The state and interest of the nation, with respect to His Royal Highness the Duke of York discours'd at large, in a letter to a member of the Honourable House of Commons.
L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704.
1680
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The state and interest of the nation, with respect to His Royal Highness the Duke of York discours'd at large, in a letter to a member of the Honourable House of Commons.
L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704.
[2], 32 p.
[s.n.],
London :
1680.
Attributed to Roger L'Estrange. Cf. NUC pre-1956.
Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
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eng
James -- II, -- King of England, 1633-1701.
Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Succession.
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THE
State
and
Interest
OF
THE
NATION
,
With
respect
to
His
Royal
Highness
THE
Duke
of
York
,
Discours'd
at
large
;
in
a
LETTER
to
a
Member
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
.
LONDON
,
Printed
in
the
Year
,
1680.
THE
State
&
Interest
OF
THE
NATION
,
&c.
SIR
,
§
1.
WELL
were
it
for
this
poor
distracted
Nation
,
were
there
less
ground
,
than
there
is
,
for
your
Opinion
,
that
it
is
not
the
particular
Case
of
your
Friend
only
,
but
of
a
great
many
(
otherwise
)
Worthy
and
Eminent
Persons
,
to
be
mis-led
,
and
intoxicated
,
by
the
plausible
pretence
of
a
Free
Estate
,
into
a
passionate
Fondness
,
and
Admiration
of
a
Popular
Government
:
never
distinguishing
betwixt
the
Form
and
Essence
of
a
Commonwealth
;
the
mistake
whereof
(
each
for
the
other
)
has
prov'd
so
fatal
in
this
Age
;
nor
calling
to
mind
that
it
was
the
misfortune
of
those
that
surfeited
of
our
Kingly
Regiment
,
and
gap'd
as
impatiently
after
Novelty
as
any
now
adayes
can
do
;
to
lose
the
substance
of
Liberty
and
Happiness
,
in
persute
of
the
Shadow
.
Nay
,
too
too
many
,
I
fear
me
,
there
are
,
that
sacrificing
all
considerations
of
Conscience
and
Religion
to
their
Mammon
,
Interest
,
do
labour
with
all
the
Vigour
and
Artifice
imaginable
to
create
in
the
Multitude
a
loathing
of
their
present
Manna
,
and
a
fresh
longing
for
their
late
AEgyptian
Leeks
and
Garlick
.
So
that
you
are
not
to
look
upon
my
Endeavours
to
set
things
aright
,
as
to
this
Point
,
to
be
the
pure
effects
of
my
Compliance
with
your
Desires
for
the
satisfaction
of
your
Friend
,
but
rather
of
a
pressing
and
indispensable
Duty
.
NEITHER
your
Friend
,
nor
any
other
Republican
will
,
I
presume
,
maintain
that
a
Free
Estate
(
as
they
call
it
)
is
subject
to
no
Violations
;
because
woful
Experience
will
confute
,
and
force
them
to
confess
either
that
a
Commonwealth
may
Degenerate
;
or
,
at
least
,
that
the
so
much
cry'd
up
Model
of
the
Late
Times
was
no
Commonwealth
:
And
they
must
not
only
renounce
their
Senses
,
but
even
the
Faith
of
Story
also
;
which
sufficiently
proves
that
Republiques
have
been
sometimes
invaded
with
Usurpations
;
sometimes
debauch'd
and
embas'd
with
Oligarchy
;
mostly
(
by
reason
of
their
Weakness
and
Divisions
)
subdu'd
or
compell'd
to
truckle
under
their
Neighbouring
Princes
;
but
alwayes
tormented
with
Faction
and
Convulsions
.
Nor
,
in
truth
,
has
that
Party
as
yet
been
able
to
produce
any
Arguments
but
such
as
,
in
effect
,
beg
the
Question
;
by
presupposing
great
Unity
in
the
Coalition
,
great
Probity
in
the
Intention
,
and
great
Purity
in
the
Exercise
;
which
being
admitted
,
doubtless
we
should
so
little
need
to
differ
about
Forms
,
that
perhaps
we
should
scarce
need
any
Government
at
all
.
Now
for
my
Own
part
(
on
the
other
side
)
I
abhor
Bloodshed
,
and
deem
one
Party
in
all
Wars
guilty
of
Murther
;
a
Crime
which
as
it
cryes
High
for
Vengeance
,
so
ought
it
to
cry
Lowd
for
Unity
and
Moderation
;
into
which
blessed
Path
may
This
ballance
us
,
that
we
be
not
again
Balotted
into
a
Field
of
Blood
:
I
plead
for
Liberty
;
not
the
Name
,
but
the
Thing
;
and
design
not
to
assert
Tyranny
,
but
Kingship
;
(
as
it
relates
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
)
to
whose
protection
I
am
entitled
by
my
Birth
,
for
the
preservation
of
my
Freedom
in
Person
and
Estate
;
and
That
with
more
assurance
,
then
possibly
can
be
secur'd
under
the
Government
of
Many
;
who
scruple
not
commonly
to
term
that
Justice
(
and
without
Remedy
too
)
which
is
down
right
Faction
.
So
that
with
these
thoughts
about
me
I
shall
readily
acknowledge
(
you
may
imagine
)
that
even
Monarchy
it self
is
but
as
Earthen
Ware
,
(
tho'
of
the
Finest
and
Strongest
Sort
)
and
liable
to
sundry
Contingences
;
nothing
under
the
Heavens
being
compleatly
Perfect
.
And
in
the
Constitution
of
Governments
,
't
is
childish
to
think
upon
erecting
Babels
against
the
Deluge
;
but
the
Design
must
be
,
to
embank
against
Floods
,
and
enclose
the
best
that
may
be
against
Trespassors
.
This
being
premised
,
I
shall
proceed
to
handle
the
Matter
in
debate
,
not
Metaphysically
,
in
Notions
abstracted
from
their
Subjects
(
a
Pastime
which
our
Platoniques
much
delight
in
)
but
Morally
,
and
Reasonably
;
and
enforce
such
Arguments
only
as
are
plain
,
sensible
,
and
appropriate
to
our
own
Countrey
;
leaving
the
Notional
to
our
Book-men
,
whose
Volumes
,
calculated
for
all
Climates
,
swell
big
against
the
Evils
of
the
Rule
of
MANY
,
or
Democracy
.
§
2.
I
SHALL
not
here
presume
to
insist
upon
such
other
Insuperable
Difficulties
,
(
of
a
quality
too
High
for
a
private
person
to
meddle
with
)
as
must
necessarily
obviate
the
establishing
of
a
popular
Platform
amongst
us
;
But
lay
before
you
in
the
First
place
the
present
State
of
the
Nation
,
so
far
forth
only
as
may
carry
any
immediate
Relation
to
the
Subject
;
and
then
apply
the
Premises
to
the
Point
in
hand
.
This
Island
,
now
,
is
a
large
Continent
,
abundantly
populous
;
and
govern'd
(
I
may
say
)
by
the
Subordinate
Influence
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
;
who
live
plentifully
,
and
at
ease
upon
their
Rents
,
extracted
from
the
Toyle
of
their
Tenants
and
Servants
;
and
every
one
of
them
Acts
the
Prince
within
the
Bounds
of
his
own
Estate
,
where
he
is
purely
Absolute
;
his
Servants
and
Labourers
are
in
the
Nature
of
his
Vassals
,
his
Tenants
indeed
are
Free
,
but
yet
in
the
Nature
of
Subjects
;
whom
he
orders
in
his
Courts
,
draws
Supplyes
from
by
his
Fines
,
and
Awes
by
his
Power
and
Oaths
of
Fealty
,
to
infinite
Submissions
.
The
more
his
Mannors
are
,
and
the
more
indulgently
he
behaves
himself
(
like
a
good
Prince
)
the
larger
is
his
Territory
,
and
the
more
awful
are
his
Commands
.
A
Neighbour
more
Rich
and
Potent
gives
Cheque
to
his
Inferiour
Neighbour
;
and
brings
his
Petty-Princeship
into
awe
;
He
again
being
overaw'd
by
one
that
is
greater
and
more
powerful
than
himself
in
Estate
and
Friends
.
But
none
of
these
,
with
respect
to
his
Quality
and
Estate
,
will
admit
a
Parity
with
his
Inferiour
Neighbours
,
much
less
with
his
Tenant
or
Dependent
.
INTO
the
Rank
of
Gentry
do
our
Officers
,
Citizens
,
and
Burghers
aspire
to
be
enroll'd
:
So
that
no
sooner
by
Arms
,
Office
,
or
Trade
do
they
acquire
a
competent
Stock
,
but
forthwith
for
Land
it
is
dispos'd
;
and
then
,
disowning
the
Title
of
Souldiers
,
Citizens
,
or
Burghers
,
they
take
to
themselves
the
Degree
and
Name
of
Gentlemen
,
with
Arms
not
improper
;
for
England
within
it self
,
has
been
so
often
shuffled
from
High
to
Low
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
Artificer
but
may
find
his
Name
in
the
Heralds-Book
,
tho'
not
his
Pedegree
,
which
Ingenuity
yet
and
Good
Will
may
easily
supply
:
And
thus
being
Equipt
with
a
Title
and
Estate
,
they
set
up
suitably
the
Dominion
within
their
Territories
;
which
none
can
dispute
,
because
they
have
no
right
to
intermeddle
with
what
any
man
has
or
does
within
himself
:
For
by
Gentry
I
intend
not
only
such
as
are
so
in
Blood
,
but
so
in
Quality
also
;
such
as
live
easily
,
and
like
Princes
,
upon
the
Labours
of
their
Dependents
.
