7225.40.10 c 7225.40.01 c 7225.40.30 c 7225.40.50 c 7225.40.70 c 7225.50 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, nfw than cold rolled 7225.50.10 c 7225.50.10 c 7225.50.01 c 7225.50.20 c 7225.50.60 c 7225.50.70 c 7225.50.80 c 7225.90 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, 600mm wide, nes 7225.90.00 c 7225.90.00 a 7225.90.01 c 7226.10 flat rolled prod, of silicon electrical steel, <600mm wide 7226.10.10 a 7226.10.10 a 7226.10.01 a 7226.10.90 a 7226.10.50 a 7226.20 flat rolled prod, of high speed steel, <600mm wide 7226.20.10 a 7226.20.00 a 7226.20.01 a 7226.20.90 a 7226.91 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, nfw than hot rolled, 7226.91.00 c 7226.91.05 d 7226.91.01 a 7226.91.15 c 7226.91.99 c 7226.91.25 c 7226.91.50 c 7226.91.70 c 7226.91.80 c 7226.92 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, nfw than cold rolled, 7226.92.10 b 7226.92.10 a 7226.92.01 a 7226.92.20 b 7226.92.30 a 7226.92.02 a 7226.92.50 a 7226.92.03 a 7226.92.70 a 7226.92.80 a 7226.99 flat rolled prod, as, o/t stainless, <600mm wide, nes 7226.99.00 c 7226.99.00 c 7226.99.01 c 7227.10 bars & rods, of high speed steel, hr, in irregularly wound 7227.10.00 c 7227.10.00 c 7227.10.01 c 7227.10.99 c 7227.20 bars & rods, of silico-manganese steel, hr, in irregularly 7227.20.00 c 7227.20.00 c 7227.20.01 c 7227.20.02 c 7227.90 bars & rods, alloy steel, o/t stainless hr, in irregularly 7227.90.00 c 7227.90.10 c 7227.90.01 c 7227.90.20 c 7227.90.99 c 7227.90.60 c 7228.10 bars and rods of high speed steel, nes 7228.10.10 c 7228.10.00 c 7228.10.01 c 7228.10.90 c 7228.10.99 c 7228.20 bars and rods of silico-manganese steel nes 7228.20.10 c 7228.20.10 c 7228.20.01 c 7228.20.90 c 7228.20.50 c 7228.30 bars & rods, alloy steel, o/t stainless nfw than hot 7228.30.00 c 7228.30.20 c 7228.30.01 c 7228.30.40 d 7228.30.99 c 7228.30.60 c 7228.30.80 c 7228.40 bars & rods, as, o/t stainless, not further worked than forged 7228.40.00 c 7228.40.00 c 7228.40.01 c 7228.40.99 c 7228.50 bars & rods, as, o/t stainless, not further worked than cold 7228.50.00 c 7228.50.10 c 7228.50.01 c 7228.50.50 c 7228.50.02 c 7228.50.03 c 7228.50.99 c 7228.60 bars & rods, as, o/t stainless, nes 7228.60.00 c 7228.60.10 c 7228.60.01 c 7228.60.60 c 7228.60.99 c 7228.60.80 c 7228.70 angles, shapes and sections, as, o/t stainless, nes 7228.70.10 c 7228.70.30 c 7228.70.01 c 7228.70.90 c 7228.70.60 c 7228.80 bars & rods, hollow drill, alloy or nonalloy steel 7228.80.10 b 7228.80.00 a 7228.80.01 a 7228.80.90 b 7228.80.02 a 7228.80.99 a 7229.10 wire of high speed steel 7229.10.00 c 7229.10.00 c 7229.10.01 c 7229.10.99 c 7229.20 wire of silico-manganese steel 7229.20.00 c 7229.20.00 c 7229.20.01 c 7229.90 wire of alloy steel, o/t stainless 7229.90.00 c 7229.90.10 c 7229.90.01 c 7229.90.50 c 7229.90.02 a 7229.90.90 c 7229.90.03 c 7229.90.04 c 7229.90.99 c 7301.10 sheet piling, i or s whether or not drilled/punched or made 7301.10.10 c 7301.10.00 c 7301.10.01 c 7301.10.90 c 7301.20 angles, shapes and sections, welded, iron or steel 7301.20.00 c 7301.20.10 c 7301.20.01 c 7301.20.50 c 7302.10 rails, iron or steel 7302.10.10 d 7302.10.10 c 7302.10.01 c 7302.10.20 c 7302.10.50 c 7302.10.02 d 7302.10.90 c 7302.20 sleepers (cross-ties), iron or steel 7302.20.00 cm 7302.20.00 c 7302.20.01 c 7302.30 switch blades, crossing frogs, point rods & other crossing 7302.30.00 c 7302.30.00 a 7302.30.01 c 7302.30.99 c 7302.40 fish plates and sole plates, iron or steel 7302.40.10 d 7302.40.00 c 7302.40.01 c 7302.40.90 c 7302.40.99 c 7302.90 rail or tramway construction material of iron or steel, nes 7302.90.00 a 7302.90.00 a 7302.90.01 c 7302.90.99 c 7303.00 tubes, pipes and hollow profiles of cast iron 7303.00.10 a 7303.00.00 a 7303.00.01 c 7303.00.90 cm 7303.00.02 b 7304.10 pipes, line, iron or steel, smls, of a kind used for oil or ga 7304.10.10 c 7304.10.10 c 7304.10.01 c 7304.10.21 c 7304.10.50 c 7304.10.02 c 7304.10.22 c 7304.10.03 c 7304.10.99 c 7304.20 casings, tubing & drill pipe, i or s, smls, for use in drillin 7304.20.10 d 7304.20.10 c 7304.20.01 c 7304.20.90 c 7304.20.20 c 7304.20.02 c 7304.20.30 c 7304.20.03 c 7304.20.40 c 7304.20.04 c 7304.20.50 c 7304.20.05 c 7304.20.60 c 7304.20.99 c 7304.20.70 c 7304.20.80 c 7304.31 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, i or nas, smls, cd/cr, of circ 7304.31.00 c 7304.31.30 c 7304.31.01 c 7304.31.60 c 7304.31.02 c 7304.31.03 c 7304.31.04 a 7304.31.05 a 7304.31.06 c 7304.31.07 a 7304.31.08 c 7304.31.09 c 7304.31.99 c 7304.39 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, i or nas, smls, of circ cross 7304.39.00 c 7304.39.00 c 7304.39.01 a 7304.39.02 a 7304.39.03 a 7304.39.04 c 7304.39.05 c 7304.39.99 c 7304.41 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, stain steel,smls, cd/cr of circ 7304.41.00 b 7304.41.00 a 7304.41.01 a 7304.41.04 a 7304.41.99 a 7304.49 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, stainless steel, smls, of circ 7304.49.00 b 7304.49.00 a 7304.49.01 a 7304.49.99 a 7304.51 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, as, (o/t stain) smls, cd/cr of 7304.51.00 b 7304.51.10 a 7304.51.01 a 7304.51.50 a 7304.51.02 a 7304.51.03 c 7304.51.04 a 7304.51.05 a 7304.51.06 b 7304.51.07 b 7304.51.08 a 7304.51.09 a 7304.51.99 c 7304.59 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, as, (o/t stainless) smls, of 7304.59.00 c 7304.59.10 c 7304.59.01 c 7304.59.20 c 7304.59.02 c 7304.59.60 c 7304.59.99 c 7304.59.80 c 7304.90 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, iron or steel, smls, nes 7304.90.11 c 7304.90.10 c 7304.90.99 c 7304.90.12 c 7304.90.30 c 7304.90.90 c 7304.90.50 c 7304.90.70 c 7305.11 pipe, line, i or s, longitudinally subm arc wld, int/ext cc 7305.11.00 c 7305.11.10 c 7305.11.01 c 7305.11.50 c 7305.11.99 c 7305.12 pipe, line, i or s, longitudinally wld w int/ext circ c sect, 7305.12.00 c 7305.12.10 c 7305.12.01 c 7305.12.50 c 7305.12.99 c 7305.19 pipe, line, i or s, int/ext circ cross sect, wld, ext dia 7305.19.00 c 7305.19.10 c 7305.19.01 c 7305.19.50 c 7305.19.99 c 7305.20 casings, i/s, int/ext circ c sect, wld ext dia >406.4mm, 7305.20.00 c 7305.20.20 c 7305.20.01 c 7305.20.40 c 7305.20.99 c 7305.20.60 c 7305.20.80 c 7305.31 tubes & pipe, i or s, longitudinally welded, external dia 7305.31.10 c 7305.31.20 a 7305.31.01 c 7305.31.20 c 7305.31.40 c 7305.31.02 a 7305.31.60 c 7305.31.03 c 7305.31.04 c 7305.31.05 a 7305.31.06 c 7305.31.99 c 7305.39 tubes & pipe, i or s, welded, riveted or sim closed, ext dia 7305.39.10 c 7305.39.10 c 7305.39.01 c 7305.39.20 c 7305.39.50 c 7305.39.02 a 7305.39.03 c 7305.39.04 a 7305.39.05 c 7305.39.99 c 7305.90 tubes & pipe, i or s, riveted or sim closed, ext dia >406.4mm, 7305.90.10 c 7305.90.10 a 7305.90.01 c 7305.90.20 c 7305.90.50 c 7305.90.02 a 7305.90.99 c 7306.10 pipe, line, i or s, welded, riveted or sim closed, nes, for oi 7306.10.10 c 7306.10.10 c 7306.10.01 c 7306.10.21 c 7306.10.50 c 7306.10.22 c 7306.20 casing/tubing, i or s, welded, riveted or sim clsd, nes, for 7306.20.00 c 7306.20.10 c 7306.20.01 c 7306.20.20 c 7306.20.30 c 7306.20.40 c 7306.20.60 c 7306.20.80 c 7306.30 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, iron or nas, welded, of circ 7306.30.00 c 7306.30.10 c 7306.30.01 c 7306.30.30 a 7306.30.02 c 7306.30.50 c 7306.30.03 c 7306.30.99 c 7306.40 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, stainless steel, welded, of cir 7306.40.00 c 7306.40.10 c 7306.40.01 c 7306.40.50 c 7306.50 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, al/s, (o/t stain) wld, of circ 7306.50.00 c 7306.50.10 c 7306.50.01 a 7306.50.30 a 7306.50.02 c 7306.50.50 c 7306.50.03 c 7306.50.04 c 7306.50.99 c 7306.60 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, i/s, welded, of non circ cross 7306.60.10 c 7306.60.10 c 7306.60.01 c 7306.60.20 c 7306.60.30 c 7306.60.50 c 7306.60.70 c 7306.90 tubes, pipe & hollow profiles, iron or steel, welded, nes 7306.90.10 c 7306.90.10 c 7306.90.01 c 7306.90.20 c 7306.90.50 c 7306.90.99 c 7307.11 fittings, pipe or tube, of non-malleable cast iron 7307.11.10 c 7307.11.00 a 7307.11.01 a 7307.11.90 c 7307.11.02 c 7307.11.99 c 7307.19 fittings, pipe or tube, cast, of iron or steel, nes 7307.19.10 c 7307.19.30 a 7307.19.01 c 7307.19.90 c 7307.19.90 c 7307.19.02 c 7307.19.03 c 7307.19.04 c 7307.19.05 a 7307.19.06 c 7307.19.99 c 7307.21 flanges, stainless steel 7307.21.10 c 7307.21.10 a 7307.21.01 c 7307.21.90 c 7307.21.50 a 7307.22 threaded elbows, bends and sleeves of stainless steel 7307.22.00 c 7307.22.10 a 7307.22.01 c 7307.22.50 a 7307.23 fittings, butt welding, stainless steel 7307.23.00 c 7307.23.00 a 7307.23.01 c 7307.23.99 c 7307.29 fittings pipe or tube of stainless steel, nes 7307.29.10 c 7307.29.00 a 7307.29.01 c 7307.29.90 c 7307.29.99 c 7307.91 flanges, iron or steel, nes 7307.91.10 c 7307.91.10 a 7307.91.01 c 7307.91.91 c 7307.91.30 a 7307.91.92 c 7307.91.50 a 7307.92 threaded elbows, bend and sleeves, iron or steel, nes 7307.92.10 c 7307.92.30 a 7307.92.01 a 7307.92.20 c 7307.92.90 a 7307.92.99 c 7307.93 fittings, but welding, iron or steel, nes 7307.93.10 c 7307.93.30 c 7307.93.01 c 7307.93.20 c 7307.93.60 a 7307.93.99 c 7307.93.90 a 7307.99 fittings, pipe or tube, iron or steel, nes 7307.99.10 c 7307.99.10 a 7307.99.01 c 7307.99.91 c 7307.99.30 a 7307.99.02 c 7307.99.92 c 7307.99.50 a 7307.99.03 c 7307.99.04 c 7307.99.05 a 7307.99.99 c 7308.10 bridges and bridge sections, iron or steel 7308.10.00 cm 7308.10.00 a 7308.10.01 c 7308.20 towers and lattice masts, iron or steel 7308.20.00 cm 7308.20.00 a 7308.20.01 c 7308.30 doors, windows and their frames and thresholds for doors of 7308.30.10 a 7308.30.10 a 7308.30.01 c 7308.30.90 cm 7308.30.50 a 7308.30.99 c 7308.40 props and similar equipment for scaffolding, shuttering or 7308.40.10 d 7308.40.00 a 7308.40.01 c 7308.40.90 cm 7308.90 structures and parts of structures, i or s (excl prefab bldgs 7308.90.10 d 7308.90.30 c 7308.90.01 c 7308.90.21 d 7308.90.60 c 7308.90.02 c 7308.90.29 cm 7308.90.90 a 7308.90.99 c 7308.90.90 cm 7309.00 reservoirs, tanks, vats & sim ctnr, cap >300l, i or s (excl 7309.00.10 d 7309.00.00 a 7309.00.01 c 7309.00.20 cm 7309.00.02 c 7309.00.30 d 7309.00.03 c 7309.00.90 cm 7309.00.04 c 7309.00.05 c 7309.00.06 c 7309.00.99 c 7310.10 tanks, casks, drums, cans, boxes & sim contr, i or s, capacity 7310.10.10 cm 7310.10.00 d 7310.10.01 c 7310.10.90 cm 7310.10.02 c 7310.10.99 c 7310.21 cans, iron or steel, cap <50 litres, to be closed by crimping 7310.21.00 cm 7310.21.00 d 7310.21.01 c 7310.29 cans, iron or steel, capacity <50 litres nes 7310.29.10 cm 7310.29.00 d 7310.29.01 c 7310.29.91 d 7310.29.02 c 7310.29.99 cm 7310.29.03 a 7310.29.04 c 7310.29.99 c 7311.00 containers for compressed or liquefied gas of iron or steel 7311.00.00 c 7311.00.00 a 7311.00.01 c 7311.00.02 c 7311.00.03 c 7311.00.04 a 7311.00.05 a 7311.00.06 a 7311.00.99 c 7312.10 stranded wire, ropes and cables of iron or steel, not 7312.10.10 a 7312.10.05 a 7312.10.01 c 7312.10.20 c 7312.10.10 a 7312.10.02 c 7312.10.31 d 7312.10.20 a 7312.10.03 a 7312.10.39 cm 7312.10.30 c 7312.10.04 d 7312.10.40 d 7312.10.50 c 7312.10.05 c 7312.10.90 c 7312.10.60 c 7312.10.99 c 7312.10.70 c 7312.10.80 a 7312.10.90 c 7312.90 plaited bands, slings and the like of iron or steel, not elec 7312.90.00 a 7312.90.00 a 7312.90.01 c 7313.00 wire, barbed, twisted hoop, single flat or twisted double of i 7313.00.10 a 7313.00.00 d 7313.00.01 c 7313.00.90 c 7314.11 woven products, stainless steel 7314.11.00 b 7314.11.10 a 7314.11.01 a 7314.11.20 a 7314.11.30 d 7314.11.60 a 7314.11.90 a 7314.19 woven products, iron or steel, other than stainless 7314.19.10 cm 7314.19.00 c 7314.19.01 c 7314.19.20 c 7314.19.02 c 7314.19.90 c 7314.19.99 c 7314.20 grill, netting, fencing, i or s, welded inter, cross-sect dim 7314.20.00 c 7314.20.00 a 7314.20.01 c 7314.30 grill, netting, fencing, iron or steel, welded at the 7314.30.00 c 7314.30.10 c 7314.30.01 c 7314.30.50 a 7314.30.99 c 7314.41 grill, netting, fencing, iron or steel, plated or coated with 7314.41.00 c 7314.41.00 c 7314.41.01 c 7314.42 grill, netting, fencing, iron or steel, plastic coated 7314.42.00 c 7314.42.00 c 7314.42.01 c 7314.49 grill, netting, fencing, iron or steel, nes 7314.49.00 c 7314.49.30 a 7314.49.99 c 7314.49.60 a 7314.50 expanded metal, iron or steel 7314.50.00 c 7314.50.00 a 7314.50.01 c 7315.11 chain, roller, iron or steel 7315.11.10 d 7315.11.00 a 7315.11.01 c 7315.11.91 a 7315.11.02 a 7315.11.99 a 7315.11.03 c 7315.11.04 c 7315.11.05 c 7315.11.99 c 7315.12 chain, articulated link, iron or steel, nes 7315.12.10 a 7315.12.00 a 7315.12.01 c 7315.12.90 cm 7315.12.02 a 7315.12.99 a 7315.19 chain parts, articulated link, iron or steel 7315.19.10 a 7315.19.00 a 7315.19.01 c 7315.19.90 a 7315.19.02 c 7315.19.03 c 7315.19.99 a 7315.20 chain, skid, iron or steel 7315.20.00 bm 7315.20.10 a 7315.20.01 a 7315.20.50 d 7315.81 chain, stud link, iron or steel 7315.81.00 cm 7315.81.00 d 7315.81.01 c 7315.81.02 c 7315.81.03 c 7315.82 chain, welded link, iron or steel, nes 7315.82.10 a 7315.82.10 a 7315.82.01 c 7315.82.20 cm 7315.82.30 d 7315.82.02 c 7315.82.50 a 7315.82.99 c 7315.82.70 d 7315.89 chain, iron or steel, nes 7315.89.10 a 7315.89.10 a 7315.89.01 a 7315.89.20 cm 7315.89.30 d 7315.89.02 c 7315.89.50 a 7315.89.99 a 7315.90 chain parts, iron or steel, nes 7315.90.10 a 7315.90.00 a 7315.90.99 c 7315.90.90 cm 7316.00 anchors, grapnels and parts thereof of iron or steel 7316.00.10 d 7316.00.00 a 7316.00.01 c 7316.00.20 cm 7317.00 nails, staples & sim art, i or s, excl art of head no 8305 & 7317.00.10 c 7317.00.10 a 7317.00.01 c 7317.00.20 c 7317.00.20 d 7317.00.02 c 7317.00.90 c 7317.00.30 a 7317.00.03 c 7317.00.55 c 7317.00.04 c 7317.00.65 a 7317.00.99 c 7317.00.75 a 7318.11 screws, coach, iron or steel 7318.11.00 cm 7318.11.00 c 7318.11.01 c 7318.12 screws, wood, iron or steel, nes 7318.12.00 cm 7318.12.00 a 7318.12.99 c 7318.13 screw hooks and screw rings of iron or steel 7318.13.00 cm 7318.13.00 a 7318.13.01 c 7318.14 screws, self-tapping, iron or steel 7318.14.00 cm 7318.14.10 c 7318.14.01 c 7318.14.50 c 7318.15 bolts or screws nes, with or without their nuts or washers, 7318.15.00 c 7318.15.20 c 7318.15.01 a 7318.15.40 c 7318.15.02 c 7318.15.50 a 7318.15.99 c 7318.15.60 c 7318.15.80 c 7318.16 nuts, iron or steel, nes 7318.16.00 c 7318.16.00 c 7318.16.01 a 7318.16.03 c 7318.16.99 c 7318.19 threaded articles of iron or steel, nes 7318.19.00 cm 7318.19.00 a 7318.19.01 a 7318.19.02 c 7318.19.99 c 7318.21 washers, spring or lock, iron or steel 7318.21.00 cm 7318.21.00 a 7318.21.01 a 7318.21.99 c 7318.22 washers, iron or steel, nes 7318.22.00 c 7318.22.00 d 7318.22.01 a 7318.22.99 c 7318.23 rivets, iron or steel 7318.23.00 c 7318.23.00 a 7318.23.01 a 7318.23.99 c 7318.24 cotters and cotter-pins, iron or steel 7318.24.00 cm 7318.24.00 a 7318.24.01 c 7318.24.02 a 7318.24.99 c 7318.29 non-threaded articles of iron or steel, nes 7318.29.00 cm 7318.29.00 a 7318.29.01 a 7318.29.99 c 7319.10 needles, sewing, darning or embroidery, iron or steel 7319.10.00 a 7319.10.00 d 7319.10.01 a 7319.20 pins, safety, iron or steel 7319.20.00 cm 7319.20.00 a 7319.20.01 c 7319.30 pins, iron or steel, nes 7319.30.10 a 7319.30.10 a 7319.30.99 c 7319.30.90 cm 7319.30.50 a 7319.90 articles for use in the hand, i or s, similar to sewing needle 7319.90.00 b 7319.90.00 a 7319.90.01 b 7319.90.99 b 7320.10 springs, leaf and leaves therefor, iron or steel 7320.10.00 b 7320.10.00 a 7320.10.01 b 7320.10.02 b 7320.10.03 a 7320.20 springs, helical, iron or steel 7320.20.10 b 7320.20.10 a 7320.20.01 b 7320.20.90 b 7320.20.50 a 7320.20.02 a 7320.20.03 b 7320.20.04 b 7320.20.99 b 7320.90 springs, iron or steel, nes 7320.90.10 bm 7320.90.10 a 7320.90.01 a 7320.90.90 bm 7320.90.50 a 7320.90.02 b 7320.90.03 a 7320.90.99 b 7321.11 cooking appliances & plate warmers for gas fuel or both gas an 7321.11.10 c 7321.11.10 a 7321.11.01 c 7321.11.90 c 7321.11.30 a 7321.11.99 c 7321.11.60 a 7321.12 cooking appliances & plate warmers for liquid fuel, iron or 7321.12.00 b 7321.12.00 a 7321.12.01 b 7321.13 cooking appliances & plate warmers for solid fuel, iron or 7321.13.00 b 7321.13.00 a 7321.13.01 a 7321.81 household or camping appliances, i/s, for htg or blgs,nes, f 7321.81.00 b 7321.81.10 a 7321.81.01 b 7321.81.50 a 7321.81.99 b 7321.82 household or camping appliances, i/s, for htg or blgs, nes, fo 7321.82.00 b 7321.82.10 a 7321.82.01 b 7321.82.50 a 7321.82.99 b 7321.83 household or camping appliances, i/s, for htg or blgs, nes, fo 7321.83.00 b 7321.83.00 a 7321.83.01 a 7321.83.99 a 7321.90 appliance parts clearly identifiable as for household, cooking 7321.90.10 c 7321.90.30 a 7321.90.01 a 7321.90.20 c 7321.90.60 a 7321.90.02 a 7321.90.30 c 7321.90.03 c 7321.90.40 c 7321.90.04 a 7321.90.99 c 7322.11 radiators and parts thereof, cast iron 7322.11.00 bm 7322.11.00 a 7322.11.01 a 7322.11.99 b 7322.19 radiators and parts thereof, iron or steel, other than cast 7322.19.00 bm 7322.19.00 a 7322.19.01 a 7322.19.02 a 7322.19.99 b 7322.90 air heaters, hot air distributors, iron or steel & identifiabl 7322.90.10 d 7322.90.00 a 7322.90.01 a 7322.90.91 bm 7322.90.02 a 7322.90.99 bm 7322.90.99 b 7323.10 iron or steel wool, incl pot scourers, polishing pads, gloves 7323.10.00 cm 7323.10.00 a 7323.10.01 c 7323.91 table, kitchen or other household art & parts thereof, of cast 7323.91.00 a 7323.91.10 d 7323.91.01 a 7323.91.50 a 7323.91.02 a 7323.91.99 a 7323.92 table, kitchen or other household art & parts thereof, of cast 7323.92.00 bm 7323.92.00 a 7323.92.01 b 7323.92.02 b 7323.92.03 b 7323.92.99 b 7323.93 table, kitchen or other household art & parts thereof, 7323.93.00 bm 7323.93.00 a 7323.93.01 a 7323.93.02 a 7323.93.03 a 7323.93.04 a 7323.93.99 a 7323.94 table, kitchen or other household art & parts thereof, i or s, 7323.94.00 c 7323.94.00 c 7323.94.01 c 7323.94.02 c 7323.94.03 c 7323.94.04 c 7323.94.99 c 7323.99 table, kitchen or other household art & parts thereof, of iron 7323.99.00 cm 7323.99.10 a 7323.99.99 c 7323.99.30 a 7323.99.50 a 7323.99.70 a 7323.99.90 a 7324.10 sinks and wash basins, stainless steel 7324.10.00 bm 7324.10.00 a 7324.10.01 c 7324.21 baths, cast iron, enamelled or not 7324.21.00 a 7324.21.10 d 7324.21.01 a 7324.21.50 a 7324.29 baths, iron or steel, nes 7324.29.10 a 7324.29.00 a 7324.29.99 a 7324.29.90 bm 7324.90 sanitary ware & parts thereof, i or s, nes, for example 7324.90.10 c 7324.90.00 c 7324.90.01 c 7324.90.90 cm 7324.90.02 c 7324.90.03 c 7324.90.99 c 7325.10 cast articles of non-malleable cast iron nes 7325.10.10 bm 7325.10.00 d 7325.10.01 a 7325.10.90 bm 7325.10.02 b 7325.10.03 a 7325.10.04 a 7325.10.05 a 7325.10.06 a 7325.10.99 a 7325.91 balls, grinding and similar articles of iron or steel, cast fo 7325.91.10 a 7325.91.00 a 7325.91.01 b 7325.91.90 bm 7325.91.02 b 7325.91.99 b 7325.99 articles of iron or steel, cast, nes 7325.99.10 d 7325.99.10 a 7325.99.01 c 7325.99.91 bm 7325.99.50 a 7325.99.02 b 7325.99.99 bm 7325.99.03 a 7325.99.04 a 7325.99.05 a 7325.99.06 a 7325.99.99 b 7326.11 balls, grinding and similar articles of i or s, forged or 7326.11.10 a 7326.11.00 a 7326.11.01 b 7326.11.90 a 7326.11.02 a 7326.11.99 b 7326.19 articles of iron or steel, forged or stamped, but not further 7326.19.00 bm 7326.19.00 a 7326.19.01 a 7326.19.02 c 7326.19.03 c 7326.19.04 b 7326.19.05 b 7326.19.06 b 7326.19.07 b 7326.19.08 b 7326.19.09 a 7326.19.10 b 7326.19.11 b 7326.19.12 a 7326.19.13 a 7326.19.14 b 7326.19.99 b 7326.20 articles of wire, iron or steel, nes 7326.20.00 bm 7326.20.00 a 7326.20.01 b 7326.20.02 b 7326.20.03 a 7326.20.04 d 7326.20.05 b 7326.20.99 b 7326.90 articles, iron or steel, nes 7326.90.10 d 7326.90.10 a 7326.90.01 b 7326.90.20 d 7326.90.30 b 7326.90.02 b 7326.90.30 d 7326.90.45 d 7326.90.03 b 7326.90.40 a 7326.90.60 a 7326.90.04 b 7326.90.50 bm 7326.90.90 a 7326.90.05 c 7326.90.60 d 7326.90.06 c 7326.90.70 cm 7326.90.07 a 7326.90.80 bm 7326.90.08 b 7326.90.91 bm 7326.90.09 b 7326.90.99 bm 7326.90.10 a 7326.90.11 a 7326.90.12 a 7326.90.13 b 7326.90.14 d 7326.90.15 d 7326.90.16 b 7326.90.99 b 7401.10 copper mattes 7401.10.00 d 7401.10.00 a 7401.10.01 a 7401.20 cement copper (precipitated copper) 7401.20.00 d 7401.20.00 a 7401.20.01 b 7402.00 copper unrefined, copper anodes for electrolytic refining 7402.00.00 d 7402.00.00 b 7402.00.01 b 7402.00.99 b 7403.11 copper cathodes and sections of cathodes unwrought 7403.11.00 d 7403.11.00 a 7403.11.01 b 7403.11.99 b 7403.12 wire bars, copper, unwrought 7403.12.00 a 7403.12.00 a 7403.12.01 b 7403.12.99 b 7403.13 billets, copper, unwrought 7403.13.00 d 7403.13.00 a 7403.13.01 a 7403.13.99 a 7403.19 refined copper products, unwrought, nes 7403.19.10 d 7403.19.00 a 7403.19.01 b 7403.19.90 b 7403.19.99 b 7403.21 copper-zinc base alloys, unwrought 7403.21.10 a 7403.21.00 a 7403.21.01 a 7403.21.90 a 7403.21.99 a 7403.22 copper-tin base alloys, unwrought 7403.22.00 a 7403.22.00 a 7403.22.01 a 7403.22.99 a 7403.23 copper-nickel base alloys or coppernickel-zinc base alloys, 7403.23.10 d 7403.23.00 a 7403.23.01 a 7403.23.90 a 7403.23.99 a 7403.29 copper alloys, unwrought (other than master alloys of heading 7403.29.10 a 7403.29.00 a 7403.29.99 b 7403.29.90 b 7404.00 waste and scrap, copper or copper alloy 7404.00.10 d 7404.00.00 d 7404.00.01 c 7404.00.21 a 7404.00.02 c 7404.00.29 a 7405.00 master alloys of copper 7405.00.00 a 7405.00.10 a 7405.00.01 a 7405.00.60 a 7405.00.99 a 7406.10 powders, copper, of non-lamellar structure 7406.10.10 a 7406.10.00 a 7406.10.01 b 7406.10.20 b 7406.20 powders, copper, of lamellar structure and flakes 7406.20.10 a 7406.20.00 a 7406.20.01 b 7406.20.20 b 7407.10 bars, rods and profiles of refined copper 7407.10.11 b 7407.10.10 a 7407.10.01 c 7407.10.12 a 7407.10.50 a 7407.10.02 c 7407.10.20 b 7407.21 bars, rods and profiles of copper-zinc base alloys 7407.21.11 a 7407.21.10 a 7407.21.01 c 7407.21.12 a 7407.21.50 a 7407.21.02 c 7407.21.20 a 7407.21.70 a 7407.21.90 a 7407.22 bars, rods and profiles of copper-nickel or copper-nickel-zinc 7407.22.11 a 7407.22.10 a 7407.22.01 c 7407.22.12 a 7407.22.50 a 7407.22.02 b 7407.22.13 a 7407.22.20 a 7407.29 bars, rods and profiles, copper alloy nes 7407.29.11 c 7407.29.10 a 7407.29.01 c 7407.29.12 a 7407.29.50 a 7407.29.02 c 7407.29.20 c 7407.29.99 c 7408.11 wire of refined copper of which the max cross sectional 7408.11.11 b 7408.11.30 a 7408.11.01 c 7408.11.12 b 7408.11.60 a 7408.11.21 a 7408.11.22 b 7408.19 wire of refined copper of which the max cross sectional 7408.19.10 b 7408.19.00 a 7408.19.01 c 7408.19.20 b 7408.19.02 a 7408.19.03 a 7408.21 wire, copper-zinc base alloy 7408.21.11 b 7408.21.00 a 7408.21.01 a 7408.21.12 a 7408.21.21 a 7408.21.22 a 7408.22 wire, copper-nickel base alloy or copper-nickel-zinc base allo 7408.22.11 b 7408.22.10 a 7408.22.01 a 7408.22.12 a 7408.22.50 a 7408.22.99 a 7408.22.21 a 7408.22.22 a 7408.22.31 a 7408.22.32 a 7408.29 wire, copper alloy, nes 7408.29.11 a 7408.29.10 a 7408.29.01 a 7408.29.12 a 7408.29.50 a 7408.29.99 a 7408.29.21 a 7408.29.22 a 7409.11 plate, sheet & strip of refined copper, in coil, exceeding 7409.11.10 a 7409.11.10 a 7409.11.01 c 7409.11.20 bm 7409.11.50 a 7409.19 plate, sheet & strip of refined copper, not in coil, exceeding 7409.19.10 a 7409.19.10 a 7409.19.01 b 7409.19.20 bm 7409.19.50 a 7409.19.99 b 7409.19.90 a 7409.21 plate, sheet & strip of copper-zinc base alloys, in coil, 7409.21.10 a 7409.21.00 a 7409.21.01 b 7409.21.20 bm 7409.29 plate, sheet & strip of copper-zinc base alloys, not in coil, 7409.29.10 a 7409.29.00 a 7409.29.99 b 7409.29.20 bm 7409.31 plate, sheet & strip of copper-tin base alloys, in coil, 7409.31.10 a 7409.31.10 a 7409.31.01 a 7409.31.20 a 7409.31.50 a 7409.31.99 a 7409.31.90 a 7409.39 plate, sheet & strip of copper-tin base alloys, not in coil, > 7409.39.10 a 7409.39.10 a 7409.39.99 b 7409.39.20 bm 7409.39.50 a 7409.39.90 a 7409.40 plate, sheet & strip of copper-nickel or cop-nickel-zinc base 7409.40.11 a 7409.40.00 a 7409.40.01 c 7409.40.12 a 7409.40.20 a 7409.90 plate, sheet & strip of copper alloy, nes 7409.90.10 a 7409.90.10 a 7409.90.99 b 7409.90.20 b 7409.90.50 a 7409.90.90 a 7410.11 foil of refined copper, not backed 7410.11.10 a 7410.11.00 a 7410.11.01 b 7410.11.20 b 7410.11.99 b 7410.12 foil, copper alloy, not backed 7410.12.10 a 7410.12.00 a 7410.12.01 b 7410.12.20 b 7410.12.99 b 7410.21 foil of refined copper, backed 7410.21.10 a 7410.21.30 a 7410.21.01 a 7410.21.20 a 7410.21.60 a 7410.21.02 a 7410.21.03 a 7410.21.99 c 7410.22 foil, copper alloy, backed 7410.22.10 a 7410.22.00 a 7410.22.01 b 7410.22.20 a 7411.10 pipes and tubes, refined copper 7411.10.10 a 7411.10.10 a 7411.10.01 c 7411.10.20 c 7411.10.50 a 7411.10.02 c 7411.10.03 c 7411.10.04 c 7411.10.05 b 7411.21 pipes and tubes, copper-zinc base alloy 7411.21.10 a 7411.21.10 a 7411.21.01 c 7411.21.20 b 7411.21.50 a 7411.21.02 c 7411.21.03 c 7411.21.04 c 7411.21.05 b 7411.22 pipes and tubes, copper-nickel base alloy or copper-nickel-zin 7411.22.10 a 7411.22.00 a 7411.22.01 c 7411.22.20 c 7411.22.02 c 7411.22.03 c 7411.22.04 c 7411.22.05 b 7411.29 pipes and tubes, copper alloy, nes 7411.29.10 a 7411.29.10 a 7411.29.01 b 7411.29.21 d 7411.29.50 a 7411.29.02 b 7411.29.29 b 7411.29.03 b 7411.29.04 b 7411.29.05 b 7412.10 fittings, pipe or tube, of refined copper 7412.10.00 a 7412.10.00 a 7412.10.01 a 7412.10.99 a 7412.20 fittings, pipe or tube, copper alloy 7412.20.00 c 7412.20.00 a 7412.20.01 c 7412.20.02 c 7412.20.99 c 7413.00 stranded wire, cable, plaited bands and the like of copper not 7413.00.00 c 7413.00.10 a 7413.00.01 a 7413.00.50 a 7413.00.99 c 7413.00.90 a 7414.10 endless bands of copper wire for machinery 7414.10.00 bm 7414.10.30 d 7414.10.01 b 7414.10.60 a 7414.10.02 a 7414.10.90 a 7414.90 cloth, grill and netting of copper wire and expanded metal of 7414.90.00 bm 7414.90.00 a 7414.90.01 b 7414.90.02 b 7414.90.03 c 7415.10 nails, tacks, drawing pins, staples and sim art of copper or 7415.10.00 bm 7415.10.00 a 7415.10.01 a 7415.10.02 a 7415.21 washers, copper, including spring washers 7415.21.00 bm 7415.21.00 a 7415.21.01 a 7415.29 articles of copper, not threaded, nes, similar to those of 7415.29.00 bm 7415.29.00 a 7415.29.01 a 7415.29.99 a 7415.31 screws, copper, for wood 7415.31.00 bm 7415.31.00 a 7415.31.01 a 7415.31.02 a 7415.32 screws, bolts and nuts of copper excluding wood screws 7415.32.00 b 7415.32.10 a 7415.32.01 a 7415.32.50 a 7415.32.99 a 7415.32.90 a 7415.39 articles of copper threaded, nes similar to bolts, nuts and 7415.39.00 b 7415.39.00 a 7415.39.01 a 7415.39.99 a 7416.00 springs, copper 7416.00.00 a 7416.00.00 a 7416.00.01 a 7416.00.99 a 7417.00 cooking or heating apparatus, domestic, non-electric and parts 7417.00.00 b 7417.00.00 a 7417.00.01 c 7418.10 table, kitchen or other household articles and parts thereof o 7418.10.00 b 7418.10.10 a 7418.10.01 b 7418.10.20 a 7418.10.50 a 7418.20 sanitary ware and parts thereof of copper 7418.20.00 b 7418.20.10 a 7418.20.01 a 7418.20.50 a 7419.10 chain and parts thereof of copper 7419.10.00 bm 7419.10.00 a 7419.10.01 a 7419.91 articles of copper, not further worked than cast, moulded, 7419.91.10 d 7419.91.00 a 7419.91.01 b 7419.91.90 bm 7419.91.02 b 7419.91.03 a 7419.91.04 a 7419.91.05 a 7419.91.06 d 7419.91.99 a 7419.99 articles of copper, nes 7419.99.10 d 7419.99.15 c 7419.99.01 c 7419.99.20 c 7419.99.30 a 7419.99.02 b 7419.99.90 c 7419.99.50 a 7419.99.03 b 7419.99.04 b 7419.99.05 b 7419.99.06 b 7419.99.07 b 7419.99.08 d 7419.99.09 d 7419.99.99 c 7501.10 nickel mattes 7501.10.00 d 7501.10.00 d 7501.10.01 d 7501.20 nickel oxide sinters and other intermediate products of nickel 7501.20.00 d 7501.20.00 d 7501.20.01 d 7502.10 nickel unwrought, not alloyed 7502.10.00 d 7502.10.00 d 7502.10.01 d 7502.20 nickel unwrought, alloyed 7502.20.00 d 7502.20.00 d 7502.20.01 d 7503.00 waste and scrap, nickel 7503.00.00 d 7503.00.00 d 7503.00.01 d 7504.00 powders and flakes, nickel 7504.00.10 d 7504.00.00 d 7504.00.01 a 7504.00.20 a 7504.00.02 a 7505.11 bars, rods and profiles, nickel, not alloyed 7505.11.11 a 7505.11.10 a 7505.11.01 a 7505.11.12 d 7505.11.30 a 7505.11.99 a 7505.11.13 a 7505.11.50 a 7505.11.20 a 7505.12 bars, rods and profiles, nickel alloy 7505.12.11 a 7505.12.10 a 7505.12.01 a 7505.12.12 d 7505.12.30 a 7505.12.20 a 7505.12.50 a 7505.12.31 d 7505.12.38 a 7505.12.39 a 7505.21 wire, nickel, not alloyed 7505.21.11 a 7505.21.10 a 7505.21.01 a 7505.21.12 a 