OUT
of
This
Order
are
constituted
our
Sheriffs
,
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
and
all
that
execute
the
Authority
of
a
Judge
;
by
the
influence
of
which
Powers
,
they
so
order
all
Elections
to
Parliament
,
or
otherwise
,
that
the
whole
Countreys
Commonly
follow
their
respective
Factions
,
and
the
Commonalty
in
their
Votes
are
menag'd
by
Them
,
as
a
Horse
by
his
Rider
.
So
that
as
the
Agrarian
or
Interest
of
Land
,
is
principally
in
these
Two
Ranks
;
So
is
the
Consequence
thereof
,
Dominion
and
Command
;
which
emboldens
them
to
such
a
Height
of
Spirit
(
natural
to
our
Nobility
and
Gentry
)
that
they
are
too
apt
to
undervalue
Persons
of
Inferiour
Quality
,
[
Burgesses
and
Mechaniques
,
]
with
whom
to
Inter-marry
by
our
Old
Law
it
was
a
Disparagement
for
a
Ward
;
and
this
Spirit
of
Generosity
cannot
be
supprest
,
so
riveted
is
it
in
their
Natures
,
but
by
the
Eradication
of
their
Persons
,
or
at
least
their
Qualities
;
to
which
strange
effect
I
have
heard
some
Grandees
vent
a
Sense
.
AND
indeed
the
establishing
of
a
Free
Estate
(
so
call'd
)
were
otherwise
Desperate
and
Impracticable
;
and
therefore
it
was
the
Course
that
the
prevailing
Mechaniques
,
among
the
Swisses
,
were
forc'd
to
take
:
How
else
shall
we
be
levell'd
to
a
Parity
,
which
is
of
the
very
Essence
of
a
Commonwealth
?
For
as
Titles
and
Honours
are
incident
to
Kingship
;
so
also
are
Equality
in
Place
,
Degree
,
and
Birth
,
to
Democracy
;
unless
where
,
in
case
of
Office
,
for
the
Time
only
they
are
entitled
to
a
Precedency
.
Reduced
you
must
be
,
Sir
,
to
the
Condition
of
the
Vulgar
;
Commoners
already
are
you
in
Title
,
which
yet
is
but
a
Fallacy
of
the
Name
,
and
deludes
our
Statists
;
for
indeed
you
are
so
only
Representatively
,
being
rather
the
Tribunes
and
Leaders
of
the
Peoples
strength
,
and
the
Governours
of
their
purse
,
then
purely
Commons
.
Neither
yet
will
the
bare
obtaining
of
such
a
Parity
be
sufficient
to
do
your
Friends
Business
;
unless
there
be
a
Supreme
Power
establish'd
in
some
Body
Corporate
,
Compacted
and
Permanent
;
such
as
is
That
of
London
,
where
the
Grandure
of
That
City
(
but
that
it
is
never
to
be
debauch'd
into
such
a
Degree
of
Disloyalty
and
Fanaticism
)
might
possibly
erect
it Self
into
a
Free-State
,
(
could
it
once
overcome
all
opposite
Interests
)
and
by
that
great
Magazine
of
Treasure
and
Men
,
there
embody'd
,
give
Law
to
the
whole
People
scatter'd
as
they
are
in
a
large
Continent
:
Having
,
First
,
reduc'd
some
meet
Cities
,
Forts
,
and
Castles
,
which
being
Garrison'd
from
the
Head-Colony
would
aw
the
Countreys
,
and
mould
them
into
a
Vassalage
competent
to
make
up
a
Free-Estate
.
But
then
our
Nobility
and
Gentry
would
neither
have
the
Honour
of
the
Name
,
nor
Benefit
of
the
Thing
:
'T
will
be
instiled
the
Commonwealth
of
London
,
not
of
England
;
And
our
Pay
must
be
as
They
Impose
,
and
our
Liberty
as
They
vouchsafe
it
;
only
in
This
it
will
be
the
less
agreeable
,
that
we
must
be
Subject
to
our
Inferiours
.
NOR
is
This
Discourse
to
be
look't
upon
as
meer
Drollery
;
for
from
This
Embrio
have
issued
those
Commonwealths
which
are
so
fam'd
in
Notions
;
as
those
of
Rome
,
Carthage
,
Athens
,
Lacedaemon
,
Corinth
,
Thebes
,
&c.
Great
Cities
of
That
Name
,
which
having
subdu'd
their
adjacent
Territories
,
denominated
the
Dominion
;
wherein
only
those
of
the
Freedom
(
Citizens
and
Denizens
)
had
Vote
or
Power
;
the
Nobles
and
Gentlemen
being
purely
Tributary
to
the
Chief
City
;
unless
they
transplanted
themselves
,
renounc'd
their
Cities
,
and
so
,
by
degrees
advanc'd
into
the
Honour
of
a
Burgess
,
as
we
now
do
exercise
our
Junior
Issue
.
And
little
different
are
at
this
day
the
celebrated
Commonwealths
of
Venice
,
the
United
Provinces
,
the
Swisses
;
not
to
instance
in
those
Petty
States
of
Genoua
,
Ragusa
,
Geneva
,
&c.
all
of
them
mostly
denominated
from
those
Principal
Cities
,
which
give
the
Law
to
the
adjacent
Provinces
.
Those
indeed
of
the
Hollanders
and
Switzers
,
tho'
they
derive
not
,
so
directly
,
their
Title
from
One
City
,
yet
are
they
(
in
Substance
)
of
the
same
Composure
,
being
only
an
United
Body
of
Corporated
Cities
,
combin'd
in
One
,
for
Mutual
Defence
against
Invaders
,
but
of
an
equal
Power
to
impose
upon
the
Adjacent
Territories
,
scituate
under
the
aw
of
each
respective
City
,
or
Town-Garrison
.
It
falls
not
within
my
Memory
,
that
there
ever
was
,
or
at
This
Day
is
,
a
Free-Estate
in
the
whole
World
that
's
manag'd
by
the
Gentry
Inhabiting
at
large
,
or
by
any
People
not
combin'd
within
the
Jurisdiction
of
their
Walls
;
except
the
Grisons
;
who
are
a
scatter'd
People
of
a
mean
Quality
,
having
long
since
disown'd
their
Gentry
;
and
are
without
Walled
Towns
or
Garrison
.
'T
is
a
small
Territory
,
possibly
of
extent
to
an
Inland
Country
;
upon
Emergences
,
the
whole
People
at
a
set
day
,
meet
in
the
Open
Ayre
,
where
the
Major
Vote
(
as
with
you
Knights
of
the
Shire
)
cryes
up
the
Magistrates
,
and
Determines
Warre
.
Their
Confusions
makes
them
easie
for
Conquest
,
were
their
Country
worth
it
,
and
not
secur'd
by
the
United
Cantons
.
NOW
to
apply
the
Premisses
;
can
your
Friend
,
or
any
other
Man
of
the
same
Stamp
imagine
,
that
our
Nobility
and
Gentry
(
as
now
in
Power
)
will
ever
be
induc'd
to
admit
a
Parity
;
will
level
their
Degree
and
Domination
to
a
Proportion
with
their
Copy-holders
?
Nay
,
will
renounce
the
wearing
of
a
Sword
,
and
learn
to
make
one
?
Will
submit
to
become
Tributary
to
the
Neighbour-Colony
?
If
this
can
be
brought
about
;
then
perhaps
(
and
not
till
then
)
may
we
again
hope
to
aspire
from
our
present
Glorious
State
of
King-ship
,
to
a
Free-state
in
Clown-ship
;
or
at
least
,
from
the
Free-giving
of
Subsidies
,
to
the
Majesty
of
a
Scepter
;
to
the
Forced-payment
of
Excise
to
the
High
and
Mighty
Burgher
;
such
as
was
that
High
and
Mighty
Butcher
,
who
,
not
many
years
ago
was
commissioned
by
the
Swisses
,
as
one
of
the
Chiefs
to
be
God-Father
to
the
French
Kings
Son.
As
Plato
phansi'd
his
Community
,
and
Sir
Thomas
Moor
his
Utopia
;
so
are
these
people
bigg
with
hopes
of
a
Relation
;
thereby
to
reassume
their
Idoliz'd
Model
of
a
Commonwealth
,
out
of
the
scatter'd
Gentry
,
in
the
nature
of
a
House
of
Commons
.
But
if
nothing
but
New
Experiments
will
serve
their
Turn
,
I
could
wish
they
would
find
other
Subjects
to
try
Conclusions
upon
,
than
the
Estates
,
Lives
,
nay
,
the
very
Souls
of
Christians
.
You
well
remember
I
'me
sure
,
Sir
,
that
we
once
ran
the
Loss
of
Those
,
and
the
Hazzard
of
These
,
upon
the
hopes
of
a
Chimaera
in
the
Brains
of
some
:
The
word
Liberty
deluded
us
into
Patience
,
and
Patience
from
1648.
to
1660.
brought
forth
not
less
Payments
,
but
more
Servitude
.
And
let
them
not
hope
to
bring
Countenance
to
their
Cause
,
by
alledging
(
as
they
did
before
)
that
they
could
never
be
permitted
to
foster
up
their
Babe
to
full
perfection
;
for
that
they
will
ever
be
opposed
by
all
Wise
and
Loyal
men
,
who
having
once
experimented
the
Evils
of
such
a
State
,
will
be
as
vigilant
and
industrious
to
keep
it
from
getting
footing
among
us
again
,
as
those
that
are
otherwise
,
can
be
to
bring
it
on
.
Beside
that
,
you
cannot
have
forgot
,
Sir
,
that
from
1648
to
1653.
they
had
it
from
the
Nurse
,
and
(
had
they
stuck
to
their
Pretences
)
might
probably
in
five
years
time
have
set
it
upon
its
Feet
;
but
they
found
the
sweet
(
poor
Wretches
)
of
ingrossing
Power
to
themselves
:
But
then
it
could
never
have
been
of
any
long
Continuance
,
as
manifestly
appear'd
from
the
great
scorn
and
bitterness
that
the
Supporters
of
it
were
reproach'd
with
,
when
it
was
dissolv'd
;
there
was
not
so
much
as
one
Bloudy
Nose
in
the
defence
of
that
High
and
Mighty
State
;
but
all
the
persons
were
held
in
the
utmost
degree
of
detestation
,
as
they
most
justly
deserved
.
And
though
these
Rumpers
,
't
is
true
,
came
twice
into
play
,
yet
were
they
only
made
use
of
to
serve
a
Turn
,
as
being
fit
to
be
made
a
Property
;
for
it
was
presently
seen
that
it
was
not
the
desire
of
their
Rule
,
but
of
a
further
change
,
that
inspirited
the
People
against
the
Army
;
and
the
Rump
(
as
being
next
at
hand
)
had
no
sooner
mounted
the
empty
Saddle
,
but
(
before
they
were
warm
in
their
Seat
)
they
were
again
Unhors'd
with
a
Publick
Leave
,
as
appear'd
by
the
Bonefires
(
upon
That
Occasion
)
that
might
have
lighted
them
to
the
Lands-end
,
if
they
had
dar'd
to
be
seen
among
them
.
So
that
it
is
plain
from
what
has
been
said
,
that
it
is
not
the
sense
or
Interest
of
a
Few
,
that
can
long
sway
a
Nation
;
for
if
the
publick
Spirit
be
averse
,
at
the
long
run
it
will
prevail
;
the
more
Dispute
there
is
with
that
spirit
,
the
more
embitter'd
it
will
be
found
:
For
,
whatever
such
Enthusiasts
may
dream
,
even
when
the
Multitude
have
the
Power
,
the
Command
yet
rests
in
a
Few
:
The
most
active
Spirits
lead
the
Herd
,
and
ingross
the
Place
,
the
Profit
,
and
the
Sway
:
This
,
in
generous
minds
,
begets
Disdain
,
and
that
,
Faction
;
for
when
all
are
equal
,
thousands
think
themselves
as
deserving
of
Rule
,
as
those
that
carry
it
;
to
satisfie
all
it
is
impossible
,
to
please
few
displeases
the
Most
;
the
Transactions
of
that
Party
from
1648.
to
1660.
have
made
this
as
sensible
,
as
they
made
themselves
contemptible
.
In
a
word
,
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
England
have
Spirits
pure
,
naturally
just
and
generous
,
like
Fire
aspiring
,
as
a
Pyramide
,
from
low
to
high
;
and
never
resting
till
it
contracts
it self
into
an
Unity
at
top
:
So
God
is
One
,
or
he
were
not
God
,
nor
could
he
Rule
the
World
;
and
if
your
Friend
likes
not
this
President
,
but
still
continues
to
delight
in
the
Rule
of
Many
,
let
him
begin
a
Pattern
in
his
own
Family
,
and
he
may
there
,
possibly
,
have
enough
to
do
.
§
.
3.
NOW
my
hand
's
in
,
I
shall
venture
to
set
one
step
further
,
and
refresh
your
memory
with
a
View
of
our
Condition
whilst
this
Free-State
kept
above-Water
,
the
Past
being
the
most
certain
Line
to
direct
us
in
our
Conjectures
upon
Futurities
.
We
were
never
free
(
you
may
remember
)
from
the
Apprehensions
of
an
Insurrection
at
Home
,
or
an
Invasion
from
Abroad
,
and
liv'd
in
continual
jelousie
,
even
of
our
very
next
Neighbours
.
These
Fears
obliged
us
to
maintain
a
considerable
Force
at
Land
and
Sea
,
which
,
lying
idle
,
corrupted
,
as
standing-Water
in
a
Pool
,
and
every
moment
threaten'd
fresh
Combustions
,
as
they
were
blown
up
this
way
or
that
way
by
their
new
Masters
;
but
at
the
best
(
like
our
old
Lord-Danes
)
they
were
most
insupportably
burthensome
and
odious
to
the
Country
,
by
their
Quartering
;
and
to
keep
them
as
much
in
action
as
possibly
we
could
,
we
were
fain
either
to
be
perpetually
amusing
them
with
pretended
Discoveries
of
some
new-feigned
Plot
or
other
,
or
else
to
engage
them
in
Forreign
Wars
.
For
the
support
of
this
Army
(
now
)
we
were
compelled
to
daily
Contributions
,
besides
great
and
innumerable
Customs
that
were
exacted
,
together
with
the
Excise
,
(
a
Brat
begotten
in
the
Low-Countries
,
with
their
State
,
which
makes
them
free
indeed
,
but
then
it
is
in
Purse
,
not
in
Priviledge
)
a
Tribute
which
no
King
of
England
durst
demand
,
before
they
enforced
us
to
pay
it
;
which
being
ever
before
look'd
upon
as
Poyson
;
we
then
took
as
Physick
;
though
in
that
Age
,
it
was
generally
believ'd
that
no
English-man
would
ever
swallow
it
;
and
for
the
bare
but
necessary
Mention
whereof
,
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
that
Grand
Patriote
(
as
they
call'd
him
)
Mr.
Pym
was
by
a
young
Spirit
(
not
without
great
Applause
)
call'd
to
the
Bar
;
add
hereunto
the
Benevolences
,
Sequestrations
,
five
and
twentyth
parts
,
a
Tax
of
fifty
Subsidies
at
once
,
(
though
the
late
King
suffer'd
so
much
by
the
demand
of
twelve
only
)
Fines
and
Compositions
,
sale
of
Kings
,
Bishops
,
Deans
and
Chapters
,
and
Delinquents
Lands
,
the
two
parts
of
Papists
Estates
,
nay
a
share
of
our
very
Charities
to
the
distressed
;
over
and
above
the
constant
Contributions
that
were
levy'd
.
How
was
all
this
devour'd
by
the
Army
,
whose
Belly
indeed
was
bottomless
?
and
yet
what
Arrears
did
we
owe
them
just
before
the
King's
Return
?
three
Millions
at
least
!
Reform
the
Army
we
durst
not
,
and
our
constant
charge
could
not
be
less
than
two
Millions
yearly
,
to
supply
it
;
In
a
word
,
we
never
used
to
be
in
a
worse
condition
,
than
when
none
would
Rebel
,
because
when
the
People
were
quiet
we
had
no
Lands
either
to
sequester
or
to
sell.
Our
Trade
fell
to
nothing
,
our
Traffique
was
interrupted
,
our
Gold
walk'd
beyond
Sea
more
freely
than
in
our
own
Country
;
and
we
lost
no
less
than
2000
Sail
of
Ships
in
two
or
three
years
time
:
There
was
no
settlement
,
but
we
were
every
day
dancing
after
a
new
Whistle
;
ten
Models
we
had
in
Proposal
at
one
time
,
and
every
Faction
ready
with
Blood
to
aver
his
own
way
to
be
the
best
.
By
our
known
Laws
we
could
not
be
imprison'd
,
but
by
a
Regular
proceeding
in
a
Course
of
Justice
;
but
under
our
free
Estate
(
on
the
other
side
)
upon
the
most
slight
suggestions
of
a
spiteful
Neighbour
in
Authority
,
we
were
presently
seiz'd
by
the
Serjeant
at
Arms
,
with
his
exorbitant
Fees
!
no
Bail
,
no
Habeas
Corpus
,
no
regular
way
of
Justice
to
do
us
right
!
but
,
after
a
Twelvemonths
stay
in
Goal
,
if
we
could
make
good
Friends
,
and
humble
our selves
to
our
potent
Adversary
,
we
might
possibly
be
discharg'd
;
but
without
amends
,
or
knowing
of
our
Crime
.
Loe
thus
,
while
we
cajol'd
our selves
with
the
Name
of
Freedom
,
we
lost
the
thing
,
and
became
free
,
only
to
be
made
the
most
despicable
of
Slaves
.
BY
this
,
Sir
,
you
see
that
the
Question
might
be
decided
in
a
few
words
,
only
by
alledging
the
Inclination
of
the
People
to
Monarchy
,
as
it
is
now
established
:
For
as
no
man
can
well
be
wrong'd
with
his
consent
,
so
neither
is
any
man
to
be
oblig'd
against
his
will.
And
indeed
how
should
a
Government
,
founded
upon
inequality
and
force
,
ever
subsist
without
it
?
Or
a
State
that
must
necessarily
be
the
meer
Adjective
of
an
Army
,
become
a
Substantive
?
With
as
much
Reason
might
I
also
object
matter
of
Title
,
because
the
same
Estate
,
with
a
flaw
in
the
conveyance
,
or
clogg'd
with
Statutes
and
Judgments
,
is
not
surely
of
like
value
,
as
if
it
had
been
descended
clearly
from
the
great
Grandfather
,
and
were
free
from
Claims
and
Incumbrances
.
But
it
shall
be
the
next
part
of
my
Business
to
shew
that
the
present
establish'd
Government
(
as
it
excellently
complies
with
the
Laws
,
Genius
,
and
Interest
of
this
Nation
,
so
it
)
comprehends
all
the
Benefits
of
a
Common-wealth
in
great
perfection
;
and
this
I
shall
do
as
briefly
as
I
can
.