7505.21.50 a 7505.21.02 a 7505.21.21 d 7505.21.22 a 7505.22 wire, nickel alloy 7505.22.11 d 7505.22.10 a 7505.22.01 a 7505.22.18 a 7505.22.50 a 7505.22.02 a 7505.22.19 a 7505.22.99 a 7505.22.21 d 7505.22.29 a 7505.22.31 bm 7505.22.39 a 7506.10 plates, sheet, strip and foil, nickel, not alloyed 7506.10.10 d 7506.10.10 a 7506.10.01 a 7506.10.20 a 7506.10.30 a 7506.10.02 a 7506.10.50 a 7506.20 plates, sheet, strip and foil, nickel alloy 7506.20.10 d 7506.20.10 a 7506.20.01 a 7506.20.90 a 7506.20.30 a 7506.20.02 a 7506.20.50 a 7506.20.99 a 7507.11 tubes and pipe, nickel, not alloyed 7507.11.10 d 7507.11.00 a 7507.11.01 a 7507.11.90 a 7507.12 tubes and pipe, nickel alloy 7507.12.10 d 7507.12.00 a 7507.12.01 a 7507.12.90 a 7507.12.99 a 7507.20 fittings, pipe and tube, nickel 7507.20.00 a 7507.20.00 a 7507.20.01 a 7508.00 articles of nickel, nes 7508.00.10 d 7508.00.10 a 7508.00.01 b 7508.00.20 bm 7508.00.50 a 7508.00.02 b 7508.00.90 bm 7508.00.03 b 7508.00.99 b 7601.10 aluminium unwrought, not alloyed 7601.10.10 d 7601.10.30 c 7601.10.01 c 7601.10.91 a 7601.10.60 d 7601.10.02 a 7601.10.99 c 7601.20 aluminium unwrought, alloyed 7601.20.10 d 7601.20.30 c 7601.20.01 c 7601.20.91 a 7601.20.60 c 7601.20.02 c 7601.20.99 c 7601.20.90 d 7602.00 waste and scrap, aluminium 7602.00.00 d 7602.00.00 d 7602.00.01 d 7602.00.02 c 7603.10 powders, aluminium, of non-lamellar structure 7603.10.00 a 7603.10.00 a 7603.10.01 c 7603.10.99 c 7603.20 powders, aluminium, of lamellar structure, including flakes 7603.20.10 a 7603.20.00 a 7603.20.01 c 7603.20.20 c 7603.20.99 c 7604.10 bars, rods and profiles, aluminium, not alloyed 7604.10.11 a 7604.10.10 a 7604.10.01 b 7604.10.12 a 7604.10.30 a 7604.10.02 c 7604.10.20 c 7604.10.50 a 7604.10.99 c 7604.21 profiles, hollow, aluminium, alloyed 7604.21.10 a 7604.21.00 c 7604.21.01 c 7604.21.20 c 7604.29 bars, rods and other profiles, aluminium alloyed 7604.29.11 a 7604.29.10 a 7604.29.01 c 7604.29.12 a 7604.29.30 a 7604.29.02 c 7604.29.20 c 7604.29.50 a 7604.29.03 c 7605.11 wire, aluminium, not alloyed, with a max cross sectional 7605.11.11 b 7605.11.00 a 7605.11.01 b 7605.11.12 b 7605.11.99 b 7605.11.21 a 7605.11.22 b 7605.19 wire, aluminium, not alloyed, with a max cross sectional dim o 7605.19.10 b 7605.19.00 a 7605.19.01 b 7605.19.20 b 7605.21 wire, aluminium alloy, with a maximum cross sectional dimensio 7605.21.11 b 7605.21.00 a 7605.21.01 b 7605.21.12 b 7605.21.02 b 7605.21.21 a 7605.21.99 b 7605.21.22 b 7605.29 wire, aluminium alloy, with a maximum cross sectional dimensio 7605.29.10 b 7605.29.00 a 7605.29.01 b 7605.29.20 b 7605.29.02 b 7605.29.99 b 7606.11 plate, sheet or strip, aluminium, not alloyed, rect or sq, 7606.11.10 a 7606.11.30 a 7606.11.01 c 7606.11.20 c 7606.11.60 a 7606.11.02 d 7606.11.99 c 7606.12 plate, sheet or strip, aluminium alloy, rect or sq, exceeding 7606.12.11 d 7606.12.30 a 7606.12.01 c 7606.12.12 d 7606.12.60 a 7606.12.02 d 7606.12.19 a 7606.12.03 a 7606.12.21 d 7606.12.04 c 7606.12.29 c 7606.12.99 c 7606.91 plate, sheet or strip, aluminium, not alloyed, exceeding 0.2mm 7606.91.10 a 7606.91.30 a 7606.91.01 a 7606.91.90 c 7606.91.60 a 7606.91.99 c 7606.92 plate, sheet or strip, aluminium alloy, exceeding 0.2mm thick, 7606.92.10 a 7606.92.30 a 7606.92.01 a 7606.92.90 cm 7606.92.60 a 7606.92.99 c 7607.11 foil, aluminium, not backed, rolled but not further worked, no 7607.11.10 d 7607.11.30 a 7607.11.01 c 7607.11.20 a 7607.11.60 a 7607.11.30 a 7607.11.90 a 7607.19 foil, aluminium, not backed and not exceeding 0.2mm thick, nes 7607.19.10 a 7607.19.10 a 7607.19.01 a 7607.19.91 cm 7607.19.30 a 7607.19.02 a 7607.19.99 cm 7607.19.60 a 7607.19.03 c 7607.19.99 c 7607.20 foil, aluminium, backed, not exceeding 0.2mm thick excluding 7607.20.10 a 7607.20.10 a 7607.20.01 c 7607.20.91 cm 7607.20.50 d 7607.20.02 a 7607.20.99 cm 7607.20.03 c 7607.20.04 c 7607.20.05 c 7607.20.99 c 7608.10 tubes and pipe, aluminium, not alloyed 7608.10.00 a 7608.10.00 a 7608.10.01 c 7608.10.02 c 7608.10.03 c 7608.10.04 c 7608.20 tubes and pipe, aluminium alloy 7608.20.10 a 7608.20.00 a 7608.20.01 c 7608.20.90 a 7608.20.02 c 7608.20.03 c 7608.20.04 c 7609.00 fittings, pipe or tube, aluminium, for example couplings, 7609.00.00 b 7609.00.00 a 7609.00.01 a 7609.00.99 b 7610.10 doors, windows and their frames and thresholds for doors of 7610.10.00 c 7610.10.00 a 7610.10.01 c 7610.90 structures & parts, alum, eg plate, rods etc, for struct, 7610.90.00 c 7610.90.00 a 7610.90.01 a 7610.90.99 c 7611.00 reservoirs, vats & similar cont of aluminium, cap >300l, o/t 7611.00.10 d 7611.00.00 a 7611.00.01 b 7611.00.90 bm 7612.10 containers, collapsible tubular, aluminium 7612.10.00 cm 7612.10.00 a 7612.10.01 c 7612.90 containers, alum, cap <300l, lined/heat insul or not, n/ftd 7612.90.00 cm 7612.90.10 a 7612.90.01 a 7612.90.50 d 7612.90.99 c 7613.00 containers, aluminium, for compressed or liquefied gas 7613.00.00 cm 7613.00.00 a 7613.00.01 c 7614.10 stranded wire, cables, plaited bands, etc, alum, steel core, 7614.10.00 bm 7614.10.10 c 7614.10.01 c 7614.10.50 a 7614.90 stranded wire, cables, plaited bands and the like or alum, not 7614.90.00 bm 7614.90.20 a 7614.90.99 c 7614.90.40 c 7614.90.50 a 7615.10 table, kitchen & household art, alum & parts, nes, eg pot 7615.10.00 c 7615.10.10 a 7615.10.01 c 7615.10.30 a 7615.10.99 c 7615.10.50 a 7615.10.70 a 7615.10.90 a 7615.20 sanitary ware & parts thereof, aluminium for the kitchen, tabl 7615.20.10 a 7615.20.00 a 7615.20.01 c 7615.20.90 cm 7616.10 nails, tacks, staples, bolts, nuts & sim art, aluminium (excl 7616.10.00 b 7616.10.10 a 7616.10.01 c 7616.10.30 a 7616.10.02 a 7616.10.50 a 7616.10.03 a 7616.10.70 a 7616.10.99 c 7616.10.90 a 7616.90 articles of aluminium, nes, for example castings, forgings, et 7616.90.10 d 7616.90.00 a 7616.90.fa b 7616.90.20 d 7616.90.01 c 7616.90.90 b 7616.90.02 a 7616.90.03 a 7616.90.04 c 7616.90.05 c 7616.90.06 b 7616.90.07 b 7616.90.08 c 7616.90.09 c 7616.90.10 c 7616.90.11 c 7616.90.12 c 7616.90.13 a 7616.90.99 c 7801.10 lead refined unwrought 7801.10.10 d 7801.10.00 a 7801.10.01 b 7801.10.90 a 7801.91 lead unwrought containing by weight antimony as the principal 7801.91.10 a 7801.91.00 a 7801.91.01 b 7801.91.90 a 7801.99 lead unwrought nes 7801.99.00 a 7801.99.30 a 7801.99.01 b 7801.99.90 a 7802.00 lead waste and scrap 7802.00.00 d 7802.00.00 a 7802.00.01 b 7803.00 lead bars, rods, profiles and wire 7803.00.10 cm 7803.00.00 a 7803.00.01 c 7803.00.20 a 7803.00.30 a 7804.11 lead sheets, strip and foil of a thickness (excluding any 7804.11.10 d 7804.11.00 a 7804.11.01 b 7804.11.90 a 7804.19 lead plates, sheet, strip and foil nes 7804.19.10 bm 7804.19.00 a 7804.19.01 c 7804.19.20 a 7804.19.90 a 7804.20 lead powders and flakes 7804.20.10 a 7804.20.00 a 7804.20.01 b 7804.20.20 a 7805.00 lead pipes or tubes and fittings (for example, couplings, 7805.00.00 a 7805.00.00 a 7805.00.01 a 7806.00 articles of lead nes 7806.00.00 a 7806.00.00 a 7806.00.01 c 7901.11 zinc not alloyed unwrought containing by weight 99.99% or more 7901.11.00 d 7901.11.00 a 7901.11.01 b 7901.12 zinc not alloyed unwrought containing by weight less than 7901.12.00 d 7901.12.10 c 7901.12.01 b 7901.12.50 a 7901.20 zinc alloys unwrought 7901.20.10 d 7901.20.00 a 7901.20.01 b 7901.20.20 b 7902.00 zinc waste and scrap 7902.00.00 d 7902.00.00 b 7902.00.01 b 7903.10 zinc dust 7903.10.00 d 7903.10.00 a 7903.10.01 b 7903.90 zinc powders and flakes 7903.90.10 a 7903.90.30 a 7903.90.99 c 7903.90.20 b 7903.90.60 a 7904.00 zinc bars, rods, profiles and wire 7904.00.10 d 7904.00.00 a 7904.00.01 c 7904.00.21 b 7904.00.22 b 7905.00 zinc plates, sheets, strip and foil 7905.00.11 d 7905.00.00 a 7905.00.01 c 7905.00.19 b 7905.00.20 b 7906.00 zinc pipes or tubes and fittings (for example, couplings, 7906.00.00 a 7906.00.00 a 7906.00.01 a 7907.10 zinc fabricated building components (ex gutters, roof capping, 7907.10.00 b 7907.10.00 a 7907.10.01 b 7907.90 articles of zinc nes 7907.90.10 d 7907.90.30 a 7907.90.99 b 7907.90.20 b 7907.90.60 a 7907.90.90 b 8001.10 tin not alloyed unwrought 8001.10.00 d 8001.10.00 d 8001.10.01 a 8001.20 tin alloys unwrought 8001.20.10 d 8001.20.00 d 8001.20.01 a 8001.20.20 a 8001.20.90 a 8002.00 tin waste and scrap 8002.00.00 d 8002.00.00 d 8002.00.01 a 8003.00 tin bars, rods, profiles and wire 8003.00.10 d 8003.00.00 a 8003.00.01 a 8003.00.20 a 8003.00.30 a 8003.00.40 d 8003.00.50 a 8004.00 tin plates, sheets and strip, of a thickness exceeding 0.2mm 8004.00.10 a 8004.00.00 a 8004.00.01 a 8004.00.20 a 8004.00.90 a 8005.10 tin foil (w/n printed or backed of a thickness (excluding 8005.10.00 d 8005.10.00 a 8005.10.01 a 8005.20 tin powders and flakes 8005.20.10 a 8005.20.00 a 8005.20.01 a 8005.20.20 a 8006.00 tin pipes or tubes and fittings (for example, couplings, elbow 8006.00.00 a 8006.00.00 a 8006.00.01 a 8007.00 tin articles nes 8007.00.00 b 8007.00.10 a 8007.00.01 b 8007.00.50 a 8101.10 powders, tungsten (wolfram) 8101.10.10 a 8101.10.00 a 8101.10.01 a 8101.10.20 a 8101.91 tungsten (wolfram) unwrought, including bars&rods simply 8101.91.10 d 8101.91.10 a 8101.91.01 a 8101.91.91 a 8101.91.50 a 8101.91.99 a 8101.91.92 a 8101.92 tungsten profiles,plate,sheet,strip and foil, inc bars&rods no 8101.92.10 d 8101.92.00 a 8101.92.01 a 8101.92.20 a 8101.93 wire, tungsten (wolfram) 8101.93.10 d 8101.93.00 b 8101.93.01 b 8101.93.21 a 8101.93.02 b 8101.93.22 a 8101.93.99 b 8101.99 tungsten (wolfram) and articles thereof nes 8101.99.00 a 8101.99.00 a 8101.99.99 b 8102.10 powders, molybdenum 8102.10.10 a 8102.10.00 a 8102.10.01 a 8102.10.20 a 8102.91 molybdenum, unwrought, including bars or rods simply sintered; 8102.91.10 a 8102.91.10 a 8102.91.01 a 8102.91.20 a 8102.91.50 d 8102.91.99 b 8102.92 molybdenum profiles,plate,sheet,strip or foil,incl bars&rods 8102.92.00 a 8102.92.00 a 8102.92.01 a 8102.93 wire, molybdenum 8102.93.10 a 8102.93.00 a 8102.93.01 a 8102.93.20 a 8102.93.02 a 8102.93.99 a 8102.99 molybdenum and articles thereof nes 8102.99.00 a 8102.99.00 a 8102.99.99 a 8103.10 tantalum unwrought including bars&rods simply sintered;waste 8103.10.10 a 8103.10.30 d 8103.10.01 a 8103.10.20 a 8103.10.60 a 8103.90 tantalum and articles thereof nes 8103.90.00 a 8103.90.00 a 8103.90.01 a 8104.11 magnesium unwrought containing by weight at least 99.8% of 8104.11.00 a 8104.11.00 a 8104.11.01 a 8104.19 magnesium unwrought nes 8104.19.00 a 8104.19.00 b 8104.19.01 a 8104.19.02 a 8104.20 magnesium waste and scrap 8104.20.00 d 8104.20.00 d 8104.20.01 a 8104.30 magnesium raspings, turnings or granules graded according to 8104.30.10 a 8104.30.00 b 8104.30.01 a 8104.30.20 a 8104.90 magnesium and articles thereof nes 8104.90.10 a 8104.90.00 a 8104.90.01 b 8104.90.90 b 8104.90.02 b 8104.90.99 b 8105.10 cobalt,unwrought,matte and other intermediate 8105.10.10 a 8105.10.30 a 8105.10.01 a 8105.10.20 d 8105.10.60 d 8105.10.90 d 8105.90 cobalt and articles thereof, nes 8105.90.10 a 8105.90.00 a 8105.90.01 a 8105.90.90 a 8106.00 bismuth and articles thereof, including waste and scrap 8106.00.10 d 8106.00.00 d 8106.00.01 a 8106.00.20 a 8107.10 cadmium, unwrought; waste and scrap; powders 8107.10.10 d 8107.10.00 d 8107.10.01 a 8107.10.20 a 8107.90 cadmium and articles thereof, nes 8107.90.00 a 8107.90.00 a 8107.90.99 a 8108.10 titanium unwrought; waste and scrap; powders 8108.10.10 a 8108.10.10 d 8108.10.01 a 8108.10.20 a 8108.10.50 a 8108.90 titanium and articles thereof, nes 8108.90.00 b 8108.90.30 a 8108.90.01 b 8108.90.60 a 8108.90.99 b 8109.10 zirconium unwrought; waste and scrap; powders 8109.10.10 a 8109.10.30 d 8109.10.01 a 8109.10.20 a 8109.10.60 a 8109.90 zirconium and articles thereof, nes 8109.90.00 a 8109.90.00 a 8109.90.99 a 8110.00 antimony and articles thereof, including waste and scrap 8110.00.10 a 8110.00.00 d 8110.00.01 a 8110.00.20 a 8111.00 manganese and articles thereof, including waste and scrap 8111.00.10 d 8111.00.30 d 8111.00.01 a 8111.00.20 a 8111.00.45 a 8111.00.60 a 8112.11 beryllium unwrought; waste and scrap; powders 8112.11.10 a 8112.11.30 d 8112.11.01 a 8112.11.20 a 8112.11.60 a 8112.19 beryllium and articles thereof, nes 8112.19.00 a 8112.19.00 a 8112.19.99 a 8112.20 chromium and articles thereof, including waste, scrap and 8112.20.10 a 8112.20.30 d 8112.20.01 a 8112.20.20 a 8112.20.60 a 8112.30 germanium and articles thereof, including waste, scrap and 8112.30.10 a 8112.30.30 d 8112.30.01 a 8112.30.20 a 8112.30.60 a 8112.30.90 a 8112.40 vanadium and articles thereof, including waste, scrap and 8112.40.10 a 8112.40.30 d 8112.40.01 a 8112.40.20 a 8112.40.60 a 8112.91 gallium,hafnium,indium,niobium,rhenium or thallium, unwrought; 8112.91.10 a 8112.91.05 d 8112.91.01 a 8112.91.20 a 8112.91.10 a 8112.91.20 d 8112.91.30 d 8112.91.40 a 8112.91.50 a 8112.91.60 a 8112.99 gallium,hafnium,indium,niobium,rhenium or thallium and article 8112.99.10 a 8112.99.00 a 8112.99.99 a 8112.99.90 a 8113.00 cermets and articles thereof, including waste and scrap 8113.00.00 a 8113.00.00 a 8113.00.01 b 8201.10 spades and shovels 8201.10.00 b 8201.10.00 a 8201.10.01 c 8201.10.02 b 8201.20 forks 8201.20.00 bm 8201.20.00 a 8201.20.01 b 8201.20.99 b 8201.30 mattocks, picks, hoes and rakes 8201.30.00 bm 8201.30.00 a 8201.30.01 c 8201.30.99 b 8201.40 aces, bill hooks and similar hewing tools 8201.40.00 bm 8201.40.30 d 8201.40.01 b 8201.40.60 a 8201.50 one-handed secateurs (shears) including poultry shears 8201.50.00 d 8201.50.00 a 8201.50.01 b 8201.60 hedge shears, two-handed pruning shears and similar two-handed 8201.60.10 d 8201.60.00 a 8201.60.01 b 8201.60.90 a 8201.60.99 b 8201.90 scythes, sickles and other hand tools used in agriculture, 8201.90.10 d 8201.90.30 a 8201.90.01 a 8201.90.90 bm 8201.90.60 d 8201.90.02 a 8201.90.99 a 8202.10 hand saws 8202.10.00 cm 8202.10.00 d 8202.10.01 c 8202.10.02 c 8202.10.03 b 8202.10.99 c 8202.20 band saw blades 8202.20.10 a 8202.20.00 a 8202.20.01 c 8202.20.20 a 8202.31 circular saw blades with working part of steel 8202.31.00 a 8202.31.00 a 8202.31.01 c 8202.31.02 a 8202.31.03 a 8202.32 circular saw blades with working part of other materials 8202.32.00 a 8202.32.00 a 8202.32.01 c 8202.32.02 a 8202.32.03 a 8202.32.04 a 8202.32.05 c 8202.32.06 c 8202.32.99 b 8202.40 chain saw blades 8202.40.00 a 8202.40.30 a 8202.40.01 a 8202.40.60 a 8202.40.99 a 8202.91 straight saw blades, for working metal 8202.91.10 c 8202.91.30 a 8202.91.01 c 8202.91.20 c 8202.91.60 a 8202.91.02 c 8202.91.03 c 8202.91.04 c 8202.91.99 c 8202.99 stone cutting saw blades, friction discs for cutting metals an 8202.99.10 a 8202.99.00 d 8202.99.01 a 8202.99.20 a 8202.99.02 a 8202.99.99 c 8203.10 files, rasps and similar tools 8203.10.00 a 8203.10.30 a 8203.10.01 b 8203.10.60 a 8203.10.02 b 8203.10.90 a 8203.10.03 a 8203.10.04 b 8203.10.99 b 8203.20 pliers (including cutting pliers), pincers, tweezers and 8203.20.00 bm 8203.20.20 a 8203.20.01 c 8203.20.40 c 8203.20.02 c 8203.20.60 a 8203.20.99 c 8203.20.80 a 8203.30 metal cutting shears, tinmen's snips and other metal or wire 8203.30.10 a 8203.30.00 a 8203.30.01 c 8203.30.90 cm 8203.40 pipe-cutters, bolt croppers, perforating punches and similar 8203.40.00 bm 8203.40.30 a 8203.40.01 b 8203.40.60 a 8203.40.02 b 8203.40.03 a 8203.40.99 b 8204.11 wrenches, hand-operated, with nonadjustable jaws 8204.11.00 bm 8204.11.00 a 8204.11.01 c 8204.11.02 c 8204.11.99 c 8204.12 wrenches, hand-operated, with adjustable jaws 8204.12.00 bm 8204.12.00 a 8204.12.01 c 8204.12.02 c 8204.12.99 c 8204.20 wrench sockets including ratchet handles extensions and 8204.20.10 bm 8204.20.00 a 8204.20.01 a 8204.20.20 bm 8204.20.99 c 8205.10 drilling, threading or tapping tools 8205.10.10 a 8205.10.00 a 8205.10.01 a 8205.10.90 bm 8205.10.02 b 8205.10.03 b 8205.10.99 b 8205.20 hammers and sledge hammers 8205.20.00 c 8205.20.30 a 8205.20.01 c 8205.20.60 a 8205.30 planes, chisels, gouges and similar cutting tools for working 8205.30.00 bm 8205.30.30 a 8205.30.01 b 8205.30.60 a 8205.30.02 b 8205.30.03 b 8205.30.99 b 8205.40 screwdrivers 8205.40.00 b 8205.40.00 a 8205.40.01 b 8205.40.99 b 8205.51 curling irons, cork screws, nut-crackers and other household 8205.51.00 b 8205.51.15 a 8205.51.01 b 8205.51.30 a 8205.51.02 a 8205.51.45 a 8205.51.99 a 8205.51.60 a 8205.51.75 a 8205.59 tools for masons, watchmakers, miners and hand tools nes 8205.59.10 b 8205.59.10 a 8205.59.01 c 8205.59.20 b 8205.59.20 d 8205.59.02 c 8205.59.30 d 8205.59.30 a 8205.59.03 c 8205.59.90 bm 8205.59.40 d 8205.59.04 c 8205.59.45 a 8205.59.05 c 8205.59.55 a 8205.59.06 c 8205.59.60 a 8205.59.07 c 8205.59.70 a 8205.59.08 b 8205.59.80 a 8205.59.09 c 8205.59.10 a 8205.59.11 c 8205.59.12 c 8205.59.13 c 8205.59.14 c 8205.59.15 b 8205.59.16 b 8205.59.17 c 8205.59.18 c 8205.59.19 c 8205.59.20 c 8205.59.99 c 8205.60 blow torches 8205.60.10 bm 8205.60.00 a 8205.60.01 b 8205.60.90 bm 8205.60.99 a 8205.70 vices, clamps and the like 8205.70.10 a 8205.70.00 a 8205.70.01 b 8205.70.90 c 8205.70.02 c 8205.70.03 a 8205.70.99 c 8205.80 anvils, portable forges and hand or pedal-operated grinding 8205.80.00 bm 8205.80.00 a 8205.80.01 b 8205.80.99 b 8205.90 sets of articles of two or more of the foregoing subheadings 8205.90.00 bm 8205.90.00 8205.90.01 c 8206.00 tools of two or more of the heading nos 82.02 to 82.05, in set 8206.00.00 bm 8206.00.00 8206.00.01 c 8207.11 rock drilling or earth boring tools with working part of 8207.11.10 d 8207.11.00 a 8207.11.01 c 8207.11.90 a 8207.11.02 c 8207.11.03 c 8207.11.04 c 8207.11.05 a 8207.11.06 c 8207.11.07 c 8207.11.08 c 8207.11.09 b 8207.11.99 c 8207.12 rock drilling or earth boring tools with working part of other 8207.12.10 d 8207.12.30 a 8207.12.01 c 8207.12.90 a 8207.12.60 a 8207.12.02 c 8207.12.03 c 8207.12.04 c 8207.12.05 a 8207.12.06 c 8207.12.07 c 8207.12.08 c 8207.12.09 b 8207.12.99 c 8207.20 dies for drawing or extruding metal 8207.20.10 a 8207.20.00 a 8207.20.01 b 8207.20.90 a 8207.20.02 b 8207.20.03 b 8207.30 tools for pressing, stamping or punching 8207.30.00 b 8207.30.30 a 8207.30.01 b 8207.30.60 a 8207.30.02 b 8207.30.03 b 8207.40 tools for taping or threading 8207.40.00 b 8207.40.30 a 8207.40.01 b 8207.40.60 a 8207.40.02 b 8207.40.03 a 8207.40.99 b 8207.50 tools for drilling, other than for rock drilling 8207.50.00 b 8207.50.20 a 8207.50.01 c 8207.50.40 a 8207.50.02 c 8207.50.60 a 8207.50.03 c 8207.50.80 a 8207.50.04 a 8207.50.05 a 8207.50.06 b 8207.50.99 c 8207.60 tools for boring or broaching 8207.60.00 bm 8207.60.00 a 8207.60.01 b 8207.60.02 b 8207.60.03 b 8207.60.04 a 8207.60.05 a 8207.60.99 b 8207.70 tools for milling 8207.70.00 a 8207.70.30 a 8207.70.01 a 8207.70.60 a 8207.70.02 a 8207.70.99 a 8207.80 tools for turning 8207.80.00 a 8207.80.30 a 8207.80.01 c 8207.80.60 a 8207.80.99 c 8207.90 screwdriver bits, lapping tools and other interchangeable tool 8207.90.10 d 8207.90.15 a 8207.90.01 a 8207.90.90 b 8207.90.30 a 8207.90.02 c 8207.90.45 a 8207.90.03 c 8207.90.60 a 8207.90.99 c 8207.90.75 a 8208.10 knives and blades for machines or mechanical appliances for 8208.10.00 a 8208.10.00 a 8208.10.01 b 8208.10.99 b 8208.20 knives and blades for machines or mechanical appliances for 8208.20.00 a 8208.20.00 a 8208.20.01 b 8208.20.99 b 8208.30 knives and blades for kitchen appliances or food industry 8208.30.00 bm 8208.30.00 a 8208.30.01 b 8208.30.99 c 8208.40 knives and blades for agricultural, horticultural or forestry 8208.40.10 d 8208.40.30 a 8208.40.01 a 8208.40.20 a 8208.40.60 d 8208.40.02 a 8208.40.90 a 8208.40.99 a 8208.90 knives and blades for leather, paper, tobacco machines and 8208.90.00 a 8208.90.30 d 8208.90.99 b 8208.90.60 a 8209.00 plates, tips and the like for tools of sintered metal carbides 8209.00.10 a 8209.00.00 a 8209.00.01 c 8209.00.90 a 8210.00 hand-operated mechanical appliances, weighing 10 kg or less, 8210.00.00 c 8210.00.00 a 8210.00.01 c 8210.00.02 c 8210.00.03 c 8210.00.04 c 8210.00.05 c 8210.00.06 c 8210.00.07 c 8210.00.99 c 8211.10 sets of different knives or sets of different articles (knives 8211.10.10 b 8211.10.00 8211.10.01 a 8211.10.90 a 8211.10.02 a 8211.10.03 a 8211.91 table knives having fixed blades 8211.91.10 a 8211.91.10 a 8211.91.01 a 8211.91.91 bm 8211.91.20 a 8211.91.02 a 8211.91.99 bm 8211.91.25 a 8211.91.03 a 8211.91.30 a 8211.91.40 a 8211.91.50 a 8211.91.60 a 8211.92 butcher's knives, hunting knives and other knives having fixed 8211.92.00 a 8211.92.20 a 8211.92.01 a 8211.92.40 a 8211.92.02 a 8211.92.60 a 8211.92.03 a 8211.92.80 a 8211.92.04 a 8211.93 pocket and pen knives and other knives with folding blades 8211.93.00 a 8211.93.00 a 8211.93.01 a 8211.93.02 a 8211.93.03 a 8211.93.04 a 8211.94 blades for knives of hd 8211.10 to 8211.94 8211.94.00 a 8211.94.10 a 8211.94.01 a 8211.94.50 a 8211.94.99 a 8212.10 razors including safety razors and open blade type 8212.10.00 a 8212.10.00 a 8212.10.01 b 8212.10.02 c 8212.10.99 c 8212.20 safety razor blades, including razor blade blanks in strips 8212.20.00 a 8212.20.00 a 8212.20.01 c 8212.20.02 c 8212.20.99 c 8212.90 parts of non-electric razors 8212.90.00 a 8212.90.00 a 8212.90.01 c 8212.90.02 c 8212.90.99 c 8213.00 scissors, tailors' shears and similar shears, and blades 8213.00.10 a 8213.00.30 a 8213.00.01 c 8213.00.20 a 8213.00.60 a 8213.00.30 a 8213.00.90 c 8214.10 paper knives, letter openers, erasing knives, pencil sharpener 8214.10.00 a 8214.10.00 a 8214.10.01 a 8214.10.02 a 8214.10.03 a 8214.10.99 a 8214.20 manicure or pedicure sets and instruments (including nail 8214.20.00 a 8214.20.30 a 8214.20.01 a 8214.20.60 a 8214.20.99 a 8214.20.90 a 8214.90 kitchen chopper, cleavers and mincing knives and other article 8214.90.10 d 8214.90.30 a 8214.90.01 a 8214.90.90 a 8214.90.60 a 8214.90.02 a 8214.90.90 a 8214.90.03 a 8214.90.04 a 8214.90.99 a 8215.10 tableware sets containing at least one article plated with 8215.10.10 bm 8215.10.00 8215.10.01 a 8215.10.90 bm 8215.20 tableware sets not containing articles plated with precious 8215.20.10 bm 8215.20.00 8215.20.01 a 8215.20.90 bm 8215.91 tableware articles not in sets plated with precious metal 8215.91.10 bm 8215.91.30 a 8215.91.01 a 8215.91.90 bm 8215.91.60 a 8215.91.90 a 8215.99 tableware articles not in sets and not plated with precious 8215.99.10 cm 8215.99.01 c 8215.99.01 a 8215.99.20 a 8215.99.05 c 8215.99.99 c 8215.99.90 bm 8215.99.10 c 8215.99.15 c 8215.99.20 a 8215.99.22 a 8215.99.24 a 8215.99.26 c 8215.99.30 c 8215.99.35 c 8215.99.40 a 8215.99.45 a 8215.99.50 a 8301.10 padlocks of base metal 8301.10.00 c 8301.10.20 c 8301.10.01 c 8301.10.40 c 8301.10.50 a 8301.10.60 a 8301.10.80 c 8301.10.90 a 8301.20 locks of a kind used for motor vehicles of base metal 8301.20.00 b 8301.20.00 a 8301.20.01 b 8301.20.99 b 8301.30 locks of a kind used for furniture of base metal 8301.30.00 a 8301.30.00 a 8301.30.01 c 8301.40 locks of base metal, nes 8301.40.10 bm 8301.40.30 a 8301.40.01 c 8301.40.90 bm 8301.40.60 a 8301.40.99 c 8301.50 clasps and frames with clasps, incorporating locks, of base 8301.50.00 b 8301.50.00 a 8301.50.01 a 8301.50.99 a 8301.60 lock parts, including parts of clasps or frames with clasps, o 8301.60.00 bm 8301.60.00 a 8301.60.01 a 8301.60.99 a 8301.70 keys, including blanks for keys presented separately, of base 8301.70.00 c 8301.70.00 a 8301.70.01 c 8301.70.99 c 8302.10 hinges of base metal 8302.10.00 c 8302.10.30 a 8302.10.01 c 8302.10.60 a 8302.10.02 b 8302.10.90 a 8302.10.99 c 8302.20 castors of base metal 8302.20.00 bm 8302.20.00 a 8302.20.01 c 8302.20.99 a 8302.30 mountings, fittings and similar articles of base metal for 8302.30.00 b 8302.30.30 a 8302.30.01 b 8302.30.60 b 8302.30.02 b 8302.30.03 b 8302.30.04 b 8302.30.05 b 8302.30.06 b 8302.30.99 b 8302.41 mountings, fittings and similar articles of base metal for 8302.41.10 c 8302.41.30 a 8302.41.01 b 8302.41.90 b 8302.41.60 a 8302.41.02 b 8302.41.90 a 8302.41.03 b 8302.41.04 c 8302.41.05 c 8302.41.99 a 8302.42 mountings, fittings and similar articles of base metal for 8302.42.00 b 8302.42.30 a 8302.42.01 c 8302.42.60 a 8302.42.02 b 8302.42.99 c 8302.49 mountings, fittings and similar articles of base metal, nes 8302.49.10 b 8302.49.20 a 8302.49.99 b 8302.49.90 b 8302.49.40 a 8302.49.60 a 8302.49.80 a 8302.50 hat-racks, hat-pegs, brackets and similar fixtures, of base 8302.50.00 b 8302.50.00 a 8302.50.01 c 8302.60 door closures, automatic, of base metal 8302.60.10 b 8302.60.30 a 8302.60.01 b 8302.60.90 b 8302.60.90 a 8303.00 safes, safe deposit lockers, cash, deep or strong boxes & the 8303.00.00 b 8303.00.00 a 8303.00.01 a 8304.00 office/desk equipment, base metal eg filing cab, trays,etc, o/ 8304.00.10 b 8304.00.00 a 8304.00.01 b 8304.00.90 b 8304.00.02 b 8304.00.99 b 8305.10 fitting for loose-leaf binders or files of base metal 8305.10.00 a 8305.10.00 a 8305.10.01 a 8305.20 staples in strips, base metal, nes (eg for offices, upholstery 8305.20.00 b 8305.20.00 a 8305.20.01 c 8305.20.02 c 8305.20.99 c 8305.90 letter corners, letter or paper clips and similar office art o 8305.90.10 b 8305.90.30 a 8305.90.01 b 8305.90.90 b 8305.90.60 a 8305.90.02 b 8305.90.99 b 8306.10 bells, gongs and the like, of base metal 8306.10.10 d 8306.10.00 a 8306.10.01 a 8306.10.90 a 8306.21 statuettes and other ornaments plated with precious metal 8306.21.00 b 8306.21.00 a 8306.21.01 b 8306.29 statuettes and other ornaments, nes 8306.29.00 b 8306.29.00 a 8306.29.99 c 8306.30 photograph, picture, or similar frames and mirrors of base 8306.30.00 b 8306.30.00 a 8306.30.01 b 8307.10 tubing, flexible, with or without fittings of iron or steel 8307.10.00 a 8307.10.30 a 8307.10.01 a 8307.10.60 a 8307.10.99 a 8307.90 tubing, flexible, with or without fittings, of base metal, nes 8307.90.00 bm 8307.90.30 a 8307.90.01 b 8307.90.60 a 8308.10 hooks, eyes and eyelets of base metal for clothing, footwear, 8308.10.10 d 8308.10.00 a 8308.10.01 b 8308.10.90 b 8308.10.02 b 8308.10.03 b 8308.10.04 b 8308.10.05 c 8308.10.06 c 8308.10.99 b 8308.20 rivets, tubular or bifurcated, of base metal for 8308.20.10 d 8308.20.30 a 8308.20.01 c 8308.20.90 b 8308.20.60 a 8308.90 beads, spangles and other made up art nes, for 8308.90.00 bm 8308.90.30 a 8308.90.01 c 8308.90.60 a 8308.90.02 c 8308.90.90 a 8308.90.03 c 8308.90.04 c 8308.90.99 c 8309.10 corks, crown, of base metal 8309.10.00 cm 8309.10.00 a 8309.10.01 c 8309.90 stoppers, caps, lids, seals and other packing accessories of 8309.90.00 c 8309.90.00 a 8309.90.01 c 8309.90.02 b 8309.90.03 b 8309.90.04 c 8309.90.05 c 8309.90.06 c 8309.90.99 c 8310.00 letters, numbers, sign plates & sim art of base metal, excl 8310.00.00 b 8310.00.00 a 8310.00.01 a 8310.00.99 a 8311.10 electrodes, coated, of base metal, for electric arc welding 8311.10.00 b 8311.10.00 d 8311.10.01 c 8311.10.02 c 8311.10.03 c 8311.10.04 a 8311.10.99 b 8311.20 wire, cored, of base metal, for electric arc welding 8311.20.00 b 8311.20.00 d 8311.20.01 c 8311.20.02 c 8311.20.03 c 8311.20.04 c 8311.20.99 c 8311.30 coated rods and cored wire of base metal for soldering, 8311.30.00 b 8311.30.30 a 8311.30.01 c 8311.30.60 d 8311.30.02 c 8311.30.03 c 8311.30.04 c 8311.30.99 c 8311.90 electrodes & sim prod of base metal/metal carbd, nes, for 8311.90.10 d 8311.90.00 d 8311.90.01 c 8311.90.90 b 8311.90.02 c 8311.90.03 c 8311.90.04 b 8311.90.05 b 8311.90.99 b 8401.10 nuclear reactors 8401.10.00 a 8401.10.00 a 8401.10.01 a 8401.20 machinery and apparatus for isotopic separation and parts 8401.20.10 a 8401.20.00 a 8401.20.01 c 8401.20.90 a 8401.30 fuel elements (cartridges), non-irradiated, for nuclear 8401.30.00 d 8401.30.00 a 8401.30.01 a 8401.40 parts of nuclear reactors 8401.40.00 a 8401.40.00 a 8401.40.01 a 8402.11 watertube boilers with a steam production exceeding 45t per 8402.11.00 b 8402.11.00 a 8402.11.01 b+ 8402.12 watertube boilers with a steam production not exceeding 45t pe 8402.12.00 b 8402.12.00 a 8402.12.01 b+ 8402.19 vapour generating boilers nes, including hybrid boilers 8402.19.00 b 8402.19.00 a 8402.19.01 b+ 8402.19.99 a 8402.20 super-heated water boilers 8402.20.00 b 8402.20.00 a 8402.20.01 b+ 8402.90 parts of steam or vapour generating boilers nes 8402.90.00 c 8402.90.00 a 8402.90.01 c 8403.10 central heating boilers nes 8403.10.10 b 8403.10.00 a 8403.10.01 b 8403.10.90 b 8403.90 parts of central heating boiler nes 8403.90.00 a 8403.90.00 a 8403.90.01 a 8404.10 auxiliary plant for use with steam or vapour generating boiler 8404.10.10 a 8404.10.00 a 8404.10.01 a 8404.10.90 a 8404.10.02 a 8404.20 condensers for steam or vapour power units 8404.20.10 a 8404.20.00 a 