TO
demonstrate
how
it
complies
with
our
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
let
it
suffice
,
That
(
Monarchy
,
in
these
Nations
,
being
more
ancient
than
Story
or
Records
more
venerable
than
Tradition
it self
)
our
Laws
were
born
(
as
it
were
)
under
this
Climate
,
habituated
to
this
Diet
and
Air
,
grafted
into
this
Stock
;
and
though
we
have
(
thanks
be
to
God
)
forgotten
our
Norman
,
yet
will
it
be
very
hard
for
us
to
learn
Greek
,
much
less
Utopian
;
that
in
the
late
Usurper's
time
,
our
Lawyers
,
with
one
Voice
,
importun'd
him
rather
to
assume
the
Style
and
Power
of
a
King
,
to
which
they
found
all
our
Laws
were
shaped
,
than
retain
that
of
a
Protector
,
unknown
to
the
Law
:
That
nothing
render'd
the
late
Architects
of
a
Common-wealth
more
obnoxious
,
than
that
(
notwithstanding
their
infinite
Discords
,
in
other
things
)
they
generally
agreed
in
the
necessity
of
subverting
all
our
Fandamental
Laws
,
in
order
to
their
Design
;
which
Consideration
(
we
are
in
Charity
to
believe
)
obliged
the
sober
men
of
all
Parties
,
the
true
Patriotes
,
(
nay
and
even
the
chiefest
Pillars
of
the
Parliaments-Cause
too
)
to
unite
themselves
with
the
Royal
Interest
;
as
not
enduring
to
hear
of
those
violent
and
dangerous
Alterations
which
they
plainly
saw
a
Republick
must
necessarily
introduce
.
FOR
its
complyance
with
our
Genius
,
examine
we
(
in
the
first
place
)
the
various
Revolutions
that
have
happened
to
this
Island
;
Brittains
,
Romans
,
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
;
or
(
more
nearly
)
the
changes
in
their
Descents
from
the
direct
Line
to
the
Collateral
;
or
(
yet
nearer
)
the
times
of
Insurrection
and
deposing
Kings
,
Edward
and
Richard
,
(
both
the
Seconds
of
the
name
)
and
we
shall
find
King-ship
still
in
fashion
.
Nay
,
that
of
King
John
is
more
notorious
,
for
when
the
People
had
in
a
sort
dethron'd
him
,
and
sworn
Allegiance
to
Lewis
of
France
,
yet
when
John
dy'd
,
the
same
People
not
only
Expelled
the
Foreigner
,
but
having
got
the
Power
into
their
own
hands
,
they
Crowned
King
John's
Son
,
being
then
an
Infant
without
Interest
or
Adherents
:
Nor
will
all
our
Chronicles
afford
us
one
single
Instance
of
any
Design
or
Endeavour
to
erect
a
Free
Estate
,
(
before
the
late
unnatural
times
furnish'd
the
President
)
no
not
when
Wat
Tyler
,
or
Jack
Straw
revell'd
it
with
their
Clowns
.
Nor
yet
is
this
Genius
ever
to
be
chang'd
,
for
Reflect
we
(
in
the
second
place
)
that
as
our
English
Nature
is
not
like
the
French
,
supple
to
Oppression
,
and
apt
to
delight
in
that
Pomp
and
Magnificence
of
their
Lords
,
which
(
they
know
)
is
supported
with
their
Slavery
and
Hunger
;
Nor
like
the
Highland
Scots
,
where
the
Honour
and
Interest
of
the
Chief
is
the
Glory
of
the
whole
Clan
:
So
doth
it
as
little
(
or
less
)
agree
with
the
Dutch
humour
,
addicted
only
to
Traffick
,
Navigation
,
Handicrafts
,
and
sordid
Thrift
,
and
(
in
defiance
of
Heraldry
)
every
man
phansying
his
own
Scutcheon
.
For
does
not
every
one
amongst
us
,
that
has
the
name
of
a
Gentleman
,
labour
his
utmost
to
uphold
it
?
Every
one
that
has
not
,
to
raise
one
?
To
this
end
,
do
not
our
very
Yeomen
commonly
leave
their
Lands
to
the
Eldest
Son
,
and
to
the
other
nothing
but
a
Flail
,
or
a
Plow
?
Did
not
every
one
(
in
the
days
of
our
late
blessed
Martyr
)
pinch
himself
in
his
Condition
,
to
purchase
a
Knight-hood
or
small
Patent
?
What
need
further
proof
?
You
cannot
but
remember
,
Sir
,
how
that
bare
glimpse
and
shadow
of
Monarchy
under
Cromwel
,
and
his
Son
Dick
,
(
though
persons
even
at
that
very
time
hated
and
scorn'd
,
and
that
too
upon
a
most
impious
and
scandalous
account
)
was
for
meer
resemblance-sake
admitted
astolerable
and
(
in
respect
of
a
Common-wealth
)
courted
;
which
clearly
evinces
,
how
grateful
the
substance
must
needs
be
to
all
true
English
Spirits
.
AS
to
our
Interest
,
briefly
,
(
to
wave
tedious
and
Politick
Discourses
)
there
is
no
man
,
but
with
half
an
Eye
may
foresee
that
a
Republick
(
were
there
any
possibility
of
setling
one
)
would
destroy
all
our
present
Peace
,
and
Felicity
,
ruinate
our
Trade
and
Traffick
,
involve
us
in
a
Field
of
Blood
,
alarm
all
our
Neighbours
,
make
our
best
Allies
our
bitterest
Enemies
;
and
probably
draw
upon
us
the
united
force
of
Christendom
,
to
crush
the
Embryo
;
which
would
be
the
utter
destruction
and
enslaving
of
this
most
free
and
prosperous
Nation
,
(
could
it
but
once
be
capable
of
a
due
sense
of
its
own
Felicity
)
to
the
Tyrannical
Damnation
of
a
Foreigner
.
Beside
,
(
at
best
)
by
what
Title
can
we
pretend
to
hold
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
should
that
of
Descent
be
avoided
;
for
Consent
there
is
none
,
nor
can
any
be
expected
.
§
.
5.
BUT
I
come
now
directly
to
assert
,
That
the
Present
Government
eminently
includes
all
the
Perfections
of
a
Free-Estate
,
and
is
the
Kernel
(
as
it
were
)
of
a
Common-wealth
in
the
Shell
of
Monarchy
.
And
,
first
I
shall
begin
with
the
Essential
Parts
of
a
Common-wealth
,
which
are
three
,
viz.
the
Senate
proposing
,
the
People
resolving
,
the
Magistrate
executing
.
For
the
Senate
(
or
Parliament
)
if
ever
there
were
a
Free
and
Honourable
one
under
the
Cope
of
Heaven
it
is
here
;
where
the
Deputies
of
the
whole
Nation
most
freely
chosen
,
do
with
like
freedom
meet
,
propound
,
debate
,
and
vote
all
matters
of
Common
Interest
:
no
Danger
escapes
their
representing
,
no
Grievance
their
complaint
,
no
Publick
Right
their
claim
,
or
Good
their
demand
:
In
all
which
,
the
least
breach
of
Priviledge
is
branded
with
Sacriledge
;
and
though
there
lyes
no
Appeal
to
the
dispersed
Body
of
the
people
,
(
a
Decision
manifestly
impracticable
in
Government
,
and
fitter
indeed
for
Tribunes
to
move
,
then
Nations
to
admit
)
yet
(
Elections
being
so
popular
and
conventions
frequent
)
the
same
end
is
attained
with
much
more
safety
and
convenience
.
The
Prince
may
likewise
(
in
some
sense
)
be
said
to
have
only
an
Executive
Power
,
which
he
exercises
by
Ministers
and
Officers
,
not
only
sworn
,
but
severely
accomptable
;
and
though
both
He
and
the
Lords
have
their
Negatives
in
passing
of
Bills
,
and
though
it
be
the
King
only
,
that
,
by
his
Royal
Fiat
makes
our
Laws
;
yet
(
no
Tax
being
imposable
but
by
the
consent
of
the
Commons
,
nor
any
Law
(
without
it
)
of
such
validity
,
that
the
Ministers
of
Justice
dare
enforce
it
)
there
is
a
wise
and
sweet
necessity
for
the
King
,
and
likewise
for
the
Lords
to
pass
all
such
Bills
as
are
convenient
for
the
People
,
and
not
greatly
hurtful
to
the
Prince
;
and
those
that
duly
weigh
the
Reason
of
things
,
do
find
a
Negative
in
the
King
to
be
a
most
safe
Preservative
of
Peace
to
the
People
,
who
have
as
much
comfort
under
the
protection
of
his
Prerogative
,
as
they
have
Benefit
by
their
own
Priviledges
:
For
in
truth
,
this
Bug-bear
Negative
(
as
our
Republicans
labour
to
represent
it
)
is
an
impenetrable
Target
,
to
shelter
and
secure
the
Government
from
being
alter'd
at
the
Will
of
the
Commons
,
if
at
any
time
they
shou'd
prove
Factious
.
And
this
(
being
in
reason
manifest
)
has
also
been
confirm'd
by
great
Experience
;
our
Kings
having
rarely
obstructed
any
Bill
which
they
might
safely
grant
;
but
on
the
otherside
,
pass'd
many
High
Acts
of
mere
Grace
,
circumscribing
their
Prerogative
,
and
clipping
its
Wings
;
nay
better
had
it
been
for
us
,
if
they
had
not
pierc'd
its
very
Bowels
.
THIS
is
that
Triple-Cord
that
could
never
yet
be
broken
,
tho'
it
has
been
Cut
asunder
;
This
is
our
Gold
seven
times
Refin'd
;
for
every
Bill
being
Thrice
Read
,
Debated
,
and
Agreed
in
Either
House
,
is
at
last
brought
to
the
King
for
his
Royal
Assent
;
(
which
is
the
Mint
of
our
Laws
:
)
a
Tryal
so
exact
,
that
surely
no
Dross
can
escape
it
;
since
all
Interests
,
must
thereto
concur
:
(
as
truly
it
is
but
fit
they
should
,
in
the
Establishment
of
That
which
must
Bind
all
.
)
This
is
that
Temperament
,
which
purges
our
Humours
,
and
(
at
once
)
indues
us
with
Health
,
Vigour
,
and
Beauty
:
no
Vote
is
Precipitated
;
no
Act
Huddled
up
;
as
by
sad
Events
,
you
saw
they
formerly
us'd
to
be
,
when
the
Power
was
engross'd
by
One
of
the
Estates
,
purg'd
and
moulded
to
the
Interests
of
a
Faction
;
a
Consequence
but
Natural
to
such
Premises
!
Nothing
was
(
There
)
weigh'd
,
but
(
as
in
a
Balance
consisting
of
one
Scale
)
our
Laws
were
Mandrakes
of
a
Nights
Growth
;
and
our
Times
as
Fickle
as
the
Weather
of
the
Multitude
.
THE
King
indeed
has
the
Power
of
making
War
,
but
then
he
has
not
the
Means
;
so
that
it
signifies
little
more
,
then
a
Liberty
to
Fly
if
he
can
get
Wings
;
or
to
go
Beyond
Sea
,
provided
he
can
waft
himself
over
without
Shipping
:
He
has
a
Sword
,
but
Himself
alone
can
never
draw
it
;
and
the
Train'd-Bands
(
in
whom
he
has
the
sole
Right
)
are
a
Weapon
which
he
decently
wears
,
't
is
true
;
but
the
Nation
only
may
(
in
Effect
)
be
said
to
have
the
Use
and
Benefit
of
it
.
He
chuses
his
Ministers
;
(
as
who
doth
not
his
Servants
?
)
but
then
they
pass
through
such
a
Test
,
as
none
but
the
soundest
Integrity
can
abide
:
He
can
hinder
the
stroke
of
Justice
with
his
Pardon
,
(
tho'
still
,
the
Jaws
not
being
muzzled
,
it
will
Bite
terribly
)
but
then
(
on
the
Other
side
)
the
Power
of
Relieving
his
Wants
rests
in
the
Commons
,
to
Balance
his
Will
,
and
induce
him
to
a
Correspondence
with
Parliaments
.
THAT
his
Person
should
be
Sacred
,
is
most
Needful
,
to
avoid
Circulation
of
Accounts
;
Reasonable
,
since
it
carries
with
it
the
Consent
of
Nations
;
Just
,
that
he
become
not
the
meer
Butt
of
Faction
,
and
Malice
,
and
be
in
a
worse
Condition
then
the
Basest
of
Vassals
;
Honourable
,
that
the
Nakedness
of
Government
be
not
daily
Uncover'd
;
Wise
,
in
the
Constitution
,
that
so
we
may
not
(
at
once
)
both
Trust
,
and
Provoke
,
by
forcing
him
to
shift
for
his
Own
Indempnity
;
no
danger
to
the
Publique
seeming
so
Extreme
,
as
the
Outlawry
of
a
Prince
;
no
Task
(
by
daily
Experience
)
so
difficult
,
as
the
Arraigning
of
any
Power
,
whether
Regal
or
Popular
;
and
if
we
make
Golden
Bridges
for
Flying
Enemies
,
much
more
should
we
afford
them
to
Relenting
Sovereigns
:
(
Upon
which
account
,
in
our
Neighbour
Kingdom
of
France
,
even
Princes
of
the
Bloud
are
not
subjected
to
Capital
Punishments
.
)
Finally
,
very
Safe
it
is
in
the
Consequence
;
for
should
a
King
be
never
so
wicked
and
Tyrannical
,
yet
being
(
by
the
Danger
threatning
his
Corrupt
Ministers
)
stript
of
Agents
,
his
Personal
Impunity
might
signifie
something
to
Himself
,
perhaps
,
but
nothing
to
the
People
.
A
Revenue
he
has
,
for
the
support
of
his
State
and
Family
,
Ample
;
for
the
Ordinary
Protection
of
his
People
,
Sufficient
;
but
for
any
considerable
Undertaking
,
Defective
;
and
for
Publique
Oppression
so
Inconsiderable
,
that
when
Prerogative
was
most
Rampant
,
our
Greatest
Princes
(
and
some
doubtless
we
have
had
,
the
most
Renowned
Warriours
of
their
Age
)
would
never
,
prudently
,
aspire
to
make
themselves
Absolute
.
The
Royal
Revenue
is
proportioned
to
the
Maintenance
of
Courts
,
not
Camps
,
and
Fleets
:
In
fine
,
it
is
very
Competent
for
Ordinary
Disbursements
,
and
as
for
Extraordinary
he
resorts
to
Parliaments
;
the
Wiser
He
,
and
the
Happier
We
!
Now
there
is
nothing
more
Demonstrative
,
then
that
upon
Examination
,
we
may
find
the
present
Government
to
be
(
compared
with
all
the
other
Models
of
the
Late
Times
)
a
mighty
Ease
to
the
Publique
Charge
;
we
allow'd
the
Tyrant
Cromwell
no
less
then
a
constant
Revenue
of
1900000
l.
to
support
him
in
his
Usurpation
;
and
yet
That
Sum
(
beside
all
his
other
intolerable
Squeezings
)
at
the
years
end
,
clear'd
not
the
Account
by
far
.
Under
the
Rump
a
great
deal
more
was
yearly
Collected
out
of
the
Bowels
of
the
People
,
to
maintain
the
Army
;
and
yet
we
could
never
be
at
quiet
neither
,
but
were
perpetually
embroyl'd
in
Wars
either
Abroad
or
at
Home
,
by
our
active
Spirits
,
some
to
feed
their
Ambition
,
others
their
Purses
:
And
such
a
Spirit
we
read
of
,
working
in
all
Free-States
,
Ancient
and
Modern
.
What
shall
we
say
now
of
the
Expences
of
the
Late
King
,
(
if
examin'd
by
This
Standard
)
whose
Revenue
in
Lands
,
Perquisites
,
and
Customs
,
exceeded
not
700000
l.
a
year
;
and
yet
by
the
good
management
of
that
most
Thristy
and
Temperate
Prince
,
that
petite
Annuity
furnish'd
a
glorious
Court
,
a
Noble
Equipage
for
the
Honour
of
the
Nation
,
and
paid
off
a
considerable
Fleet
;
which
never
was
much
improved
afterwards
by
all
our
vast
Payments
,
when
we
were
so
unfortunate
as
to
fall
into
Other
hands
.
Nay
and
our
present
Charge
is
rather
a
Sport
,
then
a
Burthen
,
compared
with
Their
Monthly
Tax
.
TRUE
it
is
,
that
while
we
live
with
Men
,
we
shall
be
subject
to
That
which
is
the
Effect
of
their
Nature
,
Sin
;
nor
is
it
possible
to
reap
the
more
General
Fruit
of
the
best
Establish'd
Policy
,
unless
we
submit
to
some
possible
Inconveniences
.
But
yet
I
defie
your
Friend
,
and
all
other
Projectors
of
Commonwealths
,
to
contrive
greater
Freedom
for
their
Citizens
,
then
is
provided
by
Magna
Charta
,
and
The
Petition
of
Right
;
or
shew
that
it
is
not
much
easier
to
Violate
,
then
to
Mend
them
;
for
Thereby
,
our
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
are
,
under
Monarchy
,
secur'd
and
establish'd
(
I
think
)
as
well
as
any
thing
,
on
this
side
Heaven
,
can
be
.
It
is
no
Soloecism
to
say
,
that
the
Subject
has
his
Prerogative
,
as
well
as
the
King
;
and
sure
I
am
,
he
is
in
as
good
condition
to
maintain
it
;
the
Dependance
being
less
on
his
side
.
Beside
that
no
Prince
ever
attempted
any
Violation
thereof
,
but
that
,
at
Long
Run
,
he
suffer'd
in
that
point
of
his
Prerogative
that
let
in
the
Opportunity
.
Hence
it
is
that
the
Rights
of
the
People
have
grown
stronger
and
stronger
against
the
Prince
,
and
sometimes
have
hurried
his
Person
to
be
a
Sacrifice
;
always
,
his
Instruments
;
whereof
few
,
in
our
History
,
can
we
read
,
that
,
contriving
against
the
Law
,
have
died
in
peace
.
If
,
possibly
,
One
Prince
,
(
as
King
Harry
)
by
his
High
Spirit
,
swept
all
before
him
,
yet
his
Infant
Successor
is
forc'd
to
make
amends
for
his
Fathers
Violations
:
So
that
Liberty
(
we
see
)
is
no
less
Sacred
,
then
Majesty
;
Noli
me
tangere
being
its
Motto
likewise
:
And
in
case
of
any
,
the
least
Infringement
,
(
as
Escapes
in
Government
may
happen
,
even
in
the
most
perfect
)
it
is
resented
as
if
the
Nation
had
received
a
Box
on
the
Ear.
If
it
be
(
as
they
say
)
the
Glory
of
a
Tree-State
,
to
Exalt
;
the
Scandal
of
Tyranny
,
to
Embase
our
Spirits
;
doubtless
the
Establish'd
Form
is
our
Only
Commonwealth
;
for
all
that
we
got
by
the
Change
of
it
,
was
but
the
learning
quietly
to
take
the
Bastinade
.