8404.20.01 c 8404.20.90 a 8404.90 parts for auxiliary plant & condenser for steam or vapour 8404.90.10 a 8404.90.00 a 8404.90.01 a 8404.90.20 a 8404.90.99 a 8405.10 producer gas or water gas generators acetylene gas gen & sim 8405.10.10 d 8405.10.00 a 8405.10.01 a 8405.10.90 a 8405.10.02 a 8405.10.99 b 8405.90 parts of prod gas or wat gas generators acetylene gas gen & si 8405.90.10 d 8405.90.00 a 8405.90.01 a 8405.90.20 a 8406.11 steam and vapour turbines for marine propulsion 8406.11.00 d 8406.11.10 a 8406.11.01 a 8406.11.90 a 8406.11.02 a 8406.19 steam and vapour turbines nes 8406.19.00 a 8406.19.10 a 8406.19.01 b 8406.19.90 a 8406.19.02 b 8406.90 parts of steam and vapour turbines 8406.90.10 d 8406.90.10 a 8406.90.01 a 8406.90.20 d 8406.90.90 a 8406.90.30 a 8407.10 aircraft engines, spark-ignition reciprocating or rotary type 8407.10.00 d 8407.10.00 d 8407.10.01 a 8407.10.99 a 8407.21 outboard motors, spark-ignition reciprocating or rotary type 8407.21.00 a 8407.21.00 d 8407.21.01 a 8407.29 marine engines nes of the spark-ignition reciprocating or 8407.29.10 d 8407.29.00 d 8407.29.01 a 8407.29.20 a 8407.29.02 a 8407.29.03 a 8407.31 engines, spark-ignition reciprocating, displacing not more tha 8407.31.00 b 8407.31.00 d 8407.31.01 b 8407.31.99 a 8407.32 engines, spark-ignition reciprocating, displacing >50 cc but 8407.32.00 a 8407.32.10 d 8407.32.01 a 8407.32.20 a 8407.32.02 a 8407.32.90 d 8407.32.03 a 8407.32.99 a 8407.33 engines, spark-ignition reciprocating displacing > 250 cc to 8407.33.00 a 8407.33.10 d 8407.33.01 a 8407.33.20 a 8407.33.02 a 8407.33.90 d 8407.33.03 a 8407.33.99 a 8407.34 engines, spark-ignition reciprocating displacing more than 100 8407.34.00 a 8407.34.10 d 8407.34.01 a 8407.34.20 a 8407.34.99 a 8407.34.90 d 8407.90 engines, spark-ignition type nes 8407.90.10 b 8407.90.10 d 8407.90.01 a 8407.90.20 d 8407.90.90 d 8407.90.99 a 8407.90.90 b 8408.10 marine propulsion engines, diesel 8408.10.10 d 8408.10.00 a 8408.10.01 a 8408.10.90 a 8408.10.02 a 8408.10.03 a 8408.20 engines, diesel, for the vehicles of chapter 87 8408.20.10 d 8408.20.10 d 8408.20.01 b 8408.20.90 a 8408.20.20 a 8408.20.99 b 8408.20.90 a 8408.90 engines, diesel nes 8408.90.10 d 8408.90.10 d 8408.90.01 a 8408.90.90 a 8408.90.90 a 8408.90.99 a 8409.10 parts for spark-ignition type aircraft engines 8409.10.00 d 8409.10.00 d 8409.10.01 a 8409.91 parts for spark-ignition type engines nes 8409.91.10 d 8409.91.10 d 8409.91.01 b 8409.91.91 d 8409.91.91 b 8409.91.02 b 8409.91.92 bm 8409.91.92 a 8409.91.03 c 8409.91.93 b 8409.91.99 a 8409.91.04 b 8409.91.94 b 8409.91.05 c 8409.91.95 b 8409.91.06 c 8409.91.07 c 8409.91.08 c 8409.91.09 c 8409.91.10 c 8409.91.11 c 8409.91.12 c 8409.91.13 c 8409.91.14 b 8409.91.15 a 8409.91.16 a 8409.91.17 c 8409.91.18 c 8409.91.19 b 8409.91.20 c 8409.91.21 c 8409.91.22 c 8409.91.23 c 8409.91.24 c 8409.91.25 c 8409.91.99 c 8409.99 parts for diesel and semi-diesel engines 8409.99.10 d 8409.99.10 d 8409.99.01 b 8409.99.20 a 8409.99.91 a 8409.99.02 b 8409.99.91 d 8409.99.92 a 8409.99.03 b 8409.99.92 d 8409.99.99 a 8409.99.04 b 8409.99.93 a 8409.99.05 b 8409.99.06 b 8409.99.07 b 8409.99.08 b 8409.99.09 b 8409.99.10 b 8409.99.11 b 8409.99.12 b 8409.99.13 a 8409.99.14 b 8409.99.15 b 8409.99.16 b 8409.99.17 b 8409.99.18 b 8409.99.19 b 8409.99.20 b 8409.99.21 b 8409.99.22 b 8409.99.23 b 8409.99.24 b 8409.99.25 b 8409.99.99 b 8410.11 hydraulic turbines & water wheels of a power not exceeding 100 8410.11.10 b 8410.11.00 a 8410.11.01 c 8410.11.20 b 8410.12 hyd turbines & water wheels of a power exc 1000 kw but not 8410.12.10 b 8410.12.00 a 8410.12.01 c 8410.12.20 b 8410.13 hydraulic turbines and water wheels of a power exceeding 10000 8410.13.10 b 8410.13.00 a 8410.13.01 c 8410.13.20 b 8410.90 parts of hydraulic turbines & water wheels including regulator 8410.90.10 d 8410.90.00 a 8410.90.01 a 8410.90.20 a 8410.90.30 a 8411.11 turbo-jets of a thrust not exceeding 25 kn 8411.11.00 d 8411.11.40 a 8411.11.01 a 8411.11.80 a 8411.11.99 a 8411.12 turbo-jets of a thrust exceeding 25 kn 8411.12.00 d 8411.12.40 a 8411.12.01 a 8411.12.80 a 8411.12.99 a 8411.21 turbo-propellers of a power not exceeding 1100 kw 8411.21.00 d 8411.21.40 a 8411.21.01 a 8411.21.80 a 8411.21.99 a 8411.22 turbo-propellers of a power exceeding 1100 kw 8411.22.00 d 8411.22.40 a 8411.22.01 a 8411.22.80 a 8411.22.99 a 8411.81 gas turbines nes of a power not exceeding 5000 kw 8411.81.10 d 8411.81.40 a 8411.81.01 a 8411.81.90 a 8411.81.80 a 8411.81.99 a 8411.82 gas turbines nes of a power exceeding 5000 kw 8411.82.10 d 8411.82.40 a 8411.82.01 a 8411.82.90 a 8411.82.80 a 8411.82.99 a 8411.91 parts of turbo-jets or turbo-propellers 8411.91.00 d 8411.91.10 d 8411.91.01 a 8411.91.90 a 8411.91.99 a 8411.99 parts of gas turbines nes 8411.99.10 d 8411.99.10 d 8411.99.01 a 8411.99.20 a 8411.99.90 a 8411.99.02 a 8411.99.99 a 8412.10 reaction engines nes other than turbo jets 8412.10.00 d 8412.10.00 a 8412.10.01 a 8412.10.99 a 8412.21 hydraulic power engines & motors linear acting (cylinders) 8412.21.00 a 8412.21.00 a 8412.21.01 a 8412.29 hydraulic power engines & motors nes 8412.29.10 d 8412.29.40 a 8412.29.99 a 8412.29.90 a 8412.29.80 a 8412.31 pneumatic power engines & motors linear acting (cylinders) 8412.31.00 a 8412.31.00 a 8412.31.01 a 8412.31.99 a 8412.39 pneumatic power engines & motors nes 8412.39.10 d 8412.39.00 a 8412.39.01 b 8412.39.90 a 8412.39.02 b 8412.39.99 b 8412.80 engines and motors nes 8412.80.10 d 8412.80.10 a 8412.80.01 a 8412.80.20 d 8412.80.90 a 8412.80.02 a 8412.80.30 a 8412.80.03 a 8412.80.90 a 8412.80.04 a 8412.80.99 a 8412.90 parts of hydraulic & pneumatic & other power engines and motor 8412.90.10 d 8412.90.10 a 8412.90.01 a 8412.90.20 d 8412.90.90 a 8412.90.02 a 8412.90.30 a 8412.90.03 a 8412.90.40 a 8412.90.99 a 8412.90.50 a 8413.11 pumps with or w/o a meas device for disp fuel or lub in fillin 8413.11.00 a 8413.11.00 a 8413.11.01 c 8413.11.99 c 8413.19 pumps fitted or designed to be fitted with a measuring device 8413.19.10 d 8413.19.00 a 8413.19.01 b 8413.19.90 a 8413.19.02 a 8413.19.03 a 8413.19.04 a 8413.19.99 a 8413.20 hand pumps nes, o/t those of subheading no 8413.11 or 8413.19 8413.20.00 a 8413.20.00 a 8413.20.01 b 8413.30 fuel, lubricating or cooling medium pumps for int comb piston 8413.30.10 d 8413.30.10 a 8413.30.01 b 8413.30.90 b 8413.30.90 a 8413.30.02 b 8413.30.03 c 8413.30.04 a 8413.30.05 a 8413.30.06 b 8413.30.99 b 8413.40 concrete pumps 8413.40.00 a 8413.40.00 a 8413.40.01 a 8413.40.02 a 8413.40.03 a 8413.40.99 a 8413.50 reciprocating positive displacement pumps nes 8413.50.10 d 8413.50.00 a 8413.50.01 b 8413.50.90 a 8413.50.99 b 8413.60 rotary positive displacement pumps nes 8413.60.00 b 8413.60.00 a 8413.60.01 c 8413.60.02 b 8413.60.03 c 8413.60.04 c 8413.60.05 a 8413.60.99 c 8413.70 centrifugal pumps nes 8413.70.10 d 8413.70.10 d 8413.70.01 c 8413.70.90 b 8413.70.20 a 8413.70.02 c 8413.70.03 c 8413.70.04 c 8413.70.05 c 8413.81 pumps nes 8413.81.00 b 8413.81.00 a 8413.81.01 c 8413.81.02 a 8413.81.99 c 8413.82 liquid elevators 8413.82.00 a 8413.82.00 a 8413.82.01 c 8413.91 parts of pumps for liquid whether or not fitted with a 8413.91.10 a 8413.91.10 a 8413.91.01 a 8413.91.91 d 8413.91.20 d 8413.91.02 a 8413.91.99 a 8413.91.90 a 8413.91.03 c 8413.91.04 a 8413.91.05 a 8413.91.06 b 8413.91.07 a 8413.91.08 a 8413.91.09 c 8413.91.10 a 8413.91.11 b 8413.91.99 b 8413.92 parts of liquid elevators 8413.92.00 a 8413.92.00 a 8413.92.01 a 8414.10 vacuum pumps 8414.10.10 d 8414.10.00 a 8414.10.01 c 8414.10.90 a 8414.10.02 b 8414.10.03 a 8414.10.04 a 8414.10.05 a 8414.10.99 a 8414.20 hand or foot-operated air pumps 8414.20.00 a 8414.20.00 a 8414.20.01 a 8414.30 compressors of a kind used in refrigerating equipment 8414.30.10 b 8414.30.40 a 8414.30.01 c 8414.30.90 b 8414.30.80 a 8414.30.02 b 8414.30.03 a 8414.30.04 c 8414.30.05 b 8414.30.06 b 8414.30.07 b 8414.30.08 b 8414.30.09 b 8414.30.99 c 8414.40 air compressors mounted on a wheeled chassis for towing 8414.40.10 d 8414.40.00 a 8414.40.01 c 8414.40.90 b 8414.40.02 b 8414.40.99 b 8414.51 fans: table, roof etc with a self-cont elec mtr of an output 8414.51.00 c 8414.51.00 a 8414.51.01 c 8414.51.02 a 8414.51.99 c 8414.59 fans nes 8414.59.00 b 8414.59.10 d 8414.59.01 c 8414.59.80 a 8414.59.99 b 8414.60 hoods having a maximum horizontal side not exceeding 120 cm 8414.60.00 b 8414.60.00 a 8414.60.01 b 8414.60.99 b 8414.80 air or gas compressors, hoods 8414.80.00 b 8414.80.10 a 8414.80.01 b 8414.80.20 a 8414.80.02 b 8414.80.90 a 8414.80.03 c 8414.80.04 a 8414.80.05 a 8414.80.06 c 8414.80.07 c 8414.80.08 a 8414.80.09 a 8414.80.10 a 8414.80.11 b 8414.80.12 c 8414.80.13 c 8414.80.14 a 8414.80.15 c 8414.80.99 a 8414.90 parts of vacuum pumps, compressors, fans, blowers, hoods 8414.90.10 d 8414.90.10 a 8414.90.01 c 8414.90.20 b 8414.90.20 a 8414.90.02 c 8414.90.30 b 8414.90.90 a 8414.90.03 a 8414.90.40 b 8414.90.04 c 8414.90.50 b 8414.90.05 a 8414.90.06 c 8414.90.07 a 8414.90.08 c 8414.90.09 b 8414.90.10 c 8414.90.11 b 8414.90.12 b 8414.90.13 c 8414.90.99 c 8415.10 air conditioning machines window or wall types, self-contained 8415.10.10 b 8415.10.00 a 8415.10.01 b 8415.10.90 bm 8415.81 air cond mach nes inc a ref unit and a valve for rev of the 8415.81.00 bm 8415.81.00 a 8415.81.01 b 8415.81.99 b 8415.82 air cond mach nes, inc a refrigerating unit 8415.82.10 d 8415.82.00 a 8415.82.01 a 8415.82.20 d 8415.82.02 b 8415.82.90 b 8415.82.99 b 8415.83 air cond mach nes, not incorporating refrigerating unit 8415.83.00 a 8415.83.00 a 8415.83.01 a 8415.83.02 a 8415.83.99 a 8415.90 parts of air conditioning machines 8415.90.10 bm 8415.90.00 a 8415.90.01 a 8415.90.20 d 8415.90.99 a 8415.90.30 a 8415.90.40 bm 8416.10 furnace burners for liquid fuel 8416.10.10 b 8416.10.00 a 8416.10.01 c 8416.10.91 b 8416.10.99 c 8416.20 furnace burners nes, including combination burners 8416.20.10 b 8416.20.00 a 8416.20.01 c 8416.20.91 b 8416.20.99 c 8416.30 mech stokers, mech grates, mech ash dischargers and similar 8416.30.10 b 8416.30.00 a 8416.30.01 c 8416.30.91 b 8416.30.99 c 8416.90 parts of furnace burners, mech stokers grates, ash dischargers 8416.90.10 b 8416.90.00 a 8416.90.01 b 8416.90.20 b 8417.10 furnaces & ovens n-elec for the roast, melt or h-treat of ores 8417.10.10 d 8417.10.00 a 8417.10.01 b 8417.10.20 d 8417.10.02 a 8417.10.90 a 8417.10.03 b 8417.10.04 b 8417.10.99 a 8417.20 bakery ovens, including biscuit ovens, non-electric 8417.20.00 a 8417.20.00 a 8417.20.01 b 8417.20.99 b 8417.80 industrial or lab furnaces & ovens, inc incinerators 8417.80.10 d 8417.80.00 a 8417.80.01 b 8417.80.90 a 8417.80.02 b 8417.80.03 b 8417.80.04 b 8417.80.99 b 8417.90 parts of industrial or lab furnaces & ovens inc incinerators 8417.90.10 d 8417.90.00 a 8417.90.01 a 8417.90.91 d 8417.90.99 a 8417.90.92 d 8417.90.93 a 8417.90.94 a 8418.10 combined refrigerator-freezers, fitted with separate external 8418.10.10 b 8418.10.00 a 8418.10.01 c 8418.10.90 cm 8418.10.02 b 8418.21 refrigerators, household type, compression-type 8418.21.10 cm 8418.21.00 a 8418.21.01 c 8418.21.90 cm 8418.22 refrigerators, household type, absorption-type, electrical 8418.22.10 b 8418.22.00 a 8418.22.01 b 8418.22.90 b 8418.29 refrigerators, household type, nes 8418.29.00 b 8418.29.00 a 8418.29.99 b 8418.30 freezers of the chest type, not exceeding 800 l capacity 8418.30.00 c 8418.30.00 a 8418.30.01 b 8418.30.02 b 8418.30.03 c 8418.30.04 b 8418.30.05 b 8418.30.99 b 8418.40 freezers of the upright type, not exceeding 900 l capacity 8418.40.00 c 8418.40.00 a 8418.40.01 b 8418.40.02 b 8418.40.03 c 8418.40.04 c 8418.40.05 c 8418.40.99 c 8418.50 refrigerating or freezing display counters, cabinets, 8418.50.10 b 8418.50.00 a 8418.50.01 b 8418.50.20 b 8418.50.02 b 8418.50.03 b 8418.50.99 a 8418.61 compression type refrigerating or freez equip whose condensers 8418.61.10 d 8418.61.00 a 8418.61.01 b 8418.61.20 b 8418.61.02 a 8418.61.90 b 8418.61.99 a 8418.69 refrigerating or freezing equipment nes 8418.69.00 b 8418.69.00 a 8418.69.01 b 8418.69.02 c 8418.69.03 c 8418.69.04 b 8418.69.05 b 8418.69.06 a 8418.69.07 b 8418.69.08 b 8418.69.09 b 8418.69.10 b 8418.69.11 b 8418.69.12 b 8418.69.13 c 8418.69.14 c 8418.69.15 c 8418.69.16 c 8418.69.17 c 8418.69.18 c 8418.69.99 c 8418.91 furniture designed to receive refrigerating or freezing 8418.91.10 a 8418.91.00 a 8418.91.01 a 8418.91.20 a 8418.91.02 a 8418.91.30 d 8418.91.99 a 8418.91.40 a 8418.99 parts of refrigerating or freezing equipment, nes 8418.99.10 b 8418.99.00 a 8418.99.01 c 8418.99.20 b 8418.99.02 c 8418.99.30 b 8418.99.03 b 8418.99.40 d 8418.99.04 c 8418.99.50 cm 8418.99.05 c 8418.99.06 c 8418.99.07 c 8418.99.08 c 8418.99.09 c 8418.99.10 c 8418.99.11 c 8418.99.99 c 8419.11 instantaneous gas water heaters 8419.11.10 b 8419.11.00 a 8419.11.01 b 8419.11.90 b 8419.11.99 b 8419.19 instantaneous or storage water heaters, non-electric, nes 8419.19.10 cm 8419.19.00 c 8419.19.01 c 8419.19.90 cm 8419.19.99 c 8419.20 medical, surgical or laboratory sterilizers 8419.20.10 d 8419.20.00 a 8419.20.01 b 8419.20.20 a 8419.20.02 a 8419.31 dryers for agricultural products 8419.31.10 d 8419.31.00 a 8419.31.01 b 8419.31.20 a 8419.31.02 b 8419.31.90 a 8419.31.03 b 8419.31.04 b 8419.31.99 b 8419.32 dryers for wood, paper pulp, paper or paperboard 8419.32.10 d 8419.32.10 a 8419.32.01 a 8419.32.90 a 8419.32.50 a 8419.32.02 a 8419.32.99 a 8419.39 non-domestic, non-electric dryers nes 8419.39.10 d 8419.39.00 a 8419.39.01 a 8419.39.20 d 8419.39.02 a 8419.39.90 a 8419.39.03 a 8419.39.04 a 8419.39.05 a 8419.39.06 a 8419.39.99 a 8419.40 distilling or rectifying plant 8419.40.00 a 8419.40.00 a 8419.40.01 a 8419.40.02 a 8419.40.03 c 8419.40.04 c 8419.40.99 a 8419.50 heat exchange units, non-domestic, non-electric 8419.50.10 d 8419.50.00 a 8419.50.01 b 8419.50.20 d 8419.50.02 c 8419.50.91 b 8419.50.03 c 8419.50.99 b 8419.50.04 a 8419.50.05 a 8419.50.99 b 8419.60 machinery for liquefying air or gas 8419.60.00 a 8419.60.00 a 8419.60.01 a 8419.81 machinery for making hot drinks or for cooking or heating food 8419.81.10 d 8419.81.10 a 8419.81.01 c 8419.81.20 b 8419.81.50 d 8419.81.02 c 8419.81.30 a 8419.81.90 a 8419.81.99 a 8419.81.40 a 8419.81.90 b 8419.89 machinery, plant or laboratory equip for treat of mat by a 8419.89.10 d 8419.89.10 a 8419.89.01 a 8419.89.20 d 8419.89.50 a 8419.89.02 a 8419.89.30 a 8419.89.03 c 8419.89.40 b 8419.89.04 c 8419.89.90 b 8419.89.05 a 8419.89.06 a 8419.89.07 b 8419.89.08 a 8419.89.09 b 8419.89.10 a 8419.89.11 c 8419.89.12 c 8419.89.13 a 8419.89.14 c 8419.89.15 c 8419.89.16 c 8419.89.17 c 8419.89.18 c 8419.89.19 c 8419.89.20 b 8419.89.21 b 8419.89.99 b 8419.90 parts of machinery, plant and equipment of heading no 84.19 8419.90.10 b 8419.90.10 a 8419.90.01 b 8419.90.20 a 8419.90.20 a 8419.90.02 a 8419.90.30 bm 8419.90.30 a 8419.90.03 c 8419.90.40 b 8419.90.90 a 8419.90.04 b 8419.90.50 d 8419.90.05 b 8419.90.60 bm 8419.90.99 b 8419.90.70 a 8419.90.80 b 8419.90.90 d 8420.10 calendering or rolling machines, excluding for metals or glass 8420.10.10 d 8420.10.10 a 8420.10.01 a 8420.10.90 a 8420.10.20 d 8420.10.90 a 8420.91 cylinders for calendering or rolling mach, excluding for metal 8420.91.10 d 8420.91.10 a 8420.91.01 b 8420.91.20 d 8420.91.20 d 8420.91.99 a 8420.91.91 d 8420.91.90 a 8420.91.92 a 8420.99 parts of calendering or rolling mach nes, excluding for metals 8420.99.10 d 8420.99.10 a 8420.99.99 a 8420.99.91 d 8420.99.20 d 8420.99.92 a 8420.99.90 a 8421.11 cream separators 8421.11.00 d 8421.11.00 a 8421.11.01 a 8421.11.99 a 8421.12 clothes-dryers, centrifugal 8421.12.00 d 8421.12.00 a 8421.12.01 b 8421.12.99 b 8421.19 centrifuges nes 8421.19.10 d 8421.19.00 a 8421.19.01 a 8421.19.20 d 8421.19.02 a 8421.19.30 d 8421.19.03 a 8421.19.90 a 8421.19.04 a 8421.19.05 a 8421.19.06 a 8421.19.99 a 8421.21 filtering or purifying machinery and apparatus for water 8421.21.00 b 8421.21.00 a 8421.21.01 a 8421.21.02 b 8421.21.03 b 8421.21.04 b 8421.21.99 b 8421.22 filtering or purifying machinery and apparatus for beverages, 8421.22.00 a 8421.22.00 a 8421.22.01 a 8421.23 oil or petrol-filters for internal combustion engines 8421.23.00 c 8421.23.00 a 8421.23.01 c 8421.29 filtering or purifying machinery and apparatus for liquids nes 8421.29.10 d 8421.29.00 a 8421.29.01 b 8421.29.90 b 8421.29.02 c 8421.29.03 b 8421.29.04 b 8421.29.05 a 8421.29.99 b 8421.31 intake air filters for internal combustion engines 8421.31.10 b 8421.31.00 a 8421.31.01 a 8421.31.90 b 8421.31.02 a 8421.31.99 b 8421.39 filtering or purifying machinery and apparatus for gases nes 8421.39.10 d 8421.39.00 a 8421.39.01 b 8421.39.90 bm 8421.39.02 b 8421.39.03 b 8421.39.04 b 8421.39.05 b 8421.39.06 b 8421.39.07 b 8421.39.08 b 8421.39.99 b 8421.91 parts of centrifuges, including centrifugal dryers 8421.91.10 d 8421.91.00 a 8421.91.01 a 8421.91.20 a 8421.91.99 a 8421.91.30 d 8421.99 parts for filtering or purifying mchy and apparatus for liquid 8421.99.10 d 8421.99.00 a 8421.99.01 b 8421.99.20 b 8421.99.02 a 8421.99.30 b 8421.99.03 b 8421.99.99 b 8422.11 dish washing machines of the hh type 8422.11.10 d 8422.11.00 a 8422.11.01 b 8422.11.91 b 8422.11.99 b 8422.19 dish washing machines nes 8422.19.00 a 8422.19.00 a 8422.19.99 a 8422.20 machinery for cleaning or drying bottles or containers nes 8422.20.10 d 8422.20.00 a 8422.20.01 b 8422.20.90 a 8422.20.02 b 8422.20.03 a 8422.20.04 b 8422.20.99 a 8422.30 mach for fil/clos/seal/etc.btle/can/box/ bag or ctnr nes, mach 8422.30.10 d 8422.30.10 a 8422.30.01 a 8422.30.90 b 8422.30.90 a 8422.30.02 a 8422.30.03 a 8422.30.04 a 8422.30.05 b 8422.30.06 b 8422.30.07 a 8422.30.08 b 8422.30.09 a 8422.30.10 b 8422.30.11 b 8422.30.12 b 8422.30.13 a 8422.30.14 a 8422.30.15 a 8422.30.16 b 8422.30.17 b 8422.30.99 b 8422.40 packing or wrapping machinery nes 8422.40.10 d 8422.40.10 a 8422.40.01 b 8422.40.90 a 8422.40.90 a 8422.40.02 b 8422.40.03 a 8422.40.04 a 8422.40.05 a 8422.40.06 a 8422.40.99 a 8422.90 pts of dish washing, cleaning or drying container, packing or 8422.90.10 d 8422.90.05 a 8422.90.01 b 8422.90.91 b 8422.90.10 a 8422.90.02 b 8422.90.99 a 8422.90.20 a 8422.90.03 a 8422.90.90 a 8422.90.04 b 8422.90.99 a 8423.10 personal weighing machines, including baby scales; household 8423.10.00 a 8423.10.00 a 8423.10.01 c 8423.10.02 b 8423.10.99 b 8423.20 scales for continuous weighing of goods on conveyors 8423.20.00 a 8423.20.00 a 8423.20.01 a 8423.20.99 a 8423.30 constant weight scales, including hopper scales 8423.30.00 a 8423.30.00 a 8423.30.01 b 8423.30.02 b 8423.30.99 a 8423.81 weighing machinery having a maximum weighing capacity not 8423.81.00 a 8423.81.00 a 8423.81.01 b 8423.82 weighing machinery having a maximum weighing cap > 30 kg but 8423.82.00 a 8423.82.00 a 8423.82.01 b 8423.89 weighing machinery, nes 8423.89.00 a 8423.89.00 a 8423.89.99 a 8423.90 weighing machine weights of all kinds; parts of weighing 8423.90.00 a 8423.90.00 a 8423.90.01 b 8423.90.02 a 8424.10 fire extinguishers, whether or not charged 8424.10.00 b 8424.10.00 a 8424.10.01 a 8424.10.02 b 8424.10.03 c 8424.20 spray guns and similar appliances 8424.20.10 d 8424.20.10 a 8424.20.01 b 8424.20.90 b 8424.20.90 a 8424.20.02 a 8424.20.03 a 8424.20.99 a 8424.30 steam or sand blasting machines and similar jet projecting 8424.30.00 b 8424.30.10 d 8424.30.01 c 8424.30.90 a 8424.30.02 c 8424.30.03 a 8424.30.04 c 8424.30.99 b 8424.81 mech appl for proj/disp or spraying liquids or powders for agr 8424.81.00 a 8424.81.10 d 8424.81.01 a 8424.81.90 a 8424.81.02 a 8424.81.03 a 8424.81.04 a 8424.81.05 a 8424.81.99 a 8424.89 mech appl (whether or not hand-op) for proj/disp or spraying 8424.89.00 a 8424.89.00 a 8424.89.01 a 8424.89.02 a 8424.89.03 a 8424.89.99 a 8424.90 pts of mech app (hand-op or not) for proj/disp or spray liq or 8424.90.10 a 8424.90.05 a 8424.90.01 a 8424.90.20 d 8424.90.10 a 8424.90.30 a 8424.90.20 d 8424.90.40 a 8424.90.90 a 8425.11 pulley tackle/hoists electric (exc skip hoists or hoists for 8425.11.00 a 8425.11.00 a 8425.11.01 c 8425.11.99 c 8425.19 pulley tackle/hoists nes (exc skip hoists or hoists for raisin 8425.19.00 a 8425.19.00 a 8425.19.99 b 8425.20 pit-head winding gear winches specially designed for use 8425.20.10 a 8425.20.00 a 8425.20.01 c 8425.20.20 d 8425.20.02 c 8425.20.03 c 8425.20.04 c 8425.20.99 a 8425.31 winches or capstans nes powered by electric motor 8425.31.00 a 8425.31.00 a 8425.31.01 b 8425.31.02 c 8425.39 winches or captsans nes 8425.39.10 d 8425.39.00 a 8425.39.01 c 8425.39.90 a 8425.39.02 c 8425.39.03 b 8425.39.99 a 8425.41 built-in jacking systems of a type used in garage 8425.41.00 a 8425.41.00 a 8425.41.01 a 8425.42 jacks & hoists nes hydraulic 8425.42.00 b 8425.42.00 a 8425.42.01 b 8425.42.02 b 8425.42.03 b 8425.42.99 b 8425.49 jacks & hoists nes 8425.49.00 b 8425.49.00 a 8425.49.01 b 8425.49.99 b 8426.11 gantry & overhead travelling cranes on fixed support 8426.11.00 b 8426.11.00 a 8426.11.01 c 8426.12 mobile lifting frames on tyres and straddle carriers 8426.12.00 a 8426.12.00 a 8426.12.01 c 8426.19 transporter or bridge cranes 8426.19.00 a 8426.19.00 a 8426.19.01 a 8426.20 tower cranes 8426.20.00 a 8426.20.00 a 8426.20.01 c 8426.30 portal or pedestal jib cranes 8426.30.00 a 8426.30.00 a 8426.30.01 c 8426.41 derricks/cranes or works trucks fitted with a crane, 8426.41.00 a 8426.41.00 a 8426.41.01 c 8426.41.02 c 8426.41.99 c 8426.49 derricks, cranes or work trucks fitted with a crane, 8426.49.00 a 8426.49.00 a 8426.49.01 c 8426.49.02 c 8426.49.99 c 8426.91 cranes designed for mounting on road vehicles 8426.91.00 a 8426.91.00 a 8426.91.01 a 8426.91.02 a 8426.91.03 a 8426.91.04 a 8426.91.99 a 8426.99 cranes or derricks nes 8426.99.00 a 8426.99.00 a 8426.99.01 c 8426.99.02 c 8426.99.03 b 8426.99.04 c 8426.99.99 a 8427.10 self-propelled works trucks powered by an electric motor 8427.10.00 b 8427.10.00 d 8427.10.01 c 8427.10.02 a 8427.20 self-propelled works trucks nes 8427.20.10 b 8427.20.00 d 8427.20.01 c 8427.20.90 b 8427.20.02 b 8427.20.03 b 8427.90 trucks fitted with lifting or handling equipment, non-powered 8427.90.00 a 8427.90.00 d 8427.90.01 c 8427.90.99 a 8428.10 lifts and skip hoists 8428.10.00 a 8428.10.00 a 8428.10.01 c 8428.20 pneumatic elevators and conveyors 8428.20.10 d 8428.20.00 a 8428.20.01 a 8428.20.90 a 8428.20.02 a 8428.20.03 a 8428.20.04 a 8428.20.05 a 8428.20.99 a 8428.31 cont-action elevators/conveyors for goods/mat spec design for 8428.31.00 a 8428.31.00 a 8428.31.01 c 8428.32 cont-action elevators/conveyors for goods/mat, bucket types ne 8428.32.10 d 8428.32.00 a 8428.32.01 a 8428.32.90 a 8428.33 cont-action elevators/conveyors for goods/mat, belt type nes 8428.33.10 d 8428.33.00 a 8428.33.01 a 8428.33.90 a 8428.39 cont-action elevators/conveyors for goods/mat nes 8428.39.10 d 8428.39.00 a 8428.39.01 c 8428.39.90 a 8428.39.02 c 8428.39.99 a 8428.40 escalators and moving walkways 8428.40.00 a 8428.40.00 a 8428.40.01 a 8428.40.02 a 8428.40.99 a 8428.50 wagon handling equipment 8428.50.00 a 8428.50.00 a 8428.50.01 a 8428.60 teleferics, chair-lifts, ski-draglines; traction mechanisms fo 8428.60.00 a 8428.60.00 a 8428.60.01 a 8428.90 lifting, handling, loading or unloading machinery nes 8428.90.10 d 8428.90.00 b 8428.90.01 b 8428.90.20 d 8428.90.02 b 8428.90.90 b 8428.90.03 b 8428.90.04 c 8428.90.99 c 8429.11 bulldozers and angledozers, crawler type 8429.11.00 d 8429.11.00 a 8429.11.01 a 8429.19 bulldozers and angledozers, wheeled 8429.19.00 a 8429.19.00 a 8429.19.01 a 8429.20 graders and levellers, self-propelled 8429.20.10 d 8429.20.00 a 8429.20.01 c 8429.20.90 b 8429.30 scrapers, self-propelled 8429.30.10 d 8429.30.00 a 8429.30.01 c 8429.30.90 a 8429.40 tamping machines and road rollers, selfpropelled 8429.40.00 a 8429.40.00 a 8429.40.01 a 8429.40.99 a 8429.51 front end shovel loaders 8429.51.10 d 8429.51.10 a 8429.51.01 a 8429.51.20 b 8429.51.50 a 8429.51.02 c 8429.51.30 d 8429.51.03 c 8429.51.99 a 8429.52 shovels and excavators with a 360 revolving superstructure 8429.52.10 d 8429.52.10 a 8429.52.01 a 8429.52.91 d 8429.52.50 a 8429.52.02 a 8429.52.99 a 8429.52.99 a 8429.59 self-propelled excavating machinery nes 8429.59.10 d 8429.59.10 a 8429.59.01 c 8429.59.90 a 8429.59.50 a 8429.59.02 c 8429.59.03 c 8429.59.04 a 8429.59.05 c 8429.59.99 a 8430.10 pile-drivers and pile-extractors 8430.10.00 a 8430.10.00 a 8430.10.01 a 8430.20 snow-ploughs and snow-blowers, not selfpropelled 8430.20.00 b 8430.20.00 a 8430.20.01 a 8430.31 coal or rock cutters, self-propelled 8430.31.10 d 8430.31.00 a 8430.31.01 c 8430.31.20 b 8430.31.02 a 8430.31.99 a 8430.39 coal or rock cutters, not self-propelled 8430.39.10 d 8430.39.00 a 8430.39.01 c 8430.39.20 a 8430.39.99 a 8430.41 boring or sinking machinery nes, selfpropelled 8430.41.10 d 8430.41.00 a 8430.41.01 c 8430.41.20 d 8430.41.02 c 8430.41.30 d 8430.41.99 c 8430.41.40 d 8430.41.50 d 8430.41.90 b 8430.49 boring or sinking machinery nes, not self-propelled 8430.49.10 d 8430.49.40 c 8430.49.01 c 8430.49.20 d 8430.49.80 a 8430.49.02 c 8430.49.30 d 8430.49.99 c 8430.49.40 d 8430.49.50 d 8430.49.60 c 8430.49.90 b 8430.50 construction equipment, self-propelled nes 8430.50.10 d 8430.50.10 d 8430.50.01 a 8430.50.90 a 8430.50.50 a 8430.50.02 a 8430.50.99 a 8430.61 tamping or compacting machinery, not self-propelled 8430.61.00 a 8430.61.00 a 8430.61.01 a 8430.61.02 b 8430.61.99 a 8430.62 scrapers, not self-propelled 8430.62.10 d 8430.62.00 a 8430.62.01 a 8430.62.90 a 8430.69 construction equipment, not selfpropelled nes 8430.69.10 d 8430.69.00 a 8430.69.01 a 8430.69.90 a 8430.69.02 a 8430.69.03 a 8430.69.04 a 8430.69.99 a 8431.10 parts of machinery of heading no 84.25 8431.10.10 d 8431.10.00 a 8431.10.01 b 8431.10.20 b 8431.10.02 b 8431.10.99 b 8431.20 parts of fork-lift and other works trucks fitted with lifting 8431.20.00 a 8431.20.00 d 8431.20.01 c 8431.20.99 c 8431.31 parts of lifts, skip hoist or escalators 8431.31.00 a 8431.31.00 a 8431.31.01 c 8431.31.02 a 8431.31.99 a 8431.39 parts of lifting, handling, loading or unloading machinery nes 8431.39.10 d 8431.39.00 a 8431.39.01 b 8431.39.20 b 8431.39.99 b 8431.41 buckets, shovels, grabs and grips of excavating machinery 8431.41.10 d 8431.41.00 a 8431.41.01 c 8431.41.20 d 8431.41.02 c 8431.41.90 b 8431.41.03 c 8431.41.99 c 8431.42 bulldozer and angledozer blades 8431.42.10 d 8431.42.00 a 8431.42.01 a 8431.42.90 a 8431.43 parts of boring or sinking machinery, whether or not 8431.43.10 d 8431.43.40 b 8431.43.01 c 8431.43.20 d 8431.43.80 a 8431.43.02 c 8431.43.30 a 8431.43.03 a 8431.43.40 b 8431.43.99 a 8431.49 parts of cranes, work-trucks, shovels, and other construction 8431.49.10 d 8431.49.10 a 8431.49.01 b 8431.49.20 d 8431.49.90 a 8431.49.02 c 8431.49.30 b 8431.49.03 c 8431.49.90 b 8431.49.04 c 8431.49.99 b 8432.10 ploughs 8432.10.00 d 8432.10.00 d 8432.10.01 a 8432.21 disc harrows 8432.21.00 d 8432.21.00 d 8432.21.01 a 8432.29 scarifiers, cultivators, weeders and hoes 8432.29.10 d 8432.29.00 d 8432.29.01 a 8432.29.90 a 8432.29.99 a 8432.30 seeders, planters and transplanters 8432.30.10 a 8432.30.00 d 8432.30.01 a 8432.30.20 d 8432.30.02 a 8432.30.03 a 8432.30.99 a 8432.40 manure spreaders and fertiliser distributors 8432.40.10 a 8432.40.00 d 8432.40.01 a 8432.40.20 d 8432.80 rollers, stone-removers and other soil preparation or 8432.80.10 d 8432.80.00 d 8432.80.01 a 8432.80.20 a 8432.80.02 a 8432.80.03 a 8432.80.04 a 8432.80.99 a 8432.90 parts for rollers and other soil preparation or cultivation 8432.90.10 a 8432.90.00 d 8432.90.01 a 8432.90.20 d 8432.90.02 a 8432.90.03 a 8432.90.99 a 8433.11 mowers, powered, lawn, with horizontal cutting device 8433.11.00 b 8433.11.00 a 8433.11.01 a 8433.19 mowers, powered, lawn, nes 8433.19.00 b 8433.19.00 a 8433.19.99 a 8433.20 mowers for hay etc including cutter bars for tractor mounting 8433.20.10 d 8433.20.00 d 8433.20.01 a 8433.20.90 a 8433.20.02 c 8433.20.99 a 8433.30 hay tedders and rakes and other haymaking machinery 8433.30.00 d 8433.30.00 d 8433.30.01 a 8433.40 straw or fodder balers, including pick-up balers 8433.40.00 d 8433.40.00 d 8433.40.01 a 8433.40.02 a 8433.40.99 a 8433.51 combine harvester-threshers 8433.51.00 d 8433.51.00 d 8433.51.01 a 8433.52 threshing machinery nes 8433.52.00 d 8433.52.00 d 8433.52.01 a 8433.53 root or tuber harvesting machines 8433.53.00 d 8433.53.00 d 8433.53.01 a 8433.53.99 a 8433.59 harvesting machinery nes 8433.59.00 d 8433.59.00 d 8433.59.01 a 8433.59.02 a 8433.59.03 a 8433.59.04 a 8433.59.05 a 8433.59.06 a 8433.59.99 