Nay
,
and
at
the
very
worst
that
can
be
imagin'd
,
it
is
much
more
Easie
(
were
it
Lawful
)
for
us
to
dispute
our
Rights
with
a
single
P●ince
,
and
his
Trembling
Agents
;
then
(
as
it
was
our
Case
formerly
)
with
a
Knot
of
Sovereigns
that
are
backt
with
the
Sword.
WE
are
now
again
able
to
distinguish
(
which
we
could
never
do
under
their
Free-Estate
,
for
all
the
fair
Promises
they
made
us
)
the
Legislative
and
the
Ministerial
Authority
:
For
tho'
both
of
them
are
Inherent
in
the
King
,
yet
are
not
both
of
them
his
own
Peculiar
and
Personal
Act.
We
know
that
the
House
of
Commons
has
not
the
Power
of
a
Court-Leet
,
to
give
an
Oath
,
nor
of
a
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
to
make
a
Mittimus
:
And
this
Distinction
,
doubtless
,
is
the
most
Vital
part
of
Freedom
,
and
far
more
considerable
to
poor
Subjects
,
then
all
these
mens
pretended
Rotations
;
as
,
on
the
contrary
,
the
absolute
Jumbling
and
Confounding
of
them
,
is
an
Accomplishment
of
Servitude
,
for
which
all
Republiques
,
I
fear
,
(
and
our
late
one
more
especially
)
have
more
to
Answer
,
then
any
Limited
Sovereign
can
have
.
And
certain
it
is
,
that
as
our
Prince
,
in
his
Personal
Capacity
,
makes
no
Laws
;
so
neither
does
he
,
by
himself
,
Execute
or
Interpret
any
:
No
Judge
takes
notice
of
his
single
Command
,
to
justifie
any
Trespass
;
no
not
so
much
as
the
breaking
of
a
Hedg
;
his
Power
is
Circumscribed
by
his
Justice
;
he
is
(
equally
with
the
meanest
of
his
Subjects
)
concern'd
in
that
Honest
Maxim
;
We
may
do
just
so
much
,
and
no
more
,
then
we
have
Right
to
do
.
And
it
is
tolerably
enough
said
,
He
can
do
no
wrong
,
because
,
if
it
be
wrong
,
he
does
it
not
;
it
is
void
in
the
Act
,
and
punishable
in
his
Agent
.
His
Officers
,
as
they
are
alike
lyable
,
so
perhaps
they
are
more
Obnoxious
to
Indictments
and
Suits
,
then
any
other
;
by
how
much
their
Trespass
seems
to
be
of
a
Higher
Nature
,
and
gives
greater
Alarm
:
His
Private
Will
cannot
Countermand
his
Publique
;
His
Privy
Seal
still
Buckles
to
his
Great
Seal
,
as
being
(
in
a
sense
)
the
Nations
,
as
much
as
His
;
His
Order
Supercedes
no
Process
;
and
His
Displeasure
threatens
no
man
with
an
hours
Imprisonment
,
after
the
Return
of
HabeasCorpus
:
An
Under-Sheriff
is
more
Terrible
,
a
Constable
more
Sawcy
,
a
Bailiff
more
Troublesom
,
then
He
:
And
yet
by
his
Gentle
Authority
,
by
this
Scabbard
of
Prerogative
(
as
some
in
derision
have
lewdly
Term'd
it
)
which
(
if
it
Would
)
Could
Scarce
Oppress
an
Orphan
;
Tumults
are
Curb'd
Faction
Moderated
,
Usurpation
Forestall'd
,
Intervals
prevented
,
Perpetuities
Obviated
,
Equity
Administer'd
,
Clemency
Exalted
,
and
the
People
made
Happy
to
a
degree
even
of
Satiety
and
Wantonness
.
TO
Conclude
this
Point
:
What
shall
I
add
more
?
The
Act
enjoyning
the
Keepers
of
the
Great
Seal
,
under
Pain
of
High
Treason
,
to
Summon
a
Triennial
Parliament
,
of
Course
,
by
Virtue
of
the
Act
,
without
Further
Warrant
;
The
Act
forbidding
the
Privy-Councell
to
intermeddle
with
Meum
&
Tuum
;
the
Law
abolishing
the
Star-Chamber
,
High-Commission
,
&c.
Branding
all
Past
,
and
Bridling
all
Future
Enormities
:
The
Statutes
limiting
the
Kings
Claims
,
and
relieving
his
Tenants
from
Exaction
of
Forfeitures
;
Beside
many
other
principal
Immunities
,
wherewith
(
by
the
Especial
Favour
of
God
,
and
the
Bounty
of
our
Princes
)
we
are
Blessed
,
far
beyond
any
of
our
Neighbours
:
Above
all
,
our
Assurance
(
by
the
Goodness
and
Clemency
of
our
present
Dread
Sovereign
)
readily
to
obtain
such
further
Addition
and
Perfection
of
Liberty
and
Security
,
(
if
any
such
there
can
be
)
as
may
consist
with
Modesty
and
Liberty
it self
,
to
ask
:
Does
not
all
this
Proclaim
aloud
,
that
we
are
the
Mirrour
of
Governments
,
Envy
of
Monarchies
,
and
Shame
of
Common-wealths
;
who
cannot
but
blush
to
see
themselves
so
Eclipsed
and
Silenc'd
,
in
all
their
Pretences
to
Freedom
?
And
does
it
not
more
than
justifie
my
Assertion
,
that
with
all
the
Ornaments
of
the
Noblest
Kingdom
,
we
have
likewise
all
the
Enjoyments
of
a
Free-Estate
?
§
.
6.
AFTER
all
these
solid
Blessings
and
Advantages
,
which
we
Reap
from
the
most
Excellent
of
Governments
,
and
of
Princes
;
the
bare
Fruition
of
the
Tithe
whereof
,
would
be
sufficient
to
transport
the
Best
to
pass
of
our
Neighbour
Nations
into
all
the
Cordial
and
Passionate
Expressions
of
Joy
and
Gratitude
imaginable
:
After
all
these
Comforts
(
I
say
)
a
Body
would
think
,
there
should
scarce
be
found
one
single
Murmuring
and
Disaffected
Person
in
the
whole
Kingdom
.
And
yet
so
hard
is
our
Fate
;
our
Hearts
infensible
;
and
so
Ingenious
are
we
in
starting
Fears
and
Jealousies
;
that
a
great
part
of
us
deprive
our selves
of
the
Enjoyment
of
all
our
present
Felicities
,
through
a
too
Eager
and
Pensive
Solicitation
for
Futurities
.
Nay
so
miserably
Hood-wink'd
is
our
Reason
,
that
our
Carefulness
to
avoid
miscarryin●
upon
a
Scilla
,
hurries
us
Violently
into
the
other
Extreme
of
splitting
upon
a
Charybdis
.
Popery
and
Tyranny
(
we
cry
)
are
breaking
in
upon
us
like
a
Deluge
;
the
Presumptive
Heir
is
of
the
Red-Letter
Stamp
:
and
therefore
another
Sect
of
our
Pseudo-protestants
,
apprehending
the
Danger
and
the
Impracticableness
of
a
Commonwealth-Government
here
amongst
us
,
do
hope
to
mend
the
matter
mightily
,
by
propounding
the
setting
up
of
a
Single
Person
either
of
a
Crack'd
Title
,
or
of
a
New
Line
;
upon
the
death
of
his
present
Majesty
without
Legitimate
Issue
:
Whom
God
preserve
.
THERE
is
no
man
shall
be
more
willing
than
my self
to
grant
that
the
Popish
Religion
(
if
it
may
deserve
the
Name
)
is
little
better
than
a
Compound
of
meer
Secular
Interest
,
Tyranny
,
Hypoc●●sie
,
Homicide
,
and
Delusion
;
and
that
the
very
principles
of
the
Jesuits
do
inspirit
and
egg
them
on
to
the
inflicting
of
all
manner
of
Outragious
Violences
upon
the
Persons
of
those
that
enjoy
a
greater
Light
and
Purity
of
the
Gospel
then
themselves
.
But
yet
I
must
averr
(
on
the
other
hand
)
that
,
since
through
the
peculiar
Mercy
and
Providence
of
God
,
and
the
Indefatigable
Industry
and
Vigilance
of
Authority
;
all
their
Machinations
have
hitherto
been
defeated
,
and
their
Conspiracies
both
against
our
Church
and
State
rendred
Abortive
;
it
will
become
us
both
as
Men
and
Christians
,
to
temper
our
Passions
,
and
to
rest
satisfied
with
the
singular
Care
and
Concern
,
that
the
Government
vouchsafes
continually
to
express
both
for
our
present
and
future
safety
and
preservation
,
in
all
Respects
.
Full
well
know
,
that
nothing
is
of
greater
Concernment
then
the
Security
of
that
Religion
,
which
by
the
Bloud
of
so
many
blessed
and
Glorious
Martyrs
has
(
by
Gods
immediate
blessing
)
been
so
firmly
Establish'd
amongst
us
.
But
then
we
are
to
take
special
heed
that
we
lend
not
too
easie
an
Ear
to
such
as
cry
up
Religion
,
&
design
Faction
;
that
cry
out
Zeal
for
the
Lord
of
Hosts
,
when
they
intend
Self-Interest
;
to
keep
up
a
party
;
an
Affected
way
;
or
to
be
the
Ipse
dixit
of
a
County
:
Religion
has
not
at
all
prosper'd
by
undue
practices
to
advance
it
.