a 8433.60 machines for cleaning, sorting or grading eggs, fruit or other 8433.60.10 d 8433.60.00 d 8433.60.01 a 8433.60.90 a 8433.60.02 a 8433.60.03 a 8433.60.99 a 8433.90 parts of harvesting, threshing and other agricultural and 8433.90.10 a 8433.90.10 a 8433.90.01 a 8433.90.20 a 8433.90.50 d 8433.90.02 a 8433.90.30 a 8433.90.03 a 8433.90.90 d 8433.90.99 a 8434.10 milking machines 8434.10.00 d 8434.10.00 d 8434.10.01 a 8434.20 dairy machinery 8434.20.10 d 8434.20.00 d 8434.20.01 a 8434.20.90 a 8434.90 parts of milking machines and dairy machinery 8434.90.10 d 8434.90.00 d 8434.90.01 a 8434.90.20 a 8435.10 presses, crushers & sim mach used in the mfg of wine, cider, 8435.10.10 a 8435.10.00 a 8435.10.01 a 8435.10.20 a 8435.90 parts of presses, crushers & sim mach used in the mfg of wine, 8435.90.10 a 8435.90.00 a 8435.90.01 a 8435.90.20 a 8436.10 machinery for preparing animal feeding stuffs 8436.10.00 d 8436.10.00 d 8436.10.01 a 8436.21 poultry incubators and brooders 8436.21.00 d 8436.21.00 d 8436.21.01 a 8436.21.02 a 8436.29 poultry-keeping machinery, nes 8436.29.00 d 8436.29.00 d 8436.29.01 a 8436.29.99 a 8436.80 agri/hortic/forestry bee-keeping mach nes inc germination plan 8436.80.10 d 8436.80.00 d 8436.80.01 a 8436.80.20 a 8436.80.02 a 8436.80.03 a 8436.80.04 a 8436.80.99 a 8436.91 parts of poultry-keeping machinery 8436.91.00 d 8436.91.00 d 8436.91.01 a 8436.99 parts of agr/hort/forestry/bee-keeping mach nes incl pts of 8436.99.10 a 8436.99.00 d 8436.99.99 a 8436.99.20 d 8437.10 machines for cleaning/sorting or grading seed, grain or dried 8437.10.10 d 8437.10.00 a 8437.10.01 a 8437.10.90 a 8437.10.02 a 8437.10.03 a 8437.10.99 a 8437.80 mach for milling/working of cereals/ dried leguminous nes veg 8437.80.00 a 8437.80.00 a 8437.80.01 a 8437.80.02 a 8437.80.99 a 8437.90 pts of clean/sort mach etc for seed/grn etc mill/wrkg of 8437.90.10 d 8437.90.00 a 8437.90.01 a 8437.90.20 a 8437.90.02 a 8437.90.03 a 8437.90.99 a 8438.10 bakery mach and machy for the mfg of macaroni, spaghetti or si 8438.10.10 a 8438.10.00 a 8438.10.01 a 8438.10.20 d 8438.10.02 a 8438.10.03 a 8438.10.04 a 8438.10.05 a 8438.10.06 a 8438.10.07 a 8438.10.08 a 8438.10.99 a 8438.20 machinery for the manufacture of confectionary, cocoa or 8438.20.10 d 8438.20.00 a 8438.20.01 a 8438.20.90 a 8438.20.99 a 8438.30 machinery for sugar manufacture 8438.30.00 a 8438.30.00 d 8438.30.01 b 8438.30.02 b 8438.30.99 b 8438.40 brewery machinery 8438.40.00 a 8438.40.00 a 8438.40.01 a 8438.40.02 a 8438.40.03 a 8438.40.99 a 8438.50 machinery for the preparation of meat or poultry 8438.50.10 d 8438.50.00 a 8438.50.01 a 8438.50.90 a 8438.50.02 a 8438.50.03 a 8438.50.04 a 8438.50.05 a 8438.50.06 a 8438.50.07 a 8438.50.08 a 8438.50.09 a 8438.50.10 a 8438.50.99 a 8438.60 machinery for the preparation of fruits, nuts or vegetables 8438.60.00 a 8438.60.00 a 8438.60.01 a 8438.60.02 a 8438.60.03 a 8438.60.04 a 8438.60.05 a 8438.60.99 a 8438.80 mach nes for the ind prep/mfr of food/ drink exc for 8438.80.10 d 8438.80.00 a 8438.80.01 a 8438.80.91 a 8438.80.02 a 8438.80.99 a 8438.80.03 a 8438.80.99 a 8438.90 pts of mach nes for the ind prep/mfr of food etc exc for 8438.90.10 d 8438.90.10 d 8438.90.01 a 8438.90.20 a 8438.90.90 a 8438.90.02 a 8438.90.30 a 8438.90.03 a 8438.90.04 a 8438.90.05 a 8438.90.99 a 8439.10 machinery for making pulp of fibrous cellulosic material 8439.10.00 a 8439.10.00 d 8439.10.01 a 8439.10.02 a 8439.10.03 a 8439.10.04 a 8439.10.05 a 8439.10.06 a 8439.20 machinery for making paper or paperboard 8439.20.00 a 8439.20.00 d 8439.20.01 a 8439.30 machinery for finishing paper or paperboard 8439.30.00 a 8439.30.00 a 8439.30.01 a 8439.91 parts of mach for making pulp of fibrous cellulosic material 8439.91.00 a 8439.91.10 a 8439.91.01 a 8439.91.90 d 8439.91.02 a 8439.91.99 a 8439.99 parts of mach for making or finishing paper or paperboard mach 8439.99.10 d 8439.99.10 d 8439.99.01 a 8439.99.90 a 8439.99.50 a 8439.99.02 a 8439.99.03 a 8439.99.99 a 8440.10 book-binding machinery, including book-sewing machines 8440.10.00 a 8440.10.00 a 8440.10.01 b 8440.10.02 b 8440.10.03 b 8440.10.04 b 8440.10.05 b 8440.10.99 b 8440.90 parts of book-binding machinery including book-sewing machines 8440.90.00 a 8440.90.00 a 8440.90.01 a 8441.10 cutting machines for paper pulp, paper or paperboard of all 8441.10.10 a 8441.10.00 a 8441.10.01 a 8441.10.90 d 8441.10.02 a 8441.10.03 a 8441.10.04 a 8441.10.99 a 8441.20 machines for making bags, sacks or envelopes of paper or 8441.20.00 d 8441.20.00 a 8441.20.01 a 8441.30 mach for making boxes or sim cont, of paper or paperboard o/t 8441.30.00 d 8441.30.00 a 8441.30.01 a 8441.40 machines for moulding articles in paper pulp, paper or 8441.40.00 d 8441.40.00 a 8441.40.01 a 8441.40.02 a 8441.40.99 a 8441.80 machinery for making up paper pulp, paper or paperboard nes 8441.80.00 d 8441.80.00 a 8441.80.99 a 8441.90 pts of mach for making up paper pulp, paper or paperboard, inc 8441.90.10 a 8441.90.00 a 8441.90.01 a 8441.90.90 d 8441.90.99 a 8442.10 phototype-setting and composing machines 8442.10.00 d 8442.10.00 d 8442.10.01 b 8442.10.02 a 8442.10.03 a 8442.10.04 a 8442.10.99 a 8442.20 mach app & equip for type-set or comp by other process w/o 8442.20.00 d 8442.20.00 d 8442.20.01 a 8442.30 mach app & equip for preparing or making printing blocks etc 8442.30.00 d 8442.30.00 d 8442.30.01 a 8442.40 pts of mach/app & equip for type-set or type-found for prep or 8442.40.00 d 8442.40.00 d 8442.40.01 a 8442.50 printing type, blocks, plates, cylinders & other printing 8442.50.10 a 8442.50.10 d 8442.50.01 a 8442.50.20 d 8442.50.90 a 8442.50.02 a 8442.50.30 d 8442.50.03 a 8442.50.40 a 8442.50.04 a 8442.50.90 a 8442.50.99 a 8443.11 reel fed offset printing machinery 8443.11.10 d 8443.11.00 a 8443.11.01 a 8443.11.20 a 8443.11.02 a 8443.11.99 a 8443.12 sheet fed, office type (sheet size not exc-22x36 cm) offset 8443.12.00 a 8443.12.00 a 8443.12.01 a 8443.19 offset printing machinery nes 8443.19.10 d 8443.19.10 a 8443.19.01 a 8443.19.20 a 8443.19.50 a 8443.19.02 a 8443.19.90 a 8443.19.03 a 8443.21 reel fed letterpress printing mach exc flexographic printing 8443.21.10 d 8443.21.00 a 8443.21.01 a 8443.21.20 a 8443.21.03 a 8443.29 letterpress printing machinery nes exc flexographic printing 8443.29.10 d 8443.29.00 a 8443.29.01 a 8443.29.20 a 8443.29.02 a 8443.29.99 a 8443.30 flexographic printing machinery 8443.30.10 d 8443.30.00 a 8443.30.01 a 8443.30.20 a 8443.40 gravure printing machinery 8443.40.10 d 8443.40.00 a 8443.40.01 a 8443.40.20 a 8443.50 printing machinery nes 8443.50.10 d 8443.50.10 a 8443.50.01 b 8443.50.20 a 8443.50.50 a 8443.50.02 b 8443.50.03 a 8443.50.04 b 8443.50.05 b 8443.50.06 b 8443.50.07 b 8443.50.99 b 8443.60 machines for uses ancillary to printing 8443.60.10 d 8443.60.00 a 8443.60.01 a 8443.60.90 a 8443.90 parts of printing machinery & machines for uses ancillary to 8443.90.10 d 8443.90.10 a 8443.90.01 b 8443.90.20 a 8443.90.50 a 8443.90.02 a 8443.90.30 a 8443.90.03 b 8443.90.99 b 8444.00 machines for extruding, drawing, text or cutting m-m textile 8444.00.00 d 8444.00.00 a 8444.00.01 a 8444.00.99 a 8445.11 textile carding machines 8445.11.00 d 8445.11.00 a 8445.11.01 a 8445.12 textile combing machines 8445.12.00 d 8445.12.00 a 8445.12.01 a 8445.13 textile drawing or roving machines 8445.13.00 d 8445.13.00 a 8445.13.01 a 8445.19 textile preparing machines nes 8445.19.00 d 8445.19.00 a 8445.19.01 a 8445.19.99 a 8445.20 textile spinning machines 8445.20.00 d 8445.20.00 a 8445.20.01 a 8445.30 textile doubling or twisting machines 8445.30.00 d 8445.30.00 a 8445.30.01 a 8445.30.99 a 8445.40 textile winding (including weft-winding) or reeling machines 8445.40.00 d 8445.40.00 a 8445.40.01 a 8445.90 machinery for producing or preparing textile yarn nes 8445.90.00 d 8445.90.00 a 8445.90.01 a 8445.90.99 a 8446.10 machines for weaving fabrics of a width not exceeding 30 cm 8446.10.10 d 8446.10.00 a 8446.10.01 a 8446.10.90 a 8446.21 machines for weaving fabrics of a width exc 30 cm, shuttle 8446.21.10 d 8446.21.00 a 8446.21.01 a 8446.21.90 a 8446.29 machines for weaving fabrics of a width exceeding 30 cm shuttl 8446.29.00 a 8446.29.00 a 8446.29.99 a 8446.30 machines for weaving fabrics of a width exceeding 30 cm 8446.30.10 d 8446.30.00 a 8446.30.01 a 8446.30.90 a 8447.11 circular knitting machines with cylinder diameter not exceedin 8447.11.00 d 8447.11.10 a 8447.11.01 a 8447.11.90 a 8447.12 circular knitting machines with cylinder diameter exceeding 16 8447.12.00 d 8447.12.10 a 8447.12.01 a 8447.12.90 a 8447.20 flat knitting machines; stitch-bonding machines 8447.20.10 d 8447.20.10 a 8447.20.01 a 8447.20.20 a 8447.20.40 d 8447.20.02 a 8447.20.60 a 8447.20.99 a 8447.90 mach for making gimped yarn/tulle/lace/embroidery/trimmings/ 8447.90.00 a 8447.90.10 a 8447.90.01 a 8447.90.50 a 8447.90.02 a 8447.90.90 a 8447.90.99 a 8448.11 dobbies, jacquards, card reducing, etc for use with mach of hd 8448.11.00 d 8448.11.00 a 8448.11.01 a 8448.19 auxiliary machinery nes for machines of heading no 84.44, 8448.19.00 a 8448.19.00 a 8448.19.99 a 8448.20 pts & access of mach of hdg no 84.44 or of their auxiliary 8448.20.00 d 8448.20.10 a 8448.20.01 a 8448.20.50 a 8448.31 card clothing for hdg no 84.45 8448.31.00 d 8448.31.00 a 8448.31.01 a 8448.32 pts & access of mach for prep text fib, (exc card clothing) fo 8448.32.00 d 8448.32.00 a 8448.32.01 a 8448.32.02 a 8448.32.99 a 8448.33 spindles, spindle flyers, spinning rings & ring travellers for 8448.33.00 d 8448.33.00 a 8448.33.01 a 8448.33.02 a 8448.33.99 a 8448.39 pts & access of mach of heading no 84.45 or of their aux mach 8448.39.00 d 8448.39.10 a 8448.39.99 a 8448.39.50 a 8448.39.90 a 8448.41 shuttles for weaving machines (looms) 8448.41.00 d 8448.41.00 a 8448.41.01 a 8448.42 reeds for looms, healds & heald-frames for weaving machines 8448.42.00 d 8448.42.00 a 8448.42.01 a 8448.42.99 a 8448.49 parts and accessories of weaving mches (looms) or of their 8448.49.10 d 8448.49.00 a 8448.49.01 a 8448.49.20 a 8448.51 sinkers, needles & other articles used in form stitches as pts 8448.51.10 a 8448.51.10 a 8448.51.01 a 8448.51.90 d 8448.51.20 a 8448.51.30 a 8448.51.50 a 8448.59 parts & access of machines of hdg no 84.47 or of their 8448.59.10 d 8448.59.10 a 8448.59.99 a 8448.59.20 a 8448.59.50 a 8449.00 mach for the mfr or fin of felt or n-wov in the pce or in sh 8449.00.10 a 8449.00.10 a 8449.00.01 a 8449.00.20 a 8449.00.50 a 8449.00.02 a 8449.00.90 d 8450.11 automatic washing machines, of a dry linen capacity not 8450.11.10 c 8450.11.00 a 8450.11.01 c 8450.11.20 b 8450.11.02 b 8450.12 washing machines of a dry linen capacity ã� 10 kg, with built-i 8450.12.00 c 8450.12.00 a 8450.12.01 c 8450.12.99 a 8450.19 household or laundry-type washing mach of a dry linen capacity 8450.19.00 c 8450.19.00 a 8450.19.01 c 8450.19.99 b 8450.20 household or laundry-type washing mach of a dry linen capacity 8450.20.10 d 8450.20.00 a 8450.20.01 c 8450.20.90 c 8450.90 parts of household or laundry-type washing machines, including 8450.90.10 c 8450.90.00 a 8450.90.01 c 8450.90.20 d 8450.90.30 b 8450.90.40 b 8451.10 dry-cleaning machines o/t hdg no 84.50 8451.10.00 a 8451.10.00 a 8451.10.01 a 8451.21 drying machines (o/t hdg no 84.50) each of a dry linen cap not 8451.21.00 c 8451.21.00 a 8451.21.01 c 8451.21.99 b 8451.29 drying machines (o/t no 84.50) nes 8451.29.10 d 8451.29.00 a 8451.29.01 a 8451.29.90 a 8451.29.02 a 8451.29.03 a 8451.29.04 a 8451.30 ironing mach & presses (including fusing presses) o/t hdg no 8451.30.00 a 8451.30.00 a 8451.30.01 a 8451.40 washing, bleaching or dyeing machines (o/t machines of heading 8451.40.10 d 8451.40.00 a 8451.40.01 a 8451.40.90 a 8451.50 mach for reeling,unreeling,folding, cut or pink tex fab (o/t 8451.50.00 a 8451.50.00 a 8451.50.01 a 8451.80 mach for wring/dress/finishing/coating or impreg tex yarns 8451.80.10 a 8451.80.00 a 8451.80.01 a 8451.80.20 d 8451.80.99 a 8451.80.90 a 8451.90 pts of washing/cleaning/drying/ironing/ dyeing mach etc (o/t 8451.90.10 d 8451.90.00 a 8451.90.01 a 8451.90.20 a 8451.90.30 a 8451.90.40 a 8452.10 household type sewing machines 8452.10.00 a 8452.10.00 a 8452.10.01 a 8452.21 automatic sewing machines, other than book-sewing machines, ne 8452.21.10 d 8452.21.10 d 8452.21.01 a 8452.21.90 a 8452.21.90 a 8452.21.02 a 8452.21.03 a 8452.21.04 a 8452.21.05 a 8452.21.99 a 8452.29 sewing machines, other than book-sewing machines, nes 8452.29.10 d 8452.29.10 d 8452.29.01 a 8452.29.90 a 8452.29.90 a 8452.29.02 a 8452.29.03 a 8452.29.04 a 8452.29.05 a 8452.29.06 a 8452.29.07 a 8452.29.99 a 8452.30 sewing machine needles 8452.30.00 d 8452.30.00 a 8452.30.01 a 8452.40 furniture, bases and covers for sewing machines and parts 8452.40.10 a 8452.40.00 a 8452.40.01 a 8452.40.20 d 8452.40.90 a 8452.90 parts of sewing machines, nes 8452.90.10 d 8452.90.00 a 8452.90.01 a 8452.90.91 a 8452.90.02 a 8452.90.99 a 8452.90.99 a 8453.10 machinery for preparing,tanning or working hides, skins or 8453.10.10 d 8453.10.00 a 8453.10.01 a 8453.10.90 a 8453.20 machinery for making or repairing footwear 8453.20.10 d 8453.20.00 d 8453.20.01 a 8453.20.20 a 8453.20.02 a 8453.20.03 a 8453.20.04 a 8453.20.05 a 8453.20.99 a 8453.80 mach for making or repair art of hides, skins or leather nes 8453.80.00 a 8453.80.00 a 8453.80.01 a 8453.80.02 a 8453.80.03 a 8453.80.04 a 8453.80.99 a 8453.90 pts of mach for prep etc hides skin leather or mak or rep foot 8453.90.10 d 8453.90.10 d 8453.90.01 a 8453.90.20 a 8453.90.50 a 8454.10 converters used in metallurgy or metal foundries 8454.10.10 a 8454.10.00 d 8454.10.01 a 8454.10.90 a 8454.20 ingot moulds & ladles used in metallurgy or metal foundries 8454.20.10 d 8454.20.00 d 8454.20.01 b 8454.20.20 a 8454.20.99 a 8454.20.30 a 8454.30 casting machines used in metallurgy or metal foundries 8454.30.10 d 8454.30.00 d 8454.30.01 b 8454.30.90 a 8454.30.99 a 8454.90 pts of converters/ladles/ingot moulds & casting mches used in 8454.90.10 a 8454.90.00 d 8454.90.01 b 8454.90.20 a 8454.90.99 a 8454.90.30 d 8454.90.90 a 8455.10 tube mills, metal rolling 8455.10.00 a 8455.10.00 a 8455.10.01 a 8455.21 hot or combination hot & cold metal rolling mills 8455.21.00 a 8455.21.00 a 8455.21.01 a 8455.21.02 a 8455.21.03 a 8455.21.99 a 8455.22 cold metal rolling mills 8455.22.00 a 8455.22.00 a 8455.22.01 a 8455.22.02 a 8455.22.03 a 8455.22.99 a 8455.30 rolls for metal rolling mills 8455.30.10 d 8455.30.00 a 8455.30.01 c 8455.30.20 d 8455.30.02 c 8455.30.90 a 8455.30.99 b 8455.90 parts of metal rolling mills & rolls 8455.90.00 a 8455.90.00 a 8455.90.01 a 8456.10 mach-tls for work any mat by rem of mat optd by laser or lt or 8456.10.00 a 8456.10.10 a 8456.10.01 a 8456.10.50 a 8456.10.99 a 8456.20 mach-tls for work any mat by rem of mat optd by ultrasonic 8456.20.10 d 8456.20.10 a 8456.20.01 a 8456.20.90 a 8456.20.50 a 8456.20.99 a 8456.30 mach-tls for work any mat by rem of mat optd by 8456.30.10 d 8456.30.10 a 8456.30.01 a 8456.30.90 a 8456.30.50 a 8456.90 mach-tls for work any mat by rem of mat optd by electro-chem 8456.90.10 d 8456.90.10 a 8456.90.99 a 8456.90.90 a 8456.90.50 a 8457.10 machining centres, for working metal 8457.10.00 d 8457.10.00 a 8457.10.01 a 8457.20 unit construction machines (single sta) for working metal 8457.20.00 a 8457.20.00 a 8457.20.01 a 8457.30 multi-station transfer machines for working metal 8457.30.00 b 8457.30.00 a 8457.30.01 b 8457.30.02 b 8457.30.03 b 8457.30.04 b 8457.30.99 a 8458.11 horizontal lathes numerically controlled for removing metal 8458.11.10 d 8458.11.00 a 8458.11.01 b 8458.11.90 a 8458.11.02 b 8458.11.99 a 8458.19 horizontal lathes nes for removing metal 8458.19.00 a 8458.19.00 a 8458.19.01 a 8458.19.02 a 8458.19.99 a 8458.91 lathes nes numerically controlled for removing metal 8458.91.00 a 8458.91.10 a 8458.91.01 a 8458.91.50 a 8458.91.99 a 8458.99 lathes nes for removing metal 8458.99.00 a 8458.99.10 a 8458.99.01 a 8458.99.50 a 8458.99.99 a 8459.10 way-type unit head mches for removing metal 8459.10.00 a 8459.10.00 a 8459.10.01 a 8459.10.02 a 8459.10.03 a 8459.10.04 a 8459.10.05 a 8459.21 drilling mches nes; numerically controlled for removing metal 8459.21.00 a 8459.21.00 a 8459.21.01 b 8459.21.99 a 8459.29 drilling mches nes, for removing metal 8459.29.10 d 8459.29.00 a 8459.29.01 b 8459.29.90 a 8459.29.99 a 8459.31 boring-milling mches nes, numerically controlled for removing 8459.31.00 a 8459.31.00 a 8459.31.01 a 8459.39 boring-milling mches nes for removing metal 8459.39.00 a 8459.39.00 a 8459.39.99 a 8459.40 boring machines nes for removing metal 8459.40.00 a 8459.40.00 a 8459.40.01 a 8459.40.99 a 8459.51 milling mach, knee-type numerically controlled for removing 8459.51.00 a 8459.51.00 a 8459.51.01 a 8459.59 milling mach, knee-type nes for removing metal 8459.59.00 a 8459.59.00 a 8459.59.01 a 8459.59.99 a 8459.61 milling machines nes, numerically controlled for removing meta 8459.61.00 a 8459.61.00 a 8459.61.01 a 8459.69 milling machines nes, for removing metal 8459.69.10 d 8459.69.00 a 8459.69.01 a 8459.69.90 a 8459.69.99 a 8459.70 threading or tapping machines nes for removing metal 8459.70.00 d 8459.70.00 a 8459.70.01 a 8459.70.02 a 8460.11 fl-surf grinding mach in which the pos of one axis acc to 0.01 8460.11.00 d 8460.11.00 a 8460.11.01 a 8460.11.99 a 8460.19 fl-surf grinding mach in which the pos of one axis acc to 0.01 8460.19.00 d 8460.19.00 a 8460.19.01 a 8460.19.99 a 8460.21 grinding mach in which the pos of one axis to an acc to 0.01mm 8460.21.10 a 8460.21.00 a 8460.21.01 a 8460.21.90 d 8460.21.02 a 8460.21.03 a 8460.21.04 a 8460.21.05 a 8460.21.06 a 8460.21.07 a 8460.21.08 a 8460.21.09 a 8460.21.10 a 8460.21.99 a 8460.29 grinding mach in which the pos of one axis to an acc to 0.01mm 8460.29.10 a 8460.29.00 a 8460.29.01 a 8460.29.90 d 8460.29.02 a 8460.29.03 a 8460.29.04 a 8460.29.05 a 8460.29.06 a 8460.29.07 a 8460.29.08 a 8460.29.09 a 8460.29.10 a 8460.29.99 a 8460.31 sharpening (tool or cutter grinding) mach n/c for removing 8460.31.00 d 8460.31.00 a 8460.31.01 a 8460.31.02 a 8460.31.99 a 8460.39 sharpening (tool or cutter grinding) mach nes for removing 8460.39.00 d 8460.39.00 a 8460.39.01 a 8460.39.99 a 8460.40 honing or lapping machines for removing metal 8460.40.00 a 8460.40.00 a 8460.40.01 a 8460.90 mach-tools for deburring polishing etc for fin met nes o/t hdg 8460.90.10 d 8460.90.00 a 8460.90.01 b 8460.90.90 a 8460.90.02 b 8460.90.99 a 8461.10 planing machines by removing metal 8461.10.00 d 8461.10.00 a 8461.10.01 a 8461.10.02 a 8461.10.99 a 8461.20 shaping or slotting machines by removing metal 8461.20.10 d 8461.20.00 a 8461.20.01 a 8461.20.20 a 8461.30 broaching machines by removing metal 8461.30.00 d 8461.30.00 a 8461.30.01 a 8461.40 gear cutting, gear grinding or gear finishing machines by 8461.40.00 d 8461.40.10 a 8461.40.01 a 8461.40.50 a 8461.50 sawing or cutting-off machines by removing metal 8461.50.00 a 8461.50.00 a 8461.50.01 b 8461.50.02 b 8461.50.99 a 8461.90 filing or engraving mach(o/t those of hdg 84.59 or 84.60) etc 8461.90.10 d 8461.90.00 a 8461.90.01 a 8461.90.90 a 8461.90.99 a 8462.10 forging or die-stamping mach (inc presses) and hammers for 8462.10.00 d 8462.10.00 a 8462.10.01 a 8462.10.02 a 8462.21 bending folding stgting or flattening mach (inc presses) n/c 8462.21.10 d 8462.21.00 a 8462.21.01 a 8462.21.90 a 8462.21.02 a 8462.21.03 a 8462.21.04 a 8462.21.05 b 8462.21.06 a 8462.21.07 a 8462.21.08 a 8462.21.09 b 8462.21.99 a 8462.29 bending/folding/stgting or flattening mach (inc presses) nes 8462.29.10 d 8462.29.00 a 8462.29.01 b 8462.29.90 a 8462.29.02 b 8462.29.03 b 8462.29.04 b 8462.29.05 b 8462.29.06 b 8462.29.07 a 8462.29.08 a 8462.29.09 b 8462.29.99 a 8462.31 shearing mach (inc presses) o/t combined punching/shearing mac 8462.31.00 a 8462.31.00 a 8462.31.01 b 8462.31.02 b 8462.31.03 b 8462.31.04 a 8462.31.05 b 8462.31.06 a 8462.31.99 a 8462.39 shearing mach (inc presses) o/t combined pnch/shearing mach ne 8462.39.00 a 8462.39.00 a 8462.39.01 b 8462.39.02 b 8462.39.03 b 8462.39.04 b 8462.39.99 a 8462.41 punching/notching mach (inc presses) inc comb punch/shear mach 8462.41.10 d 8462.41.00 a 8462.41.01 b 8462.41.20 a 8462.41.02 b 8462.41.03 a 8462.41.99 a 8462.49 punching/notching mach (inc presses) inc comb punch/shear mach 8462.49.10 d 8462.49.00 a 8462.49.01 a 8462.49.20 a 8462.49.02 a 8462.49.03 a 8462.49.99 a 8462.91 hydraulic presses for working metal 8462.91.00 a 8462.91.00 a 8462.91.01 b 8462.91.02 a 8462.91.03 a 8462.91.04 a 8462.99 presses nes for working metal 8462.99.00 a 8462.99.00 a 8462.99.01 b 8462.99.02 a 8462.99.03 b 8462.99.04 b 8462.99.99 a 8463.10 draw-benches for bars/tubes/profiles wire or the like working 8463.10.00 a 8463.10.00 a 8463.10.01 a 8463.10.99 a 8463.20 thread rolling machines for working metal 8463.20.00 d 8463.20.00 a 8463.20.01 a 8463.30 machines for working metal wire 8463.30.00 a 8463.30.00 a 8463.30.01 b 8463.90 mach-tls for wrkg met/sintered met carbd or cermets nes w/o 8463.90.00 a 8463.90.00 a 8463.90.99 a 8464.10 sawing mach for wrkg stone/ceram/concr/ asb/cement etc or for 8464.10.10 d 8464.10.00 a 8464.10.01 b 8464.10.90 a 8464.20 grindg/polish mach for wrkg ston/ceram/ concr/asb-cem etc or 8464.20.10 d 8464.20.00 a 8464.20.01 b 8464.20.90 a 8464.90 mach-tls for wrkg ston/ceram/concr/asbcement etc or for cold 8464.90.10 d 8464.90.00 a 8464.90.01 b 8464.90.90 a 8464.90.02 a 8464.90.99 a 8465.10 mach which can c/o diff typ of mach op w/o tl chang bwn such o 8465.10.00 a 8465.10.00 a 8465.10.01 a 8465.10.99 a 8465.91 sawing machines for working wood/cork/ bone/hard 8465.91.10 a 8465.91.00 a 8465.91.01 b 8465.91.20 d 8465.91.99 a 8465.91.90 a 8465.92 planing/milling or moulding (by cutting) mach for working 8465.92.00 a 8465.92.00 a 8465.92.01 a 8465.92.02 a 8465.92.03 a 8465.92.04 a 8465.92.05 a 8465.92.06 a 8465.92.99 a 8465.93 grinding/sanding or polishing mach for working 8465.93.00 a 8465.93.00 a 8465.93.01 a 8465.93.99 a 8465.94 bending or assy mach for wrkg wood/cork/ bone/hard rubber/hard 8465.94.00 a 8465.94.00 a 8465.94.01 a 8465.94.02 a 8465.94.03 a 8465.94.99 a 8465.95 drilling or morticing mach for wrkg wood /cork/bone/hrd 8465.95.00 a 8465.95.00 a 8465.95.01 a 8465.95.99 a 8465.96 splitting/slicing or paring mach for wrkg wood/cork/bne/hrd 8465.96.10 d 8465.96.00 a 8465.96.01 a 8465.96.90 a 8465.99 mach-tls for working wod/crk/bne/hrd rubber/hrd plas or sim hr 8465.99.10 a 8465.99.00 a 8465.99.01 a 8465.99.20 d 8465.99.02 a 8465.99.30 d 8465.99.03 a 8465.99.90 a 8465.99.04 a 8465.99.05 a 8465.99.99 a 8466.10 tool holders and self-opening dieheads for use with mach of hd 8466.10.10 d 8466.10.00 a 8466.10.01 a 8466.10.20 a 8466.10.02 b 8466.10.90 a 8466.10.03 b 8466.10.04 a 8466.10.05 a 8466.10.99 a 8466.20 work holders for use with mach of hdg 84.56 to 84.65 8466.20.10 d 8466.20.10 a 8466.20.01 a 8466.20.20 a 8466.20.90 a 8466.20.02 a 8466.20.90 a 8466.20.03 a 8466.20.99 a 8466.30 dividg heads & other spec attach for mch for use with mch or 8466.30.10 d 8466.30.10 a 8466.30.01 a 8466.30.20 a 8466.30.30 a 8466.30.02 b 8466.30.90 a 8466.30.50 a 8466.30.03 a 8466.30.04 b 8466.30.99 a 8466.91 parts and accessories nes for use on machines of heading no 8466.91.10 d 8466.91.10 d 8466.91.01 a 8466.91.90 a 8466.91.50 a 8466.92 parts and accessories nes for use on machines of heading no 8466.92.10 a 8466.92.10 d 8466.92.01 a 8466.92.20 d 8466.92.50 a 8466.92.90 a 8466.93 parts and accessories nes for use on machines of heading no 8466.93.10 d 8466.93.10 d 8466.93.01 a 8466.93.90 a 8466.93.50 a 8466.93.02 a 8466.93.70 a 8466.93.03 a 8466.93.99 a 8466.94 parts and accessories nes for use on machines of heading no 8466.94.10 d 8466.94.10 d 8466.94.01 a 8466.94.90 a 8466.94.50 a 8466.94.99 a 8467.11 tools for working in the hand, pneumatic rotary type 8467.11.10 a 8467.11.10 a 8467.11.01 a 8467.11.90 d 8467.11.50 a 8467.11.02 a 8467.11.99 a 8467.19 tools for working in the hand, pneumatic type nes 8467.19.10 a 8467.19.10 a 8467.19.01 a 8467.19.90 d 8467.19.50 a 8467.19.99 a 8467.81 chain saws 8467.81.00 a 8467.81.00 a 8467.81.01 a 8467.89 tools for working in the hand with selfcontained non-electric 8467.89.10 d 8467.89.10 a 8467.89.01 a 8467.89.90 a 8467.89.50 a 8467.89.02 a 8467.89.03 a 8467.89.99 a 8467.91 chain saw parts 8467.91.00 a 8467.91.00 a 8467.91.01 a 8467.92 pneumatic hand tool parts 8467.92.10 d 8467.92.00 a 8467.92.01 a 8467.92.20 a 8467.99 hand tools nes, parts of 8467.99.10 d 8467.99.00 a 8467.99.99 a 8467.99.20 a 8468.10 torches, hand-held, for soldering, brazing or welding 8468.10.00 a 8468.10.00 a 8468.10.01 b 8468.20 gas-operated machinery for welding nes 8468.20.10 a 8468.20.10 a 8468.20.01 a 8468.20.90 a 8468.20.50 d 8468.20.02 b 8468.20.99 a 8468.80 welding machinery not gas-operated 8468.80.00 a 8468.80.10 a 8468.80.01 a 8468.80.50 d 8468.90 welding machinery parts 8468.90.10 a 8468.90.10 a 8468.90.01 a 8468.90.20 a 8468.90.50 d 8468.90.30 a 8468.90.40 a 8469.10 automatic typewriters and wordprocessing machines 8469.10.10 d 8469.10.00 a 8469.10.01 b 8469.10.20 a 8469.10.99 a 8469.21 typewriters, electric, weighing not more than 12 kg, excluding 8469.21.00 d 8469.21.00 d 8469.21.01 a 8469.29 typewriters, electric, nes 8469.29.10 a 8469.29.00 d 8469.29.99 a 8469.29.90 d 8469.31 typewriters, non-electric, weighing not more than 12 kg, 8469.31.00 d 8469.31.00 d 8469.31.01 a 8469.39 typewriters, non-electric, nes 8469.39.00 d 8469.39.00 d 8469.39.99 a 8470.10 electronic calculators capable of oper without an external 8470.10.00 a 8470.10.00 a 8470.10.01 a 8470.10.02 a 8470.10.03 a 8470.21 electronic calculating machines, incorporating a printing 8470.21.00 a 8470.21.00 a 8470.21.01 a 8470.29 electronic calculating machines, nes 8470.29.00 a 8470.29.00 a 8470.29.01 a 8470.29.02 a 8470.30 calculating machines, nes 8470.30.00 d 8470.30.00 a 8470.30.01 a 8470.40 accounting machines 8470.40.00 d 8470.40.00 a 8470.40.01 a 8470.50 cash registers 8470.50.00 d 8470.50.00 d 8470.50.01 b 8470.90 postage franking mchy ticket-issuing mchy etc incorp a calc 8470.90.00 a 8470.90.00 a 8470.90.01 a 8470.90.02 a 8470.90.99 a 8471.10 analogue or hybrid automatic data processing machines 8471.10.00 a 8471.10.00 a 8471.10.01 a 8471.20 digital auto data process mach cntg in the same housing a cpu 8471.20.00 a 8471.20.00 a 8471.20.01 b 8471.91 digital process units whether or not presented with the rest o 8471.91.00 a 8471.91.00 a 8471.91.01 b 8471.92 input or output units, whether or not presented with the rest 8471.92.10 d 8471.92.10 a 8471.92.fa b 8471.92.90 a 8471.92.20 d 8471.92.01 a 8471.92.30 d 8471.92.99 a 8471.92.40 a 8471.92.65 a 8471.92.70 d 8471.92.80 d 8471.92.90 a 8471.93 storage units, whether or not presented with the rest of a 8471.93.10 d 8471.93.10 d 8471.93.01 a 8471.93.90 a 8471.93.15 d 8471.93.20 a 8471.93.30 d 8471.93.40 a 8471.93.50 d 8471.93.60 a 8471.99 automatic data processing machines and units thereof, nes 8471.99.10 d 8471.99.15 d 8471.99.01 b 8471.99.90 a 8471.99.32 d 8471.99.34 a 8471.99.60 d 8471.99.90 a 8472.10 office duplicating machines 8472.10.00 a 8472.10.00 a 8472.10.01 a 8472.10.02 a 8472.20 addressing machines and address plate embossing machines 8472.20.00 a 8472.20.00 a 8472.20.01 a 8472.20.02 a 8472.30 mchy for sorting or folding mail etc & mchy for cancelling 8472.30.00 a 8472.30.00 a 8472.30.01 a 8472.30.02 a 8472.30.03 a 8472.30.99 a 8472.90 office machines, nes 8472.90.10 a 8472.90.20 a 8472.90.01 b 8472.90.20 a 8472.90.40 a 8472.90.02 b 8472.90.30 a 8472.90.60 d 8472.90.03 b 8472.90.90 a 8472.90.80 a 8472.90.04 b 8472.90.05 b 8472.90.06 b 8472.90.07 b 8472.90.08 b 8472.90.09 a 8472.90.10 b 8472.90.11 b 8472.90.12 b 8472.90.13 a 8472.90.14 a 8472.90.15 a 8472.90.99 a 8473.10 parts and accessories of typewriters and word-processing 8473.10.10 a 8473.10.00 a 8473.10.01 a 8473.10.91 a 8473.10.02 a 8473.10.92 a 8473.10.93 d 8473.21 parts and accessories of electronic calculating mach of headin 8473.21.00 a 8473.21.00 a 8473.21.01 a 8473.21.02 a 8473.29 parts and accessories of calculating & accounting machines, ne 8473.29.10 d 8473.29.00 a 8473.29.01 a 8473.29.20 a 8473.29.02 a 8473.29.99 a 8473.30 parts and accessories of automatic data processing machines & 8473.30.10 d 8473.30.40 d 8473.30.01 a 8473.30.20 a 8473.30.80 a 8473.30.99 a 8473.40 parts and accessories of other office machines, nes 8473.40.10 a 8473.40.20 a 8473.40.01 a 8473.40.20 a 8473.40.40 a 8473.40.02 a 8473.40.30 a 8473.40.03 a 8473.40.40 a 8473.40.99 a 8473.40.50 a 8474.10 sorting/screening/separating or washing mach for stone/ores or 8474.10.10 d 8474.10.00 a 8474.10.01 b 8474.10.20 d 8474.10.02 a 8474.10.90 a 8474.10.03 a 8474.10.04 b 8474.10.05 a 8474.10.99 a 8474.20 crushing/grinding machines for earth/ stone/ores or other 8474.20.10 a 8474.20.00 a 8474.20.01 a 8474.20.90 a 8474.20.02 b 8474.20.03 a 8474.20.04 a 8474.20.05 b 8474.20.06 b 8474.20.07 b 8474.20.99 a 8474.31 concrete or mortar mixers 8474.31.00 a 8474.31.00 a 8474.31.01 b 8474.32 machines for mixing mineral substances with bitumen 8474.32.00 a 8474.32.00 a 8474.32.01 a 8474.39 mixing or kneading machines nes for earth or other mineral 8474.39.10 d 8474.39.00 a 8474.39.01 b 8474.39.20 a 8474.39.02 a 8474.39.90 a 8474.39.99 a 8474.80 mach for agglomerating minerals fuels, mach for foundry moulds 8474.80.10 d 8474.80.00 a 8474.80.01 b 8474.80.20 a 8474.80.02 b 8474.80.90 a 8474.80.03 b 8474.80.04 b 8474.80.05 b 8474.80.06 b 8474.80.07 b 8474.80.08 b 8474.80.99 a 8474.90 pts of sorting/screening/mixing/crushing/grinding/washing/ 8474.90.10 d 8474.90.00 a 8474.90.01 b 8474.90.20 d 8474.90.02 b 8474.90.30 a 8474.90.03 b 8474.90.40 a 8474.90.04 b 8474.90.99 b 8475.10 mach for assembling electric lamps, tubes, flashbulbs, in glas 8475.10.00 a 8475.10.00 a 8475.10.01 a 8475.10.99 a 8475.20 machines for manufacturing or hot working glass or glassware 8475.20.00 d 8475.20.00 a 8475.20.01 a 8475.20.02 a 8475.20.03 c 8475.20.04 a 8475.20.99 a 8475.90 parts of glass working machines 8475.90.00 d 8475.90.10 a 8475.90.01 a 8475.90.90 a 8475.90.99 a 8476.11 automatic goods-vending mach incorporating heating or 8476.11.10 a 8476.11.00 a 8476.11.01 a 8476.11.90 a 8476.19 automatic goods-vending machines, nes 8476.19.10 a 8476.19.00 a 8476.19.99 a 8476.19.20 a 8476.19.90 a 8476.90 parts of automatic goods-vending machine 8476.90.00 a 8476.90.00 a 8476.90.01 a 8476.90.99 a 8477.10 injection-moulding machines for working rubber or plastics nes 8477.10.11 a 8477.10.30 d 8477.10.01 a 8477.10.19 a 8477.10.60 a 8477.10.02 a 8477.10.20 a 8477.10.03 a 8477.20 extruders for working rubber or plastics nes 8477.20.11 a 8477.20.00 a 8477.20.01 a 8477.20.19 a 8477.20.99 a 8477.20.20 a 8477.30 blow moulding machines for working rubber or plastics nes 8477.30.11 a 8477.30.00 a 8477.30.01 a 8477.30.19 a 8477.30.20 a 8477.40 vacuum mld mach & other thermoforming mach for working rubber 8477.40.11 a 8477.40.00 a 8477.40.01 a 8477.40.19 a 8477.40.20 a 8477.51 mach for moulding/retreading pneu tires or for moulding/formin 8477.51.10 a 8477.51.00 a 8477.51.01 a 8477.51.20 a 8477.59 mach for moulding or otherwise forming rubber or plastics nes 8477.59.10 a 8477.59.00 a 8477.59.99 a 8477.59.20 a 8477.80 mach for working rubber or plastics or for the mfr of prods 8477.80.10 a 8477.80.00 a 8477.80.01 b 8477.80.90 a 8477.80.02 b 8477.80.03 b 8477.80.04 a 8477.80.05 b 8477.80.06 b 8477.80.07 b 8477.80.99 b 8477.90 pts of mach for wrkg rubber or plas or for the mfr of prods 8477.90.10 a 8477.90.00 a 8477.90.01 b 8477.90.20 a 8478.10 machinery for preparing or making up tobacco nes 8478.10.00 d 8478.10.00 a 8478.10.01 a 8478.10.02 a 8478.10.03 a 8478.10.04 a 8478.10.99 a 8478.90 parts of machinery for preparing or making up tobacco nes 8478.90.00 d 8478.90.00 a 8478.90.01 a 8479.10 mach for public works, building or the like, nes having 8479.10.00 a 8479.10.00 a 8479.10.01 a 8479.10.02 a 8479.10.03 b 8479.10.04 b 8479.10.05 a 8479.10.06 a 8479.10.07 a 8479.10.08 a 8479.10.09 a 8479.10.99 a 8479.20 mach for the extraction/prep of animal/ fixed fats/oil, nes 8479.20.00 a 8479.20.00 a 8479.20.01 a 8479.30 press for the mfr of part/fib board or for treat of wood etc 8479.30.00 a 8479.30.00 a 8479.30.01 a 8479.30.02 a 8479.30.99 a 8479.40 rope or cable-making machines, nes having individual functions 8479.40.00 a 8479.40.00 a 8479.40.01 a 8479.40.02 a 8479.40.99 a 8479.81 mach for treating metal inc electric wire coil-winders nes 8479.81.10 d 8479.81.00 a 8479.81.01 b 8479.81.90 a 8479.81.02 b 8479.81.03 b 8479.81.04 b 8479.81.05 b 8479.81.99 a 8479.82 mach for mixing/kneading/crushing/grinding etc nes having 8479.82.00 a 8479.82.00 a 8479.82.01 b 8479.82.02 c 8479.82.03 a 8479.82.04 b 8479.82.05 a 8479.82.99 a 8479.89 machines & mechanical appliances nes having individual 8479.89.10 d 8479.89.10 a 8479.89.01 a 8479.89.20 cm 8479.89.20 a 8479.89.02 a 8479.89.30 bm 8479.89.30 a 8479.89.03 a 8479.89.40 bm 8479.89.60 a 8479.89.04 b 8479.89.51 d 8479.89.70 a 8479.89.05 b 8479.89.59 a 8479.89.90 a 8479.89.06 b 8479.89.60 a 8479.89.07 b 8479.89.70 b 8479.89.08 b 8479.89.80 a 8479.89.09 b 8479.89.90 b 8479.89.10 b 8479.89.11 a 8479.89.12 b 8479.89.13 b 8479.89.14 c 8479.89.15 c 8479.89.16 c 8479.89.17 c 8479.89.18 b 8479.89.19 c 8479.89.20 a 8479.89.21 b 8479.89.22 b 8479.89.23 c 8479.89.24 b 8479.89.25 b 8479.89.26 b 8479.89.99 b 8479.90 parts of machines & mechanical appliances nes having individua 8479.90.10 bm 8479.90.40 a 8479.90.01 b 8479.90.20 d 8479.90.80 a 8479.90.02 b 8479.90.30 bm 8479.90.03 b 8479.90.40 a 8479.90.04 a 8479.90.50 a 8479.90.05 b 8479.90.60 a 8479.90.06 b 8479.90.70 b 8479.90.07 a 8479.90.80 a 8479.90.08 b 8479.90.09 b 8479.90.10 b 8479.90.11 b 8479.90.12 a 8479.90.13 b 8479.90.14 b 8479.90.15 a 8479.90.16 b 8479.90.99 a 8480.10 boxes, moulding, for metal foundry 8480.10.00 d 8480.10.00 a 8480.10.01 c 8480.20 bases, mould 8480.20.00 a 8480.20.00 a 8480.20.01 b 8480.30 patterns, moulding 8480.30.00 a 8480.30.00 a 8480.30.01 a 8480.30.02 a 8480.30.99 a 8480.41 moulds, injection or compression types, for metal or metal 8480.41.00 a 8480.41.00 a 8480.41.01 b 8480.41.99 c 8480.49 moulds for metal or metal carbides, nes 8480.49.00 a 8480.49.00 a 8480.49.01 b 8480.49.02 b 8480.49.99 b 8480.50 moulds for glass 8480.50.00 d 8480.50.00 a 8480.50.01 c 8480.50.02 c 8480.50.99 b 8480.60 moulds for mineral materials 8480.60.00 a 8480.60.00 a 8480.60.01 b 8480.60.99 b 8480.71 moulds, injection or compression types, for rubber or plastics 8480.71.00 a 8480.71.10 d 8480.71.01 b 8480.71.90 a 8480.71.02 b 8480.71.99 b 8480.79 moulds for rubber or plastics, nes 8480.79.00 a 8480.79.10 d 8480.79.01 c 8480.79.90 a 8480.79.02 c 8480.79.03 c 8480.79.04 c 8480.79.05 c 8480.79.99 b 8481.10 valves, pressure reducing 8481.10.10 a 8481.10.00 a 8481.10.01 b 8481.10.91 b 8481.10.02 c 8481.10.99 b 8481.10.99 c 8481.20 valves for oleohydraulic or pneumatic transmissions 8481.20.00 a 8481.20.00 a 8481.20.01 c 8481.20.02 a 8481.20.03 c 8481.20.04 c 8481.20.05 b 8481.20.06 c 8481.20.07 c 8481.20.08 a 8481.20.09 a 8481.20.10 c 8481.20.11 c 8481.20.12 c 8481.20.99 c 8481.30 valves, check 8481.30.10 b 8481.30.10 a 8481.30.01 b 8481.30.90 b 8481.30.20 a 8481.30.02 c 8481.30.90 a 8481.30.03 b 8481.30.04 c 8481.30.99 b 8481.40 valves, safety or relief 8481.40.10 d 8481.40.00 a 8481.40.01 a 8481.40.20 d 8481.40.02 a 8481.40.91 b 8481.40.03 a 8481.40.99 b 8481.40.04 a 8481.40.05 c 8481.40.99 c 8481.80 taps, cocks, valves and similar appliances, nes 8481.80.10 d 8481.80.10 a 8481.80.01 c 8481.80.20 b 8481.80.30 a 8481.80.02 c 8481.80.91 bm 8481.80.50 a 8481.80.03 c 8481.80.99 b 8481.80.90 a 8481.80.04 c 8481.80.05 a 8481.80.06 c 8481.80.07 a 8481.80.08 c 8481.80.09 c 8481.80.10 a 8481.80.11 c 8481.80.12 b 8481.80.13 a 8481.80.14 a 8481.80.15 a 8481.80.16 b 8481.80.17 a 8481.80.18 a 8481.80.19 b 8481.80.20 a 8481.80.21 c 8481.80.22 c 8481.80.23 a 8481.80.99 c 8481.90 parts of taps, cocks, valves or similar appliances 8481.90.10 b 8481.90.10 a 8481.90.01 c 8481.90.20 d 8481.90.30 a 8481.90.02 c 8481.90.30 a 8481.90.50 a 8481.90.03 c 8481.90.40 b 8481.90.90 a 8481.90.04 a 8481.90.05 a 8481.90.06 c 8481.90.99 c 8482.10 bearings, ball 8482.10.10 a 8482.10.10 c 8482.10.01 c 8482.10.90 d 8482.10.50 c 8482.10.02 c 8482.10.03 a 8482.10.04 c 8482.10.99 c 8482.20 bearings, tapered roller, including cone and tapered roller 8482.20.10 a 8482.20.00 c 8482.20.01 c 8482.20.90 d 8482.20.02 a 8482.20.99 c 8482.30 bearings, spherical roller 8482.30.00 d 8482.30.00 c 8482.30.01 a 8482.30.99 a 8482.40 bearings, needle roller 8482.40.00 d 8482.40.00 c 8482.40.01 a 8482.40.99 a 8482.50 bearings, cylindrical roller, nes 8482.50.00 d 8482.50.00 c 8482.50.01 a 8482.50.99 a 8482.80 bearings, ball or roller, nes, including combined ball/roller 8482.80.10 a 8482.80.00 c 8482.80.01 a 8482.80.90 d 8482.80.99 a 8482.91 balls, needles and rollers for bearings 8482.91.10 a 8482.91.00 c 8482.91.01 a 8482.91.91 a 8482.91.02 a 8482.91.99 d 8482.91.99 a 8482.99 bearing parts, nes 8482.99.10 a 8482.99.10 c 8482.99.01 c 8482.99.90 d 8482.99.30 c 8482.99.02 a 8482.99.50 c 8482.99.99 c 8482.99.70 c 8483.10 transmission shafts and cranks, including cam shafts and crank 8483.10.10 d 8483.10.10 a 8483.10.01 b 8483.10.90 b 8483.10.30 a 8483.10.02 b 8483.10.50 a 8483.10.03 b 8483.10.04 b 8483.10.05 b 8483.10.06 b 8483.10.07 a 8483.10.08 a 8483.10.09 b 8483.10.10 b 8483.10.11 b 8483.10.12 b 8483.10.99 a 8483.20 bearing housings, incorporating ball or roller bearings 8483.20.00 c 8483.20.40 a 8483.20.01 c 8483.20.80 c 8483.30 bearing housings, not incorporating ball or roller bearings; 8483.30.00 b 8483.30.40 b 8483.30.01 b 8483.30.80 a 8483.30.02 b 8483.30.03 b 8483.30.04 b 8483.30.05 b 8483.30.06 b 8483.30.99 b 8483.40 gears and gearing, ball screws, gear boxes, speed 8483.40.00 b 8483.40.10 a 8483.40.01 b 8483.40.30 d 8483.40.02 b 8483.40.50 a 8483.40.03 c 8483.40.70 a 8483.40.04 b 8483.40.80 a 8483.40.05 c 8483.40.90 a 8483.40.06 b 8483.40.07 b 8483.40.08 b 8483.40.09 b 8483.40.10 b 8483.40.11 b 8483.40.12 b 8483.40.13 b 8483.40.14 b 8483.40.15 b 8483.40.99 b 8483.50 flywheels and pulleys, including pulley blocks 8483.50.10 d 8483.50.40 a 8483.50.01 b 8483.50.90 b 8483.50.80 b 8483.50.02 b 8483.50.03 b 8483.50.04 b 8483.50.99 b 8483.60 clutches and shaft couplings (including universal joints) 8483.60.10 d 8483.60.40 a 8483.60.01 b 8483.60.20 d 8483.60.80 b 8483.60.02 b 8483.60.80 b 8483.60.03 b 8483.60.90 b 8483.60.04 b 8483.60.99 b 8483.90 parts of power transmission equipment or other goods used to 8483.90.10 b 8483.90.10 a 8483.90.01 b 8483.90.20 d 8483.90.20 a 8483.90.02 b 8483.90.30 d 8483.90.30 a 8483.90.03 b 8483.90.40 b 8483.90.50 a 8483.90.04 a 8483.90.50 b 8483.90.70 a 8483.90.05 b 8483.90.80 a 8483.90.99 b 8484.10 gaskets of metal sheeting combined with other material 8484.10.00 b 8484.10.00 a 8484.10.01 b 8484.90 gasket sets consisting of gaskets of different materials 8484.90.00 b 8484.90.00 a 8484.90.01 b 8484.90.02 a 8484.90.03 a 8485.10 ships' propellers and blades therefor 8485.10.00 a 8485.10.00 a 8485.10.01 b 8485.10.99 a 8485.90 machinery parts, non-electrical, nes 8485.90.10 b 8485.90.00 a 8485.90.01 b 8485.90.20 a 8485.90.02 a 8485.90.90 b 8485.90.03 a 8485.90.04 a 8485.90.05 a 8485.90.06 a 8485.90.07 b 8485.90.08 b 8485.90.99 a 8501.10 electric motors of an output not exceeding 37.5 w 8501.10.10 cm 8501.10.20 a 8501.10.01 a 8501.10.90 bm 8501.10.40 a 8501.10.02 a 8501.10.60 a 8501.10.03 a 8501.10.04 a 8501.10.05 a 8501.10.06 a 8501.10.07 c 8501.10.08 a 8501.10.09 c 8501.10.99 c 8501.20 universal ac/dc motors of an output exceeding 37.5 w 8501.20.11 b 8501.20.20 a 8501.20.01 a 8501.20.19 cm 8501.20.40 a 8501.20.02 c 8501.20.21 c 8501.20.50 a 8501.20.03 c 8501.20.29 bm 8501.20.60 a 8501.20.04 a 8501.20.99 c 8501.31 dc motors, dc generators, of an output not exceeding 750 w 8501.31.11 cm 8501.31.20 a 8501.31.01 b 8501.31.19 bm 8501.31.40 a 8501.31.02 a 8501.31.1v b 8501.31.50 a 8501.31.03 c 8501.31.21 b 8501.31.60 a 8501.31.04 a 8501.31.29 bm 8501.31.80 a 8501.31.05 b 8501.31.30 b 8501.31.99 c 8501.32 dc motors, dc generators, of an output exceeding 750 w but not 8501.32.11 b 8501.32.20 a 8501.32.01 c 8501.32.19 b 8501.32.40 d 8501.32.02 a 8501.32.20 b 8501.32.60 a 8501.32.03 a 8501.32.04 a 8501.32.05 c 8501.32.99 c 8501.33 dc motors, dc generators, of an output exceeding 75 kw but not 8501.33.11 a 8501.33.20 d 8501.33.01 c 8501.33.19 b 8501.33.30 a 8501.33.02 c 8501.33.21 a 8501.33.40 a 8501.33.03 a 8501.33.29 a 8501.33.60 a 8501.33.04 a 8501.33.31 a 8501.33.05 a 8501.33.32 a 8501.33.99 c 8501.34 dc motors, dc generators, of an output exceeding 375 kw 8501.34.11 b 8501.34.30 a 8501.34.01 c 8501.34.19 b 8501.34.60 a 8501.34.02 a 8501.34.20 b 8501.34.03 a 8501.34.04 a 8501.34.05 c 8501.34.99 c 8501.40 ac motors, single-phase, nes 8501.40.11 bm 8501.40.20 a 8501.40.01 a 8501.40.12 d 8501.40.40 b 8501.40.02 a 8501.40.19 b 8501.40.50 a 8501.40.03 a 8501.40.21 bm 8501.40.60 a 8501.40.04 a 8501.40.29 bm 8501.40.05 c 8501.40.06 c 8501.40.07 c 8501.40.08 c 8501.40.09 c 8501.40.99 c 8501.51 ac motors, multi-phase, of an output not exceeding 750 w 8501.51.10 b 8501.51.20 a 8501.51.01 a 8501.51.20 d 8501.51.40 a 8501.51.02 c 8501.51.90 b 8501.51.50 a 8501.51.03 c 8501.51.60 a 8501.51.04 c 8501.51.99 c 8501.52 ac motors, multi-phase, of an output exceeding 750 w but not 8501.52.10 c 8501.52.40 a 8501.52.01 a 8501.52.90 b 8501.52.80 d 8501.52.02 a 8501.52.03 a 8501.52.04 c 8501.52.05 c 8501.52.99 c 8501.53 ac motors, multi-phase, of an output exceeding 75 kw 8501.53.11 b 8501.53.40 d 8501.53.01 a 8501.53.19 b 8501.53.60 a 8501.53.02 a 8501.53.21 b 8501.53.80 a 8501.53.03 a 8501.53.29 b 8501.53.04 c 8501.53.05 c 8501.53.06 c 8501.53.07 c 8501.53.99 c 8501.61 ac generators (alternators), of an output not exceeding 75 kva 8501.61.10 a 8501.61.00 a 8501.61.01 c 8501.61.90 a 8501.62 ac generators, of an output exceeding 75 kva but not exceeding 8501.62.11 a 8501.62.00 a 8501.62.01 c 8501.62.19 a 8501.62.21 a 8501.62.29 a 8501.63 ac generators, of an output exceeding 375 kva but not exceedin 8501.63.10 a 8501.63.00 a 8501.63.01 c 8501.63.90 a 8501.64 ac generators, of an output exceeding 750 kva 8501.64.10 b 8501.64.00 a 8501.64.01 c 8501.64.90 b 8501.64.99 c 8502.11 generating sets, diesel or semi-diesel engines, of an output 8502.11.00 a 8502.11.00 a 8502.11.01 c 8502.12 generating sets, diesel or semi-diesel exceeding 75 kva but no 8502.12.00 a 8502.12.00 a 8502.12.01 c 8502.13 generating sets, diesel or semi-diesel engines, of an output 8502.13.00 a 8502.13.00 a 8502.13.01 c 8502.13.02 a 8502.13.03 a 8502.20 generating sets with spark-ignition internal combustion piston 8502.20.00 a 8502.20.00 a 8502.20.01 c 8502.20.02 c 8502.20.03 b 8502.20.99 b 8502.30 electric generating sets, nes 8502.30.00 b 8502.30.00 a 8502.30.01 c 8502.30.99 c 8502.40 electric rotary converters 8502.40.00 a 8502.40.00 a 8502.40.01 b 8503.00 parts of electric motors, generators, generating sets and 8503.00.11 bm 8503.00.20 a 8503.00.01 c 8503.00.12 b 8503.00.40 a 8503.00.02 b 8503.00.13 b 8503.00.60 a 8503.00.03 a 8503.00.14 bm 8503.00.04 b 8503.00.15 b 8503.00.99 b 8503.00.16 bm 8503.00.17 b 8503.00.18 bm 8503.00.19 d 8503.00.20 b 8504.10 ballasts for discharge lamps or tubes 8504.10.00 cm 8504.10.00 a 8504.10.01 c 8504.10.99 c 8504.21 liquid dielectric transformers having a power handling capacit 8504.21.10 b 8504.21.00 a 8504.21.01 c 8504.21.20 b 8504.21.02 c 8504.21.03 c 8504.21.04 c 8504.21.99 c 8504.22 liq dielectric transf having a power handling cap >650 kva but 8504.22.00 b 8504.22.00 a 8504.22.01 c 8504.23 liq dielectric transf having a power handling capacity 8504.23.00 b 8504.23.00 a 8504.23.01 c 8504.31 transformers electric power handling capacity not exceeding 1 8504.31.00 cm 8504.31.20 a 8504.31.01 c 8504.31.40 a 8504.31.02 c 8504.31.60 a 8504.31.03 c 8504.31.04 c 8504.31.05 c 8504.31.99 c 8504.32 transformers electric power handling capacity > 1 kva but ã� 16 8504.32.00 cm 8504.32.00 a 8504.32.01 c 8504.32.02 c 8504.32.03 c 8504.32.99 c 8504.33 transformers electric power handling capacity > 16 kva but ã� 8504.33.00 cm 8504.33.00 a 8504.33.01 c 8504.33.99 c 8504.34 transformers electric having a power handling capacity 8504.34.00 c 8504.34.00 a 8504.34.01 c 8504.40 static converters, nes 8504.40.10 d 8504.40.00 a 8504.40.01 c 8504.40.20 bm 8504.40.02 a 8504.40.91 c 8504.40.03 a 8504.40.99 b 8504.40.04 a 8504.40.05 a 8504.40.06 a 8504.40.07 a 8504.40.08 a 8504.40.09 a 8504.40.10 b 8504.40.11 c 8504.40.99 b 8504.50 inductors, electric 8504.50.10 d 8504.50.00 a 8504.50.01 c 8504.50.90 b 8504.50.02 c 8504.50.03 a 8504.50.99 a 8504.90 parts of electrical transformers, static converters and 8504.90.10 bm 8504.90.00 a 8504.90.01 a 8504.90.20 d 8504.90.02 c 8504.90.30 b 8504.90.03 a 8504.90.40 b 8504.90.04 a 8504.90.50 b 8504.90.05 a 8504.90.06 c 8504.90.99 c 8505.11 permanent magnets and articles intended to become permanent 8505.11.00 a 8505.11.00 a 8505.11.01 a 8505.19 permanent magnets and articles intended to become permanent 8505.19.00 a 8505.19.00 a 8505.19.99 a 8505.20 electro-magnetic couplings, clutches and brakes 8505.20.10 a 8505.20.00 a 8505.20.01 a 8505.20.90 a 8505.20.99 a 8505.30 electro-magnetic lifting heads 8505.30.00 a 8505.30.00 a 8505.30.01 a 8505.30.02 a 8505.90 electro-magnets nes and parts of heading no 85.05 8505.90.10 a 8505.90.40 a 8505.90.01 a 8505.90.90 a 8505.90.80 a 8505.90.02 a 8505.90.03 a 8505.90.04 a 8505.90.05 a 8505.90.06 a 8505.90.99 a 8506.11 manganese dioxide primary cells & batt of an external volume ã� 8506.11.00 bm 8506.11.00 a 8506.11.01 c 8506.11.02 c 8506.11.03 c 8506.11.04 c 8506.11.99 c 8506.12 mercuric oxide primary cells & batteries of an external volume 8506.12.00 a 8506.12.00 a 8506.12.01 c 8506.12.02 c 8506.12.03 c 8506.12.04 c 8506.12.99 c 8506.13 silver oxide primary cells & batteries of an external volume ã� 8506.13.00 a 8506.13.00 a 8506.13.01 c 8506.13.02 c 8506.13.03 c 8506.13.04 c 8506.13.99 c 8506.19 primary cells and primary batteries of an external volume ã� 30 8506.19.00 b 8506.19.00 a 8506.19.01 c 8506.19.02 c 8506.19.03 c 8506.19.04 c 8506.19.99 c 8506.20 primary cells and primary batteries of an external volume 8506.20.00 b 8506.20.00 a 8506.20.01 c 8506.90 parts of primary cells and primary batteries 8506.90.10 d 8506.90.00 a 8506.90.01 c 8506.90.90 b 8507.10 lead-acid electric accumulators of a kind used for starting 8507.10.00 c 8507.10.00 a 8507.10.01 c 8507.10.02 b 8507.10.03 c 8507.20 lead-acid electric accumulators nes 8507.20.00 b 8507.20.00 a 8507.20.01 c 8507.20.02 b 8507.20.03 b 8507.20.04 b 8507.30 nickel-cadmium electric accumulators 8507.30.00 b 8507.30.00 a 8507.30.01 a 8507.30.02 b 8507.30.03 a 8507.30.99 c 8507.40 nickel-iron electric accumultors 8507.40.00 a 8507.40.00 a 8507.40.01 a 8507.40.02 b 8507.40.03 a 8507.40.99 c 8507.80 electric accumulators, nes 8507.80.00 b 8507.80.00 a 8507.80.01 b 8507.80.02 b 8507.80.03 b 8507.80.99 c 8507.90 parts of electric accumulators, including separators therefor 8507.90.11 d 8507.90.40 a 8507.90.01 b 8507.90.12 b 8507.90.80 a 8507.90.99 b 8507.90.13 b 8507.90.90 b 8508.10 drills, hand-held, with self-contained electric motor 8508.10.00 cm 8508.10.00 a 8508.10.01 c 8508.10.02 c 8508.10.03 c 8508.10.99 b 8508.20 saws, hand-held, with self-contained electric motor 8508.20.00 b 8508.20.00 a 8508.20.01 a 8508.20.02 a 8508.20.99 b 8508.80 tools, nes, hand-held, with selfcontained electric motor 8508.80.00 cm 8508.80.00 a 8508.80.01 c 8508.80.02 a 8508.80.03 c 8508.80.99 b 8508.90 parts of hand tools with self-contained electric motor 8508.90.00 a 8508.90.00 a 8508.90.01 a 8509.10 domestic vacuum cleaners 8509.10.00 cm 8509.10.00 a 8509.10.01 c 8509.20 domestic floor polishers 8509.20.00 a 8509.20.00 a 8509.20.01 a 8509.30 domestic kitchen waste disposers 8509.30.00 a 8509.30.00 a 8509.30.01 a 8509.40 domestic food grinders and mixers; fruit or vegetable juice 8509.40.10 d 8509.40.00 a 8509.40.01 c 8509.40.90 c 8509.40.02 c 8509.40.03 c 8509.40.04 c 8509.80 electro-mechanical domestic appliances, with self-contained 8509.80.00 bm 8509.80.00 a 8509.80.01 b 8509.80.02 b 8509.80.03 b 8509.80.04 b 8509.80.05 b 8509.80.06 b 8509.80.07 b 8509.80.08 b 8509.80.09 b 8509.80.10 b 8509.80.99 b 8509.90 parts of electro-mech dom appliances with self-contained 8509.90.10 a 8509.90.20 a 8509.90.01 a 8509.90.20 d 8509.90.30 a 8509.90.99 c 8509.90.30 a 8509.90.40 a 8509.90.40 a 8510.10 shavers, with self-contained electric motor 8510.10.00 d 8510.10.00 a 8510.10.01 b 8510.20 hair clippers, with self-contained electric motor 8510.20.10 d 8510.20.00 a 8510.20.01 a 8510.20.90 b 8510.90 parts of shavers and hair clippers, with self-contained 8510.90.10 d 8510.90.10 a 8510.90.01 b 8510.90.20 a 8510.90.20 a 8510.90.02 b 8510.90.30 a 8510.90.03 b 8510.90.04 b 8510.90.05 a 8510.90.99 b 8511.10 spark plugs 8511.10.00 b 8511.10.00 a 8511.10.01 a 8511.10.02 a 8511.10.99 b 8511.20 ignition magnetos, magneto-generators and magnetic flywheels 8511.20.10 a 8511.20.00 a 8511.20.01 a 8511.20.90 b 8511.20.02 a 8511.20.03 b 8511.20.99 b 8511.30 distributors and ignition coils 8511.30.00 b 8511.30.00 a 8511.30.01 b 8511.30.02 b 8511.30.03 a 8511.30.04 a 8511.40 starter motors 8511.40.00 b 8511.40.00 a 8511.40.01 b 8511.40.02 a 8511.40.03 a 8511.40.04 c 8511.50 generators and alternators 8511.50.00 bm 8511.50.00 a 8511.50.01 b 8511.50.02 a 8511.50.03 a 8511.50.04 c 8511.50.05 b 8511.80 glow plugs and other ignition or starting equipment nes 8511.80.00 b 8511.80.20 a 8511.80.01 b 8511.80.40 a 8511.80.02 a 8511.80.60 a 8511.80.03 b 8511.80.04 a 8511.80.99 c 8511.90 parts of electrical ignition or starting equipment 8511.90.10 a 8511.90.20 a 8511.90.01 b 8511.90.20 bm 8511.90.40 a 8511.90.02 b 8511.90.60 a 8511.90.03 c 8511.90.04 a 8511.90.05 b 8511.90.06 a 8511.90.07 b 8511.90.99 b 8512.10 lighting or signalling equipment of a kind used on bicycles 8512.10.00 b 8512.10.20 a 8512.10.01 c 8512.10.40 a 8512.10.02 b 8512.10.03 a 8512.10.99 a 8512.20 lighting or visual signalling equipment nes 8512.20.00 b 8512.20.20 d 8512.20.01 b 8512.20.40 a 8512.20.02 b 8512.20.03 b 8512.20.99 b 8512.30 sound signalling equipment 8512.30.00 b 8512.30.00 a 8512.30.01 b 8512.40 windscreen wipes, defrosters and demisters 8512.40.00 a 8512.40.20 a 8512.40.01 a 8512.40.40 a 8512.90 parts of electrical lighting, signalling and defrosting 8512.90.00 bm 8512.90.20 a 8512.90.01 b 8512.90.40 a 8512.90.02 b 8512.90.60 d 8512.90.03 b 8512.90.70 a 8512.90.04 b 8512.90.90 a 8512.90.05 b 8512.90.06 b 8512.90.07 b 8512.90.08 b 8512.90.99 b 8513.10 portable electric lamps designed to function by their own 8513.10.10 d 8513.10.20 a 8513.10.01 c 8513.10.20 d 8513.10.40 a 8513.10.02 c 8513.10.90 bm 8513.10.99 c 8513.90 parts of portable elect lamps designed to function by own 8513.90.10 d 8513.90.20 a 8513.90.01 a 8513.90.20 a 8513.90.40 a 8514.10 industrial & laboratory electric resistance heated furnaces & 8514.10.10 b 8514.10.00 a 8514.10.01 c 8514.10.90 b 8514.10.02 c 8514.10.03 c 8514.10.99 c 8514.20 industrial & laboratory electric induction or dielectric 8514.20.10 b 8514.20.00 a 8514.20.01 c 8514.20.90 b 8514.20.02 c 8514.20.03 b 8514.20.99 c 8514.30 industrial & laboratory electric furnaces & ovens nes 8514.30.10 b 8514.30.00 a 8514.30.01 c 8514.30.20 b 8514.30.02 b 8514.30.90 b 8514.30.03 c 8514.30.04 c 8514.30.05 a 8514.30.99 c 8514.40 industrial & laboratory electric induction or dielectric 8514.40.10 b 8514.40.00 a 8514.40.01 c 8514.40.90 b 8514.40.99 c 8514.90 parts of industrial or laboratory electric furnaces and ovens 8514.90.10 d 8514.90.00 a 8514.90.01 b 8514.90.91 b 8514.90.02 b 8514.90.92 b 8514.90.03 b 8514.90.93 b 8514.90.99 c 8515.11 electric soldering irons & guns 8515.11.00 a 8515.11.00 a 8515.11.01 c 8515.11.99 c 8515.19 electric brazing or soldering machines and apparatus nes 8515.19.00 b 8515.19.00 a 8515.19.99 c 8515.21 electric mach/app for resistance welding of metal fully or 8515.21.10 b 8515.21.00 a 8515.21.01 b 8515.21.90 b 8515.21.02 c 8515.21.03 c 8515.29 electric mach/app for resistance welding of metal nes 8515.29.10 b 8515.29.00 a 8515.29.01 b 8515.29.90 b 8515.29.99 c 8515.31 elec mach & app for arc (inc plasma arc) welding of met fully 8515.31.00 b 8515.31.00 a 8515.31.01 c 8515.31.02 c 8515.31.99 c 8515.39 electric mach/app for arc (inc plasma arc) welding of metals 8515.39.00 b 8515.39.00 a 8515.39.01 c 8515.39.02 c 8515.39.99 c 8515.80 electric/laser/ultrasonic mach etc for weld/cut nes or for hot 8515.80.00 a 8515.80.00 a 8515.80.01 a 8515.80.02 a 8515.80.99 c 8515.90 pts of electric/laser/ultrasonic mach etc for weld/cut nes or 8515.90.10 a 8515.90.20 a 8515.90.01 b 8515.90.90 a 8515.90.40 a 8515.90.02 b 8515.90.03 b 8515.90.99 b 8516.10 electric instantaneous or storage water heaters and immersion 8516.10.10 a 8516.10.00 a 8516.10.01 a 8516.10.20 b 8516.10.30 d 8516.10.90 b 8516.21 electric space heating apparatus, having storage heating 8516.21.00 a 8516.21.00 a 8516.21.01 b 8516.29 electric space heating apparatus and electric soil heating 8516.29.11 b 8516.29.00 a 8516.29.01 b 8516.29.19 b 8516.29.99 b 8516.29.20 b 8516.31 electro-thermic hair dryers 8516.31.10 a 8516.31.00 a 8516.31.01 c 8516.31.90 a 8516.32 electro-thermic hair-dressing apparatus, nes 8516.32.00 a 8516.32.00 a 8516.32.01 c 8516.33 electro-thermic hand-drying apparatus 8516.33.00 b 8516.33.00 a 8516.33.01 a 8516.40 electric smoothing irons 8516.40.00 a 8516.40.20 a 8516.40.01 c 8516.40.40 a 8516.50 microwave ovens 8516.50.00 a 8516.50.00 a 8516.50.01 a 8516.60 ovens; cookers, cooking plates, boiling rings, grillers and 8516.60.00 b 8516.60.40 d 8516.60.01 b 8516.60.60 a 8516.60.99 c 8516.71 electro-thermic coffee or tea makers, domestic, nes 8516.71.10 c 8516.71.00 a 8516.71.01 c 8516.71.20 a 8516.72 electro-thermic toasters, domestic 8516.72.00 a 8516.72.00 a 8516.72.01 b 8516.79 electro-thermic appliances, domestic, nes 8516.79.00 b 8516.79.00 a 8516.79.01 b 8516.79.99 b 8516.80 electric heating resistors 8516.80.11 d 8516.80.40 a 8516.80.01 a 8516.80.12 bm 8516.80.80 a 8516.80.02 b 8516.80.19 bm 8516.80.03 b 8516.80.91 d 8516.80.99 c 8516.80.92 b 8516.80.99 bm 8516.90 parts of electro-thermic apparatus of heading no 85.16 8516.90.10 a 8516.90.20 d 8516.90.01 b 8516.90.20 b 8516.90.40 a 8516.90.02 b 8516.90.30 b 8516.90.60 a 8516.90.03 b 8516.90.41 d 8516.90.04 b 8516.90.49 b 8516.90.05 b 8516.90.50 b 8516.90.06 b 8516.90.90 b 8516.90.99 b 8517.10 telephone sets 8517.10.00 a 8517.10.00 a 8517.10.fa a 8517.10.01 b 8517.10.02 b 8517.10.03 b 8517.20 teleprinters 8517.20.00 a 8517.20.00 a 8517.20.01 a 8517.20.99 a 8517.30 telephonic or telegraphic switching apparatus 8517.30.11 a 8517.30.15 a 8517.30.fa b 8517.30.12 a 8517.30.20 a 8517.30.fb a 8517.30.13 a 8517.30.25 a 8517.30.19 a 8517.30.30 a 8517.30.20 a 8517.30.50 a 8517.40 apparatus, for carrier-current line systems, nes 8517.40.10 a 8517.40.10 a 8517.40.01 a 8517.40.90 a 8517.40.50 a 8517.40.02 a 8517.40.70 a 8517.40.99 a 8517.81 telephonic apparatus, nes 8517.81.00 a 8517.81.00 a 8517.81.01 a 8517.81.02 b 8517.81.03 a 8517.81.04 a 8517.81.05 a 8517.81.99 a 8517.82 telegraphic apparatus, nes 8517.82.10 d 8517.82.00 a 8517.82.01 a 8517.82.20 a 8517.82.90 a 8517.90 parts of electrical apparatus for line telephone or line 8517.90.10 a 8517.90.05 a 8517.90.01 a 8517.90.20 a 8517.90.10 a 8517.90.02 a 8517.90.30 d 8517.90.15 a 8517.90.03 a 8517.90.40 a 8517.90.30 a 8517.90.04 a 8517.90.50 a 8517.90.35 a 8517.90.05 a 8517.90.60 a 8517.90.40 a 8517.90.06 a 8517.90.55 a 8517.90.07 a 8517.90.60 a 8517.90.08 a 8517.90.70 a 8517.90.09 a 8517.90.80 a 8517.90.99 a 8518.10 microphones and stands therefor 8518.10.00 a 8518.10.00 a 8518.10.01 a 8518.10.02 a 8518.10.03 a 8518.10.99 a 8518.21 single loudspeakers, mounted in the same enclosure 8518.21.00 abm 8518.21.00 a 8518.21.01 b 8518.22 multiple loudspeakers, mounted in the same enclosure 8518.22.00 abm 8518.22.00 a 8518.22.01 b 8518.29 loudspeakers, nes 8518.29.00 abm 8518.29.00 a 8518.29.01 a 8518.29.02 a 8518.29.99 a 8518.30 headphones, earphones and combined microphone/speaker sets 8518.30.10 a 8518.30.10 a 8518.30.01 a 8518.30.90 a 8518.30.20 a 8518.30.02 a 8518.30.99 a 8518.40 audio-frequency electric amplifiers 8518.40.00 abm 8518.40.10 a 8518.40.01 a 8518.40.20 a 8518.40.02 a 8518.40.03 a 8518.40.04 a 8518.40.05 a 8518.40.06 a 8518.40.07 a 8518.40.99 a 8518.50 electric sound amplifier sets 8518.50.00 bm 8518.50.00 a 8518.50.01 b 8518.90 parts of microphones, loudspeakers, headphones, earphones & 8518.90.10 d 8518.90.10 a 8518.90.01 a 8518.90.20 a 8518.90.30 a 8518.90.02 a 8518.90.30 a 8518.90.99 a 8518.90.40 a 8519.10 coin or disc-operated record-players 8519.10.00 d 8519.10.00 a 8519.10.01 a 8519.21 