'T
is
Meekness
,
Patience
,
Humility
,
and
those
Graces
of
the
Spirit
,
that
Convince
and
Convert
;
when
Rigidness
,
Censuring
,
and
the
Sword
Exasperate
and
Harden
.
Has
not
Gods
power
,
or
truth
,
Evidence
to
secure
it self
?
Let
but
the
Gospel
have
Free
passage
,
and
it
will
make
its
own
stay
:
For
all
true
Protestants
do
unanimously
disown
the
Promotion
of
it
by
the
Sword
,
as
totally
Unchristian
;
and
bequeath
it
to
the
Pope
and
the
Turk
.
Was
not
,
now
,
the
maintenance
of
our
Fundamental
Laws
the
pretence
of
our
late
Quarrel
?
Found
we
not
the
Spirit
of
the
Nation
rouz'd
up
,
upon
the
sound
of
the
Trumpet
?
Popery
,
was
it
not
decry'd
,
and
Religion
,
Protestant
Religion
,
judg'd
to
be
in
danger
?
Were
we
not
call'd
out
to
the
Battle
upon
the
account
of
Zeal
,
with
Curse
ye
Meroz
?
And
yet
under
our
Free
Estate
,
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
our
Religion
(
so
much
of
it
especially
as
could
any
way
be
term'd
Protestant
)
turn'd
into
Wantonness
;
and
our
Divisions
became
so
great
,
that
we
durst
not
exasperate
,
by
advancing
that
Idol
of
the
Presbyters
,
Discipline
;
nor
indeed
could
we
,
if
we
durst
;
for
the
most
active
of
our
Statists
,
(
if
they
had
any
Religion
at
all
)
't
was
that
of
the
Sectary
,
which
they
own'd
as
the
main
Supporter
of
their
Model
,
whose
Interest
it
was
to
give
Licentiousness
to
all
.
As
for
Laws
,
those
which
we
ador'd
for
Excellency
and
Antiquity
,
they
were
(
by
them
)
of
necessity
alter'd
,
in
our
Freedoms
of
Person
and
Estate
,
wherein
true
Liberty
is
principally
concern'd
:
For
when
the
House
of
Commons
(
or
rather
the
Rump
of
it
)
engross'd
the
Soveraign
Power
,
they
both
Imposed
Taxes
,
and
Levy'd
them
,
by
vertue
of
a
trifling
Ordinance
,
which
could
never
be
done
before
,
but
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
solemnly
and
regularly
pass'd
by
the
King
and
the
Three
Estates
:
And
having
of
Tribunes
of
the
people
,
(
as
it
were
)
and
their
Bulwark
against
High
Payments
and
Impressures
,
demanded
by
the
King
,
advanc'd
themselves
into
the
degree
of
Princes
;
they
took
upon
them
to
assess
and
impress
us
at
pleasure
;
and
we
might
complain
as
long
as
we
would
of
the
Reiterated
Burthen
;
but
there
was
no
remedy
but
Patience
,
because
no
Appeal
left
us
,
themselves
being
both
Parties
and
Judges
.
I
COULD
heartily
wish
there
were
at
present
no
more
reason
,
to
be
apprehensive
of
Popery
coming
amongst
us
,
then
there
was
in
those
days
:
But
yet
,
let
his
Royal
Highness's
Perswasion
be
what
it
will
,
this
I'm
sure
of
,
that
Dr.
Oates
has
deposed
upon
Oath
,
that
the
Jesuits
were
so
far
from
saying
or
acting
,
Indifferently
,
as
to
his
Person
,
that
in
their
Hellish
Plot
,
they
had
mark'd
him
out
also
for
Slaughter
,
with
his
most
Royal
,
most
Protestant
Brother
.
Now
the
late
Marquess
of
Argyle
was
wont
to
lay
it
down
as
a
Principle
in
Policy
,
That
it
was
the
Character
of
a
wise
man
not
to
let
the
World
know
what
Religion
he
was
of
:
But
(
for
my
own
part
)
I
cannot
in
Charity
but
hope
the
best
of
a
Person
,
(
till
I
shall
be
convinc'd
of
the
contrary
,
by
more
certain
and
positive
Arguments
,
then
any
that
I
have
yet
been
able
to
meet
with
)
that
has
been
so
Lectur'd
and
Tutor'd
by
our
late
Glorious
Martyr
,
(
as
well
as
by
Experience
)
into
a
Veneration
for
,
and
a
Perseverance
in
that
Pure
,
Reformed
Religion
,
the
Principles
of
which
he
suck'd
in
with
his
very
Milk
,
and
in
Defence
of
which
his
ever
Blessed
Father
laid
down
his
most
precious
Life
,
upon
a
Scaffold
.
You
may
read
his
words
thus
;
I
do
require
you
,
(
addressing
to
his
present
Majesty
)
as
your
Father
and
your
King
,
that
you
never
suffer
your
Heart
to
receive
the
least
Check
against
,
or
Dis-affection
from
the
True
Religion
establish'd
in
the
Church
of
England
:
I
tell
you
I
have
try'd
it
,
and
after
much
Search
,
and
many
Disputes
,
have
concluded
it
to
be
the
best
in
the
World
,
not
only
in
the
Community
,
as
Christian
,
but
also
in
the
special
Notion
,
as
Reformed
;
keeping
the
middle
way
between
the
Pomp
of
Superstitious
Tyranny
,
and
the
Meanness
of
Phantastick
Anarchy
,
&c.
To
this
sence
,
spake
he
,
when
he
had
no
more
to
speak
.
Nay
,
and
so
zealous
,
this
way
,
was
our
English
Solomon
,
(
the
Duke's
Grandfather
)
King
James
,
that
rather
then
any
of
his
Progeny
should
ever
come
to
be
tainted
with
the
Errors
and
Idolatries
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
he
made
it
his
Prayer
to
Almighty
God
,
that
they
might
be
taken
out
of
the
World
first
.
AS
to
the
apprehensions
of
Tyranny
,
I
hope
,
by
what
I
have
already
deliver'd
in
the
Body
of
this
Discourse
,
it
is
evident
,
that
there
is
less
ground
to
fear
it
,
then
many
people
might
before
imagine
,
for
that
it
is
next
to
an
Impossibility
to
introduce
it
.
And
,
upon
probable
grounds
,
I
perswade
my self
,
that
should
the
Duke
ever
have
the
occasion
offer'd
,
yet
would
he
be
wiser
then
to
make
tryal
of
the
Experiment
,
knowing
so
well
as
he
must
needs
do
,
that
should
the
English
Liberties
be
violated
in
the
example
but
of
any
one
single
Person
,
the
whole
Nation
would
take
it self
to
be
concern'd
upon
that
account
,
apprehend
it self
ready
for
the
Fetters
,
and
,
thereby
,
what
with
Fear
,
what
with
Hate
,
such
a
Storm
would
be
rais'd
,
as
might
shake
the
surest
Foundations
of
the
Government
;
and
so
very
much
has
Majesty
already
felt
by
the
Fury
of
the
People
,
that
it
will
be
chary
(
doubtless
)
of
giving
occasion
to
encounter
it
again
.
BUT
't
is
farther
Objected
(
it
seems
)
that
there
is
a
Vindictive
and
Implacable
Spirit
in
the
Case
.
Now
this
is
most
manifest
(
indeed
)
that
there
have
been
Provocations
to
the
height
;
but
shall
we
therefore
continue
to
provoke
,
because
we
have
begun
?
'T
is
a
Rule
(
you
know
)
that
he
that
does
wrong
,
never
forgives
,
but
he
that
has
wrong
,
may
.
The
Interest
of
Revenge
is
passionate
,
but
the
Interest
of
Profit
arises
from
a
Passion
that
prevails
more
;
and
he
is
very
weak
,
that
anteposes
Rumour
and
vain
Passion
,
when
it
stands
in
Competition
with
his
Safety
.
To
speak
home
,
Interest
rules
the
whole
World
;
and
Princes
(
as
others
)
design
more
the
security
of
their
own
Greatness
,
then
a
petty
Revenge
that
may
hazard
it
:
But
for
this
search
we
the
Experiences
of
past
Ages
.
Henry
the
Great
of
France
,
was
so
far
from
punishing
any
of
the
holy
League
,
that
labour'd
,
by
all
means
possible
,
to
keep
him
from
his
Right
,
and
to
murther
him
,
that
(
on
the
contrary
)
he
imploy'd
those
very
Persons
that
were
his
main
Opposites
,
in
his
Armies
,
in
his
Offices
,
and
in
his
Councels
.
And
what
shall
we
say
of
King
James
,
who
sent
Messages
,
made
Vows
,
menac'd
Revenge
,
and
all
to
prevent
that
fatal
Stroke
from
falling
upon
his
Mother
,
(
the
Queen
of
Scots
)
under
Queen
Eliz.
but
to
no
effect
.
Observe
the
Issue
now
;
Shortly
Q.
Eliz.
dies
,
and
those
very
Lords
that
acted
personally
in
the
Mothers
Death
,
were
the
most
forward
to
court
the
Son
to
the
Crown
,
and
he
became
establish'd
with
all
Prerogatives
incident
to
the
English
Scepter
.
What
?
Acts
he
in
the
way
of
Revenge
?
No
;
he
,
like
a
wise
Prince
,
feeling
the
Warmth
of
so
Rich
a
Climate
,
is
so
passionate
to
confirm
his
own
Greatness
,
that
he
not
only
forgets
the
Injury
of
his
Mother
,
but
manages
his
great
Affairs
by
the
hands
of
those
very
Persons
that
were
Contrivers
of
it
;
yet
through
Her
Bloud
did
he
derive
his
Title
!