record-players without loudspeaker, nes 8519.21.00 d 8519.21.00 a 8519.21.01 a 8519.21.02 a 8519.21.99 a 8519.29 record-players, nes 8519.29.00 d 8519.29.00 a 8519.29.01 a 8519.29.02 a 8519.29.99 a 8519.31 turntables with automatic record changing mechanism 8519.31.00 a 8519.31.00 a 8519.31.01 a 8519.39 turntables, nes 8519.39.00 d 8519.39.00 a 8519.39.99 a 8519.40 transcribing machines 8519.40.10 a 8519.40.00 a 8519.40.01 a 8519.40.90 d 8519.91 sound reproducing apparatus, cassette type, not incorporating 8519.91.00 b 8519.91.00 a 8519.91.01 b 8519.91.02 a 8519.91.99 a 8519.99 sound reproducing apparatus, not incorporating a sound 8519.99.10 d 8519.99.00 a 8519.99.99 a 8519.99.90 a 8520.10 dictating mach not capable of operating without an external 8520.10.10 a 8520.10.00 a 8520.10.01 a 8520.10.90 d 8520.20 telephone answering machines 8520.20.00 a 8520.20.00 a 8520.20.01 a 8520.31 magnetic tape rec incorporating sound reproducing apparatus, 8520.31.10 d 8520.31.00 a 8520.31.01 a 8520.31.90 b 8520.31.99 b 8520.39 magnetic tape recorders incorporating sound reproducing 8520.39.10 d 8520.39.00 a 8520.39.01 a 8520.39.90 a 8520.39.99 a 8520.90 magnetic tape recorders and other sound recording apparatus, 8520.90.10 d 8520.90.00 a 8520.90.01 a 8520.90.90 a 8520.90.02 a 8520.90.99 a 8521.10 video recording or reproducing apparatus magnetic tape-type 8521.10.00 a 8521.10.00 a 8521.10.01 a 8521.10.99 a 8521.90 video recording or reproducing apparatus nes 8521.90.00 a 8521.90.00 a 8521.90.01 a 8522.10 pick-up cartridges 8522.10.00 a 8522.10.00 a 8522.10.01 a 8522.90 parts and accessories of apparatus of heading nos 85.19 to 8522.90.10 d 8522.90.40 a 8522.90.01 a 8522.90.20 a 8522.90.60 a 8522.90.02 a 8522.90.30 a 8522.90.90 a 8522.90.03 a 8522.90.40 b 8522.90.04 a 8522.90.50 a 8522.90.05 a 8522.90.90 b 8522.90.06 a 8522.90.07 a 8522.90.08 a 8522.90.09 a 8522.90.10 c 8522.90.11 a 8522.90.12 a 8522.90.13 a 8522.90.99 a 8523.11 unrecorded magnetic tapes, of a width not exceeding 4 mm 8523.11.00 a 8523.11.00 a 8523.11.01 a 8523.11.02 a 8523.11.99 a 8523.12 unrecorded magnetic tapes, of a width exceeding 4 mm but not 8523.12.00 a 8523.12.00 a 8523.12.01 a 8523.12.02 a 8523.12.99 a 8523.13 unrecorded magnetic tapes, of a width exceeding 6.5 mm 8523.13.00 a 8523.13.00 a 8523.13.01 a 8523.13.02 a 8523.13.03 a 8523.13.99 a 8523.20 unrecorded magnetic discs 8523.20.00 d 8523.20.00 a 8523.20.01 a 8523.20.99 a 8523.90 prepared unrecorded media for sound recording or other 8523.90.00 a 8523.90.00 a 8523.90.01 a 8523.90.99 a 8524.10 recorded gramophone records 8524.10.00 a 8524.10.00 a 8524.10.01 a 8524.10.02 a 8524.10.99 a 8524.21 recorded magnetic tapes, of a width not exceeding 4 mm 8524.21.10 bm 8524.21.10 d 8524.21.01 a 8524.21.90 d 8524.21.30 a 8524.21.02 a 8524.21.03 a 8524.21.99 a 8524.22 recorded magnetic tapes, of a width exceeding 4 mm but not 8524.22.10 bm 8524.22.10 a 8524.22.01 a 8524.22.90 d 8524.22.20 a 8524.22.02 a 8524.22.03 a 8524.22.99 a 8524.23 recorded magnetic tapes, of a width exceeding 6.5 mm 8524.23.10 bm 8524.23.10 a 8524.23.01 a 8524.23.90 d 8524.23.20 a 8524.23.02 a 8524.23.03 a 8524.23.99 a 8524.90 recorded media for sound or other similarly recorded phenomena 8524.90.10 a 8524.90.20 d 8524.90.01 a 8524.90.20 d 8524.90.30 a 8524.90.99 a 8524.90.90 a 8524.90.40 a 8525.10 transmission apparatus for radio-teleph radio-broadcasting or 8525.10.10 d 8525.10.60 a 8525.10.01 a 8525.10.90 a 8525.10.80 a 8525.10.02 a 8525.10.03 b 8525.10.04 a 8525.10.05 b 8525.10.06 b 8525.10.07 a 8525.10.08 b 8525.10.09 a 8525.10.10 a 8525.10.11 a 8525.10.99 b 8525.20 transmission apparatus, for radioteleph incorporating receptio 8525.20.10 d 8525.20.05 a 8525.20.01 b 8525.20.90 a 8525.20.15 a 8525.20.02 a 8525.20.20 a 8525.20.03 a 8525.20.30 a 8525.20.04 b 8525.20.50 a 8525.20.05 b 8525.20.60 a 8525.20.06 a 8525.20.07 b 8525.20.08 b 8525.20.09 a 8525.20.10 a 8525.20.99 b 8525.30 television cameras 8525.30.10 d 8525.30.00 a 8525.30.01 a 8525.30.20 a 8525.30.02 a 8526.10 radar aparatus 8526.10.00 a 8526.10.00 a 8526.10.01 a 8526.10.99 a 8526.91 radio navigational aid apparatus 8526.91.00 a 8526.91.00 a 8526.91.01 a 8526.91.99 a 8526.92 radio remote control apparatus 8526.92.10 a 8526.92.00 a 8526.92.01 a 8526.92.90 a 8526.92.99 a 8527.11 radio broad rece capable of op w/o an external source of power 8527.11.10 d 8527.11.11 a 8527.11.01 a 8527.11.90 a 8527.11.20 a 8527.11.40 a 8527.11.60 a 8527.19 radio broad rece capable of op w/o an external source of power 8527.19.00 d 8527.19.00 a 8527.19.99 a 8527.21 radio rece not capable of op w/o ext source of power for motor 8527.21.00 d 8527.21.10 b 8527.21.01 a 8527.21.40 a 8527.21.02 c 8527.29 radio rece not capable of op w/o ext source of power for motor 8527.29.00 d 8527.29.00 a 8527.29.01 c 8527.29.02 c 8527.31 radio broad rece combined with sound recording or reproducing 8527.31.10 d 8527.31.05 a 8527.31.01 a 8527.31.90 a 8527.31.40 a 8527.31.02 b 8527.31.50 a 8527.31.60 a 8527.32 radio broad rece not combi with sound recording but combined 8527.32.10 d 8527.32.00 a 8527.32.01 a 8527.32.90 a 8527.39 radio-broadcast receivers nes 8527.39.10 d 8527.39.00 a 8527.39.99 a 8527.39.90 a 8527.90 radio reception apparatus nes 8527.90.10 d 8527.90.40 a 8527.90.01 a 8527.90.90 a 8527.90.80 a 8527.90.02 a 8527.90.03 b 8527.90.04 b 8527.90.05 a 8527.90.06 a 8527.90.07 b 8527.90.08 b 8527.90.09 a 8527.90.10 a 8527.90.11 a 8527.90.12 a 8527.90.99 b 8528.10 television receivers including video monitors and video 8528.10.10 bm 8528.10.40 a 8528.10.01 b 8528.10.91 b 8528.10.80 a 8528.10.02 a 8528.10.98 b 8528.10.03 a 8528.10.99 b 8528.10.99 a 8528.20 television receivers an including video monitors and video 8528.20.10 d 8528.20.00 a 8528.20.01 a 8528.20.90 a 8528.20.02 a 8528.20.03 a 8528.20.99 a 8529.10 aerials and aerial reflectors of all kinds; parts suitable for 8529.10.10 a 8529.10.20 a 8529.10.01 a 8529.10.20 a 8529.10.40 a 8529.10.02 a 8529.10.90 a 8529.10.60 a 8529.10.03 a 8529.10.04 a 8529.10.05 c 8529.10.06 a 8529.10.07 a 8529.10.99 a 8529.90 parts suitable for use solely or princ with the app of heading 8529.90.10 d 8529.90.10 a 8529.90.01 a 8529.90.20 a 8529.90.15 a 8529.90.02 a 8529.90.30 a 8529.90.20 a 8529.90.03 a 8529.90.40 a 8529.90.30 a 8529.90.04 a 8529.90.50 a 8529.90.35 a 8529.90.05 a 8529.90.60 a 8529.90.40 a 8529.90.06 a 8529.90.71 a 8529.90.45 a 8529.90.07 a 8529.90.79 a 8529.90.50 a 8529.90.08 a 8529.90.09 a 8529.90.10 a 8529.90.11 a 8529.90.12 a 8529.90.13 a 8529.90.14 a 8529.90.15 a 8529.90.99 a 8530.10 electrical signalling, safety or traffic control equip for 8530.10.00 d 8530.10.00 a 8530.10.01 a 8530.80 electrical signalling, safety or traffic control equipment, ne 8530.80.00 a 8530.80.00 a 8530.80.01 a 8530.80.02 a 8530.80.99 c 8530.90 parts of electrical signalling, safety or traffic control 8530.90.10 d 8530.90.00 a 8530.90.01 a 8530.90.20 a 8531.10 burglar or fire alarms and similar apparatus 8531.10.10 d 8531.10.00 a 8531.10.01 a 8531.10.20 a 8531.10.02 a 8531.10.90 a 8531.10.03 c 8531.10.04 a 8531.10.99 a 8531.20 indicator panels incorporating liquid crystal devices or light 8531.20.00 a 8531.20.00 a 8531.20.01 a 8531.80 electric sound or visual signalling apparatus, nes 8531.80.10 d 8531.80.00 a 8531.80.01 c 8531.80.20 d 8531.80.02 c 8531.80.90 b 8531.80.03 c 8531.80.04 c 8531.80.99 c 8531.90 parts of electric sound or visual signalling apparatus 8531.90.10 d 8531.90.00 a 8531.90.01 c 8531.90.20 b 8531.90.02 a 8532.10 fixed capacitors designed for use in 50/60 hz circuits (power 8532.10.00 a 8532.10.00 b 8532.10.01 b 8532.10.99 c 8532.21 electrical capacitors, fixed, tantalum, nes 8532.21.00 a 8532.21.00 a 8532.21.01 a 8532.21.99 a 8532.22 electrical capacitors, fixed, aluminium electrolytic, nes 8532.22.00 a 8532.22.00 c 8532.22.01 a 8532.22.99 c 8532.23 electrical capacitors, fixed, ceramic dielectric, single layer 8532.23.00 a 8532.23.00 a 8532.23.01 a 8532.23.02 a 8532.23.03 a 8532.23.99 a 8532.24 electrical capacitors, fixed, ceramic dielectric, multilayer, 8532.24.00 a 8532.24.00 a 8532.24.01 a 8532.24.02 a 8532.24.03 a 8532.24.99 a 8532.25 electrical capacitors, fixed, dielectric of paper or plastics, 8532.25.00 b 8532.25.00 c 8532.25.01 a 8532.25.02 c 8532.25.99 c 8532.29 electrical capacitors, fixed, nes 8532.29.00 b 8532.29.00 a 8532.29.01 b 8532.29.02 b 8532.29.03 a 8532.29.04 b 8532.29.05 a 8532.29.99 b 8532.30 electrical capacitors, variable or adjustable (pre-set) 8532.30.00 a 8532.30.00 a 8532.30.01 a 8532.30.02 a 8532.30.03 a 8532.30.04 a 8532.30.05 a 8532.30.99 a 8532.90 parts of electrical capacitors 8532.90.00 a 8532.90.00 a 8532.90.01 a 8533.10 electrical resistors, fixed carbon, composition or film type 8533.10.00 a 8533.10.00 a 8533.10.01 a 8533.10.99 a 8533.21 electrical resistors fixed for a power handling capacity not 8533.21.00 a 8533.21.00 a 8533.21.01 a 8533.21.99 a 8533.29 electrical resistors, fixed, other than heating resistors, nes 8533.29.00 a 8533.29.00 a 8533.29.01 a 8533.29.02 b 8533.29.99 b 8533.31 wirewound variable resistors, including rheostat and 8533.31.00 a 8533.31.00 a 8533.31.01 a 8533.31.02 a 8533.31.03 a 8533.31.99 a 8533.39 wirewound variable resistors, including rheostat and 8533.39.00 a 8533.39.00 a 8533.39.01 a 8533.39.02 a 8533.39.03 c 8533.39.99 a 8533.40 variable resistors, including rheostats and potentiometers, ne 8533.40.00 a 8533.40.00 a 8533.40.01 a 8533.40.02 a 8533.40.03 a 8533.40.04 c 8533.40.05 b 8533.40.06 b 8533.40.99 b 8533.90 parts of electrical resistors, rheostats and potentiometers 8533.90.10 a 8533.90.00 a 8533.90.01 a 8533.90.20 a 8533.90.99 a 8534.00 printed circuits 8534.00.00 b 8534.00.00 a 8534.00.01 b 8534.00.99 b 8535.10 electrical fuses, for a voltage exceeding 1,000 volts 8535.10.00 bm 8535.10.00 a 8535.10.01 a 8535.10.02 a 8535.10.03 c 8535.10.04 c 8535.21 automatic circuit breakers for a voltage exceeding 1,000 volts 8535.21.10 bm 8535.21.00 a 8535.21.01 c 8535.21.90 bm 8535.21.99 c 8535.29 automatic circuit breakers, for a voltage exceeding 1,000 8535.29.10 b 8535.29.00 a 8535.29.99 c 8535.29.90 b 8535.30 isolating switches and make-and-break switches, voltage exceed 8535.30.10 bm 8535.30.00 a 8535.30.01 c 8535.30.90 bm 8535.30.02 c 8535.30.03 c 8535.30.04 a 8535.30.05 c 8535.30.06 c 8535.30.99 c 8535.40 lightning arresters, voltage limiters and surge supp voltage > 8535.40.00 bm 8535.40.00 a 8535.40.01 a 8535.40.02 c 8535.40.99 c 8535.90 electrical app for switching or protec elec circuits, exceed 8535.90.10 bm 8535.90.00 a 8535.90.01 c 8535.90.20 bm 8535.90.02 c 8535.90.90 bm 8535.90.03 a 8535.90.04 c 8535.90.05 c 8535.90.06 a 8535.90.07 c 8535.90.08 c 8535.90.09 c 8535.90.10 c 8535.90.11 c 8535.90.12 a 8535.90.13 a 8535.90.14 a 8535.90.15 c 8535.90.16 c 8535.90.17 c 8535.90.18 c 8535.90.19 a 8535.90.20 c 8535.90.21 a 8535.90.22 a 8535.90.23 c 8535.90.99 c 8536.10 electrical fuses, for a voltage not exceeding 1,000 volts 8536.10.00 bm 8536.10.00 a 8536.10.01 a 8536.10.02 c 8536.10.03 c 8536.10.04 c 8536.10.05 a 8536.10.06 a 8536.20 automatic circuit breakers for a voltage not exceeding 1,000 8536.20.00 bm 8536.20.00 a 8536.20.01 a 8536.20.02 c 8536.20.03 a 8536.30 electrical app for protecting electric circuits, for a voltage 8536.30.10 c 8536.30.00 a 8536.30.01 a 8536.30.90 bm 8536.30.02 c 8536.30.03 a 8536.30.04 a 8536.30.99 c 8536.41 electrical relays for a voltage not exceeding 60 volts 8536.41.10 d 8536.41.00 a 8536.41.01 a 8536.41.90 b 8536.41.02 c 8536.41.03 c 8536.41.04 a 8536.41.05 a 8536.41.06 c 8536.41.07 a 8536.41.08 c 8536.41.09 c 8536.41.10 c 8536.41.11 c 8536.41.99 c 8536.49 electrical relays for a voltage exceed 60 v but not exceeding 8536.49.00 bm 8536.49.00 a 8536.49.01 c 8536.49.02 c 8536.49.03 c 8536.49.04 a 8536.49.05 c 8536.49.99 c 8536.50 electrical switches for a voltage not exceeding 1,000 volts, 8536.50.10 d 8536.50.00 b 8536.50.01 c 8536.50.80 c 8536.50.02 c 8536.50.91 bm 8536.50.03 c 8536.50.99 bm 8536.50.04 a 8536.50.05 a 8536.50.06 a 8536.50.07 c 8536.50.08 c 8536.50.09 c 8536.50.10 a 8536.50.11 a 8536.50.12 a 8536.50.13 a 8536.50.14 a 8536.61 electrical lamp-holders, for a voltage not exceeding 1,000 8536.61.00 bm 8536.61.00 a 8536.61.01 a 8536.61.02 a 8536.61.03 a 8536.61.99 a 8536.69 electrical plugs and sockets, for a voltage not exceeding 1,00 8536.69.00 bm 8536.69.00 a 8536.69.01 a 8536.69.02 c 8536.69.03 c 8536.90 electrical app for switching or protec elec circuits, not 8536.90.10 bm 8536.90.00 a 8536.90.01 a 8536.90.20 bm 8536.90.02 a 8536.90.30 cm 8536.90.03 a 8536.90.90 bm 8536.90.04 c 8536.90.05 c 8536.90.06 c 8536.90.07 c 8536.90.08 a 8536.90.09 a 8536.90.10 a 8536.90.11 c 8536.90.12 a 8536.90.13 c 8536.90.14 c 8536.90.15 c 8536.90.16 c 8536.90.17 c 8536.90.18 c 8536.90.19 c 8536.90.20 c 8536.90.21 c 8536.90.22 c 8536.90.23 c 8536.90.24 c 8536.90.25 a 8536.90.26 c 8536.90.27 a 8536.90.28 a 8536.90.29 a 8536.90.30 c 8536.90.31 a 8536.90.32 c 8536.90.99 c 8537.10 boards, panels, including numerical control panels, for a 8537.10.11 a 8537.10.00 a 8537.10.01 c 8537.10.19 a 8537.10.02 c 8537.10.20 bm 8537.10.03 c 8537.10.91 b 8537.10.04 c 8537.10.92 d 8537.10.99 c 8537.10.99 b 8537.20 boards, panels, including numerical control panels, for a 8537.20.10 a 8537.20.00 a 8537.20.01 c 8537.20.20 bm 8537.20.02 c 8537.20.90 b 8537.20.99 c 8538.10 boards, panels, etc for goods of heading no. 85.37, not 8538.10.10 a 8538.10.00 a 8538.10.01 c 8538.10.20 b 8538.10.30 b 8538.10.40 a 8538.90 parts for use with the apparatus of heading no. 85.35, 85.36 o 8538.90.10 bm 8538.90.00 a 8538.90.01 c 8538.90.20 bm 8538.90.02 c 8538.90.30 cm 8538.90.03 c 8538.90.90 bm 8538.90.04 a 8538.90.05 c 8538.90.06 c 8538.90.07 a 8538.90.08 c 8538.90.09 a 8538.90.10 c 8538.90.11 c 8538.90.99 c 8539.10 sealed beam lamp units 8539.10.10 c 8539.10.00 a 8539.10.01 a 8539.10.90 a 8539.10.02 a 8539.10.03 a 8539.10.04 c 8539.21 filament lamps, tungsten halogen 8539.21.11 bm 8539.21.20 d 8539.21.01 b 8539.21.12 bm 8539.21.40 a 8539.21.02 b 8539.21.90 b 8539.21.99 b 8539.22 filament lamps, of a power not exceed 200 w and for a voltage 8539.22.00 bm 8539.22.40 a 8539.22.01 c 8539.22.80 a 8539.22.02 a 8539.22.03 a 8539.22.04 a 8539.22.05 c 8539.22.06 a 8539.22.99 c 8539.29 filament lamps, excluding ultraviolet or infra-red lamps, nes 8539.29.10 a 8539.29.10 a 8539.29.01 c 8539.29.21 bm 8539.29.20 a 8539.29.02 a 8539.29.29 a 8539.29.30 d 8539.29.03 a 8539.29.40 a 8539.29.04 a 8539.29.05 c 8539.29.06 a 8539.29.07 c 8539.29.08 a 8539.29.09 a 8539.29.10 a 8539.29.11 c 8539.29.99 c 8539.31 fluorescent lamps, hot cathode 8539.31.00 cm 8539.31.00 a 8539.31.01 c 8539.31.99 c 8539.39 discharge lamps, other than ultra-violet lamps, nes 8539.39.10 d 8539.39.00 a 8539.39.01 c 8539.39.90 bm 8539.39.02 c 8539.39.03 c 8539.39.04 a 8539.39.05 a 8539.39.06 c 8539.39.07 a 8539.39.08 c 8539.39.09 a 8539.39.99 c 8539.40 ultra-violet or infra-red lamps; arc lamps 8539.40.10 d 8539.40.40 a 8539.40.01 a 8539.40.20 bm 8539.40.80 a 8539.40.02 a 8539.40.90 a 8539.40.03 c 8539.90 parts of electric filament or discharge lamps, uv or ir lamps 8539.90.10 d 8539.90.00 a 8539.90.01 a 8539.90.90 a 8539.90.02 a 8539.90.03 a 8539.90.04 b 8539.90.05 c 8539.90.06 a 8539.90.07 c 8539.90.08 a 8539.90.09 a 8539.90.99 a 8540.11 cathode-ray television picture tubes, including video monitor 8540.11.00 a 8540.11.00 a 8540.11.01 a 8540.12 cathode-ray tv picture tubes incl video monitor tubes, b&w or 8540.12.00 a 8540.12.40 a 8540.12.01 a 8540.12.80 a 8540.20 television camera tubes, image converter and other photocathod 8540.20.00 a 8540.20.20 a 8540.20.01 a 8540.20.40 a 8540.20.99 a 8540.30 cathode-ray tubes, nes 8540.30.00 a 8540.30.00 a 8540.30.01 a 8540.30.99 a 8540.41 magnetron tubes 8540.41.00 a 8540.41.20 d 8540.41.01 a 8540.41.40 a 8540.42 klystron tubes 8540.42.00 a 8540.42.00 a 8540.42.01 a 8540.49 microwave tubes, nes 8540.49.00 a 8540.49.00 a 8540.49.99 a 8540.81 receiver or amplifier valves and tubes 8540.81.00 a 8540.81.00 a 8540.81.01 a 8540.81.02 a 8540.81.99 a 8540.89 valve and tubes, nes 8540.89.00 a 8540.89.00 a 8540.89.01 a 8540.89.02 a 8540.89.03 a 8540.89.99 a 8540.91 parts of cathode-ray tubes 8540.91.00 d 8540.91.20 a 8540.91.01 a 8540.91.40 a 8540.91.02 a 8540.91.03 a 8540.91.04 a 8540.91.05 a 8540.91.06 a 8540.91.07 a 8540.91.99 a 8540.99 parts of valve and tubes, nes 8540.99.00 d 8540.99.00 a 8540.99.01 a 8540.99.02 a 8540.99.03 a 8540.99.04 a 8540.99.99 a 8541.10 diodes, other than photosensitive or light emitting diodes 8541.10.10 a 8541.10.00 d 8541.10.01 a 8541.10.90 d 8541.10.99 a 8541.21 transistors, other than photosensitive, with a dissipation rat 8541.21.00 d 8541.21.00 d 8541.21.01 a 8541.29 transistors, other than photosensitive transistors, nes 8541.29.00 d 8541.29.00 d 8541.29.99 a 8541.30 thyristors, diacs and triacs, other than photosensitive device 8541.30.11 a 8541.30.00 d 8541.30.01 a 8541.30.19 d 8541.30.99 a 8541.30.20 d 8541.40 photosensitive semiconductor devices, photovoltaic cells & 8541.40.00 d 8541.40.20 a 8541.40.01 a 8541.40.60 d 8541.40.02 a 8541.40.70 d 8541.40.03 a 8541.40.80 a 8541.40.04 a 8541.40.95 a 8541.40.99 a 8541.50 semiconductor devices, nes 8541.50.00 d 8541.50.00 a 8541.50.01 a 8541.50.02 a 8541.50.99 a 8541.60 mounted piezo-electric crystals 8541.60.00 a 8541.60.00 a 8541.60.01 a 8541.90 parts of mounted piezo-electric crystals and semiconductor 8541.90.00 d 8541.90.00 d 8541.90.01 a 8542.11 monolithic integrated circuits, digital 8542.11.00 d 8542.11.00 d 8542.11.01 a 8542.11.99 a 8542.19 monolithic integrated circuits, nes 8542.19.00 d 8542.19.00 d 8542.19.01 a 8542.19.99 a 8542.20 hybrid integrated circuits 8542.20.00 a 8542.20.00 d 8542.20.01 a 8542.20.02 a 8542.20.99 a 8542.80 electronic integrated circuits and microassemblies, nes 8542.80.00 d 8542.80.00 a 8542.80.01 a 8542.80.99 a 8542.90 parts of electronic integrated circuits and microassemblies 8542.90.00 d 8542.90.00 d 8542.90.01 a 8543.10 particle accelerators 8543.10.00 a 8543.10.00 a 8543.10.01 a 8543.20 signal generators 8543.20.00 a 8543.20.00 a 8543.20.01 a 8543.20.02 a 8543.20.03 a 8543.20.04 a 8543.20.05 a 8543.20.06 a 8543.20.99 a 8543.30 machines & apparatus for electroplating, electrolysis or 8543.30.10 a 8543.30.00 a 8543.30.01 a 8543.30.90 a 8543.80 electrical machines and apparatus, having individual functions 8543.80.10 d 8543.80.40 a 8543.80.01 a 8543.80.20 d 8543.80.60 a 8543.80.02 a 8543.80.30 a 8543.80.70 a 8543.80.03 a 8543.80.40 b 8543.80.90 a 8543.80.04 a 8543.80.90 bm 8543.80.05 a 8543.80.06 a 8543.80.07 c 8543.80.08 a 8543.80.09 a 8543.80.10 b 8543.80.11 b 8543.80.12 a 8543.80.13 a 8543.80.14 a 8543.80.15 a 8543.80.16 b 8543.80.17 a 8543.80.18 a 8543.80.19 a 8543.80.99 b 8543.90 parts of electrical machines & apparatus having individual 8543.90.10 d 8543.90.40 a 8543.90.01 a 8543.90.20 a 8543.90.80 a 8543.90.30 a 8543.90.40 a 8544.11 insulated (including enamelled or anodised) winding wire of 8544.11.00 bm 8544.11.00 a 8544.11.01 c 8544.19 insulated (including enamelled or anodised) winding wire, nes 8544.19.00 bm 8544.19.00 a 8544.19.01 c 8544.19.99 c 8544.20 co-axial cable and other co-axial electric conductors 8544.20.00 bm 8544.20.00 a 8544.20.01 c 8544.20.02 a 8544.20.03 a 8544.20.99 c 8544.30 ignition wiring sets & other wiring sets of a kind used in 8544.30.00 d 8544.30.00 a 8544.30.01 a 8544.30.99 c 8544.41 electric conductors, for a voltage not exceeding 80 v, fitted 8544.41.00 cm 8544.41.00 a 8544.41.01 c 8544.41.02 c 8544.41.03 c 8544.41.04 c 8544.41.05 c 8544.41.06 a 8544.41.07 c 8544.41.99 c 8544.49 electric conductors, for a voltage not exceeding 80 v, nes 8544.49.00 b 8544.49.00 a 8544.49.01 c 8544.49.02 c 8544.49.03 c 8544.49.04 c 8544.49.05 c 8544.49.06 a 8544.49.07 c 8544.49.99 c 8544.51 electric conductors, for a voltage >80v but ã� 1,000 v fitted 8544.51.00 cm 8544.51.40 a 8544.51.01 c 8544.51.80 c 8544.51.02 c 8544.51.03 c 8544.51.04 c 8544.51.05 c 8544.51.06 a 8544.51.07 c 8544.51.99 c 8544.59 electric conductors, for a voltage >80v but not exceeding 1,00 8544.59.00 cm 8544.59.20 a 8544.59.01 c 8544.59.40 a 8544.59.02 c 8544.59.03 c 8544.59.04 c 8544.59.05 c 8544.59.06 a 8544.59.07 c 8544.59.99 c 8544.60 electric conductors, for a voltage exceeding 1,000 v, nes 8544.60.00 c 8544.60.20 a 8544.60.01 c 8544.60.40 a 8544.60.02 c 8544.60.60 a 8544.60.99 c 8544.70 optical fibre cables, made up of individually sheathed fibres 8544.70.00 a 8544.70.00 a 8544.70.01 a 8545.11 carbon or graphite electrodes, of a kind used for furnaces 8545.11.11 d 8545.11.00 a 8545.11.01 b 8545.11.12 a 8545.11.99 b 8545.11.21 a 8545.11.22 a 8545.19 carbon or graphite electrodes, of a kind used for electrical 8545.19.10 a 8545.19.20 a 8545.19.01 b 8545.19.21 d 8545.19.40 a 8545.19.02 b 8545.19.22 b 8545.19.99 b 8545.19.31 a 8545.19.32 a 8545.20 carbon or graphite brushes 8545.20.00 b 8545.20.00 a 8545.20.01 c 8545.90 articles of carbon or graphite, of a kind used for electrical 8545.90.10 a 8545.90.20 a 8545.90.01 b 8545.90.91 d 8545.90.40 a 8545.90.02 a 8545.90.92 bm 8545.90.03 a 8545.90.99 b 8546.10 electrical insulators of glass 8546.10.00 bm 8546.10.00 a 8546.10.01 c 8546.10.02 a 8546.10.03 a 8546.10.99 b 8546.20 electrical insulators of ceramics 8546.20.00 bm 8546.20.00 a 8546.20.01 c 8546.20.02 c 8546.20.03 a 8546.20.04 a 8546.20.99 b 8546.90 electrical insulators, nes 8546.90.00 bm 8546.90.00 a 8546.90.01 b 8546.90.02 a 8546.90.03 c 8546.90.04 b 8546.90.99 c 8547.10 insulating fittings of ceramics for elec machines, appliances 8547.10.10 d 8547.10.40 a 8547.10.01 c 8547.10.90 bm 8547.10.80 a 8547.10.02 c 8547.10.03 a 8547.10.04 a 8547.10.05 a 8547.10.06 a 8547.20 insulating fittings of plastics for elec machines, appliances 8547.20.00 a 8547.20.00 a 8547.20.01 a 8547.20.02 a 8547.20.03 a 8547.20.99 a 8547.90 insulating fittings for electrical mach appliances or 8547.90.10 b 8547.90.00 a 8547.90.01 a 8547.90.90 b 8547.90.02 a 8547.90.03 a 8547.90.04 a 8547.90.05 a 8547.90.06 a 8547.90.07 a 8547.90.08 a 8547.90.09 a 8547.90.10 a 8547.90.11 a 8547.90.12 a 8547.90.99 b 8548.00 electrical parts of machinery or apparatus, nes in this chapte 8548.00.00 bm 8548.00.00 a 8548.00.01 c 8548.00.02 c 8548.00.03 c 8548.00.99 c 8601.10 rail locomotives powered from an external source of electricit 8601.10.00 a 8601.10.00 a 8601.10.01 a 8601.20 rail locomotives powered by electric batteries 8601.20.00 a 8601.20.00 a 8601.20.01 a 8602.10 rail locomotives, diesel-electric 8602.10.00 a 8602.10.00 a 8602.10.01 a 8602.90 rail locomotives nes and locomotive tenders 8602.90.00 a 8602.90.00 a 8602.90.01 a 8602.90.99 a 8603.10 self-propelled railway cars powered from an external source of 8603.10.00 a 8603.10.00 a 8603.10.01 a 8603.90 self-propelled railway cars nes 8603.90.00 a 8603.90.00 a 8603.90.99 a 8604.00 railway maintenance-of-way service vehicles 8604.00.10 d 8604.00.00 a 8604.00.01 a 8604.00.90 a 8604.00.02 c 8604.00.03 c 8604.00.99 a 8605.00 railway passenger and special purpose coaches, not 8605.00.00 c 8605.00.00 a 8605.00.01 c 8605.00.02 c 8605.00.03 c 8605.00.99 c 8606.10 railway tank cars, not self-propelled 8606.10.00 a 8606.10.00 a 8606.10.01 a 8606.10.99 a 8606.20 railway cars, insulated or refrigerated, other than tank cars 8606.20.00 a 8606.20.00 a 8606.20.01 a 8606.30 railway cars, self-discharging, other than tank or refrigerate 8606.30.00 cm 8606.30.00 a 8606.30.01 c 8606.30.99 c 8606.91 railway cars, closed and covered 8606.91.00 a 8606.91.00 a 8606.91.01 a 8606.92 railway cars, open, with non-removable sides of a height 8606.92.00 a 8606.92.00 a 8606.92.01 a 8606.99 railway cars nes 8606.99.00 a 8606.99.00 a 8606.99.01 a 8606.99.99 a 8607.11 driving bogies and bissel-bogies 8607.11.10 c 8607.11.00 a 8607.11.01 c 8607.11.20 a 8607.11.99 a 8607.12 bogies and bissel-bogies nes 8607.12.10 c 8607.12.00 a 8607.12.01 c 8607.12.20 a 8607.12.99 a 8607.12.90 c 8607.19 axles and wheels and parts 8607.19.10 b 8607.19.10 b 8607.19.01 d 8607.19.20 a 8607.19.20 d 8607.19.02 a 8607.19.91 a 8607.19.30 a 8607.19.03 a 8607.19.92 a 8607.19.90 a 8607.19.04 b 8607.19.93 a 8607.19.05 a 8607.19.06 a 8607.21 air brakes and parts for railway rolling stock 8607.21.00 c 8607.21.10 a 8607.21.01 c 8607.21.50 a 8607.21.02 c 8607.21.99 c 8607.29 brakes nes and parts thereof for railway rolling stock 8607.29.00 a 8607.29.10 a 8607.29.01 a 8607.29.50 a 8607.29.99 a 8607.30 coupling devices and parts for railway rolling stock 8607.30.00 a 8607.30.10 a 8607.30.01 a 8607.30.50 a 8607.30.99 a 8607.91 locomotive parts nes 8607.91.00 b 8607.91.00 a 8607.91.01 a 8607.91.02 c 8607.91.03 a 8607.91.04 a 8607.91.99 a 8607.99 railway rolling stock parts nes 8607.99.11 d 8607.99.10 a 8607.99.01 a 8607.99.12 a 8607.99.50 a 8607.99.02 a 8607.99.19 a 8607.99.03 a 8607.99.20 a 8607.99.04 a 8607.99.99 a 8608.00 signalling devices for railways, waterways and airports and 8608.00.11 a 8608.00.00 a 8608.00.01 a 8608.00.19 d 8608.00.02 a 8608.00.90 a 8608.00.03 a 8608.00.04 c 8608.00.99 c 8609.00 cargo containers designed to be carried by one or more modes o 8609.00.10 cm 8609.00.00 d 8609.00.01 c 8609.00.20 cm 8609.00.90 cm 8701.10 pedestrian controlled tractors 8701.10.10 d 8701.10.00 d 8701.10.01 b 8701.10.90 bm 8701.20 road tractors for semi-trailers (truck tractors) 8701.20.00 c 8701.20.00 c 8701.20.01 c 8701.30 track-laying tractors (crawlers) 8701.30.10 d 8701.30.10 d 8701.30.01 b 8701.30.90 b 8701.30.50 a 8701.30.99 a 8701.90 wheeled tractors nes 8701.90.11 bm 8701.90.10 d 8701.90.01 a 8701.90.19 d 8701.90.50 a 8701.90.02 b 8701.90.90 bm 8701.90.99 b 8702.10 diesel powered buses with a seating capacity of > nine persons 8702.10.00 c 8702.10.00 a 8702.10.01 c 8702.10.02 c 8702.90 buses with a seating capacity of more than nine persons nes 8702.90.00 c 8702.90.00 a 8702.90.01 c 8702.90.02 c 8702.90.03 c 8703.10 snowmobiles, golf cars and similar vehicles 8703.10.10 d 8703.10.10 a 8703.10.01 c 8703.10.90 c 8703.10.50 a 8703.10.02 c 8703.10.03 c 8703.10.99 c 8703.21 automobiles with reciprocating piston engine displacing not 8703.21.10 a 8703.21.00 a 8703.21.01 ca 8703.21.90 ca 8703.22 automobiles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 1000 8703.22.00 ca 8703.22.00 a 8703.22.01 ca 8703.23 automobiles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 1500 8703.23.00 ca 8703.23.00 a 8703.23.01 ca 8703.24 automobiles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 3000 8703.24.00 ca 8703.24.00 a 8703.24.01 ca 8703.31 automobiles with diesel engine displacing not more than 1500 c 8703.31.00 ca 8703.31.00 a 8703.31.01 ca 8703.32 automobiles with diesel engine displacing more than 1500 cc to 8703.32.00 ca 8703.32.00 a 8703.32.01 ca 8703.33 automobiles with diesel engine displacing more than 2500 cc 8703.33.00 ca 8703.33.00 a 8703.33.01 ca 8703.90 automobiles nes including gas turbine powered 8703.90.00 ca 8703.90.00 a 8703.90.01 ca 8703.90.99 ca 8704.10 dump trucks designed for off-highway use 8704.10.00 c 8704.10.10 c 8704.10.01 b 8704.10.50 c 8704.10.02 c 8704.10.99 b 8704.21 diesel powered trucks with a gvw not exceeding five tonnes 8704.21.00 ba 8704.21.00 b 8704.21.01 a 8704.21.99 ba 8704.22 diesel powered trucks with a gvw exc five tonnes but not exc 8704.22.00 c 8704.22.10 c 8704.22.01 a 8704.22.50 c 8704.22.99 c 8704.23 diesel powered trucks with a gvw exceeding twenty tonnes 8704.23.00 c 8704.23.00 c 8704.23.01 a 8704.23.99 c 8704.31 gas powered trucks with a gvw not exceeding five tonnes 8704.31.00 ba 8704.31.00 b 8704.31.01 a 8704.31.99 ba 8704.32 gas powered trucks with a gvw exceeding five tonnes 8704.32.00 c 8704.32.00 c 8704.32.01 a 8704.32.99 c 8704.90 trucks nes 8704.90.00 cm 8704.90.00 c 8704.90.01 c 8704.90.99 c 8705.10 mobile cranes 8705.10.10 d 8705.10.00 a 8705.10.01 c 8705.10.90 c 8705.20 mobile drilling derricks 8705.20.00 b 8705.20.00 a 8705.20.01 a 8705.20.99 c 8705.30 fire fighting vehicles 8705.30.00 a 8705.30.00 a 8705.30.01 a 8705.40 mobile concrete mixers 8705.40.00 c 8705.40.00 a 8705.40.01 c 8705.90 special purpose motor vehicles nes 8705.90.10 d 8705.90.00 a 8705.90.01 a 8705.90.90 cm 8705.90.99 c 8706.00 chassis fitted with engines for the vehicles of heading nos 8706.00.10 d 8706.00.10 b 8706.00.01 b 8706.00.90 b 8706.00.15 b 8706.00.99 b 8706.00.25 a 8706.00.30 d 8706.00.50 a 8707.10 bodies for passenger carrying vehicles 8707.10.10 bm 8707.10.00 a 8707.10.01 b 8707.10.90 a 8707.10.02 b 8707.10.99 b 8707.90 bodies for tractors, buses, trucks and special purpose vehicle 8707.90.10 d 8707.90.10 d 8707.90.01 b 8707.90.90 b 8707.90.50 b 8707.90.02 b 8707.90.99 b 8708.10 bumpers and parts for motor vehicles 8708.10.00 b 8708.10.00 a 8708.10.01 b 8708.10.02 a 8708.10.03 a 8708.10.04 b 8708.10.99 b 8708.21 safety seat belts for motor vehicles 8708.21.00 b 8708.21.00 b 8708.21.01 b 8708.29 parts and accessories of bodies nes for motor vehicles 8708.29.10 d 8708.29.00 a 8708.29.01 b 8708.29.91 d 8708.29.02 b 8708.29.92 bm 8708.29.03 b 8708.29.93 b 8708.29.04 b 8708.29.94 b 8708.29.05 a 8708.29.95 b 8708.29.06 a 8708.29.99 b 8708.29.07 b 8708.29.08 b 8708.29.09 b 8708.29.10 b 8708.29.11 b 8708.29.12 b 8708.29.13 a 8708.29.14 b 8708.29.15 c 8708.29.16 b 8708.29.17 b 8708.29.18 a 8708.29.20 b 8708.29.99 b 8708.31 mounted brake linings for motor vehicles 8708.31.10 d 8708.31.10 d 8708.31.01 a 8708.31.90 b 8708.31.50 a 8708.31.02 a 8708.31.03 b 8708.31.99 b 8708.39 brake system parts nes for motor vehicles 8708.39.10 d 8708.39.10 d 8708.39.01 a 8708.39.90 c 8708.39.50 a 8708.39.02 a 8708.39.03 c 8708.39.04 b 8708.39.05 b 8708.39.06 b 8708.39.07 b 8708.39.08 b 8708.39.09 c 8708.39.10 b 8708.39.11 b 8708.39.12 b 8708.39.13 b 8708.39.99 b 8708.40 tansmissions for motor vehicles 8708.40.10 d 8708.40.10 a 8708.40.01 a 8708.40.90 c 8708.40.20 a 8708.40.02 c 8708.40.30 d 8708.40.03 b 8708.40.50 a 8708.40.04 c 8708.40.05 b 8708.40.99 c 8708.50 drive axles with differential for motor vehicles 8708.50.10 d 8708.50.10 d 8708.50.01 a 8708.50.90 c 8708.50.30 a 8708.50.02 a 8708.50.50 a 8708.50.03 c 8708.50.80 a 8708.50.04 c 8708.50.05 b 8708.50.99 b 8708.60 non-driving axles and parts for motor vehicles 8708.60.10 d 8708.60.10 d 8708.60.01 a 8708.60.90 c 8708.60.30 a 8708.60.02 a 8708.60.50 a 8708.60.03 c 8708.60.80 a 8708.60.04 c 8708.60.05 b 8708.60.06 c 8708.60.99 c 8708.70 wheels including parts and accessories for motor vehicles 8708.70.10 d 8708.70.10 d 8708.70.fa b 8708.70.90 c 8708.70.30 a 8708.70.01 a 8708.70.80 a 8708.70.02 a 8708.70.03 c 8708.70.04 c 8708.70.05 b 8708.70.06 b 8708.70.99 b 8708.80 shock absorbers for motor vehicles 8708.80.00 c 8708.80.10 d 8708.80.01 a 8708.80.50 a 8708.80.02 a 8708.80.03 b 8708.80.99 c 8708.91 radiators for motor vehicles 8708.91.10 d 8708.91.10 d 8708.91.01 a 8708.91.90 b 8708.91.50 a 8708.91.02 b 8708.91.99 b 8708.92 mufflers and exhaust pipes for motor vehicles 8708.92.10 d 8708.92.10 d 8708.92.01 a 8708.92.90 b 8708.92.50 b 8708.92.02 a 8708.92.99 b 8708.93 clutches and parts for motor vehicles 8708.93.10 d 8708.93.10 d 8708.93.01 a 8708.93.90 c 8708.93.50 a 8708.93.02 a 8708.93.03 c 8708.93.04 a 8708.93.99 c 8708.94 steering wheels, steering columns and steering boxes for motor 8708.94.10 d 8708.94.10 d 8708.94.01 a 8708.94.90 b 8708.94.50 a 8708.94.02 a 8708.94.03 b 8708.94.04 b 8708.94.05 b 8708.94.06 b 8708.94.07 b 8708.94.08 b 8708.94.99 b 8708.99 motor vehicle parts nes 8708.99.10 d 8708.99.10 d 8708.99.01 b 8708.99.91 d 8708.99.20 a 8708.99.02 b 8708.99.99 b 8708.99.30 d 8708.99.03 a 8708.99.9v b 8708.99.50 a 8708.99.04 c 8708.99.05 b 8708.99.06 b 8708.99.07 c 8708.99.08 b 8708.99.09 b 8708.99.10 c 8708.99.11 b 8708.99.12 b 8708.99.13 b 8708.99.14 b 8708.99.15 c 8708.99.16 b 8708.99.17 c 8708.99.18 c 8708.99.19 b 8708.99.20 b 8708.99.21 b 8708.99.22 b 8708.99.23 b 8708.99.24 b 8708.99.25 b 8708.99.26 b 8708.99.27 c 8708.99.28 b 8708.99.29 c 8708.99.30 b 8708.99.31 b 8708.99.32 b 8708.99.33 b 8708.99.34 b 8708.99.35 b 8708.99.36 b 8708.99.37 a 8708.99.38 b 8708.99.39 b 8708.99.40 c 8708.99.41 b 8708.99.99 b 8709.11 work trucks, electrically powered, for use in factories and 8709.11.00 bm 8709.11.00 d 8709.11.01 b 8709.19 work trucks not electrically powered 8709.19.11 bm 8709.19.00 d 8709.19.01 b 8709.19.19 d 8709.19.02 b 8709.19.90 bm 8709.19.99 b 8709.90 work truck parts 8709.90.10 d 8709.90.00 d 8709.90.01 b 8709.90.20 bm 8709.90.90 b 8710.00 tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles, motorised, and 8710.00.00 a 8710.00.00 d 8710.00.01 a 8711.10 motorcycles with reciprocating piston engine displacing 50 cc 8711.10.00 a 8711.10.00 a 8711.10.01 b 8711.20 motorcycles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 50 c 8711.20.00 a 8711.20.00 a 8711.20.01 b 8711.30 motorcycles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 250 8711.30.00 a 8711.30.00 a 8711.30.01 b 8711.40 motorcycles with reciprocating piston engine displacing > 500 8711.40.00 a 8711.40.30 a 8711.40.01 b 8711.40.60 a 8711.40.02 b 8711.50 motorcycles with reciprocating piston engine displacing more 8711.50.00 a 8711.50.00 a 8711.50.01 b 8711.90 motorcycles with other than a reciprocating piston engine 8711.90.00 a 8711.90.00 a 8711.90.01 b 8711.90.99 b 8712.00 bicycles and other cycles (including delivery tricycles), not 8712.00.00 c 8712.00.15 c 8712.00.01 c 8712.00.25 c 8712.00.02 c 8712.00.35 c 8712.00.03 c 8712.00.40 c 8712.00.99 a 8712.00.50 a 8713.10 wheelchairs not mechanically propelled 8713.10.00 a 8713.10.00 a 8713.10.01 a 8713.90 wheelchairs, mechanically propelled 8713.90.00 a 8713.90.00 a 8713.90.99 a 8714.11 motorcycle saddles 8714.11.00 a 8714.11.00 a 8714.11.01 a 8714.19 motorcycle parts nes 8714.19.00 a 8714.19.00 a 8714.19.01 a 8714.19.99 a 8714.20 wheelchair parts nes 8714.20.00 a 8714.20.00 a 8714.20.01 a 8714.91 bicycle frames and forks, and parts thereof 8714.91.00 b 8714.91.20 a 8714.91.01 a 8714.91.30 c 8714.91.50 c 8714.91.90 c 8714.92 bicycle wheel rims and spokes 8714.92.00 bm 8714.92.10 c 8714.92.01 a 8714.92.50 a 8714.93 bicycle hubs and free-wheel sprocket wheels 8714.93.00 bm 8714.93.10 a 8714.93.01 a 8714.93.20 a 8714.93.30 c 8714.93.60 a 8714.93.80 a 8714.94 bicycle brakes, including coaster braking hubs, and parts 8714.94.00 b 8714.94.10 a 8714.94.01 a 8714.94.15 a 8714.94.99 a 8714.94.25 a 8714.94.40 a 8714.94.60 c 8714.95 bicycle saddles 8714.95.00 bm 8714.95.00 c 8714.95.01 a 8714.96 bicycle pedals and crank-gear and parts thereof 8714.96.00 bm 8714.96.10 c 8714.96.01 a 8714.96.50 c 8714.96.90 c 8714.99 bicycle parts nes 8714.99.10 a 8714.99.10 a 8714.99.01 a 8714.99.20 b 8714.99.50 a 8714.99.90 c 8715.00 baby carriages and parts thereof 8715.00.00 c 8715.00.00 a 8715.00.01 a 8715.00.02 a 8715.00.99 a 8716.10 trailers for housing or camping 8716.10.10 cm 8716.10.00 a 8716.10.01 b 8716.10.21 cm 8716.10.29 cm 8716.20 trailers for agricultural purposes 8716.20.10 d 8716.20.00 a 8716.20.01 a 8716.20.90 cm 8716.20.02 a 8716.20.03 a 8716.20.99 a 8716.31 tanker trailers and semi-trailers 8716.31.00 cm 8716.31.00 a 8716.31.01 a 8716.31.02 b 8716.31.99 b 8716.39 trailers nes for the transport of goods 8716.39.10 d 8716.39.00 a 8716.39.01 b 8716.39.20 acm 8716.39.02 b 8716.39.30 cm 8716.39.03 b 8716.39.40 cm 8716.39.04 b 8716.39.50 acm 8716.39.05 b 8716.39.90 cm 8716.39.06 b 8716.39.07 b 8716.39.08 a 8716.39.99 b 8716.40 trailers and semi-trailers nes 8716.40.00 cm 8716.40.00 a 8716.40.01 b 8716.80 wheelbarrows, hand-carts, rickshaws and other hand propelled 8716.80.10 a 8716.80.10 d 8716.80.01 b 8716.80.20 cm 8716.80.50 a 8716.80.02 b 8716.80.99 b 8716.90 trailer and other vehicle parts nes 8716.90.10 d 8716.90.10 d 8716.90.01 c 8716.90.20 a 8716.90.30 a 8716.90.02 b 8716.90.30 a 8716.90.50 a 8716.90.99 b 8716.90.40 a 8716.90.90 c 8801.10 gliders and hang gliders 8801.10.00 d 8801.10.00 a 8801.10.01 a 8801.90 balloons, dirigibles and non-powered aircraft nes 8801.90.10 a 8801.90.00 a 8801.90.99 a 8801.90.90 d 8802.11 helicopters of an unladen weight not exceeding 2,000 kg 8802.11.00 d 8802.11.00 a 8802.11.01 a 8802.11.99 a 8802.12 helicopters of an unladen weight exceeding 2,000 kg 8802.12.00 d 8802.12.00 a 8802.12.01 a 8802.12.99 a 8802.20 aircraft nes of an unladen weight not exceeding 2,000 kg 8802.20.00 d 8802.20.00 a 8802.20.01 a 8802.20.99 a 8802.30 aircraft nes of an unladen weight > 2,000 kg but not exceeding 8802.30.00 d 8802.30.00 a 8802.30.01 a 8802.30.02 d 8802.30.99 a 8802.40 aircraft nes of an unladen weight exceeding 15,000 kg 8802.40.00 d 8802.40.00 a 8802.40.01 d 8802.50 spacecraft (including satellites) and spacecraft launch 8802.50.10 a 8802.50.30 d 8802.50.01 a 8802.50.90 d 8802.50.90 a 8803.10 aircraft propellers and rotors and parts thereof 8803.10.00 d 8803.10.00 d 8803.10.01 a 8803.10.99 a 8803.20 aircraft under-carriages and parts thereof 8803.20.00 d 8803.20.00 d 8803.20.01 a 8803.20.99 a 8803.30 aircraft parts nes 8803.30.00 d 8803.30.00 d 8803.30.01 a 8803.30.99 a 8803.90 parts of balloons, dirigibles, and spacecraft nes 8803.90.10 a 8803.90.30 d 8803.90.01 a 8803.90.20 a 8803.90.90 d 8803.90.99 a 8803.90.90 d 8804.00 parachutes and parts and accessories thereof 8804.00.10 a 8804.00.00 a 8804.00.01 a 8804.00.90 a 8805.10 aircraft launching and deck-arrestor gear and parts thereof 8805.10.00 a 8805.10.00 a 8805.10.01 a 8805.20 flight simulators and parts thereof 8805.20.00 d 8805.20.00 d 8805.20.01 a 8805.20.02 a 8901.10 cruise ships, excursion boats etc principally designed for 8901.10.00 cm 8901.10.00 d 8901.10.01 a 8901.10.02 d 8901.20 tankers 8901.20.00 cm 8901.20.00 d 8901.20.01 c 8901.20.02 c 8901.30 refrigerated vessels other than tankers 8901.30.00 cm 8901.30.00 d 8901.30.01 c 8901.30.02 c 8901.90 cargo vessels nes and other vessels for the transport of both 8901.90.10 cm 8901.90.00 d 8901.90.01 c 8901.90.90 cm 8901.90.02 c 8901.90.03 c 8901.90.04 c 8902.00 fishing vessels and factory ships 8902.00.10 c 8902.00.00 d 8902.00.01 c 8902.00.20 d 8902.00.02 c 8902.00.99 c 8903.10 inflatable pleasure craft 8903.10.00 bm 8903.10.00 a 8903.10.01 a 8903.91 sailboats, with or without auxiliary motor 8903.91.00 bm 8903.91.00 a 8903.91.01 a 8903.92 motorboats, other than outboard motorboats 8903.92.00 cm 8903.92.00 a 8903.92.01 c 8903.99 rowing boats, canoes, sculls and other pleasure boats nes 8903.99.10 d 8903.99.05 d 8903.99.01 a 8903.99.91 bm 8903.99.15 a 8903.99.92 bm 8903.99.20 a 8903.99.90 a 8904.00 tugs and pusher craft 8904.00.00 c 8904.00.00 d 8904.00.01 c 8905.10 dredgers 8905.10.00 c 8905.10.00 d 8905.10.01 c 8905.20 floating or submersible drilling or production platforms 8905.20.10 cm 8905.20.00 d 8905.20.01 c 8905.20.20 cm 8905.90 floating docks and vessels which perform special functions 8905.90.10 cm 8905.90.10 a 8905.90.01 c 8905.90.90 cm 8905.90.50 d 8906.00 warships, lifeboats, hospital ships and vessels nes 8906.00.10 cm 8906.00.10 a 8906.00.01 a 8906.00.90 cm 8906.00.90 d 8906.00.99 a 8907.10 inflatable rafts including those for carrying shipwrecked 8907.10.00 a 8907.10.00 a 8907.10.01 a 8907.10.99 a 8907.90 buoys, beacons, coffer-dams, pontoons and other floating 8907.90.10 a 8907.90.00 a 8907.90.99 a 8907.90.90 a 8908.00 vessels and other floating structures for breaking up 8908.00.10 d 8908.00.00 d 8908.00.01 a 8908.00.90 cm 9001.10 optical fibres, optical fibre bundles & cables,other than thos 9001.10.00 a 9001.10.00 a 9001.10.01 a 9001.10.02 a 9001.10.03 a 9001.20 sheets and plates of polarising material 9001.20.00 a 9001.20.00 a 9001.20.01 a 9001.20.99 a 9001.30 contact lenses 9001.30.00 d 9001.30.00 a 9001.30.01 a 9001.30.02 a 9001.30.99 a 9001.40 spectacle lenses of glass 9001.40.10 d 9001.40.00 a 9001.40.01 a 9001.40.90 a 9001.40.02 a 9001.40.99 a 9001.50 spectacle lenses of other materials 9001.50.10 d 9001.50.00 a 9001.50.01 a 9001.50.90 a 9001.50.99 a 9001.90 prisms, mirrors & other optical elements of any material, 9001.90.10 d 9001.90.40 a 9001.90.01 a 9001.90.20 a 9001.90.50 a 9001.90.99 a 9001.90.90 a 9001.90.60 a 9001.90.80 a 9001.90.90 a 9002.11 objective lenses for cameras, projectors or photographic 9002.11.10 d 9002.11.40 a 9002.11.01 a 9002.11.20 a 9002.11.80 a 9002.11.90 a 9002.19 objective lenses, nes 9002.19.10 d 9002.19.00 a 9002.19.99 a 9002.19.90 a 9002.20 optical filters 9002.20.10 d 9002.20.40 a 9002.20.01 a 9002.20.90 a 9002.20.80 a 9002.90 lenses, prisms, mirrors and other optical elements, mounted, 9002.90.10 d 9002.90.20 a 9002.90.99 a 9002.90.20 a 9002.90.40 a 9002.90.30 a 9002.90.70 a 9002.90.90 a 9002.90.90 a 9003.11 frames and mountings for spectacles, goggles or the like, of 9003.11.10 d 9003.11.00 a 9003.11.01 a 9003.11.20 b 9003.19 frames and mountings for spectacles, goggles or the like, of 9003.19.10 d 9003.19.00 a 9003.19.01 a 9003.19.20 b 9003.90 parts for frames and mountings for spectacles, goggles or the 9003.90.10 d 9003.90.00 a 9003.90.01 a 9003.90.21 d 9003.90.02 a 9003.90.22 a 9004.10 sunglasses 9004.10.00 bm 9004.10.00 a 9004.10.01 a 9004.90 spectacles, goggles and the like, corrective, protective or 9004.90.10 d 9004.90.00 a 9004.90.99 a 9004.90.90 bm 9005.10 binoculars 9005.10.00 a 9005.10.00 d 9005.10.01 a 9005.80 monoculars, other optical telescopes, astronomical inst and 9005.80.10 d 9005.80.40 a 9005.80.01 a 9005.80.90 a 9005.80.60 a 9005.80.02 a 9005.80.99 a 9005.90 parts and accessories (including mountings), of items of 9005.90.10 d 9005.90.00 a 9005.90.01 a 9005.90.90 a 9005.90.02 a 9006.10 cameras of a kind used for preparing printing plates or 9006.10.00 d 9006.10.00 a 9006.10.01 a 9006.10.99 a 9006.20 cameras of a kind used for recording doc on microfilm or other 9006.20.10 d 9006.20.00 a 9006.20.01 a 9006.20.20 a 9006.30 cameras designed for special use, underwater, aerial survey, 9006.30.10 d 9006.30.00 a 9006.30.01 a 9006.30.20 a 9006.40 instant print cameras 9006.40.00 d 9006.40.40 a 9006.40.01 a 9006.40.60 a 9006.40.90 a 9006.51 cameras, single lens reflex, for roll film of a width not 9006.51.00 a 9006.51.00 a 9006.51.01 a 9006.52 cameras for roll film of a width less than 35 mm 9006.52.00 a 9006.52.10 a 9006.52.01 a 9006.52.30 a 9006.52.50 a 9006.52.60 a 9006.52.90 a 9006.53 cameras for roll film of a width of 35 mm, nes 9006.53.00 a 9006.53.00 a 9006.53.01 a 9006.59 photographic, other than cinematographic cameras nes 9006.59.10 d 9006.59.40 a 9006.59.01 a 9006.59.20 a 9006.59.60 a 9006.59.99 a 9006.59.90 a 9006.61 photographic discharge lamp (electronic) flashlight apparatus 9006.61.00 a 9006.61.00 a 9006.61.01 a 9006.62 flashbulbs, flashcubes and the like 9006.62.00 a 9006.62.00 a 9006.62.01 a 9006.69 photographic flashlight apparatus, nes 9006.69.10 d 9006.69.00 a 9006.69.99 a 9006.69.90 a 9006.91 parts and accessories for photographic cameras 9006.91.10 d 9006.91.00 a 9006.91.01 a 9006.91.91 d 9006.91.02 a 9006.91.92 d 9006.91.99 a 9006.91.99 a 9006.99 parts and accessories for photographic flashlight apparatus an 9006.99.10 d 9006.99.00 a 9006.99.99 a 9006.99.90 a 9007.11 cinematographic cameras for film of less than 16 mm width or 9007.11.00 a 9007.11.00 a 9007.11.01 a 9007.19 cinematographic cameras, nes 9007.19.00 a 9007.19.00 a 9007.19.99 a 9007.21 cinematographic projectors for film of less than 16 mm width 9007.21.00 a 9007.21.40 a 9007.21.01 a 9007.21.80 a 9007.29 cinematographic projectors, nes 9007.29.00 a 9007.29.40 a 9007.29.01 a 9007.29.80 a 9007.29.02 a 9007.29.99 a 9007.91 parts and accessories for cinematographic cameras 9007.91.10 d 9007.91.40 a 9007.91.01 a 9007.91.90 a 9007.91.80 a 9007.92 parts and accessories for cinematographic projectors 9007.92.11 d 9007.92.00 a 9007.92.01 a 9007.92.19 a 9007.92.20 a 9008.10 slide projectors 9008.10.00 a 9008.10.00 a 9008.10.01 a 9008.20 microfilm, microfiche or other microform readers capable or no 9008.20.10 d 9008.20.40 a 9008.20.01 a 9008.20.90 a 9008.20.80 a 9008.30 image projectors, nes 9008.30.00 a 9008.30.00 a 9008.30.01 a 9008.30.99 a 9008.40 photographic enlargers and reducers, other than cinematographi 9008.40.10 d 9008.40.00 a 9008.40.01 a 9008.40.90 a 9008.90 parts and access of image projectors, enlargers & reducers o/t 9008.90.11 d 9008.90.40 a 9008.90.01 a 9008.90.12 d 9008.90.80 a 9008.90.99 a 9008.90.19 a 9008.90.20 a 9009.11 electrostatic photo-copying apparatus, direct process type 9009.11.00 d 9009.11.00 a 9009.11.01 a 9009.12 electrostatic photo-copying apparatus, indirect process type 9009.12.00 d 9009.12.00 a 9009.12.01 a 9009.21 photo-copying apparatus, incorporating an optical system, nes 9009.21.00 d 9009.21.00 a 9009.21.01 a 9009.21.99 a 9009.22 contact type photo-copying apparatus,nes 9009.22.00 d 9009.22.00 a 9009.22.01 a 9009.30 thermo-copying apparatus 9009.30.00 d 9009.30.00 a 9009.30.01 a 9009.90 parts and accessories for photo-copying apparatus 9009.90.00 d 9009.90.00 a 9009.90.01 a 9009.90.99 a 9010.10 apparatus and equip for automatically developing photo (incl 9010.10.00 d 9010.10.00 a 9010.10.01 a 9010.10.99 a 9010.20 apparatus and equipment for photographic (incl cine) lab; 9010.20.10 d 9010.20.10 a 9010.20.01 a 9010.20.91 d 9010.20.20 a 9010.20.99 a 9010.20.30 a 9010.20.40 a 9010.20.50 a 9010.20.60 a 9010.30 projection screens 9010.30.00 a 9010.30.00 a 9010.30.01 a 9010.90 parts and accessories for apparatus and equipment for 9010.90.10 d 9010.90.40 a 9010.90.01 a 9010.90.20 a 9010.90.80 a 9011.10 stereoscopic microscopes 9011.10.00 d 9011.10.40 a 9011.10.01 b 9011.10.80 a 9011.10.99 b 9011.20 microscopes, for microphotography, microcinematography or 9011.20.00 d 9011.20.40 a 9011.20.01 b 9011.20.80 a 9011.80 microscopes, optical, nes 9011.80.00 d 9011.80.00 a 9011.80.99 b 9011.90 parts and accessories for optical microscopes 9011.90.00 d 9011.90.00 a 9011.90.01 b 9012.10 microscopes other than optical microscopes and diffraction 9012.10.00 d 9012.10.00 a 9012.10.01 a 9012.10.99 a 9012.90 parts and accessories for microscopes other than optical 9012.90.00 d 9012.90.00 a 9012.90.01 a 9013.10 telescopic sights for fitting to arms; periscopes; telescopes 9013.10.00 a 9013.10.10 a 9013.10.01 a 9013.10.30 a 9013.10.40 a 9013.20 lasers, other than laser diodes 9013.20.00 a 9013.20.00 a 9013.20.01 a 9013.80 optical devices, appliances and instruments, nes, of this 9013.80.10 d 9013.80.20 a 9013.80.01 a 9013.80.21 a 9013.80.40 a 9013.80.02 a 9013.80.29 a 9013.80.60 a 9013.80.90 a 9013.90 parts and accessories of optical appliances and instruments, 9013.90.10 a 9013.90.20 a 9013.90.01 a 9013.90.20 a 9013.90.40 a 9013.90.30 a 9014.10 direction finding compasses 9014.10.10 d 9014.10.10 a 9014.10.01 a 9014.10.90 a 9014.10.60 a 9014.10.02 a 9014.10.70 a 9014.10.03 a 9014.10.90 a 9014.10.99 a 9014.20 instruments & appl for aeronautical or space navigation (other 9014.20.00 d 9014.20.20 a 9014.20.01 a 9014.20.40 a 9014.20.60 a 9014.20.80 d 9014.80 navigational instruments and appliances nes 9014.80.10 a 9014.80.10 a 9014.80.01 a 9014.80.20 a 9014.80.20 a 9014.80.02 a 9014.80.30 d 9014.80.40 a 9014.80.99 a 9014.80.90 a 9014.80.50 d 9014.90 parts & access for direction finding compasses & other 9014.90.11 d 9014.90.10 a 9014.90.01 a 9014.90.12 a 9014.90.20 d 9014.90.02 a 9014.90.20 d 9014.90.40 d 9014.90.99 a 9014.90.30 a 9014.90.60 a 9014.90.40 a 9014.90.50 a 9015.10 rangefinders 9015.10.10 d 9015.10.40 a 9015.10.01 a 9015.10.90 a 9015.10.80 a 9015.20 theodolites and tacheometers 9015.20.10 d 9015.20.40 a 9015.20.01 a 9015.20.90 a 9015.20.80 a 9015.20.02 a 9015.20.03 a 9015.30 surveying levels 9015.30.00 a 9015.30.40 a 9015.30.01 a 9015.30.80 a 9015.40 photogrammetrical surveying instruments and appliances 9015.40.00 d 9015.40.40 a 9015.40.01 a 9015.40.80 a 9015.80 surveying, hydrographic, oceanographic, meteorological or 9015.80.10 d 9015.80.20 a 9015.80.01 a 9015.80.20 a 9015.80.60 a 9015.80.02 a 9015.80.30 d 9015.80.80 a 9015.80.03 a 9015.80.90 a 9015.80.04 a 9015.80.05 a 9015.80.99 a 9015.90 parts and accessories for use with the apparatus of heading no 9015.90.10 d 9015.90.00 a 9015.90.01 a 9015.90.20 a 9015.90.99 a 9015.90.30 a 9016.00 balances of a sensitivity of 5 cg or better with or without 9016.00.10 a 9016.00.20 a 9016.00.01 a 9016.00.90 a 9016.00.40 a 9016.00.02 a 9016.00.60 a 9016.00.99 a 9017.10 drafting tables and machines, whether or not automatic 9017.10.10 a 9017.10.00 a 9017.10.01 a 9017.10.20 a 9017.10.02 a 9017.10.99 a 9017.20 drawing, marking-out or mathematical calculating instruments, 9017.20.00 a 9017.20.40 a 9017.20.01 c 9017.20.80 a 9017.20.02 c 9017.20.99 c 9017.30 micrometers, callipers and gauges 9017.30.00 a 9017.30.40 a 9017.30.01 a 9017.30.80 a 9017.30.99 a 9017.80 instruments for measuring length, for use in the hand, nes 9017.80.10 bm 9017.80.00 a 9017.80.01 c 9017.80.90 bm 9017.80.02 a 9017.80.03 a 9017.80.04 c 9017.80.05 a 9017.80.99 a 9017.90 parts and accessories for use with the apparatus of heading no 9017.90.10 a 9017.90.00 a 9017.90.01 a 9017.90.20 a 9017.90.02 a 9018.11 electro-cardiographs 9018.11.00 d 9018.11.00 a 9018.11.01 a 9018.19 electro-diagnostic apparatus, nes 9018.19.00 d 9018.19.40 a 9018.19.01 a 9018.19.80 a 9018.19.02 a 9018.19.03 a 9018.19.04 a 9018.19.05 a 9018.19.06 a 9018.19.07 a 9018.19.08 a 9018.19.09 a 9018.19.10 a 9018.19.11 a 9018.19.12 a 9018.19.13 a 9018.19.14 a 9018.19.15 a 9018.19.99 a 9018.20 ultra-violet or infra-red ray apparatus 9018.20.00 d 9018.20.00 a 9018.20.01 a 9018.31 syringes, with or without needles 9018.31.00 d 9018.31.00 a 9018.31.01 b 9018.31.02 b 9018.31.99 b 9018.32 tubular metal needles and needles for sutures 9018.32.00 d 9018.32.00 a 9018.32.01 a 9018.32.02 b 9018.32.99 b 9018.39 needles, catheters, cannulae and the like, nes 9018.39.00 d 9018.39.00 a 9018.39.01 b 9018.39.02 a 9018.39.03 b 9018.39.04 a 9018.39.05 b 9018.39.99 b 9018.41 dental drill engines, whether or not combi on a single base 9018.41.00 d 9018.41.00 a 9018.41.01 a 9018.41.99 a 9018.49 instruments and appliances, used in dental sciences, nes 9018.49.00 d 9018.49.40 a 9018.49.01 a 9018.49.80 a 9018.49.02 a 9018.49.03 a 9018.49.04 a 9018.49.05 a 9018.49.06 a 9018.49.07 a 9018.50 ophthalmic instruments and appliances, nes 9018.50.00 d 9018.50.00 a 9018.50.01 a 9018.90 instruments and appliances used in medical or veterinary 9018.90.00 d 9018.90.10 a 9018.90.01 a 9018.90.20 a 9018.90.02 a 9018.90.30 a 9018.90.03 b 9018.90.40 a 9018.90.04 a 9018.90.50 a 9018.90.05 b 9018.90.60 a 9018.90.06 a 9018.90.70 a 9018.90.07 b 9018.90.80 a 9018.90.08 a 9018.90.09 b 9018.90.10 a 9018.90.11 a 9018.90.12 b 9018.90.13 a 9018.90.14 a 9018.90.15 b 9018.90.16 a 9018.90.17 a 9018.90.18 b 9018.90.19 b 9018.90.20 a 9018.90.21 a 9018.90.22 a 9018.90.23 a 9018.90.24 b 9018.90.99 b 9019.10 mechano-therapy appl; massage app; psychological 9019.10.10 a 9019.10.20 a 9019.10.01 a 9019.10.20 a 9019.10.40 a 9019.10.02 a 9019.10.60 a 9019.10.03 a 9019.10.99 a 9019.20 oxygen therapy, artificial respiration or other therapeutic 9019.20.00 d 9019.20.00 a 9019.20.01 a 9020.00 breathing appliances and gas masks, exc protective masks havin 9020.00.00 d 9020.00.40 d 9020.00.01 a 9020.00.60 a 9020.00.02 a 9020.00.90 a 9020.00.03 a 9020.00.04 a 9020.00.05 a 9020.00.99 a 9021.11 artificial joints 9021.11.00 d 9021.11.00 a 9021.11.01 a 9021.19 orthopaedic or fracture appliances, nes 9021.19.10 b 9021.19.40 a 9021.19.01 a 9021.19.20 b 9021.19.80 a 9021.19.02 a 9021.19.30 d 9021.19.03 a 9021.19.04 a 9021.19.05 a 9021.19.99 a 9021.21 artificial teeth 9021.21.00 d 9021.21.40 a 9021.21.01 a 9021.21.80 a 9021.21.99 a 9021.29 dental fittings, nes 9021.29.10 d 9021.29.40 a 9021.29.99 a 9021.29.20 a 9021.29.80 a 9021.30 artificial parts of the body, nes 9021.30.00 d 9021.30.00 a 9021.30.01 a 9021.30.02 a 9021.30.03 a 9021.30.04 a 9021.30.99 a 9021.40 hearing aids, excluding parts and accessories 9021.40.00 d 9021.40.00 a 9021.40.01 a 9021.50 pacemakers for stimulating heart muscles, excluding parts and 9021.50.00 d 9021.50.00 a 9021.50.01 a 9021.90 orthopedic and other appliances, worn, carried or implanted in 9021.90.00 d 9021.90.40 a 9021.90.01 a 9021.90.80 a 9021.90.99 a 9022.11 apparatus based on the use of x-rays for medical, surgical, 9022.11.00 d 9022.11.00 a 9022.11.fa c 9022.11.fb c 9022.11.fc c 9022.11.fd a 9022.19 apparatus based on the use of x-rays for other uses 9022.19.00 d 9022.19.00 a 9022.19.99 a 9022.21 apparatus based on the use of alpha beta or gamma radiations, 9022.21.00 d 9022.21.00 a 9022.21.01 a 9022.21.99 a 9022.29 apparatus based on the use of alpha beta or gamma radiations, 9022.29.00 d 9022.29.40 a 9022.29.01 a 9022.29.80 a 9022.29.99 a 9022.30 x-ray tubes 9022.30.00 d 9022.30.00 a 9022.30.01 a 9022.90 parts and accessories for app based on the use of x-rays or 9022.90.00 d 9022.90.20 a 9022.90.01 a 9022.90.40 a 9022.90.02 a 9022.90.60 a 9022.90.03 a 9022.90.70 a 9022.90.99 a 9022.90.90 a 9023.00 instruments, apparatus and models, designed for demonstrationa 9023.00.00 d 9023.00.00 d 9023.00.01 a 9023.00.99 a 9024.10 machines and appliances for testing the mechanical properties 9024.10.10 d 9024.10.00 a 9024.10.01 a 9024.10.90 a 9024.10.02 a 9024.10.99 a 9024.80 machines and appliances for testing the mechanical properties 9024.80.10 a 9024.80.00 a 9024.80.99 a 9024.80.91 d 9024.80.99 a 9024.90 parts and accessories of mach and appl for testing mech 9024.90.10 a 9024.90.00 a 9024.90.01 a 9024.90.20 d 9024.90.30 a 9025.11 thermometers, not combined with other instruments, 9025.11.10 d 9025.11.20 a 9025.11.01 a 9025.11.90 a 9025.11.40 a 9025.11.99 a 9025.19 thermometers, not combined with other instruments, nes 9025.19.11 d 9025.19.00 a 9025.19.01 b 9025.19.19 bm 9025.19.02 a 9025.19.90 b 9025.19.03 b 9025.19.99 c 9025.20 barometers, not combined with other instruments 9025.20.00 a 9025.20.40 a 9025.20.01 a 9025.20.80 a 9025.80 hydrometers, pyrometers, hygrometers and psychrometers, 9025.80.10 a 9025.80.10 a 9025.80.01 c 9025.80.91 d 9025.80.20 a 9025.80.02 a 9025.80.99 b 9025.80.30 a 9025.80.03 a 9025.80.40 a 9025.80.04 a 9025.80.50 a 9025.80.99 a 9025.90 parts and accessories for use with the apparatus of heading no 9025.90.10 b 9025.90.00 a 9025.90.01 b 9025.90.91 d 9025.90.02 b 9025.90.92 a 9025.90.99 b 9025.90.93 b 9026.10 instruments and apparatus for measuring or checking the flow o 9026.10.10 b 9026.10.20 a 9026.10.01 c 9026.10.91 d 9026.10.40 a 9026.10.02 b 9026.10.99 a 9026.10.60 a 9026.10.03 b 9026.10.04 c 9026.10.05 c 9026.10.06 c 9026.10.99 b 9026.20 instruments and apparatus for measuring or checking pressure 9026.20.10 d 9026.20.40 a 9026.20.01 c 9026.20.90 b 9026.20.80 a 9026.20.02 a 9026.20.03 a 9026.20.04 c 9026.20.05 a 9026.20.06 a 9026.20.99 a 9026.80 instruments & apparatus for measuring or check variables of li 9026.80.10 d 9026.80.20 a 9026.80.01 a 9026.80.90 a 9026.80.40 a 9026.80.02 a 9026.80.60 a 9026.80.99 a 9026.90 parts of inst and app for measuring or checking variables of 9026.90.10 a 9026.90.20 a 9026.90.01 a 9026.90.91 d 9026.90.40 a 9026.90.99 a 9026.90.92 a 9026.90.60 a 9026.90.93 a 9027.10 gas or smoke analysis apparatus 9027.10.10 d 9027.10.20 a 9027.10.01 a 9027.10.90 a 9027.10.40 a 9027.10.60 a 9027.20 chromatographs and electrophoresis instruments 9027.20.10 d 9027.20.42 a 9027.20.01 a 9027.20.90 a 9027.20.44 a 9027.20.02 a 9027.20.80 a 9027.20.99 a 9027.30 spectrometers, spectrophotometers and spectrographs using 9027.30.10 a 9027.30.40 a 9027.30.01 a 9027.30.91 d 9027.30.80 a 9027.30.02 a 9027.30.99 a 9027.30.99 a 9027.40 exposure meters 9027.40.00 d 9027.40.00 a 9027.40.01 a 9027.50 instruments and apparatus using optical radiations (uv, 9027.50.10 d 9027.50.40 a 9027.50.01 a 9027.50.90 a 9027.50.80 a 9027.50.02 a 9027.50.99 a 9027.80 instruments and apparatus for physical or chemical analysis, 9027.80.10 a 9027.80.40 a 9027.80.01 a 9027.80.80 d 9027.80.80 a 9027.80.02 a 9027.80.90 a 9027.90 microtomes; parts & access of inst and app for physical or che 9027.90.11 d 9027.90.20 a 9027.90.01 a 9027.90.19 a 9027.90.42 a 9027.90.02 a 9027.90.20 a 9027.90.44 a 9027.90.99 a 9027.90.91 d 9027.90.60 a 9027.90.92 a 9027.90.80 a 9027.90.93 a 9028.10 gas supply, production and calibrating meters 9028.10.00 a 9028.10.00 a 9028.10.01 b 9028.20 liquid supply, production and calibrating meters 9028.20.10 c 9028.20.00 a 9028.20.01 c 9028.20.20 b 9028.20.02 c 9028.20.90 a 9028.20.99 b 9028.30 electricity supply, production and calibrating meters 9028.30.00 b 9028.30.00 a 9028.30.01 c 9028.30.99 c 9028.90 parts and accessories for gas, liquid or electricity supply or 9028.90.10 bm 9028.90.00 a 9028.90.01 c 9028.90.91 c 9028.90.02 c 9028.90.92 bm 9028.90.99 b 9028.90.93 a 9028.90.94 bm 9029.10 revolution counters, production counters taximeters, 9029.10.10 b 9029.10.40 a 9029.10.01 b 9029.10.20 d 9029.10.80 d 9029.10.02 b 9029.10.90 b 9029.10.03 b 9029.10.04 b 9029.10.99 b 9029.20 speed indicators and tachometers; stroboscopes 