Nor
do
we
read
of
one
of
these
Nobles
,
or
their
Issue
,
that
suffer'd
Diminution
,
by
any
Resentment
,
upon
that
account
.
His
wise
Father
also
,
that
had
been
beaten
into
the
knowledge
of
the
English
Spirit
,
writes
thus
:
Let
no
Passion
,
(
my
Son
)
betray
you
to
any
study
of
Revenge
upon
Those
whose
Own
Sin
and
Folly
will
sufficiently
Punish
theu
,
in
due
Time
:
Be
confident
that
most
of
all
Sides
that
have
done
Amiss
,
have
done
so
,
not
out
of
Malice
,
but
Mis-information
,
or
Mis-apprehension
of
Things
.
None
will
be
more
Loyal
to
Me
or
You
,
then
those
Subjects
,
who
,
sensible
of
Their
Errors
,
and
Our
Injuries
,
will
feel
,
in
their
own
Souls
,
most
Vehement
Motions
to
Repentance
,
and
earnest
Defires
to
make
some
Reparations
for
their
former
Desects
,
&c.
The
like
said
he
at
his
Last
Hour
.
But
what
do
we
Doubt
or
Distrust
?
May
we
not
have
a
Protestant
Parliament
upon
all
Exigencies
;
and
the
disposal
of
Commands
and
Offices
secure
to
us
,
for
a
Time
,
in
case
of
His
Majesties
decease
?
Have
we
not
a
Protestant
Councel
,
a
Protestant
Militia
,
a
Protestant
Clergy
,
and
a
Protestant
People
;
what
can
we
(
in
reason
)
desire
more
?
§
.
7.
AS
to
the
Project
of
erecting
a
Cracht
Title
,
or
a
Single
Person
of
another
Line
;
(
over
and
above
the
Heinousness
and
Impiety
of
the
Proposition
,
and
to
wave
tedious
Canvassings
)
That
must
unquestionably
be
the
most
Desperate
of
all
other
Remedies
,
and
infinitely
worse
then
the
Disease
it self
:
For
Thereby
we
should
set
on
Foot
a
personal
Quarrel
;
and
(
at
the
Long
Run
)
beyond
measure
Disgust
the
Spirits
of
this
Generous
People
,
in
that
they
will
then
be
Subjected
to
their
Equal
;
who
,
to
retain
his
Usurpation
,
will
be
forc'd
to
repeat
and
accumulate
those
Violences
,
whereof
we
had
most
woful
Experience
under
the
Old
Protector
:
Otherwise
,
he
will
soon
be
made
the
Object
of
our
Contempt
;
as
was
his
Son
,
with
his
Easie
and
Gentle
way
of
Acting
;
and
his
Name
be
used
only
as
a
Cloak
to
cover
the
Avarice
,
and
Exorbitances
of
a
Ravenous
Faction
.
Nor
can
This
Project
prevent
a
Relapse
into
our
former
Calamities
;
because
our
Fears
will
ever
be
Great
and
Continual
,
and
,
consequently
,
our
Charge
proportionable
.
In
a
word
,
all
the
Evils
and
Miseries
that
were
brought
upon
us
by
the
Army
,
the
Rump
,
and
by
all
other
Architects
of
our
Slavery
in
the
Late
Times
,
will
certainly
be
found
Tolerable
;
compared
with
the
Probable
,
and
Genuine
Effects
of
such
a
Desperate
and
Unchristian
Proceeding
.
§
.
8.
YOU
will
not
expect
from
me
,
(
I
'm
sure
,
Sir
)
that
I
should
so
acquit
my self
of
every
Objection
,
as
to
leave
all
men
satisfy'd
;
especially
such
as
carry
a
Byass
of
Preferment
,
Profit
,
or
Faction
;
Men
that
have
in
Design
Exorbitances
of
Power
,
or
Wealth
,
will
hardly
,
with
Arguments
,
be
reclaimed
:
And
some
there
are
(
I
know
)
that
have
so
long
possess'd
their
Heads
with
strong
Notions
,
that
they
are
not
capable
to
take
in
Reason
,
against
them
;
and
thereupon
,
run
on
Frantique
in
Error
,
till
there
be
a
Rotation
in
their
Brains
:
Such
there
are
,
that
,
with
Confidence
,
so
often
have
told
a
Lye
,
that
,
at
length
,
themselves
believe
it
to
be
a
Truth
:
But
we
shall
be
too
wise
(
I
'm
sure
,
should
ever
that
day
come
)
to
preferr
the
Interest
or
Wilfulness
of
a
Few
,
to
the
Safety
and
Welfare
of
the
Whole
.
I
shall
not
deny
,
yet
,
that
it
is
easier
to
demonstrate
what
may
be
Evil
,
then
positively
to
assert
what
will
be
Good
:
but
however
,
comparing
Times
with
Things
,
(
as
is
above
represented
)
I
doubt
not
to
Evidence
,
that
to
keep
where
we
are
,
and
to
be
contented
with
our
Lot
,
is
a
Course
much
rather
to
be
embrac'd
,
as
that
which
,
in
great
Probability
,
may
be
Good
;
then
,
by
pushing
at
Incertainties
,
to
pull
down
most
lamentable
Confusions
and
Desolations
upon
our
own
Heads
,
which
certainly
will
be
Evil
I
therefore
ever
was
,
and
still
am
of
opinion
,
that
it
is
both
our
Interest
and
our
Duty
to
embrace
,
with
Open
Arms
,
the
ample
,
generous
Offers
of
his
most
Gracious
Majesty
,
in
order
to
Provisions
for
our
future
Security
,
in
point
of
Freedom
and
Religion
:
As
for
the
Rest
,
let
us
but
have
our
Good
Old
Laws
duly
put
in
Execution
;
and
then
(
by
Gods
assistance
)
we
shall
be
in
a
Capacity
to
Defie
the
Pope
,
the
Devil
,
and
all
their
Works
,
come
what
will
come
.
§
9.
Thus
,
Sir
,
have
I
run
through
the
several
Heads
that
you
were
pleased
to
propound
.
I
have
,
in
the
First
place
,
given
you
my
Reasons
why
I
conceive
the
Project
of
Fixing
a
Free-Estate
,
(
as
your
Friend
thinks
fit
to
term
it
)
here
amongst
us
,
would
be
utterly
Impracticable
;
I
have
,
in
the
next
place
,
presented
you
with
a
Summary
of
those
Mischiefs
and
Distractions
,
which
were
the
Consequents
of
a
Like
Attempt
,
from
1640.
to
1660.
In
the
Third
place
,
you
find
the
Natural
Bent
and
Inclination
of
the
People
to
Monarchy
,
exclusively
of
any
other
Form
of
Regiment
whatsoever
,
fully
demonstrated
;
the
Royal
Prerogative
Anatomiz'd
;
and
an
Account
of
those
great
Immunities
,
Blessings
,
and
Priviledges
which
the
English
do
at
this
day
enjoy
under
the
present
Government
Establish'd
,
both
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
peculiarly
,
and
above
any
other
People
or
Nation
in
the
known
World.
The
Fourth
,
rips
up
the
Ground
of
our
Fears
and
Jealousies
of
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
flowing
in
upon
us
,
should
the
Duke
of
York
ever
come
to
Sway
the
English
Scepter
;
and
furnishes
Arguments
for
the
moderating
and
lessening
our
Apprehensions
as
to
the
One
,
and
for
the
proving
the
almost
Impossibility
of
Effecting
the
Other
,
were
there
never
so
great
a
Will
and
Disposition
that
way
.
In
the
Fifth
place
,
you
have
represented
the
Danger
and
Impiety
,
of
Erecting
a
Crackt
Title
,
or
a
Single
Person
of
a
New
Line
;
together
with
the
probable
Calamitous
Effects
that
would
inevitably
ensue
upon
such
an
Attempt
.
And
Lastly
,
I
have
presum'd
to
offer
my
own
Expedient
,
in
reference
to
the
Security
of
our
Religion
and
Freedoms
,
for
the
Present
and
for
the
Future
.
Upon
the
Whole
Matter
,
if
,
by
what
I
have
written
,
I
be
so
fortunate
as
to
make
your
Friend
a
Convert
,
't
will
be
an
Infinite
Satisfaction
to
me
;
because
,
thereby
I
may
hope
to
save
a
Soul
;
but
,
at
the
worst
,
I
may
say
with
the
Text
,
that
I
shall
hide
a
multitude
of
Sins
.
Now
should
I
frame
twenty
Excuses
to
you
for
the
Length
,
the
Inequality
,
the
Insufficiency
,
the
Incoherence
,
the
Freedom
,
the
Extravagant
Rovings
and
Impertinencies
,
the
Unskilful
Management
,
nay
and
for
the
Boldness
and
Presumption
of
this
Discourse
:
But
I
have
neither
Will
nor
Leisure
to
Trifle
at
such
a
rate
.
I
am
conscious
to
my self
(
no
man
more
)
of
my
great
want
of
Abilities
requisite
for
an
Undertaking
of
such
Weight
and
Importance
;
only
I
was
resolv'd
to
let
you
see
,
that
no
Considerations
whatsoever
were
of
force
(
with
me
)
to
withstand
the
Authority
of
your
Commands
.
I
have
unbosom'd
my self
to
you
,
Sir
,
(
under
the
protection
of
a
Private
Letter
)
with
all
the
Frankness
and
Simplicity
imaginable
;
not
doubting
but
you
will
make
such
use
of
it
,
as
may
not
redound
to
the
Disadvantage
of
,
Sir
,
Your
most
Obedient
Servant
.
Feb.
21.
1679
/
80.