9029.20.10 a 9029.20.20 b 9029.20.01 b 9029.20.91 d 9029.20.40 d 9029.20.02 b 9029.20.99 b 9029.20.60 a 9029.20.03 b 9029.20.04 b 9029.20.05 b 9029.20.06 b 9029.90 parts and access of revolution counters, production counters, 9029.90.10 b 9029.90.20 a 9029.90.01 b 9029.90.91 a 9029.90.40 b 9029.90.99 b 9029.90.92 d 9029.90.60 a 9029.90.93 b 9029.90.80 d 9029.90.94 b 9030.10 instruments and apparatus for measuring or detecting ionising 9030.10.10 a 9030.10.00 a 9030.10.01 a 9030.10.91 d 9030.10.99 a 9030.20 cathode-ray oscilloscopes and cathoderay oscillographs 9030.20.00 d 9030.20.00 a 9030.20.01 a 9030.20.99 a 9030.31 multimeters 9030.31.10 a 9030.31.00 a 9030.31.01 c 9030.31.90 d 9030.39 inst & app, for measuring or checking voltage, current, etc w/ 9030.39.10 b 9030.39.00 a 9030.39.01 c 9030.39.90 d 9030.39.02 a 9030.39.03 c 9030.39.04 c 9030.39.05 a 9030.39.06 c 9030.39.07 a 9030.39.99 a 9030.40 instruments and apparatus, specially designed for 9030.40.10 a 9030.40.00 a 9030.40.01 a 9030.40.90 d 9030.40.99 a 9030.81 inst & app for measuring or checking elec qty, with a recordin 9030.81.10 a 9030.81.00 a 9030.81.01 a 9030.81.20 a 9030.81.91 d 9030.81.99 a 9030.89 instruments and apparatus for measuring or checking electrical 9030.89.10 a 9030.89.00 a 9030.89.01 c 9030.89.20 b 9030.89.02 a 9030.89.91 d 9030.89.03 c 9030.89.99 c 9030.89.04 a 9030.89.05 a 9030.89.06 a 9030.89.07 a 9030.89.08 c 9030.89.09 a 9030.89.99 a 9030.90 parts & access for inst & app for meas or checking electrical 9030.90.10 bm 9030.90.40 a 9030.90.01 c 9030.90.91 bm 9030.90.80 a 9030.90.99 b 9030.90.92 a 9030.90.93 d 9030.90.94 c 9031.10 machines for balancing mechanical parts, nes 9031.10.10 a 9031.10.00 a 9031.10.01 a 9031.10.91 d 9031.10.99 a 9031.10.99 a 9031.20 test benches for measuring or checking instruments, appliances 9031.20.10 d 9031.20.00 a 9031.20.01 a 9031.20.90 a 9031.20.02 c 9031.20.03 a 9031.20.99 a 9031.30 profile projectors, nes 9031.30.00 a 9031.30.00 a 9031.30.01 a 9031.40 optical instruments and appliances, nes 9031.40.00 a 9031.40.00 a 9031.40.01 a 9031.40.99 a 9031.80 measuring or checking instruments, appliances and machines, ne 9031.80.10 a 9031.80.00 a 9031.80.01 a 9031.80.20 a 9031.80.02 a 9031.80.91 d 9031.80.03 a 9031.80.99 a 9031.80.04 a 9031.80.05 a 9031.80.99 a 9031.90 parts and accessories for measuring or checking inst, appl and 9031.90.10 a 9031.90.20 a 9031.90.01 a 9031.90.20 d 9031.90.40 a 9031.90.99 a 9031.90.30 a 9031.90.60 a 9031.90.40 a 9031.90.50 a 9032.10 thermostats 9032.10.10 b 9032.10.00 a 9032.10.01 a 9032.10.90 b 9032.10.02 c 9032.10.03 c 9032.10.04 c 9032.10.05 c 9032.10.06 c 9032.10.99 c 9032.20 manostats 9032.20.00 a 9032.20.00 a 9032.20.01 b 9032.81 hydraulic or pneumatic automatic regulating or controlling ins 9032.81.10 bm 9032.81.00 a 9032.81.01 b 9032.81.90 bm 9032.81.02 b 9032.81.03 b 9032.81.99 b 9032.89 automatic regulating or controlling instruments and apparatus, 9032.89.10 d 9032.89.20 a 9032.89.01 a 9032.89.20 d 9032.89.40 a 9032.89.02 c 9032.89.30 d 9032.89.60 a 9032.89.03 c 9032.89.80 c 9032.89.04 a 9032.89.90 b 9032.89.05 c 9032.89.06 c 9032.89.07 c 9032.89.08 c 9032.89.99 c 9032.90 parts & access for automatic regulating or controlling 9032.90.10 bm 9032.90.20 a 9032.90.01 b 9032.90.20 d 9032.90.40 a 9032.90.02 c 9032.90.30 bm 9032.90.60 a 9032.90.03 c 9032.90.40 c 9032.90.04 c 9032.90.99 c 9033.00 parts & access nes for machines, appliances, inst or app of 9033.00.00 b 9033.00.00 a 9033.00.01 a 9101.11 wrist-watches with mech display, battery powered & with case o 9101.11.00 cm 9101.11.40 c+ 9101.11.01 c 9101.11.80 c+ 9101.11.99 c 9101.12 wrist-watches with opto-electronic disp batt power & with case 9101.12.00 bm 9101.12.20 a 9101.12.01 a 9101.12.40 a 9101.12.99 a 9101.12.80 a 9101.19 wrist-watches, battery powered and with case of precious metal 9101.19.00 bm 9101.19.40 b 9101.19.01 b 9101.19.80 b 9101.19.99 b 9101.21 wrist-watches, with automatic winding and with case of preciou 9101.21.00 bm 9101.21.10 a 9101.21.01 a 9101.21.30 a 9101.21.99 a 9101.21.50 a 9101.21.80 a 9101.29 wrist-watches, with a case of precious metal, nes 9101.29.00 bm 9101.29.10 a 9101.29.01 a 9101.29.20 a 9101.29.99 a 9101.29.30 a 9101.29.40 a 9101.29.50 a 9101.29.70 a 9101.29.80 a 9101.29.90 a 9101.91 pocket-watches & other watches battery powered & with case of 9101.91.10 d 9101.91.20 a 9101.91.01 a 9101.91.90 bm 9101.91.40 a 9101.91.99 a 9101.91.80 a 9101.99 pocket-watches & other watches with case of precious metal, ne 9101.99.00 bm 9101.99.20 a 9101.99.01 a 9101.99.40 a 9101.99.99 a 9101.99.60 a 9101.99.80 a 9102.11 wrist-watches, battery or accumulator powered with mechanical 9102.11.00 c 9102.11.10 c+ 9102.11.01 c 9102.11.25 c+ 9102.11.02 c 9102.11.30 c+ 9102.11.03 c 9102.11.45 c+ 9102.11.99 c 9102.11.50 c+ 9102.11.65 c+ 9102.11.70 c+ 9102.11.95 c+ 9102.12 wrist-watches, battery or accum powered with opto-electronic 9102.12.00 bm 9102.12.20 a 9102.12.01 a 9102.12.40 a 9102.12.02 a 9102.12.80 a 9102.12.03 a 9102.12.99 a 9102.19 wrist-watches, battery or accumulator powered, nes 9102.19.00 bm 9102.19.20 b 9102.19.01 b 9102.19.40 b 9102.19.02 b 9102.19.60 b 9102.19.03 b 9102.19.80 b 9102.19.99 b 9102.21 wrist-watches with automatic winding nes 9102.21.00 bm 9102.21.10 a 9102.21.01 a 9102.21.25 a 9102.21.02 a 9102.21.30 a 9102.21.03 a 9102.21.50 a 9102.21.99 a 9102.21.70 a 9102.21.90 a 9102.29 wrist-watches, nes 9102.29.00 bm 9102.29.02 a 9102.29.01 a 9102.29.04 a 9102.29.02 a 9102.29.10 a 9102.29.03 a 9102.29.15 a 9102.29.99 a 9102.29.20 a 9102.29.25 a 9102.29.30 a 9102.29.35 a 9102.29.40 a 9102.29.45 a 9102.29.50 a 9102.29.55 a 9102.29.60 a 9102.91 pocket-watches and other watches battery or accumulator 9102.91.10 d 9102.91.20 a 9102.91.01 c 9102.91.90 bm 9102.91.40 c+ 9102.91.99 c 9102.91.80 c+ 9102.99 pocket-watches and other watches, nes 9102.99.00 bm 9102.99.20 a 9102.99.01 a 9102.99.40 a 9102.99.02 a 9102.99.60 a 9102.99.99 a 9102.99.80 a 9103.10 clocks with watch movements, battery or accumulator powered, 9103.10.00 bm 9103.10.20 a 9103.10.01 a 9103.10.40 a 9103.10.80 a 9103.90 clocks with watch movements, nes excluding clock of heading no 9103.90.10 bm 9103.90.00 a 9103.90.99 a 9103.90.90 bm 9104.00 instrument panel clocks and clocks of a similar type for 9104.00.00 d 9104.00.05 a 9104.00.01 b 9104.00.10 a 9104.00.02 b 9104.00.20 a 9104.00.03 b 9104.00.25 a 9104.00.99 b 9104.00.30 a 9104.00.40 a 9104.00.45 a 9104.00.50 a 9104.00.60 a 9105.11 alarm clocks, battery, accumulator or mains powered 9105.11.00 bm 9105.11.40 a 9105.11.01 a 9105.11.80 a 9105.11.99 a 9105.19 alarm clocks, nes 9105.19.10 a 9105.19.10 a 9105.19.99 a 9105.19.90 a 9105.19.20 a 9105.19.30 a 9105.19.40 a 9105.19.50 a 9105.21 wall clocks, battery, accumulator or mains powered 9105.21.10 b 9105.21.40 a 9105.21.01 a 9105.21.90 b 9105.21.80 a 9105.29 wall clocks, nes 9105.29.00 bm 9105.29.10 a 9105.29.99 a 9105.29.20 a 9105.29.30 a 9105.29.40 a 9105.29.50 a 9105.91 clocks, nes, battery, accumulator or mains powered 9105.91.10 b 9105.91.40 a 9105.91.01 a 9105.91.20 d 9105.91.80 a 9105.91.99 a 9105.91.90 a 9105.99 clocks, nes 9105.99.10 d 9105.99.10 a 9105.99.01 a 9105.99.90 bm 9105.99.20 a 9105.99.99 a 9105.99.30 a 9105.99.40 a 9105.99.50 a 9105.99.60 a 9106.10 time-registers; time-recorders 9106.10.00 d 9106.10.00 a 9106.10.01 a 9106.10.02 a 9106.10.03 a 9106.10.99 a 9106.20 parking meters 9106.20.00 a 9106.20.00 a 9106.20.01 a 9106.90 time of day recording apparatus, nes 9106.90.10 d 9106.90.40 a 9106.90.01 a 9106.90.90 a 9106.90.80 a 9106.90.99 a 9107.00 time switches with clock or watch movement or with synchronous 9107.00.10 bm 9107.00.40 a 9107.00.01 a 9107.00.20 b 9107.00.80 a 9107.00.02 a 9107.00.90 bm 9107.00.03 a 9107.00.99 a 9108.11 watch movements, assembled, battery powered with mechanical 9108.11.00 a 9108.11.40 c+ 9108.11.01 c 9108.11.80 c+ 9108.12 watch movements, assembled, battery powered, with 9108.12.00 a 9108.12.00 a 9108.12.01 a 9108.12.99 a 9108.19 watch movements, assembled, battery powered, nes 9108.19.00 a 9108.19.40 b 9108.19.99 b 9108.19.80 b 9108.20 watch movements, complete and assembled, with automatic 9108.20.00 a 9108.20.40 a 9108.20.01 a 9108.20.80 a 9108.91 watch movements, complete and assembled, measuring 33.8 mm or 9108.91.00 a 9108.91.10 a 9108.91.01 a 9108.91.20 a 9108.91.30 a 9108.91.40 a 9108.91.50 a 9108.91.60 a 9108.99 watch movements, complete and assembled, nes 9108.99.00 a 9108.99.20 a 9108.99.99 a 9108.99.40 a 9108.99.60 a 9108.99.80 a 9109.11 clock movements, complete and assembled, battery powered, for 9109.11.00 a 9109.11.10 a 9109.11.01 a 9109.11.20 a 9109.11.40 a 9109.11.60 a 9109.19 clock movements, complete and assembled, battery powered, nes 9109.19.10 d 9109.19.10 a 9109.19.01 a 9109.19.90 a 9109.19.20 a 9109.19.99 a 9109.19.40 a 9109.19.60 a 9109.90 clock movements, complete and assembled, nes 9109.90.10 d 9109.90.20 a 9109.90.01 a 9109.90.90 a 9109.90.40 a 9109.90.99 a 9109.90.60 a 9110.11 complete movements of watches, unassembled or partly assembled 9110.11.00 a 9110.11.00 a 9110.11.01 a 9110.12 incomplete movements of watches, assembled 9110.12.00 a 9110.12.00 a 9110.12.01 a 9110.19 rough movements of watches 9110.19.00 a 9110.19.00 a 9110.19.01 a 9110.90 clock movements, unassembled or partly assembled; rough clock 9110.90.10 d 9110.90.20 a 9110.90.99 a 9110.90.90 a 9110.90.40 a 9110.90.60 a 9111.10 watch cases of precious metal or of metal clad with precious 9111.10.00 a 9111.10.00 a 9111.10.01 a 9111.10.02 a 9111.10.03 a 9111.20 watch cases of base metal, whether or not goldor 9111.20.00 a 9111.20.20 a 9111.20.01 a 9111.20.40 a 9111.80 watch cases, nes 9111.80.00 a 9111.80.00 a 9111.80.99 a 9111.90 parts of watch cases 9111.90.00 a 9111.90.40 a 9111.90.01 a 9111.90.50 a 9111.90.02 a 9111.90.70 a 9111.90.99 a 9112.10 clock cases and cases of a similar type, of metal for other 9112.10.00 a 9112.10.00 a 9112.10.01 a 9112.80 clock cases and cases of a similar type, for other goods of 9112.80.00 a 9112.80.00 a 9112.80.99 a 9112.90 parts of clock cases and cases of a similar type for other 9112.90.00 a 9112.90.00 a 9112.90.01 a 9113.10 watch straps & pts thereof, of precious metal or of metal clad 9113.10.00 bm 9113.10.00 a 9113.10.01 a 9113.10.02 a 9113.20 watch straps & pts thereof of base metal whether or not gold9113.20.00 bm 9113.20.20 a 9113.20.01 a 9113.20.40 b 9113.20.02 a 9113.20.60 a 9113.20.90 a 9113.90 watch straps, watch bands and watch bracelets, and parts 9113.90.10 bm 9113.90.40 a 9113.90.01 a 9113.90.90 bm 9113.90.80 a 9113.90.02 a 9114.10 clock or watch springs, including hairsprings 9114.10.10 d 9114.10.40 a 9114.10.01 a 9114.10.20 a 9114.10.80 a 9114.10.02 a 9114.10.30 a 9114.10.99 a 9114.10.90 a 9114.20 clock or watch jewels 9114.20.00 d 9114.20.00 d 9114.20.01 a 9114.30 clock or watch dials 9114.30.10 d 9114.30.40 b 9114.30.01 a 9114.30.20 a 9114.30.80 a 9114.30.30 a 9114.30.90 a 9114.40 clock or watch plates and bridges 9114.40.10 d 9114.40.20 a 9114.40.01 a 9114.40.20 a 9114.40.40 a 9114.40.30 a 9114.40.60 a 9114.40.90 a 9114.40.80 a 9114.90 clock or watch parts, nes 9114.90.10 d 9114.90.15 a 9114.90.01 a 9114.90.20 a 9114.90.30 a 9114.90.02 a 9114.90.30 a 9114.90.40 a 9114.90.99 a 9114.90.90 a 9114.90.50 a 9201.10 upright pianos, including automatic 9201.10.00 a 9201.10.00 a 9201.10.01 a 9201.20 grand pianos, including automatic 9201.20.00 a 9201.20.00 a 9201.20.01 a 9201.20.02 a 9201.90 harpsichords and other keyboard stringed instruments nes 9201.90.10 d 9201.90.00 a 9201.90.01 a 9201.90.90 a 9201.90.02 a 9201.90.99 a 9202.10 string musical instruments played with a bow 9202.10.00 d 9202.10.00 a 9202.10.01 a 9202.10.99 a 9202.90 string musical instruments nes 9202.90.10 d 9202.90.20 a 9202.90.01 a 9202.90.90 bm 9202.90.40 a 9202.90.02 b 9202.90.60 a 9202.90.99 a 9203.00 harmoniums & sim keyboard inst with free metal reeds and 9203.00.10 d 9203.00.40 d 9203.00.01 b 9203.00.20 a 9203.00.80 a 9204.10 accordions and similar instruments 9204.10.10 a 9204.10.40 a 9204.10.01 a 9204.10.90 d 9204.10.80 a 9204.10.02 a 9204.10.99 a 9204.20 mouth organs (harmonicas) 9204.20.00 d 9204.20.00 a 9204.20.01 a 9204.20.99 a 9205.10 brass-wind instruments 9205.10.00 d 9205.10.00 a 9205.10.01 a 9205.10.99 a 9205.90 wind musical instruments nes 9205.90.10 d 9205.90.20 d 9205.90.01 a 9205.90.90 bm 9205.90.40 a 9205.90.02 b 9205.90.60 a 9205.90.99 a 9206.00 percussion musical instruments 9206.00.10 d 9206.00.20 a 9206.00.01 a 9206.00.90 a 9206.00.40 d 9206.00.99 a 9206.00.60 a 9206.00.80 a 9207.10 keyboard instruments, exc accordions, sound generated/amplifie 9207.10.10 a 9207.10.00 a 9207.10.01 a 9207.10.90 a 9207.10.02 a 9207.10.03 a 9207.10.99 a 9207.90 musical instruments nes, sound generated or amplified 9207.90.10 d 9207.90.00 a 9207.90.01 a 9207.90.90 bm 9207.90.99 a 9208.10 musical boxes nes 9208.10.00 a 9208.10.00 a 9208.10.01 a 9208.90 decoy calls, musical inst nes & mouth blown sound signalling 9208.90.10 a 9208.90.00 a 9208.90.99 a 9208.90.90 a 9209.10 metronomes, tuning forks and pitch pipes 9209.10.00 a 9209.10.00 a 9209.10.01 a 9209.20 mechanisms for musical box 9209.20.00 a 9209.20.00 a 9209.20.01 a 9209.30 strings, musical instrument 9209.30.10 d 9209.30.00 a 9209.30.01 a 9209.30.90 a 9209.30.99 a 9209.91 parts and accessories for pianos 9209.91.10 d 9209.91.40 a 9209.91.01 a 9209.91.20 a 9209.91.80 a 9209.91.99 a 9209.91.90 a 9209.92 parts and accessories for the musical instruments of heading n 9209.92.10 d 9209.92.20 a 9209.92.01 a 9209.92.20 a 9209.92.40 a 9209.92.60 a 9209.92.80 a 9209.93 parts and accessories for the musical instruments of heading n 9209.93.00 a 9209.93.40 d 9209.93.01 a 9209.93.80 a 9209.93.02 a 9209.93.99 a 9209.94 parts and accessories for the musical instruments of heading n 9209.94.00 a 9209.94.40 a 9209.94.01 a 9209.94.80 a 9209.94.02 a 9209.94.03 a 9209.94.99 a 9209.99 parts and accessories for the musical instruments nes 9209.99.10 d 9209.99.10 a 9209.99.99 a 9209.99.90 a 9209.99.20 d 9209.99.40 a 9209.99.60 a 9209.99.80 a 9301.00 military weapons, other than revolvers, pistols and arms of 9301.00.10 a 9301.00.30 a 9301.00.01 a 9301.00.90 a 9301.00.60 a 9301.00.90 a 9302.00 revolvers and pistols, other than those of heading no 93.03 or 9302.00.00 a 9302.00.00 a 9302.00.01 a 9302.00.99 a 9303.10 muzzle-loading firearms 9303.10.00 a 9303.10.00 d 9303.10.01 a 9303.10.99 a 9303.20 shotguns incl combination shotgun-rifles sporting, hunting or 9303.20.10 a 9303.20.00 a 9303.20.01 a 9303.20.90 a 9303.30 rifles, sporting, hunting or targetshooting, nes 9303.30.10 a 9303.30.40 a 9303.30.01 a 9303.30.90 a 9303.30.80 a 9303.90 firearms & similar devices operated by the firing of an 9303.90.10 d 9303.90.40 a 9303.90.01 a 9303.90.90 a 9303.90.80 a 9303.90.99 a 9304.00 arms nes, excluding those of heading no 93.07 9304.00.11 a 9304.00.20 a 9304.00.01 a 9304.00.19 a 9304.00.40 a 9304.00.90 a 9304.00.60 a 9305.10 parts and accessories of revolvers or pistols of heading nos 9305.10.00 a 9305.10.20 a 9305.10.01 a 9305.10.40 a 9305.10.60 d 9305.10.80 a 9305.21 shotgun barrels of heading no 93.03 9305.21.00 a 9305.21.40 d 9305.21.01 a 9305.21.80 a 9305.29 parts and accessories of shotguns or rifles, nes of heading no 9305.29.10 a 9305.29.05 d 9305.29.01 a 9305.29.81 d 9305.29.10 a 9305.29.89 a 9305.29.20 a 9305.29.90 a 9305.29.40 a 9305.29.50 a 9305.90 parts and accessories nes of heading nos 93.01 to 93.04 9305.90.10 a 9305.90.10 a 9305.90.01 a 9305.90.20 a 9305.90.20 a 9305.90.30 d 9305.90.30 a 9305.90.90 a 9305.90.40 a 9305.90.50 a 9305.90.60 a 9306.10 cartridges for riveting or sim tools or for captive-bolt human 9306.10.00 a 9306.10.00 a 9306.10.01 a 9306.10.02 a 9306.21 cartridges, shotgun 9306.21.00 a 9306.21.00 a 9306.21.01 a 9306.21.99 b 9306.29 air gun pellets and parts of shotgun cartridges 9306.29.00 a 9306.29.00 a 9306.29.01 a 9306.30 cartridges nes and parts thereof 9306.30.10 d 9306.30.40 a 9306.30.01 a 9306.30.20 a 9306.30.80 a 9306.30.02 a 9306.30.30 d 9306.30.03 a 9306.30.90 a 9306.30.99 a 9306.90 munitions of war & pts thereof and other ammunitions & 9306.90.10 a 9306.90.00 a 9306.90.01 a 9306.90.80 a 9306.90.02 a 9306.90.90 a 9306.90.99 a 9307.00 swords, cutlasses, bayonets, lances & sim arms & parts, 9307.00.00 a 9307.00.00 a 9307.00.01 a 9401.10 seats, aircraft 9401.10.00 d 9401.10.40 a 9401.10.01 a 9401.10.80 a 9401.20 seats, motor vehicles 9401.20.00 a 9401.20.00 b 9401.20.01 b 9401.30 swivel seats and variable height adjustment other than those o 9401.30.10 cm 9401.30.40 a 9401.30.01 c 9401.30.90 cm 9401.30.80 a 9401.40 seats excluding garden seats or camping equipment, convertible 9401.40.00 cm 9401.40.00 a 9401.40.01 c 9401.50 seats of cane, osier, bamboo or similar materials 9401.50.00 bm 9401.50.00 a 9401.50.01 b 9401.61 seats with wooden frames,upholstered nes 9401.61.00 cm 9401.61.20 a 9401.61.01 c 9401.61.40 a 9401.61.60 a 9401.69 seats with wooden frames, nes 9401.69.10 bm 9401.69.20 a 9401.69.99 b 9401.69.90 cm 9401.69.40 a 9401.69.60 a 9401.69.80 a 9401.71 seats with metal frames,upholstered nes, other than those of 9401.71.10 a 9401.71.00 a 9401.71.01 c 9401.71.90 cm 9401.79 seats with metal frames, nes, other than those of heading no 9401.79.00 cm 9401.79.00 a 9401.79.99 a 9401.80 seats nes, other than those of heading no 94.02 9401.80.00 cm 9401.80.20 a 9401.80.99 a 9401.80.40 a 9401.80.60 a 9401.90 parts of seats other than those of heading no 94.02 9401.90.10 a 9401.90.10 a 9401.90.01 a 9401.90.20 a 9401.90.15 a 9401.90.02 a 9401.90.90 a 9401.90.25 a 9401.90.99 a 9401.90.35 a 9401.90.40 a 9401.90.50 a 9402.10 dentists', barbers' or similar chairs and parts thereof 9402.10.10 d 9402.10.00 a 9402.10.01 a 9402.10.90 a 9402.10.02 a 9402.90 medical, surgical, dental or veterinary furniture and parts ne 9402.90.10 d 9402.90.00 a 9402.90.01 a 9402.90.90 a 9402.90.02 a 9402.90.03 a 9402.90.04 a 9402.90.99 a 9403.10 office furniture, metal, nes 9403.10.10 c 9403.10.00 a 9403.10.01 a 9403.10.90 c 9403.10.99 c 9403.20 furniture, metal, nes 9403.20.00 c 9403.20.00 a 9403.20.01 a 9403.20.02 a 9403.20.03 a 9403.20.99 c 9403.30 office furniture, wooden, nes 9403.30.10 cm 9403.30.40 a 9403.30.01 c 9403.30.90 cm 9403.30.80 a 9403.40 kitchen furniture, wooden, nes 9403.40.00 bm 9403.40.40 a 9403.40.01 b 9403.40.60 a 9403.40.90 a 9403.50 bedroom furniture, wooden, nes 9403.50.10 cm 9403.50.40 a 9403.50.01 c 9403.50.90 cm 9403.50.60 a 9403.50.90 a 9403.60 furniture, wooden, nes 9403.60.00 cm 9403.60.40 a 9403.60.01 a 9403.60.80 a 9403.60.02 a 9403.60.99 c 9403.70 furniture, plastic, nes 9403.70.00 c 9403.70.40 a 9403.70.01 a 9403.70.80 a 9403.70.99 a 9403.80 furniture of other materials, including cane, osier, bamboo or 9403.80.00 bm 9403.80.30 a 9403.80.01 b 9403.80.60 a 9403.90 furniture parts nes 9403.90.10 a 9403.90.10 a 9403.90.01 a 9403.90.90 a 9403.90.25 a 9403.90.40 a 9403.90.50 a 9403.90.60 a 9403.90.70 a 9403.90.80 a 9404.10 mattress supports 9404.10.00 a 9404.10.00 a 9404.10.01 a 9404.21 mattresses of cellular rubber or plastics, whether or not 9404.21.00 bm 9404.21.00 a 9404.21.01 c 9404.21.02 a 9404.29 mattresses fitted with springs or stuffed or internally fitted 9404.29.00 cm 9404.29.10 c 9404.29.99 c 9404.29.90 a 9404.30 sleeping bags 9404.30.00 b 9404.30.40 a 9404.30.01 a 9404.30.80 a 9404.90 articles of bedding/furnishing, nes, stuffed or internally 9404.90.10 c 9404.90.10 b 9404.90.01 c 9404.90.90 c 9404.90.20 a 9404.90.99 c 9404.90.80 b 9404.90.90 b 9405.10 chandeliers & other electric ceiling or wall lighting fittings 9405.10.00 bm 9405.10.40 a 9405.10.01 c 9405.10.60 a 9405.10.02 b 9405.10.80 a 9405.10.03 c 9405.10.04 b 9405.10.99 b 9405.20 electric table, desk, bedside or floorstanding lamps 9405.20.00 cm 9405.20.40 a 9405.20.01 c 9405.20.60 a 9405.20.02 c 9405.20.80 a 9405.20.99 c 9405.30 lighting sets of a kind used for christmas trees 9405.30.00 b 9405.30.00 a 9405.30.01 b 9405.40 electric lamps and lighting fittings, nes 9405.40.10 a 9405.40.40 a 9405.40.01 c 9405.40.90 cm 9405.40.60 a 9405.40.80 a 9405.50 non-electrical lamps and lighting fittings 9405.50.10 c 9405.50.20 a 9405.50.01 b 9405.50.20 b 9405.50.30 a 9405.50.99 c 9405.50.90 c 9405.50.40 a 9405.60 illuminated signs, illuminated nameplates and the like 9405.60.00 b 9405.60.20 a 9405.60.01 c 9405.60.40 a 9405.60.60 a 9405.91 lamps and lighting fittings parts of glass 9405.91.10 b 9405.91.10 a 9405.91.01 b 9405.91.91 d 9405.91.30 c+ 9405.91.02 c 9405.91.99 b 9405.91.40 a 9405.91.03 b 9405.91.60 a 9405.91.04 b 9405.91.99 b 9405.92 lamps and lighting fittings parts of plastics 9405.92.00 c 9405.92.00 a 9405.92.01 c 9405.99 lamps and lighting fittings, parts of nes 9405.99.10 c 9405.99.20 a 9405.99.01 c 9405.99.90 c 9405.99.40 a 9405.99.99 c 9406.00 prefabricated buildings 9406.00.10 a 9406.00.40 a 9406.00.01 a 9406.00.20 a 9406.00.80 a 9406.00.02 a 9406.00.91 a 9406.00.03 a 9406.00.99 a 9406.00.99 a 9501.00 wheeled toys designed to be ridden by children and dolls' 9501.00.00 c 9501.00.20 d 9501.00.01 c 9501.00.40 a 9501.00.02 c 9501.00.60 a 9501.00.03 c 9501.00.99 c 9502.10 dolls, whether or not dressed, representing only human beings 9502.10.00 cm 9502.10.20 a 9502.10.01 c 9502.10.40 a 9502.10.60 a 9502.10.80 a 9502.91 garments and access therefor footwear & headgear for dolls rep 9502.91.00 cm 9502.91.00 a 9502.91.01 c 9502.99 parts and accessories nes, for dolls representing only human 9502.99.00 b 9502.99.10 a 9502.99.99 b 9502.99.20 a 9502.99.30 b 9503.10 electric trains, incl tracks, signals and other accessories 9503.10.10 d 9503.10.00 a 9503.10.01 a 9503.10.90 b 9503.10.99 a 9503.20 reduced-size (scale) model assy kits, working mo or not, excl 9503.20.10 d 9503.20.00 a 9503.20.01 c 9503.20.90 c 9503.20.02 c 9503.20.03 c 9503.20.99 c 9503.30 construction sets and constructional toys, nes 9503.30.00 c 9503.30.40 a 9503.30.01 c 9503.30.80 a 9503.30.02 c 9503.30.03 c 9503.30.99 c 9503.41 stuffed toys representing animals or non-human creatures 9503.41.00 c 9503.41.10 a 9503.41.01 c 9503.41.20 a 9503.41.30 a 9503.49 toys nes representing animals or nonhuman creatures 9503.49.00 c 9503.49.00 a 9503.49.01 b 9503.49.02 c 9503.49.03 c 9503.49.04 c 9503.49.05 c 9503.49.99 c 9503.50 toy musical instruments and apparatus 9503.50.00 bm 9503.50.00 a 9503.50.01 a 9503.50.99 a 9503.60 puzzles 9503.60.00 c 9503.60.10 d 9503.60.01 a 9503.60.20 a 9503.60.02 b 9503.60.99 c 9503.70 toys, put up in sets or outfits 9503.70.00 c 9503.70.40 d 9503.70.01 c 9503.70.60 a 9503.70.02 c 9503.70.80 a 9503.70.03 c 9503.70.04 c 9503.70.99 c 9503.80 toys and models, incorporating a motor 9503.80.10 b 9503.80.20 a 9503.80.01 b 9503.80.90 b 9503.80.40 a 9503.80.02 b 9503.80.60 a 9503.80.03 b 9503.80.80 a 9503.80.99 b 9503.90 toys nes 9503.90.00 c 9503.90.20 b 9503.90.01 c 9503.90.50 a 9503.90.02 b 9503.90.60 a 9503.90.03 b 9503.90.70 a 9503.90.04 c 9503.90.05 c 9503.90.06 c 9503.90.07 c 9503.90.08 c 9503.90.09 c 9503.90.10 c 9503.90.99 c 9504.10 video games of a kind used with a television receiver 9504.10.00 a 9504.10.00 a 9504.10.01 a 9504.20 articles and accessories for billiards 9504.20.10 a 9504.20.20 a 9504.20.01 b 9504.20.21 b 9504.20.40 d 9504.20.02 b 9504.20.22 b 9504.20.60 a 9504.20.99 b 9504.20.23 b 9504.20.80 a 9504.20.24 b 9504.20.29 b 9504.20.90 b 9504.30 games, coin or disc-operated, other than bowling alley 9504.30.00 d 9504.30.00 a 9504.30.01 a 9504.30.99 a 9504.40 playing cards 9504.40.00 b 9504.40.00 a 9504.40.01 a 9504.90 art.funfair,games tab/parlour,pintab,sp tab casino games & aut 9504.90.10 a 9504.90.40 a 9504.90.01 a 9504.90.20 b 9504.90.60 a 9504.90.02 b 9504.90.90 b 9504.90.90 a 9504.90.03 a 9504.90.04 a 9504.90.05 a 9504.90.06 a 9504.90.07 a 9504.90.08 a 9504.90.09 a 9504.90.10 a 9504.90.99 a 9505.10 articles for christmas festivities 9505.10.00 bm 9505.10.10 a 9505.10.02 b 9505.10.15 a 9505.10.99 b 9505.10.25 a 9505.10.30 a 9505.10.40 a 9505.10.50 a 9505.90 festive, carnival or other entertainment art incl conjuring 9505.90.10 b 9505.90.20 a 9505.90.99 b 9505.90.90 b 9505.90.40 a 9505.90.60 a 9506.11 snow-skis 9506.11.00 a 9506.11.20 a 9506.11.01 a 9506.11.40 a 9506.11.60 a 9506.12 snow-ski-fastenings (ski-bindings) 9506.12.00 a 9506.12.40 a 9506.12.01 a 9506.12.80 a 9506.19 snow-ski equipment nes 9506.19.10 a 9506.19.40 a 9506.19.99 a 9506.19.90 a 9506.19.80 a 9506.21 sailboards 9506.21.00 a 9506.21.40 a 9506.21.01 a 9506.21.80 a 9506.21.99 a 9506.29 water-skis, surf-boards and other watersport equipment 9506.29.00 bm 9506.29.00 a 9506.29.01 a 9506.29.99 a 9506.31 golf clubs, complete 9506.31.00 b 9506.31.00 a 9506.31.01 a 9506.32 golf balls 9506.32.10 a 9506.32.00 a 9506.32.01 a 9506.32.90 a 9506.39 golf equipment nes 9506.39.10 d 9506.39.00 a 9506.39.01 a 9506.39.20 a 9506.39.99 a 9506.39.30 a 9506.39.90 a 9506.40 articles and equipment for table-tennis 9506.40.00 b 9506.40.00 a 9506.40.01 b 9506.40.99 b 9506.51 lawn-tennis rackets, whether or not strung 9506.51.00 a 9506.51.20 a 9506.51.01 b 9506.51.40 a 9506.51.02 b 9506.51.60 a 9506.59 badminton or similar rackets, whether or not strung 9506.59.00 a 9506.59.40 a 9506.59.01 b 9506.59.80 a 9506.59.02 b 9506.59.99 b 9506.61 lawn-tennis balls 9506.61.00 a 9506.61.00 a 9506.61.01 b 9506.62 inflatable balls 9506.62.00 a 9506.62.40 d 9506.62.01 a 9506.62.0v b 9506.62.80 a 9506.69 balls nes 9506.69.10 a 9506.69.20 a 9506.69.01 a 9506.69.20 d 9506.69.40 a 9506.69.99 a 9506.69.90 b 9506.69.60 a 9506.70 ice skates and roller skates, including skating boots with 9506.70.10 a 9506.70.20 d 9506.70.01 a 9506.70.1v c 9506.70.40 a 9506.70.20 a 9506.70.60 a 9506.91 gymnasium or athletics articles and equipment 9506.91.10 b 9506.91.00 a 9506.91.01 a 9506.91.20 bm 9506.91.02 a 9506.91.90 bm 9506.99 articles & equip for sports & outdoor games nes & swimming & 9506.99.10 a 9506.99.05 a 9506.99.01 b 9506.99.20 d 9506.99.08 a 9506.99.02 a 9506.99.30 a 9506.99.12 a 9506.99.03 b 9506.99.41 a 9506.99.15 a 9506.99.04 b 9506.99.49 b 9506.99.20 a 9506.99.05 b 9506.99.50 d 9506.99.25 d 9506.99.06 a 9506.99.60 bm 9506.99.28 d 9506.99.07 a 9506.99.70 b 9506.99.30 a 9506.99.08 b 9506.99.81 b 9506.99.35 d 9506.99.09 a 9506.99.89 b 9506.99.40 d 9506.99.10 a 9506.99.90 bm 9506.99.45 a 9506.99.11 a 9506.99.50 a 9506.99.12 a 9506.99.55 a 9506.99.99 a 9506.99.60 a 9507.10 fishing rods 9507.10.00 a 9507.10.00 a 9507.10.01 a 9507.10.99 a 9507.20 fish-hooks, whether or not snelled 9507.20.10 d 9507.20.40 a 9507.20.01 a 9507.20.90 a 9507.20.80 a 9507.30 fishing reels 9507.30.00 a 9507.30.20 a 9507.30.01 a 9507.30.40 a 9507.30.60 a 9507.30.80 a 9507.90 line fish tackle nes,f/landing,b/f & sim nets, dec birds & sim 9507.90.10 a 9507.90.20 a 9507.90.01 a 9507.90.90 acm 9507.90.40 a 9507.90.02 a 9507.90.60 a 9507.90.99 a 9507.90.70 a 9507.90.80 a 9508.00 rndabts,swings,shoot galleries,fairgrnd amusements & trav 9508.00.10 d 9508.00.00 a 9508.00.01 a 9508.00.90 a 9508.00.02 a 9508.00.99 a 9601.10 worked ivory and articles of ivory 9601.10.00 d 9601.10.00 a 9601.10.01 a 9601.90 animal carving material (o/t ivory), and articles of these 9601.90.00 a 9601.90.20 a 9601.90.01 a 9601.90.40 a 9601.90.99 a 9601.90.60 d 9601.90.80 a 9602.00 worked veg/mineral carving mat & art, carved art nes;worked 9602.00.10 d 9602.00.10 a 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canada dying 9806.00.00 d 9806.00.05 d 9806.00.10 d 9806.00.15 d 9806.00.20 d 9806.00.25 d 9806.00.30 d 9806.00.35 d 9806.00.40 d 9806.00.45 d 9806.00.50 d 9806.00.55 d 9807.00 goods, imported by a settler for personal use & owned prior to 9807.00.00 d 9807.00.40 d 9807.00.50 d 9808.00 articles for the personal/official use of representatives of 9808.00.00 d 9808.00.10 d 9808.00.20 d 9808.00.30 d 9808.00.40 d 9808.00.50 d 9808.00.60 d 9808.00.70 d 9808.00.80 d 9809.00 articles for use of the governor general 9809.00.00 d 9809.00.10 d 9809.00.20 d 9809.00.30 d 9809.00.40 d 9809.00.50 d 9809.00.60 d 9809.00.70 d 9809.00.80 d 9810.00 arms, military stores, munitions of war to remain the property 9810.00.00 d 9810.00.05 d 9810.00.10 d 9810.00.15 d 9810.00.20 d 9810.00.25 d 9810.00.30 d 9810.00.35 d 9810.00.40 d 9810.00.45 d 9810.00.50 d 9810.00.55 d 9810.00.60 d 9810.00.65 d 9810.00.67 d 9810.00.70 d 9810.00.75 d 9810.00.80 d 9810.00.85 d 9810.00.90 d 9810.00.95 d 9811.00 arms, military 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